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Architecture and Global Imagination in China
Architecture and Global Imagination in China
Duanfang Lu
To cite this article: Duanfang Lu (2017) Architecture and global imaginations in China, The Journal
of Architecture, 22:4, 639-661, DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2016.1204080
Article views: 6
The Journal
of Architecture
Volume 22
Number 4
This article examines the changing consciousness of globality in the Chinese discourses of
national and modernist architecture between 1949 and 1965. Drawing on recent scholarship
concerning knowledge and representation, the study focuses on three crucial moments
when Chinese architectural imaginings were decisively shaped by the dynamic relationship
between a vexed Chinese situation and a shifting world stage: (1) the search for a ‘Socialist
Realist’ architecture in relation to the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries
during the early 1950s; (2) the reception of modernist architecture in relation to an expan-
sive internationalist view of the world in the second half of the 1950s; and (3) the re-evalu-
ation of modernist architecture in relation to Third World nations during the early 1960s. The
study demonstrates the world in Chinese architectural discourses not as a static one that
could be neatly divided into a centre/periphery but a dynamic one constantly being
reconstructed. The article reveals the history of modern architecture as a narration of
tangled global and local experiences, instead of a linear one bounded within a nationally
defined space.
trajectory of architectural development was decisi- that can be neatly divided into a centre/periphery
vely shaped by the dynamic relationship between a but as a dynamic one constantly being
vexed Chinese situation and a shifting world stage: reconstructed.
(1) the search for a ‘Socialist Realist’ style in relation
to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe during the Pre-1949 architectural development: a brief
early 1950s; (2) the reception of modernist architec- history
ture in relation to an expansive internationalist view The traditional Han Chinese construction system,
of the world in the second half of the 1950s; and (3) characterised by a pitched roof and a timber-frame
the re-evaluation of modernist architecture in structure, had remained relatively consistent over
relation to Third World nations during the early time.6 The Opium War (1839 – 1842) opened up a
1960s.2 series of encroachments by Western powers, under
The study builds upon recent scholarship on whose influence great changes occurred.7 Foreign
knowledge and representation.3 Discourse analysis architects started to practise in China; by 1910,
has been widely used in humanities and social there were fourteen architectural firms in Shanghai
science disciplines since the 1970s to unmask alone.8 Much of early foreign construction was in
obscured structures of power, political control and eclectic European styles. Modernist architecture
dominance in discursive practices.4 It is employed was first introduced in the late 1920s and gradually
in this study to trace the diffusion of design ideas gained popularity in major cities but was nonethe-
and the diachronic changes that particular types of less balanced by a Neo-Classical tendency.9
architectural discourse underwent. Informed by A small group of foreign architects took initiatives
recent formulations of global history, this article con- to explore the adaptation of Chinese building
cerns the problems of Chinese modernism as an traditions into modern architecture. One of the
inextricable part of the global history of modernity.5 first attempts was made by Harry Hussey, a
Through an investigation into the changing meaning Canadian architect who worked in China after
of signs such as ‘foreign architecture’ in China, the 1911.10 In his 1916 design of the campus of the
study demonstrates that the centre/periphery and Beijing Union Medical College, commissioned by
sameness/difference are not fixed presuppositions the Rockefeller Foundation, he created an architec-
but unstable historicised formulations. The article tural hybrid with modern layouts and ancient
shows that the development of modernist architec- Chinese details.11 Another important advocate of
ture in China was not only informed by Euro- the Chinese style was the American architect
American sources, but was also influenced by Henry K. Murphy, who practised in China between
events and experiences from other parts of the the 1910s and 1930s. An expert in school and
world. The article presents the beginnings of a campus design, Murphy received the commission
new framework for architectural historiography of the Yale-in-China campus at Changsha in 1913
which conceptualises the world not as the one and several other missionary colleges in the years
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that his design concept was to interpret in architec- member’ of the Soviet-led alliance of communist
tural form the spirit of Sun Zhongshan who sought countries, Soviet influence began to permeate
to incorporate ancient Chinese philosophical every aspect of Chinese rebuilding.25 During the
thoughts into the solutions for China’s problems by 1950s, more than 10,000 advisors from the Union
means of methods developed through modern of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) were invited to
scientific research.21 Despite the nationalistic thrust assist various modernisation programmes in China,
embodied in Lü’s statement, however, the architec- and their opinions often outweighed local
tural composition and site-planning principles were objections to key decisions.26 In the sphere of
strongly influenced by the Beaux-Arts education Lü architectural production, Soviet advisors sought to
received from Cornell University and the Chinese transplant to China ‘Socialist Realism’, the national
style developed by Western architects earlier—in style which had been established in Russia since
fact, Lü worked for Murphy’s office in New York the 1930s as a reaction against the adoption of
between 1918 and 1922, where he participated in ‘decadent bourgeois styles’, including constructi-
several of Murphy’s projects in China, including vism, which had flourished in the USSR earlier, and
Ginling College in Nanjing and Yenching University the International Style, which developed in capitalist
in Beijing.22 During the 1920s and 1930s, the society. The slogan for this style was: ‘Socialist in
Republican government vigorously promoted the content, national in form’.27 In practice, architec-
adoption of the native form for national buildings. tural Socialist Realism consisted of a form of Neo-
The transfer of the national capital from Beijing to classicism which promoted the expression of local
Nanjing in April 1927, in particular, provided new identity and national unity through nationally
opportunities for Chinese architects to adopt ‘indi- specific and local folkloric ornament, and spatial
genous forms’ (guyou zhi xingshi ) for national build- elements that showed ‘concern for mankind’.28
ings.23 Yet similarly to earlier foreign efforts, most As the First Five-Year Plan (1953 –1957) was
native attempts to develop the national style did launched, a new scheme of things was imported
not venture beyond the stylistic interpretations of from the USSR; the decades-old search for a national
ancient Chinese architecture.24 style was renewed. The Indigenous style first
developed by Western architects, which later
Building the Socialist Dream became a symbol of Republican China, was re-
With the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, fashioned as the revolutionary style of the socialist
a new chapter of history began. The first stage of state.29 Unlike the past, however, national architec-
construction (1949 – 1952) bore the mark of the pre- ture was re-imagined in the context of the Cold War.
vious era; architects were free to make their own sty- Design knowledge from the Soviet Union and
listic decisions. Very soon, though, as the Chinese Eastern European socialist countries was promoted,
Communist Party (CCP) aligned the nation with while links with the Euro-American world were cut.
the socialist camp and considered China a ‘junior Half of the articles in the 1954 Architectural Journal
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(Jianzhu xuebao), the country’s most influential, went on, the European world surfaced as the
were about architecture in Russia and the people’s primary reference for Liang’s historical explication.
democracies. Architectural theory from the Soviet European architecture was frequently used as the
Union was extolled as the canon, while examples object for comparison; Liang was astute to point
from Eastern European nations were employed to out the similarities and connections between
illustrate how the orthodox might be locally trans- Chinese and European structures. He considered,
lated. The first issue, for example, began with three for example, that the strict proportions of timber
articles by Russian authors on theory and practice brackets (dougong) demonstrated the same spirit as
in architectural design.30 The second opened with the orders in European architecture.37 Liang also
four articles on architectural practices in East Berlin, acclaimed Chinese timber-frame architecture as
West Berlin, Poland and Hungary.31 Apart from one having foretold the principles of modern concrete-
article on the ‘tragic consequences’ of the Inter- frame structures. Other parts of the world were men-
national Style in West Berlin, there was no coverage tioned occasionally, but they served only as minor
of architecture in Western capitalist countries.32 references. While Liang acknowledged the influence
The changing consciousness of globality in archi- of Indian Buddhist architecture on Chinese religious
tectural discourse can best be illustrated by a com- buildings, the narrative often moved on quickly
parative reading of the architectural historian Liang without further explanation.38 Liang’s discursive inter-
Sicheng’s writings before and after 1949. Between vention was indeed typical of the time, when Chinese
1932 and 1937, Liang and his team surveyed thou- intellectuals were keen to produce counter-discourses
sands of Chinese historical buildings in 137 counties to contest the imperialist ideology which relegated
in northern China.33 By the mid-1940s, Liang had Chinese culture to an inferior position.39
completed the annotations for the most important Compared with A Pictorial History of Chinese
part of the Yingzao fashi, a builder’s manual Architecture, Liang’s 1954 lecture ‘Motherland’s
written in 1103, and published parts of the research Architecture’ employed a similar set of historical evi-
results in various articles.34 He completed his manu- dence for the discussion on Chinese architecture,
script in 1947, which was published as a book but the primary reference became the Soviet
entitled A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture Union and Eastern European socialist countries,
in 1984, twelve years after Liang died.35 while the Euro-American world was distanced.40
The opening remarks of A Pictorial History of Liang advocated the adoption of the Socialist
Chinese Architecture revealed a residual Sino-centric Realist style and abandonment of the ‘bare cosmo-
cultural geography: ‘Over the vast area from politan glass boxes’ of modernism.41 He offered
Chinese Turkestan to Japan, from Manchuria to the examples from different parts of the world to illus-
northern half of French Indochina, the same system trate his points, but the tone he applied to these
of construction is prevalent; and this was the area examples indicated a shift of global imagination
of Chinese cultural influence.’36 As the narrative when compared with his earlier work. A paragraph
644
illustrating the functions of architecture in human life to grow in the name of Socialist Realism. The style
cited Egyptian pyramids and European mediaeval came to be known as the ‘Big Roof’ style, which fea-
cathedrals only briefly, while giving the examples of tured a Chinese tiled roof, a Graeco-Roman façade
Moscow State University and metro stations in and traditional decorative elements.44 Famous
Moscow detailed explication.42 Liang maintained examples of the Revivalist style in this period include
that each nation had its own building tradition; Zhang Bo’s Friendship Hotel in Beijing (1954)
China should develop her own national architecture (Fig. 2), Wang Fuchen’s Geology Museum in
instead of importing foreign architectural forms. Simi- Changchun (1954) and Yang Tingbao’s Southeast
larly to China, Liang pointed out, architectural tra- Building of Nanjing University in Nanjing (1955).
dition in the Soviet Union was handed down from Acting as vice-chairman of the Beijing Urban
one generation to another.43 By establishing a Planning Committee in the 1950s, Liang vetoed
same-ness between the two nations in terms of cul- many building proposals that did not have a
tural continuity, Liang recoded ancient Chinese archi- Chinese-style roof.45
tecture into a new global mapping. Liang’s textual Main administrative and exhibition buildings were
claims facilitated decades-old Revivalism to continue sometimes built in the Russian variant of the Socialist
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Realist style in China during the early 1950s.46 Figure 3. The Soviet
Opened on 2nd October, 1954, the Soviet Exhibition Exhibition Hall, Beijing,
designed by Sergei
Hall in Beijing was built in the height of China’s new
Andreyev et al., and
identification with the Soviet-led socialist camp.47 In completed in 1954.
line with the then- dominant metonymic association (Photograph taken in
of the human life cycle with the growth of nations, 2004.)
the Soviet Union was seen as a state which had
reached ‘adulthood,’ serving as the ‘elder brother’
for other less ‘mature’ socialist societies including
China. The Exhibition Hall certificated the leading
position of the Soviet Union in the new revolutionary
historiography through a careful manipulation of
architectural elements. The Hall provided a specta-
cular stage on which to present Soviet accomplish-
ments in industrial and agricultural modernisation,
education, cultural development and the arts.48 Its located at the corners of the first terrace, each
chief designer was the Soviet architect Sergei adorned with a bright golden roof. The interiors
Andreyev, who collaborated with a few other were richly decorated with carved ceiling beams
designers from the USSR and a design team organ- and custom-made lamps. The Soviet iconography
ised by China’s Central Design Institute.49 Developed and architectural details ostensibly certified a
on 13.2 hectares of open land in Xizhimenwai, the Russian identity for the space. The grandiose dimen-
enormous Exhibition Hall concluded the axis of a sion and soaring spire of the Soviet Exhibition Hall
major city boulevard. When visitors were invited to overshadowed all other buildings in the area,
take part in ritual-like involvement by walking which acutely confirmed the role of the Soviet
through the boulevard, a contemporary pilgrimage Union as a beacon to aid the navigation of other
path of the sublime realm of communism was less-developed socialist countries. The Exhibition
created. Hall was a disastrously expensive building at the
The Soviet Exhibition Hall was conceived in time: its construction rate per square yard was
‘Socialist Realist’ style with a solemn symmetrical 833.34 RMB yuan, while the average construction
layout and lavish neoclassical details. The central rates for housing and public facilities were at
tower, designed in the Soviet tiered ‘wedding- around 50 and 100 RMB yuan per square yard
cake’ style, rose above the roof of the entrance respectively.51 The end result of this lavish expense
hall. Its golden spire rose 87 metres, surmounted was a marvellous ideal far beyond Chinese economic
with a giant five-pointed star — the symbol of com- realities. Yet this seems exactly the intention of the
munism (Fig. 3).50 Four Russian-style pavilions were design. The sumptuous building served to divert
646
the attention of spectators from the grey scarcity of to 4.5 square metres per capita in the mid-1950s
everyday life by turning absence into an anterior pre- (Fig. 4).56 Private consumption was curbed; every-
sence through its very materiality. The Exhibition Hall thing, including quality of life, had to be sacrificed
hence represented an ideal of socialist modernity to achieve industrialisation.
that was simultaneously tangible and unreachable. The Party’s official newspaper, People’s Daily
(Renmin ribao), published a series of articles in
Towards a new architecture 1955 condemning buildings with large roofs and
Chinese experimentation with Socialist Realism, traditional ornaments as wasteful.57 Liang’s theory
however, was soon suspended due to international of national architecture became a common target
and internal changes. The Soviet leader Joseph for criticism.58 The austerity policy decisively
Stalin died on 5th March, 1953; references to him changed the balance of power between proponents
in state-published literature gradually disappeared. of revivalist and modernist architecture. Before, with
As the new Party leader Nikita Khrushchev was the aura of Socialist Realism, Revivalism was strong
determined to set the USSR on a modified path, a and dominant, while the International Style, con-
Soviet resolution of 1955 denounced the tendency sidered empty, decadent and bourgeois in nature,
toward architectural extravagance in construction.52 fell into disrepute. As the former lost authority, in
Internally, the CCP increasingly emphasised indus- the criticism campaigns against waste, architects
trial development and strived to achieve maximum now declared that ‘we need modernist architec-
accumulation of capital by privileging production ture.’59 In a spirited modernist manifesto, Jiang
over consumption. While in the Soviet Union the Weihong and Jin Zhiqiang called for a re-evaluation
rate of capital accumulation averaged about 25 of ‘capitalist architecture’, and the adoption of
per cent for the first ten five-year plans, in China it new forms and structures which served people
was over 25 per cent for most of the years better.60 Buildings such as the Children’s Hospital
between 1949 and 1965.53 Social scarcity was (designed by Hua Lanhong) and Peace Hotel
thus structurally sanctioned by the new socialist (designed by Yang Tingbao) in Beijing were praised
economic system.54 The ‘anti-waste’ ( fan langfei) for taking function as the point of departure and
discourse, which arose soon after 1949, received a implementing modern techniques.
new impetus in 1955.55 The Soviet housing standard Professionals came to agree that International-
of nine square metres per capita of floor space was style architecture could serve both capitalism and
initially adopted as the model for Chinese residential socialism. A new discursive formation of ‘foreign
planning. Under the austerity policy, however, plan- architecture’ arose and fuelled the new Chinese
ners questioned whether the ‘socialist standards’ imaginings of Modernism. After a short interim
from the USSR were proper practices in China, as period between 1955 and early 1956 when architec-
the latter was perceived as a much poorer country tural discussion was focused on internal issues, the
than the former. The housing standard was adjusted influential Architectural Journal added a new
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section on ‘Foreign Architecture’, starting from the of the Journal with their leading position empha-
fifth issue of 1956.61 Notably, while articles about sised, they were now moved to the ‘Foreign Archi-
architecture in the USSR and Eastern European tecture’ category. Under the same label one also
socialist countries used to be placed at the beginning found news about design projects and architectural
648
trends in Europe, the United States and Japan. Com- knowledge. In the 1957 Architectural Journal’s
pared with previous issues, the descriptions con- yearly table of contents, the ‘Foreign Architecture’
tained fewer ideological components. Instead, the section was replaced by a new section, entitled
tone was neutral and scientific, and there was ‘News of International Architecture’, which offered
more coverage of practical problems, such as the brief introductions to various types of buildings:
spatial organisations of special facilities, structural housing, hospitals, hotels, nurseries and various
engineering and building materials. industrial buildings. Longer articles about foreign
The conflation of the socialist and Western world architecture and planning were no longer included
under the same ‘Foreign Architecture’ label indi- in this section; instead, they were juxtaposed with
cated a major shift from a definition of global discussions about Chinese architecture in other sec-
space based on ideological solidarity to a more tions. The journal published detailed introductions
expansive internationalist view of the world during to Mies van der Rohe and Walter Gropius in
this period. This change in the consciousness of 1957.66 Intriguingly, the articles about the two
globality in turn facilitated a new conceptualisation master architects of the International Style were
of modernism. A 1956 article by Deng Yan, for placed in the ‘Architectural Review’ section, along
example, advocated a ‘scientific attitude’ which with discussions on local issues. These subtle classifi-
distinguished between science and politics in catory manoeuvres not only indicated a growing
capitalist society.62 Deng considered the imitation Chinese sense of identification with Modernism,
of traditional forms lacking in logical basis, and but also established a new synchronic relationship
called for the exploration of architectural ideas between China and the West.
according to actual situations and scientific research. The people’s commune movement launched in
Two articles by Zhou Puyu published in the same 1958 opened up new possibilities for Chinese archi-
year focused on the application of modern science tects to experiment with modernist architecture.67
in architectural design.63 Zhou denounced Revival- In early February, 1958, the National People’s
ism for ignoring new science and technology, Congress announced the ‘Great Leap Forward’
which gravely curbed China’s architectural develop- Movement for the next three years, targeted at
ment.64 He maintained that it was essential to make creating an intensive and urgent work environment.
use of techniques developed in both socialist and Overtaking Britain within 15 years in the production
capitalist countries.65 Through these discussions, of steel and other major industrial products became
Western modernism, considered the decadent the official goal.68A piecemeal amalgamation of
product of capitalism in the past, was gradually nor- agricultural producers’ cooperatives was launched
malised and re-established as part of universal by local leaders in various parts of China amid the
knowledge. frantic drive towards the Great Leap.69 In an inspec-
The progressive normalisation of modernist archi- tion tour the Party leader Mao Zedong undertook in
tecture eventually resulted in an internalisation of early August of the same year, he praised the new
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orientation and decided to push it further. A resol- aspects represented a complete negation of the
ution was adopted at the enlarged politburo existing rural life-world.74 Villages of various sizes
meeting of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in were reordered into concentrated, large residential
Beidaihe, calling for the formation of peoples’ clusters according to modern neighbourhood plan-
communes in rural areas. The Party claimed that the ning principles.75 Previous focal points for rural life
commune was to be a modern organisational form (ancestral halls, temples, local markets and so on)
which integrated industry, agriculture, trade, gave way to modern institutions (collective can-
education and military affairs.70 The commune move- teens, schools, co-op shops and so on).
ment aimed to improve production forces, eliminate Vernacular built forms and decorative elements
urban-rural distinctions, promote collective living were abandoned. Production, residential and edu-
and free women from the drudgery of home life.71 cation activities were housed in orthogonal, moder-
Official approval gave a forceful push to the move- nist-style buildings laid out in orderly rows. Indeed,
ment. By September, 1958, 23,397 rural communes architectural modernism was employed by
had been established in 27 provinces, embracing commune designers not only as a symbol of moder-
90.4 percent of rural households.72 nity but also as an abbreviated sign of order and effi-
Concurrent with sweeping institutional changes, ciency.76 The plan made for Suiping Commune is a
the state ordered urban-based planners, architects, revealing example concerning architects’ ‘quasi-
students and researchers to ‘go down’ to the coun- religious faith in a visual sign or representation of
tryside and work with local peasants to produce order’ (Fig. 5).77 The site was dominated by a grand,
commune design proposals. The Geography Depart- symmetrical main building group; a spacious square
ment of Beijing Normal University, for example, sent was laid in front of the main building to strengthen
work teams to eight provinces, including Inner its central status.78 On both sides of the main building
Mongolia, Shandong, Henan, Sicuan, Ganshu, group, minor buildings were arranged along the
Hubei, Guangxi and Fujian.73 Within one month, orderly, rectangular street grid. Although Suiping
these work teams, each consisting of two to three Commune was located in the Henan Province of
members, completed planning for 16 communes, northern China, and although under no circum-
wrote 24 guidebooks, and produced 160 drawings. stances would palm trees grow there, two were
To raise the political consciousness of peasants and casually included by the designers. This visual
increase agricultural output, designers believed element thus subtly revealed the designer’s logic: the
that traditional rural settlements should be revolu- commune plan was based on the professionals’ own
tionised through a fundamental reorganisation of aesthetic preferences rather than local particularities.
the physical environment. To achieve this goal, In keeping with the goal of collectivising rural life,
designers boldly experimented with modernist plan- some designers adopted radical standards to
ning and architectural design. The numerous propo- weaken the family unit and free women from the
sals they produced between 1958 and 1960 in many drudgery of housework. Families were to be
650
Figure 5. Perspective
drawing for the central
part of Suiping People’s
Commune, Henan,
1958. (Source: Jianzhu
xuebao [Architectural
Journal], 11(1958),
p. 12.
separated and housed in different buildings or Despite the energy and enthusiasm instilled in
apartment units.79 Adults, with the exception of countless commune proposals, they remained
married couples, were assigned into dormitory castles in the air. The inept economic policies of
rooms where three to four persons of the same the Great Leap Forward and the commune move-
sex shared the same space. Aged people stayed in ment ignored technological and human constraints;
retirement homes, and young children boarded at workers and peasants were called upon to work
kindergartens or residential schools.80 Kitchens, shift after shift with little rest. It soon became appar-
living rooms and bathrooms were often abolished ent that the communes neither increased individual
from housing floor plans, while canteens, public income nor raised the level of satisfaction obtained
meeting halls, shared lavatories, communal bath- from working.81 On the contrary, the egalitarianism
houses and nurseries were provided in the neigh- adopted by the commune system resulted in slack-
bourhood (Fig. 6). In every way, these modern ing off at work. Meanwhile, in 1960, the USSR with-
spaces proclaimed the end of the peasantry, its insti- drew its technicians and terminated Soviet aid to
tutions and its long-established way of life. China, and imposed pressure for repayment of
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Figure 6. Neighbour-
hood plan, Vanguard
Cooperative Farm,
Shanghai, 1958:
1. Housing; 2. Stove;
3. Women’s bathroom;
4. Men’s bathroom;
5. Kitchen;
6. Storeroom; 7. Office;
8. Canteen; 9. Storage;
10. Lavatory. (Source:
Jianzhu xuebao
[Architectural Journal],
10 (1958), p. 26.
debts.82 The combined effects of these factors and were dismantled; planners were forced to find jobs
agricultural disasters resulted in a severe famine, in other professions.85
which claimed millions of lives between 1959 and
1961.83 The state decided to retreat in January, Rethinking Modernist architecture
1961, shifting the emphasis of development from The conceptualisation of modernist architecture was
industry to agriculture. The leadership, seriously temporarily stabilised in the late 1950s, but the
demoralised, considered planning impractical. The problem of national form remained unsettled. In
state announced at the 1960 national planning the campaign against Revivalism, alternative
meeting that urban planning practice should be sus- interpretations of the national style surfaced.
pended for three years.84 Planning departments China is a diverse country in both geographical
652
and ethnic terms. As such, the recognition of design to rural development, the country was
regional differences had always existed. Revivalist short of steel and concrete. By 1962, with a new
architecture during the Republican era and the focus on agriculture in economic development, the
early 1950s often adopted elements from imperial state was mobilising architects to design new rural
architecture rather than from local building tra- houses with the idea of ‘walking on two legs’, a
ditions. Architectural historian Liu Dunzhen, for combination of both modern and traditional
example, pointed out in a 1955 article that Liang’s methods, being emphasised.89 In the ‘Rural
codification of Chinese architecture made reference Housing Design’ symposium, held in Beijing in
only to imperial palaces and temples, ruling out ver- December, 1962, designers discussed the applica-
nacular building traditions as part of national bility of concrete structures in the countryside and
forms.86 recognised the necessity of adapting design to the
As Revivalism fell into disrepute, regional diversity realities of existing materials, technology and
emerged as an important dimension in rethinking skills.90 1963 saw a sudden expansion of knowledge
Chinese architecture. In his 1959 speech on devel- of vernacular built forms in different parts of the
oping a new Chinese socialist style, Liu Xiufeng, country. Between January and October of that
Minister of Building Engineering, offered a review year, 69 research reports on rural housing and 37
of China’ s architectural practices since 1949. He dis- on rural production buildings were produced.91
cussed issues related to architectural research, the Efforts were taken to integrate local traditions with
essential elements of architecture and the relation- modern building technology in many proposals for
ship between tradition and innovation, content new rural housing. A 1963 Architectural Journal
and form, and so on. He emphasised that the cre- article, for instance, discussed how traditional
ation of ‘new architecture’ should draw on vernacu- heated brick beds could be incorporated into the
lar forms which had been developed based on design of modern multi-storey concrete buildings.92
different climatic and geographical conditions, At the same time as the reports of vernacular
local cultures and building materials.87 Liu’s speech dwelling types were published in the Architectural
and other articles on the ‘New Style’ (xin fengge) Journal, the same journal also began extensively to
published in 1959 formed the basis for the discus- introduce architecture in Third World countries. As
sion on how to develop an architecture that was modernist architecture was gradually internalised
both ‘new’ and ‘Chinese’ in the early 1960s.88 as part of ‘Us’, the ‘Foreign Architecture’ section dis-
The rethinking of Chinese modern architecture appeared between 1960 and 1962. Starting from
was further fuelled by newly acquired lessons from early 1963, the section reappeared. Under the
the peoples’ commune movement. The failure of same ‘foreign’ label, however, were not the Soviet
the commune plan forced Chinese architects to re- Union, Eastern European socialist countries or
examine the issue of architectural modernism. Western countries; instead, they were replaced by
Although architects were eager to apply modernist various Third World nations. The 1963 issues
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2. Coined by the French economist Alfred Sauvy during System and the Evolution of Its Types (Cambridge,
the early 1950s, the term ‘Third World’ was the ideo- Ma., MIT University Press, 1984).
logical by-product of the dramatic changes in the 7. For a discussion of urban development during this
world order after World War II. The Asia-Africa Confer- period, see Joseph W. Esherick, Remaking the
ence in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955, symbolised the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity,
appearance of developing nations that had gained 1900– 1950 (Honolulu,University of Hawaii Press,
independence from colonial rule as newly emergent 2000).
forces in the world system. The term was used during 8. Wu Jiang, Shanghai bainian jianzhu shi [A Hundred
the Cold War to distinguish nations that neither Year’s Architectural History in Shanghai] (Shanghai,
aligned with the West nor with the East. See Elbaki Tongji daxue chubanshe, 1997), p. 95.
Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed (Berkeley, 9. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., pp. 74 –83.
University of California Press, 1980). 10. Jeffrey W. Cody, Building in China: Henry K. Murphy’s
3. Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge ‘Adaptive Architecture’, 1914–1935 (Hong Kong, The
(London, Tavistock, 1972); Edward Said, Orientalism Chinese University Press, 2001), pp. 70 –85.
(New York, Vintage Books, 1979); Homi K. Bhabha, 11. Ibid., pp. 70 –5.
The Location of Culture (London, Routledge, 1994). 12. Ibid., Chapter 3.
4. The word ‘discourse’ here refers to a system of represen- 13. Ibid., p. 1.
tation defining what can be said about a specific topic, 14. Henry K. Murphy, ‘An Architectural Renaissance in
which has developed socially and has been naturalised China’, Asia, 28 (June, 1928), pp. 428 –75.
over time. See Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: 15. Rowe and Kuan, Architectural Encounters with
The Birth of the Prison (New York, Pantheon Books, Essence and Form in Modern China, op. cit., p. 65.
1977). In discourse analysis, language is considered 16. Xing Ruan, ‘Accidental affinities: American beaux-arts
connecting with ‘the social through being the primary in twentieth-century Chinese architectural education
domain of ideology, and through being both a site of, and practice’, Journal of Society of Architectural Histor-
and a stake in, struggles for power’; see Norman ians, 61, 1(March, 2002), pp. 30 –47.
Fairclough, Language and Power (London, Longman, 17. William H. Chaund, ‘Architectural efforts and Chinese
1989), p. 15. For the approach of discourse analysis, nationalism: being a radical interpretation of modern
see Norman Fairclough, Critical Discourse Analysis: The architecture as a potent factor in civilization’, The Far
Critical Study of Language (London, Longman, 1995); Eastern Review, 15 (August, 1919), pp. 533– 6. The
Marianne W. Jorgensen and Louise J. Phillips, Discourse quotation is from p. 534.
Analysis as Theory and Method (London, Sage, 2002). 18. Ibid., p. 534.
5. Bruce Mazlish and Ralph Buultjens, eds, Conceptualiz- 19. Ibid., p. 534.
ing Global History (Boulder, Westview Press, 1993); 20. Lai Delin, ‘Searching for a modern Chinese monu-
Michael Geyer and Charles Bright, ‘World history in a ment: the design of the Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum in
Global Age’, The American Historical Review, 100, 4 Nanjing’, Journal of the Society of Architectural
(1995), pp. 1034 –60. Historians, 64, 1 (March, 2005), pp. 22 –55; Rowe
6. Liang Sicheng, A Pictorial History of Chinese Architec- and Kuan, Architectural Encounters with Essence
ture: A Study of the Development of Its Structural and Form in Modern China, op. cit., pp. 69 –72. Lü
657
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of Architecture
Volume 22
Number 4
Yanzhi died of cancer in 1929, before the two build- zhuyi gongheguo chengshi de chuanzuo zongjie’ [‘A
ings were completed. summary of architectural creation in the process of
21. Lü Yanzhi, ‘Memorials to Dr. Sun Yat-sen in Nanking Soviet socialist city rehabilitation’], Jianzhu xuebao
and Canton’, The Far Eastern Review, 25 (March, [Architectural Journal], 1(1954), pp. 14 –28; Associ-
1929), pp. 97 –101. ation of Russian Architects, ‘Guanyu gongye jianzhu
22. Rowe and Kuan, Architectural Encounters with de jueyi’ [‘Resolution on industrial architecture’],
Essence and Form in Modern China, op. cit., p. 221. Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 1(1954),
23. Charles D. Musgrove, ‘Building a dream: constructing a pp. 29 –31.
national capital in Nanjing, 1927 –1937’, in Esherick, 31. Wa Wubulixi, ‘Guojia jianshe shiye yu deguo jianzhujie
Remaking the Chinese City, op. cit., pp. 139–60. de renwu’ [‘The cause of national construction and the
24. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., pp. 69 –73. tasks of German architects’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architec-
25. Peter Van Ness, ‘China as a Third World state: foreign tural Journal], 2(1954), pp. 53 –77; Ke Magelizhi, ‘Xide
policy and official national identity’, in, Lowell Dittmer jianzhu de beiju’ [‘The tragedy of architecture in West
and Samuel S. Kim, eds, China’s Quest for National Berlin’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal],
Identity (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1993), 2(1954), pp. 78 –85; A Fulashuofu, ‘Zai bolan jianz-
pp. 194 –214. hushi diyici quanguo daibiao dahui shang de fayuan’
26. Jonathan D. Spence, To Change China: Western [‘Speech at the First National People’s Congress of
Advisors in China, 1620 –1960 (Boston, Little, Brown, Poland’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal],
1969), p. 282. 2(1954), pp. 86 –90; Yue Liwanyi, ‘Xiongyali xinjianzhu
27. William C. Brumfield, A History of Russian Architecture de wenti’ [‘Problems in new Hungarian architecture’],
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993), Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 2(1954),
Chapter 15. pp. 91 –9.
28. Anders Åman, Architecture and Ideology in Eastern 32. Magelizhi, ‘Xide jianzhu de beiju’, op. cit., pp. 78 –85.
Europe during the Stalin Era: An Aspect of Cold War 33. Wilma Fairbank, ‘Liang Ssu-ch’eng: a profile’, in Liang,
History (New York, The Architectural History A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture, op. cit.,
Foundation, Inc., 1992), Chapter 3; Greg Castillo, pp. xiii –xviii.
‘Soviet orientalism: Socialist Realism and built 34. Li Shiqiao, ‘Reconstituting Chinese building tradition:
tradition’, Traditional Dwellings and Settlements The Yingzao fashi in the Early Twentieth Century’,
Review, 8, 2 (1997), pp. 33– 48. Journal of Society of Architectural Historians, 62, 4
29. Greg Castillo, ‘Building culture in East and West Berlin: (2003), pp. 470 –89.
two Cold War globalisation projects’, in Nezar 35. Wilma Fairbank, ‘Liang Ssu-ch’eng: a profile’, op. cit.
AlSayyad, ed., Hybrid Urbanism (London, Praeger, 36. Liang, A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture, op.
2000), pp. 181 –205. cit., p. 8.
30. Minie’erwen, ‘Leilin de fanying lun yu shulian jianzhu 37. Ibid., p. 24.
lilun wenti’ [‘Lenin’s theory of representation and the 38. For example, Ibid., p. 124, p. 184.
problematic of Russian architectural theory’], Jianzhu 39. Xiaobing Tang, Global Space and the Nationalist
xuebao [Architectural Journal], 1(1954), pp. 4 –13; A Discourse of Modernity: The Historical Thinking of
Kuziniezuofu, ‘Huifu erluosi shuwei’ai lianban shehui Liang Qichao (Stanford, CA., Stanford University
658
Press, 1996); Rebecca E. Karl, Staging the World 52. Åman, Architecture and Ideology in Eastern Europe,
(Durham, NC, Duke University Press, 2002). op. cit., p. 219.
40. Liang Sicheng, ‘Zhuguo de jianzhu’ [‘Motherland’s 53. Kam Wing Chan, Cities with Invisible Walls: Reinter-
architecture’], in Liang Sicheng wenji, vol. 4 (Beijing, preting Urbanization in Post-1949 China (Hong
Jianzhu gongye chubanshe, 1986), pp. 104– 58. Kong, Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 60.
41. Ibid., p. 104. 54. China’s quest for modernity created a perpetual
42. Ibid., p. 107. scarcity as both a social reality and a national
43. Ibid., p. 108. imagination after 1949, which had important spatial
44. For a detailed discussion of the ‘Big Roof’ style, see implications. See Duanfang Lu, Remaking Chinese
Rowe and Kuan, Architectural Encounters with Urban Form: Modernity, Scarcity and Space, 1949 –
Essence and Form in Modern China, op. cit., pp. 87 – 2005 (London, Routledge, 2006), pp. 7 –11,
106. pp. 82 –5.
45. Anne-Marie Broudehoux, ‘Learning from Chinatown’, 55. Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan and zhongyang
in AlSayyad, Hybrid Urbanism, op. cit., pp. 156–80. dang’anguan, eds, Zhonghua renmin gongheguo
46. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., pp. 182 – jingji dang’an ziliao xuanbian: jiben jianshe touzi he
95. jianzhu ye juan, 1949 –1952 [Selected Economic Archi-
47. Several similar exhibition structures were built in major val Material of the People’s Republic of China: Basic
cities including Shanghai, Wuhan and Guangzhou Construction Investment and Building Industry,
after the completion of the Soviet Exhibition Hall in 1949–1952] (Beijing, Zhongguo chengshi jingji
Beijing. See Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. shehui chubanshe, 1989), pp. 564–77.
cit., p. 184. I am indebted to Greg Castillo for bringing 56. Ibid., p. 811.
my attention to the connections between the Admir- 57. See, for instance, Renmin ribao [People’s Daily],
alty Building in St Petersburg (1810 –1823, designed editorials, March 28th and June 19th, 1955.
by Andreian Zakharov) and many exhibition halls in 58. Many criticisms of Liang were published in Jianzhu
China and in the USSR built in the 1950s. For a discus- xuebao [Architectural Journal], 1 and 2 (1955).
sion on the Admiralty Building in St Petersburg, see 59. Jiang Weihong and Jin Zhiqiang, ‘Women yao xiandian
Brumfield, A History of Russian Architecture, op. cit., jianzhu’ [‘We want modernist architecture’], Jianzhu
pp. 357 –8. For exhibition structures in the postwar xuebao [Architectural Journal], 6 (1956), p. 56.
USSR, see Alexei Tarkhanov and Sergei Kavtaradze, 60. Ibid., p. 56.
Stalinist Architecture (London, Laurence King, 1992), 61. Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 5 (1956), pp.
Chapter 5. 61 –2.
48. Jianzhu gongchengbu sheji zongju, et al., Beijing 62. Deng Yan, ‘Xiaochu jianzhu shijian zhong de fei kexue
shulian zhanliangguan jianzhu bufeng [The Soviet taidu’ [‘Avoiding the non-scientific attitude in architec-
Exhibition Hall in Beijing, Architecture Section] tural practices’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural
(Beijing, Jianzhu gongcheng chubanshe, 1955), p. 1. Journal], 6 (1956), pp. 52– 5.
49. Ibid. 63. Zhou Puyu, ‘Jindai kexue zai jianzhu shang de yingyong
50. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., pp. 182 –3. (1)’ [‘The application of modern science in architecture
51. Ibid., p. 183. (1)’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 4 (1956),
659
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pp. 61 –5; Zhou Puyu, ‘Jindai kexue zai jianzhu shang larger scale. See D.E.T. Luard, ‘The Urban Commune’,
de yingyong (2)’ [‘The application of modern science China Quarterly, 3 (1960), pp. 74 –6.
in architecture (2)’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural 73. ‘Beijing shida jinxing renmin gongshe guihua de
Journal], 7 (1956), pp. 48– 53. gaikuan’ [‘Survey: Beijing Normal University is carrying
64. Zhou, ‘Jindai kexue zai jianzhu shang de yingyong (1)’, on commune planning’], Dili zhishi [Geographical
op. cit., p. 60. Knowledge], 2(1959), p. 94.
65. Ibid., p. 60. 74. See, for example, Wang Ye et al., ‘Shanghai shi yi ge
66. Luo Weidong, ‘Misifandeluo’ [‘Mies van der Rohe’], renmin gongshe xinchun de guihua sheji fangan’
Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 5 (1957), pp. [‘The planning design proposal for the new village of
52 –60; Zou Buyu, ‘Geluopiwusi’ [‘Walter Gropius’], a Shanghai people’s commune’], Jianzhu xuebao
Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 7 (1957), [Architectural Journal], 10 (1958), pp. 19 –23; Wu
pp. 35 –8 and 8 (1957), pp. 60 –5. Luoshan, ‘Guanyu renmin gongshe guihua zhong jige
67. For a detailed account of commune experiments, see wenti de tantao’ [‘On several issues in the planning
Duanfang Lu, ‘Third World modernism: modernity, of the people’s commune’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architec-
utopia and the People’s Commune in China’, Journal tural Journal], 1 (1959), pp. 1 –3.
of Architectural Education, 60, 3 (2007), pp. 40 –8. 75. For a discussion of the application of modern neigh-
68. Kaiming Su, Modern China: A Topical History (Beijing, bourhood planning principles in China, see Duanfang
New World Press, 1985), p. 219. Lu, ‘Travelling urban form: the neighbourhood unit in
69. Kang Jian, Huihuang de huanmie: renmin gongshe China’, Planning Perspectives, 21, 4(2006) pp. 369 –92.
qishi lu [Brilliant Failure: Lessons from the People’s 76. James C. Scott argues that high modernism tends to
Commune] (Beijing, Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, simplify reality through using the visual order as a
1998), pp. 12 –15. legible sign of the experienced order. See James
70. Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes
(New York, W.W. Norton & Co., 1990), p. 579. to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New
71. Zhonggong zhongyang wenxian yanjiushi, eds, Haven, Yale University Press, 1998), pp. 133 –4. For a
Jianguo yilai zhongyao wenxian xuanbian, di shiyi ce discussion of the connections between the Chinese
[Selected important documents since the founding of commune movement and high modernism, see Lu,
the People’s Republic, vol. 11] (Beijing, Zhongyang ‘Third World modernism’, op. cit., pp. 41 and 46.
wenxian chubanshe, 1995), pp. 598 –623. 77. Scott, Seeing Like a State, op. cit., p. 114.
72. Liansheng Song, Zongluxian, dayuejin, renmin gong- 78. Huanan gongxueyuan jianzhuxi [School of Architecture,
shehua yundong shimo [The whole story of the Huanan Technology College], ‘Henan sheng suiping
General Guideline, Great Leap Forward, and the xian weixin renmin gongshe diyi jiceng guihua sheji’
People’s Commune Movement] (Kunming, Yunnan [‘Planning proposal for Satellite Commune, Suiping
renmin chubanshe, 2002), p. 177. After some success- County, Henan Province’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architec-
ful communes were established in several major cities, tural Journal], 11 (1958), pp. 9–13.
the Party decided in early 1960 that the urban 79. Wang Yanzheng, et al., ‘Hebei sheng xushui xian
commune served a useful economic purpose, and suicheng renmin gongshe de guihua’ [‘The planning
that it was possible to carry out its development on a of Suicheng People’s Commune, Xushui, Hebai’],
660
Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 11(1958), pp. purged during the Cultural Revolution and persecuted
14 –18. to death in 1972.
80. Su Xueqin, ‘Zai fengtaiqu lugouqiao dongfanghong 88. Other articles on the ‘New Style’ published in 1959
renmin gongshe guihua sheji zhong de jidian tihui’ included, for example, Yuan Jingsheng, ‘Guanyu
[‘A few thoughts on the planning of Dongfanghong chuanzhao xin de jianzhu fengge de jige wenti’
People’s Commune, Lugouqiao, Fengtai District’], [‘Several problems in creating new architectural
Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 11(1958), style’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 1
pp. 22 –4. (1959), pp. 38 –9; Gong Zhenghong and Ma Haoran,
81. Henry J. Lethbridge, The Peasant and the Communes ‘Shilun xin jianzhu fengge de xingcheng yu chengz-
(Hong Kong, Dragonfly Books, 1963), pp. 121 –2. hang’ [‘On the formation and development of the
82. Liu Suinian and Wu Qungan, China’s Socialist new architectural style’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural
Economy: An Outline History, 1949 –1984 (Beijing, Journal], 4 (1959), pp. 33 –5. With official approval
Beijing Review, 1986), p. 265. from the Architectural Society of China, 1961 saw vig-
83. For a discussion of data about death totals, see Jasper orous debates on the ‘New Style’. See Zou, Zhongguo
Becker, Hungry Ghosts: Mao’s Secret Famine xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., pp. 268 –71.
(New York, Free Press, 1996), pp. 266 –74. 89. ‘Beijingshi jianzhu shejiyuan, Miyun xinjian nongchun
84. Tongji University, et al., Chengshi guihua yuanli [The zhuzhai diaocha’ [‘A survey of new rural houses in
Principles of Urban Planning] (Beijing, Zhongguo Miyun’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 10
jianzhu gongye chuban she, 1981), pp. 24 –5. (1962), pp. 3 –6.
85. Ibid., p. 25. 90. ‘Ba sheji gongzuo zhuan xiang zhiyuan nongye de
86. Liu Dunzhen, ‘Pipan liang sicheng xianshe de weixin guidao shanglai’ [‘Shifting design practices to support
zhuyi jianzhu sixiang’ [A critique on Mr. Liang Sicheng’s argriculture’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal],
idealist architectural ideas], Jianzhu xuebao [Architec- 1 (1963), p. 4.
tural Journal], 1 (1955), pp. 69– 79. Liu Dunzhen 91. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., p. 284.
(1897–1968) was an erudite architectural historian 92. Li Jiefu and Li Xueshan, ‘Caiyong huokang cairuan de
who used to be the partner of Liang Sicheng at the loufang zhuzhai’ [Apartment buildings with heated
Institute for Research on Chinese Architecture. Like brick beds], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 1
Liang, he published widely on Chinese architectural (1963), p. 23.
history and was a great architectural educator. 93. Liu Yunhe, ‘Guba jianzhu’ [‘Cuban architecture’], Jianzhu
87. Liu Xiufeng, ‘Chuangzhao zhongguo de shehui zhuyi xuebao [Architectural Journal], 9 (1963), pp. 20–27.
de jianzhu xin fengge’ [Creating new Chinese socialist 94. Yuan Jingshen, Zhu Shanquan and Ren Guoyun,
architectural style], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural ‘Miandian jianzhu’ [‘Myanmar architecture’], Jianzhu
Journal], 9&10 (1959), pp. 3 – 12. Liu Xiufeng (1908 – xuebao [Architectural Journal], 8 (1963), pp. 24 –8.
72) joined the Chinese Communist Youth League in 95. Cheng Xiaofang, Jianpuzhai jianzhu [Cambodian archi-
1925 and the Chinese Communist Party in 1926. He tecture], Jianzhu xuebao [Architectural Journal], 7
organised revolutionary campaigns thereafter and (1963), pp. 22 –6. ‘Sotto portico’ refers to the street-
became a Party leader. Liu was Minister of Building side building with upper floor(s) projecting out to
Engineering between 1954 and 1964. He was provide a covered walkway at ground level.
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96. Zou, Zhongguo xiandai jianzhu shi, op. cit., countries of Europe and Japan; and the Third World
pp. 273–81. to be made up of both socialist and underdeveloped
97. Wu Huanjia, ‘Ping xifang shizuo jianzhu’ [‘A review of capitalist countries. As the Second World was ‘con-
ten buildings in the West’], Jianzhu xuebao [Architec- trolled and bullied by the superpowers’, the contra-
tural Journal], 6 (1964), pp. 29– 33. diction between the two could be exploited by the
98. Ibid., p. 33. Third World to unite the Second ‘in the common
99. Lu, ‘Third World modernism’, op. cit., pp. 42 –3. struggle for self-determination’. See Lillian C. Harris
100. Mao’s famous theory of the three worlds saw global and Robert L. Worden, China and the Third World:
space differently from the normal division of the Champion or Challenger? (Dover, VT, Auburn House
three worlds. It considered the First World to consist Publishing Company, 1986), pp. 12 –13.
of the two superpowers, the United States and the 101. James Clifford, ‘Notes on travel and theory’,
USSR; the Second World to include the developed Inscriptions, 5 (1989), pp. 177–86.