HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT

HOUSING

A house satisfies the need for subsistence by offering shelter. In this regard, it is considered
to provide sufficient living area for household members if not more than two people share
the same room. It is central to household functionality and productivity, social harmony and
the development of a healthy and sustainable economy. Studies have shown that a lack of
adequate housing reduces productive opportunities and increases physical and
psychological well-being. Households are the basic organising units of socio-cultural
institutions of civil society. It is through households that individuals relate to society—and
through which non-market and market relations are articulated.

Households perform these essential functions by continuously solving the problem of

allocating the time of their individual members to different tasks, spheres of life and
domains of social practice. In this context, time is perceived as the basic resource of
households in relation to material and social production. There is a marked difference in the
relative efficiency of households in terms of productivity, depending on whether they are in
informal settlements or slums or in desirable adequate housing.

While women provide an anchor to family stability, they are increasingly marginalised as the
feminisation of asset poverty manifests itself through access to housing, especially in urban
areas. Families living in informal settlements or slums—where economic forces relegate the
poor—tend to concentrate on household work and informal activities outside the market
economy.

Today, the international model that excites the imagination is one measured in terms of
society’s ranking in human development indicators. However, the increasing trend of
mortgage closures threatens to upset the relative comfort of livelihoods, even for the
middle and upper classes.

The provision and access to adequate housing is a catalyst for development and remains
one of the primary requirements towards sustainable livelihoods. Adequate shelter forms
the foundation of basic needs in addition to food, health, education and paid work—the
primary concerns of the security of an average person in the developing world. Thus, the
existence of slums should be seen as a manifestation of hardships and limitations to
livelihoods when a house is not a home.

HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT

The finding of fragments of ceramics suggests that the islands might have been visited by
pre-Columbian sailors from the coast of Ecuador. They were uninhabited, however, when
discovered accidentally by Tomás de Berlanga, the Bishop of Panama, in 1535. He was on his
way to Peru when his ship was becalmed and swept 800 km off course by the currents. Like
most of the early arrivals, Bishop Tomás and his crew arrived thirsty and disappointed at the
dryness of the place. He did not even give the islands a name, although he did dub the giant
tortoises 'galápagos'.

The islands first appeared on a map in 1574, as 'Islands of Galápagos', which has remained
in common use ever since. The individual islands, though, have had several names, both
Spanish and English. The latter names come from visits by English buccaneers who used the
Galápagos as a hideout, in particular a spot North of James Bay on Santiago island, still
known as Buccaneers' Cove. The pirates were the first to visit many of the islands and they
named them after English kings and aristocracy or famous captains of the day.
The Spanish called the islands Las Encantadas, 'enchanted' or 'bewitched', owing to the fact
that for much of the year they are surrounded by mists giving the impression that they
appear and disappear as if by magic. Also, the tides and currents were so confusing that
they thought the islands were floating and not real islands.
Between 1780 and 1860, the waters around the Galápagos became a favourite place for
British and American whaling ships. At the beginning of the whaling era, in 1793, a British
naval captain erected a barrel on Floreana island to facilitate communication between boats
and the land. It is still in Post Office bay to this day.

The first island to be inhabited was Floreana, in 1807, by a lone Irishman named Patrick
Watkins, who grew vegetables to trade for rum with passing ships. After two years he
commandeered a lifeboat and a handful of sailors but later arrived in Guayaquil without his
companions, who were never seen again. After his departure the Galápagos were again
uninhabited for 25 years, but the bizarre episode set the tone for many more unusual
colonists and nefarious events. Their story is told in The Curse of the Tortoise, by Octavio
Latorre .

In 1832 Ecuadorean General José Villamil founded a colony on Floreana, mainly composed
of convicts and political prisoners, who traded meat and vegetables with whalers. The same
year, following the creation of the young republic, Colonel Ignacio Hernández took official
possession of the archipelago for Ecuador. Spanish names were given to the islands, in
addition to the existing English ones, and both remain in use. From 1880 to 1904 Manuel J
Cobos ran a large sugar cane plantation and cattle ranch on San Cristóbal, notorious for
mistreatment of its workers who eventually mutinied and killed him. The cruelty of prison
colonies and slave farms like Cobos' cast a dark shadow over human presence in the
archipelago. There followed Norwegian fishermen and German philosophers, among others,
many of whom met with some strange and tragic fate. Among the earliest colonists to
endure were the Wittmer family on Floreana and the Angermeyers on Santa Cruz, whose
story is beautifully told in My Father's Island, by Johanna Angermeyer .

Current population
From these small and erratic beginnings, Galápagos has become the fastest-growing
province in Ecuador, with average annual population growth in excess of 8% between 1990
and 2001. In an attempt to protect the islands, controls on migration from the mainland
were imposed in 2000 but these are frequently circumvented. Projections based on the
2001 census suggest a total of almost 31,000 people in 2009. In addition, a large floating
population of persons 'temporarily' working and living in Galápagos, often for many years,
may not be reflected by official figures.

Human settlement is limited to 3% of the islands' land area of 7882 sq km, and is
concentrated in eight settlements. Two are on San Cristóbal with 7100 inhabitants, at
Puerto Baquerizo Moreno and a small village inland called El Progreso. Puerto Baquerizo
Moreno is the administrative capital of the province of Galápagos and Ecuador's second
naval base. There are 21,000 people in three settlements on Santa Cruz - Puerto Ayora, the
largest city and the main tourist centre, as well as Bellavista and Santa Rosa, which are two
small farming communities inland. On Floreana, the longest-inhabited island, there are
some 100 souls, most of whom are at Black Beach and on Isabela, the largest island, there is
a community of 2600 mostly at Puerto Villamil and an agricultural zone inland at Tomás de
Berlanga. Residents of the Islands, now into their third and fourth generation, call
themselves residentes, Galapagueños or carapachudos. The latter literally means 'those
with a shell', a tongue-in-cheek reference to the giant tortoises.
HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT IN USA

Native American Settlement

The Columbia Basin has been occupied by people for at least 12,000 years, from the time it
is believed migration occurred across the Bering Straits land bridge from northern Asia.
After continued warming conditions caused glacial retreat, early hunting societies
diversified and began fishing and gathering, creating localized cultural groups that followed
the seasonal patterns of flora and fauna. Although the lifeways of native cultures evolved
with important regional differences (including distinctive languages), the tribal groups
within the Columbia Basin exhibit enough common elements to be considered together. The
term "Columbia Plateau culture" is frequently used to differentiate the original inhabitants
of the Basin from their neighbors (Beckham 1995).
American Indians were linked to their environment by careful observation, economic
calculation, ritual monitoring, and religious explanation. People in the Columbia Plateau
culture possessed lifeways and a knowledge of the land gained over centuries of occupation.
Specific places for fishing, hunting, and gathering within a yearly rhythm of seasonal rounds
became important to tribal groups. Hundreds of native plant and animal species developed
cultural importance through subsistence, spiritual, and commercial uses. Favored areas for
berry picking, root gathering, hunting, and collecting of other necessary materials offered a
familiarity and continuity of use that affirmed people's spiritual beliefs that their lives had
been ordered by their "right" behaviors in association with the land. Access to major rivers
was critical. The rivers provided salmon, steelhead, sturgeon, lampreys, suckers, and trout.
Methods such as dip-net fishing were especially successful adjacent to major waterfalls of
the Columbia River, including Kettle Falls, Priest Rapids, Celilo Falls, Five Mile Rapids, and
the Cascades, as well as other rapids on the upper Snake River. Because rivers were arteries
for both commerce and food, people resided in permanent villages on terraces adjacent to
major streams for most of the year. Family unit structure was based on seasonal harvesting
chores. Villages provided a structural coherence among family groups, bringing tribal
members together during the winter and early spring to hear the stories of elders and to
share in ritual feasts, dances, and renewal (Beckham 1995).
Contrary to the beliefs of non-Indian emigrants arriving in the region in the 19th century,
the Basin and adjoining areas were not pristine wildernesses, but ecological systems in
which humans had been an active component (MacCleery 1994, Woolfenden 1993).
American Indians liberally employed fire as a tool to manage vegetation (Fowler 1986,
Robbins 1994). Their fires differed from fires ignited by lightning in terms of seasonality,
frequency, and intensity (Lewis 1985). The low intensity, high frequency fires set by
American Indians served many purposes. They were used to enrich grazing; encourage
vegetation for browse for large mammals and berries for human and animal consumption;
signal other tribes or send warnings; and conduct ceremonies. The widespread use of fires
by American Indians over long periods shaped the mosaic of vegetation and the associated
animal communities in the West, resulting in an anthropocentric landscape that could only
be "natural" to the extent that people are considered a natural part of the ecosystem. The
long-standing patterns of interaction between humans and the land on the Columbia
Plateau were disrupted, however, early in the 19th century. In addition to changes in land
uses and resulting effects on a broader scale, the introduction of infectious diseases caused
population declines in Indian villages of 20 to 50 percent by episode and loosened the
cultural fabric of tribal social bands (Boyd and Hyde 1989).
Arrival of Euro-Americans
By 1780, the coastal areas of the Pacific Northwest had been charted by navigators from
Russia, England, France, and Spain, yet the Basin remained unexplored by visitors of
European origin. Lewis and Clark's expedition from 1804 to 1806 offered Euro-Americans
the first glimpse of the potential of the American West: a seemingly endless expanse of
land, game, and rivers that attracted adventurers, fur trappers, and homesteaders.
The fur trade soon lured many newcomers. By 1820, 450 vessels had sailed into coastal
waters to engage in die fur trade. Fur trappers and traders established outposts throughout
the Pacific Northwest in the first decades of the 18di century. The Hudson's Bay Company
held a near-monopoly on the fur trade in die Basin. It tried to maintain this dominant
position by trapping the fur-bearing animals of the Snake River plains to extinction,
discouraging potential competitors. Missionaries began traveling west in search of converts,
bringing not only religion but familybased agriculture, venturing into eastern and western
Oregon in the mid-1830s. The success of agricultural operations on the American frontier
was a major draw for families (West 1994).
Overland Emigration
The 1840s brought profound change to the American West, as restlessness seized a
generation of Americans. Many factors fueled people's desire to seek a new life in the
Pacific Northwest. The Panic of 1837 created a prolonged economic recession that hit hard
on farmers and land speculators in the Mississippi and Missouri River valleys. Repeated
floods in the late 1830s in these same river valleys ruined agricultural production and
created infestations of mosquitos that carried malarial fevers. People from Illinois and
Missouri were lured by reports of the Willamette valley where neither floods nor pestilence
would harm them (Beckham 1995). Another factor was technological expansion; the advent
of railroads, steamboats, and communications by telegraph made distant travel and far-
flung commerce seem possible. By 1845, Asa Whitney and odier investors were already
proposing a transcontinental railroad, which was viewed favorably by die Federal
Government. A westward movement appeared as practical as it was romantically appealing.
Based on the success of early missions, families began making the nearly 2,000-mile trek on
the Oregon Trail from Independence, Missouri, to the Willamette Valley in Oregon. In 1843,
900 people arrived in Oregon in what was called the "Great Migration," followed in 1844 by
another 1,200 new settlers.
During the 1840 to 1860 period, most overland migrants passed through the Basin en route
to the Willamette Valley's greener pastures and the proximity to navigable waters. Other
destinations, particularly California after the gold strike in 1848, lured emigrants away from
the Pacific Northwest. To those who had grown accustomed to the lush landscapes of
eastern hardwood forests, the Snake River plains seemed too dry, rocky, and forbidding. The
Cascade Range has a strong rainshadow effect in eastern Oregon and Washington with
substantial portions of the Basin receiving less than 12 inches of precipitation annually. Even
a Federal land donation program between 1850 and 1855 did not entice many settlers to
claim land east of the Columbia Gorge. In this era, a series of Federal laws reflected current
policy: to transfer public lands as easily as possible to settlers who could use them. The
Congress offered settlers free land through passage of the Homestead Act of 1862.
Claimants could receive 160 acres of land for a modest filing fee and proof of five years of
residence and improvements. In later congressional acts, including the Desert Land Act of
1877, the Forest Homestead Act of 1906, the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909, and the
Stockraising Homestead Act of 1916, larger size tracts more appropriate for the arid
environment were authorized for disposition to settlers. Passage of the Newlands
Reclamation Act in 1902 established the Reclamation Service in the Department of Interior.
The Act deposited profits from the sale of western lands into a reclamation fund to support
irrigation projects, allowing the Federal Government to underwrite the building of dams,
canals, and ditches beyond the capabilities of communities or the private sector. This made
it possible for far more people to settle in the Basin. Not surprisingly, early migrants chose
to settle in the environments most likely to sustain them, which were fertile valleys and
areas along waterways. In 1860, the Census described just two centers of Euro-American
population in the Oregon Country east of the Cascades: The Dalles, Oregon and Walla Walla,
Washington, each with about 1,300 inhabitants. At that time, the estimated Euro-American
population was just 50,000 in Oregon and 12,000 in Washington, which were great
increases from the total of about 13,000 in 1850. From 1860 to 1900, the Euro-American
population in Oregon increased to more than 400,000, and in Washington to more than
500,000. The national survey system established land-use patterns throughout the West.
The Ordinance of 1785 ordered the Northwest Territory surveyed into sections measuring
one square mile. (At the time, the "Northwest Territory" was the region north and west of
the Ohio River, not the Pacific Northwest as the term is used in this document.) Next, the
Ordinance of 1787, or the Northwest Ordinance, established a plan of government for the
territory that the legislators assumed (incorrectly) would soon be sold and settled. Although
modified slightly over the decades, both laws were eventually extended to include lands
beyond the Mississippi. These ordinances determined the political form of the growing
nation. In 1786, government surveyors laid out a baseline westward from the precise point
where the Ohio River left Pennsylvania. They laid the first townships and sections, then built
more onto those, range after range, westward to the Pacific. That first square inch of the
first surveyor's stake was a polestar of national development (West 1994). This creation of a
national grid system affected the way people thought about land. Presented as squares or
rectangles, land can be easily subdivided and turned into a commodity. The shape of land's
presentation to an owner dictated styles of farming, allowing each field to be "plowed into
straight lines among straight fences besides straight roads" (West 1994). As in much of the
West, settlement and development of the Basin hinged on the use of natural resources and
associated economic opportunities. A closer look at the history of mining, transportation
and access, grazing, and timber harvest shows the developing interactions between the
growing population and the Basin's natural resources.
Mining
Coal deposits had been reported as early as 1833 by an employee of the Hudson's Bay
Company, and significant base metal and silver lodes were discovered in eastern
Washington during the late 1800s and early 1900s. It was the discovery of gold, however,
that attracted many people to the Basin. In 1862, several placer deposits were announced,
including deposits on the John Day River near Canyon City, Oregon; at Florence, Idaho, on
the Snake River; and at Pierce City and Orofino, Idaho, on the Clearwater River. Strikes in
the Boise basin and other locations soon followed. Thousands of miners came to the region,
leading to development of towns and their infrastructures, which in turn attracted stock
raisers and farmers. The General Mining Law of 1872, following the precedent of the Mining
Law of 1866, opened minerals on public lands to all. Mining practices of the 19th century
also established the logic behind western water law: first in time, first in right. Water
became a user's property from the moment of its first use until its use was abandoned.
Transportation and Access
The evolution of transportation played a major role in commercial development of the
Basin. Public lands were distributed not just to families, but to transportation companies
and speculators via auctions in eastern states. Federally supported railroad developments
changed the shape of the West. From 1862 to 1871, 61 different land grant subsidies to
railroads were offered in the region, the largest to the Northern Pacific Railroad, which
eventually secured 39 million acres. The famous "checkerboard" ownership patterns of
lands in central Washington state and elsewhere are a legacy of these land grants. By the
1880s, it was possible to arrive in the Pacific Northwest in five days instead of five months.
Commerce and exchange with other regions expanded, establishing patterns of external
trade relations that continue to dominate the Northwest's economy. The railroads either
"made or broke" a town because a road network of any consequence did not develop until
after World War I. Until then, railroads moved cattle, lumber, wool, and other products to
major markets. Railroads allowed more efficient development of base metal and silver
districts, compared to initial mining of only the highest grade ores that could be shipped at a
profit to distant smelters. Development of communities throughout the Basin followed both
the expansion of mining and the extension of the railroad network. Mining towns assumed
an urban cast, with hotels, restaurants, general stores, blacksmith shops, sawmills,
laundries, and other service businesses that supported workers. In the early 1900s, road
construction began to open entry into the forests of eastern Washington and Oregon.
Constructed mainly through river valleys, riparian areas, floodplains, and adjacent hillsides,
the roads efficiently provided access but decreased the land's effectiveness as wildlife
habitat and provided a new avenue for erosion and discharge of sediment into streams. In
1916, the regions first paved rural road, the Columbia River Highway, opened to link the
western and eastern slopes of the Cascades. The Joint Board on Interstate Highways within
the U.S. Department of Agriculture designated a "comprehensive system of through
interstate routes," changing previously local initiatives to a coordinated, Federal highway
system that remains today. During the interwar years, the miles of hard-surfaced all-
weather roads increased in Idaho and Washington by nearly 300 percent and in Oregon by
nearly 250 percent. In 1940, the Pacific Northwest had a total of 12,000 miles of roads.
Paleolithic hunter-gatherers first entered North America from the North Asian Mammoth
steppe via the Beringia land bridge which had formed between northeastern Siberia and
western Alaska due to the lowering of sea level during the Last Glacial Maximum. These
populations expanded south of the Laurentide Ice Sheet and rapidly throughout both North
and South America, by 14,000 years ago.[1][2][3] The earliest populations in the Americas
before roughly 10,000 years ago, are known as Paleo-Indians.
The peopling of the Americas was a long-standing open question, and while advances
in archaeology, Pleistocene geology, physical anthropology, and DNA analysis since the
2000s have shed progressively more light on the subject, significant questions remain
unresolved.[4] While there is general agreement that the Americas were first settled from
Asia, the pattern of migration, its timing, and the place(s) of origin in Asia of the peoples
who migrated to the Americas remain unclear.[1] Specifically, "Clovis first" refers to the
hypothesis that the Clovis culturerepresents the earliest human presence in the Americas,
beginning about 13,000 years ago; evidence of pre-Clovis cultures has accumulated during
the 2000s to 2010s, pushing back the date of the first peopling of the Americas to about
13,200-15,500 years ago.
HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT IN EUROPE
HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT IN CHINA
HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT IN PHILIPPINES

PRE-COLONIAL TIME
- like other cities in the world, the earliest Filipino
communities developed out of the need for their
inhabitants to band together
- they formed security, or to be close to critical resources
like food and water.
- most of the earliest towns were by the coast for the
fisherfolk or were where there was abundant agricultural
land for the farmers
- the community unit was the barangay, consisting 30 to
100 families
THE SPANISH COLONIAL TIME
...
A. THE LAWS OF INDIES
- in 1573, King Philip II proclaimed the Laws of Indies that
established uniform standards and planning procedures
for colonial settlements.
- these laws provided guidelines for site selection, layout
and dimensioning of streets and squares, the location of
civic and religious buildings, open spaces, cultivation and
pasturing lands, and even the main procedural phases of
planning and construction.
- The Plaza Complex was the result of several ordinances of
the Laws of Indies
- the plaza was surrounded by important buildings such
as:
1. Catholic church
2. Municipal or town hall
3. Marketplace and merchant's store
4. Elementary school
5. The homes of "principalia"
6. Other government buildings
B. INTRAMUROS
- known as the "walled city of Manila", Intramuros was
the home of the Spanish (except for the Friars and the
high ranking officials
- the city was 1.2 sq. km. in area, containing the large
churches, plazas, offices and residential buildings,
housing 700 residents surrounded by high walls
- because of the physical limitations in growth, decentralization occurred and settlements
were built in Malate, San Miguel and Paco, among other areas
THE AMERICAN PERIOD
...
A. THE AMERICAN AGENDA
- the Americans gave greater emphasis on other social
values like sanitation, housing, and other aesthetic
improvements.
B. DANIEL BURNHAM
- Americans is typified by the Daniel H. Burnham's plan of
Manila. In December 1904, Burnham was commissioned
to prepare the physical development plan for the cities of
Manila and Baguio
- Trained as an architect and guided by the principles of
the City Beautiful Movement, draw plans for cities like
Chicago, Washington, and San Francisco
- He proposed that the Bay areas would be extended
through reclamation and a new port would be constructed
C. BURNHAM'S DESIGN FOR MANILA
- he envisioned the city manifesting aesthetic elements
such as wide boulevards, public edifices and landscaped
parks
- In Burnham's plan, there were sites allotted for national
and municipal buildings near Intramuros, hospitals, and
colleges.
- Spaces were also set for a world-class hotel, city and
country clubs, a casino, boat clubs, public baths, and the
new residence for the Governor General.
- Resorts were also to be developed near Manila but the
ultimate escape during the summer season would be the
city of Baguio.
- However, another architect was to implement Burnham's
plan, William E. Parsons was appointed Consulting
Architect to the Insular Government
D. MANILA AS THE FIRST CHARTERED CITY
- On July 31, 1903, by the virtue of Act No. 183, the city of
Manila was incorporated
- Manila encompassed Intramuros, and the towns of
Binondo, Tondo, Sta. Cruz, Malate, Ermita, Paco, and
Pandacan
- the population then was 1901000 people
GROWTH OF MANILA
...
A. THE ARRABALES
- Quiapo - the illustrado territory; the enclave of the rich
and powerful. Also the manifestation of folk religiosity
- Tondo - coastal city adjacent to Manila
- Binondo - the trading port developed by the Chinese and
the Arabs
- Sta. Cruz - the main commercial district with swirls of
shops, movie houses, restaurants, etc.
- San Nicolas - also a commercial town built by the
Spanish with streets of "specialized" categories (i.e.
ceramics, soap, etc,)
- Sampaloc - centered on two churches (Our Lady of
Loreto and St. Anthony of Padua). Also known as the first
"University Town"
B. LATER SUBURBS
- San Miguel (Malacanang) were rest-houses were built for
the Spanish government
- Malate - the early "summer resort" of the wealthy
Filipinos
- Ermita - tourist belt (red-light district)
- Paco - first town built around a train station
- Pandacan - town built by the Americans for oil depots
C. FURTHER SUBURBANIZATION
- Quezon City - land of 15,000 has., was projected to be the
capital of the Philippines where the three main seats of
the government would be housed
- it was the location of Constitution Hill, envisioned to be
the National Government Center, but the destruction of
WW II interfered
- was revived as a capital in 1949 and remained until 1975
- Philippine Homesite and Housing Corporation - built
homes for the masses ("the projects", i.e. 2, 4, 6, 7 and 8)
with urban design principles adopted from the "Neighborhood Unit" of Perry and Stein
- Philamlife Homes - the first of the Quezon City
subdivisions along Highway 54 was the icon of middle
class suburbanization
- today QC is one of the few areas in MM with an
abundance of of green and open space
D. PRESENT DAY METRO MANILA
- Metro Manila Cities and Municipalities
City Of Manila Kalookan City Las Pinas City
Makati City Mandaluyong City Marikina City Muntinlupa City
Paranaque City Pasay City Pasig City
Quezon City San Juan City Valenzuela City Malabon Navotas Pateros Taguig City
METRO MANILA CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT
- Manila CBD
- Makati CBD
- Ortigas CBD
- Cubao CBD
- Fort Bonifacio Global City
- Boulevard 2000
- Filinvest Corporate City
PLANNING ORGANIZATION IN THE PHILIPPINES
...
Regional Planning
- NEDA (National Economic Development Authority)
- NLUC (National Land Use Committee)
- RDC (Regional Development Council)
- PDC (Provincial development Council)
- PLUC (Provincial Land Use Committee)
- Sanggunihan Panlalawigan
Urban Planning
- HUDCC (housing and Urban Development Coordinating
Council)
- HLURB (Housing and Land Use Regulatory Board)
- RLUC (Regional Land Use Committee)
- M/CDC (Municipal / City Development Council)
- BDC (Barangay Development Council)
HLURB
- the planning regulatory and quasi-judicial
instrumentality of government for land use development
PLANNING
- the key to orderly and rational land development in any
local government unit
- example, a city or municipaltiy
 AR 517 B
HOUSING AND HUMAN SETTLEMENT
RSW MT-01
HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT
DATE ISSUED: 05JUN2018
DATE DUE: 06JUN2018
DATE SBMITTED: 06JUN2018
REFERENCES:
https://mg.co.za/article/2008-10-10-the-importance-of-adequate-housing

http://www.footprinttravelguides.com/latin-america/ecuador-and-galapagos/galapagos-
islands/background/history-of-human-settlement/

https://www.slideshare.net/yusra_gul/evolution-of-settlements

https://www.fs.fed.us/pnw/publications/pnw_gtr405/pnw_gtr405_86.pdf

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Settlement_of_the_Americas

https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/311a/347ee738badc374cbf8c09ac13c10cf6df8c.pdf

http://www.kaogu.cn/uploads/soft/Chinese%20Archaeology/7/Settlement%20Pattern%20Study%2
0and%20the%20Search%20of%20the%20Origin%20of%20Chinese%20Civilization.pdf

https://quizlet.com/87230622/history-of-planning-settlements-in-the-philippines-flash-cards/

MALGANA, FRANCIS LLOYD A. ARCH. ALLAN PETER KIAT-ONG

BS ARCH.4