Governance and IPRI

Democracy
JournalinX,
Pakistan
no.1 (Winter 2010): 1-21 1

G OVERNANCE AND D EMOCRACY IN P AKISTAN :

W EAKNESSES , S TRENGTHS AND P ROSPECTS

Dr Noor ul Haq∗

Abstract
Pakistan had no worthwhile civil society and hardly any
middle class in 1947 due to rampant illiteracy and absence of
an independent media. The masses were poor, the country was
described an “economic desert” and there was an
unprecedented influx of refugees. The country lacked the
necessary infrastructure and institutions. The capability to
develop them was lacking. The external and internal threats to
the security of the country turned it into a security state. Weak
political leadership created space for civil-military bureaucracy.
This led to the cut-off periods in democratic governance, which
was derailed thrice in 1958, 1977 and 1999. At present, the
country is partially developed, the middle class is growing and
civil society is assertive; a vibrant media has come up, and
majority of the population is literate. There is an overall urge
for peace. The people have demonstrated their preference for
constitutional government and the rule of law, and to have an
independent judiciary to strengthen democratic governance.

Introduction

D emocratic governance implies a system of government in

which all the people of a country can vote to elect their
representatives, who in turn govern the country in the light of
the mandate given to them by the people. Pakistan and India emerged as
independent democratic nation-states in August 1947, inheriting the same
constitution (i.e., Government of India Act 1935), the same system of
civil administration, legal apparatus and the armed forces. But unlike
India, the governance in Pakistan has been alternating between civilian
democratic governments and military-dominated autocratic or partially
democratic governments.1 After several pitfalls, Pakistan has reached a

∗
Research Fellow, Islamabad Policy Research Institute, Islamabad.
1
Civil supremacy (1947-58); military supremacy (1958-71); civil supremacy (1971-
77); military supremacy (1977-88); civil supremacy (1988-99); military
supremacy (1999-2008); and civil supremacy (2008 onwards). It may be added
2 Dr Noor ul Haq

stage where it seems that the people of Pakistan, its vibrant middle class,
the civil society, the intelligentsia and the media are convinced that the
supremacy of the constitution, strengthening of state institutions,
independence of judiciary, and the rule of law are necessary if Pakistan is
to become a modern democratic state. Currently, a democratically elected
government is keen to strengthen such a system.

Initial Difficulties Obstructing Democratic Governance

There are a number of factors responsible for initial setbacks to
democratic governance in Pakistan. For instance:

Ramshackle Infrastructure

Initially Pakistan was lacking in the necessary infrastructure. For

instance, it had no federal government, no secretariat, and no State
central bank. “Militarily the country was defenceless and Indian policies
were calculated to stifle the new state.”2 It had to start from a scratch.

that “some of the military dominated regimes were very liberal in their
outlook, or tried to be (notably President Pervez Musharraf) whereas some of
the civilian governments were quite abusive of their authority” (notably
Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad).
2
I.H. Qureshi, ed., A Short History of Pakistan Book Four (Karachi: University of
Karachi, 1967), 228. In 1947, the British Indian Army was approximately
500,000 strong and the Muslim element in it was about 33 percent. According
to British Viceroy in India, at the time of partition, out of 67 battalions
available in West Pakistan, only 35 would be left behind. Most of these would
be at half strength owing to the movement of Hindu/Sikh companies without
Muslim companies being available in Pakistan for replacement. (Viceroy’s
personal report, no. 16, August 8, 1947, para 43, Mansergh and others, eds.,
The Transfer of Power 1942-47, vol. XII, 599-600). These battalions constituted
into about 10 infantry brigades at less than 50% strength and an armoured
brigade with only 13 runner Stuart tanks, less than one weeks ammunition
with the Army, no mines, no man-made or natural obstacles. They were
required to guard about 5000 miles of frontier of East and West Pakistan.
(Noor A. Hussain, Fifty Years of Pakistan Army 1947-1997 (Rawalpindi: ISPR
Publication, 1998), 4). In fact, the regiments of the Indian Army were scattered
throughout Indian subcontinent and “overseas mainly in Iraq, Malaya, Burma
and with the Allied Contingent in Japan”. (Fazal Muqeem Khan, The Story of
the Pakistan Army (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 24).These
scattered regiments and their equipment had to be brought back and organized
into a coherent army. “Thus what was at first only a paper army gradually
took shape.” (Stephen P. Cohen, The Pakistan Army (New Delhi: Himalayan
Books, 1984), 17).
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 3

Due to extreme level of illiteracy3 the capability to develop the

infrastructure was also limited. The country needed time to build and
nurture the state institutions which could sustain democratic governance.

Leadership Void

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the father of the nation and the
first Governor-General, died just one year after the establishment of
Pakistan on September 11, 1948 and his right hand lieutenant Liaquat Ali
Khan, who was the first Prime Minister, was assassinated on October 16,
1951. About the capability of other leaders of Pakistan Muslim League
(PML), the party which had successfully piloted the movement for
Pakistan, Jinnah had ruefully remarked that “he had false coins in his
pocket”.4 Consequently, several ministers appointed initially were not
politicians and did not have a seat in the Assembly.5 Similarly, in 1954,
there were several members of Prime Minister’s cabinet without a seat in
the Parliament.6 “The cabinet and other high political appointments
reflected a paucity of talent among the politicians.”7

Unprecedented Migration and Settlement of Refugees

Due to the partition of the Punjab, where most of the ex-servicemen and
war veterans lived, communal riots erupted into a carnage causing an
unprecedented refugee influx. There was an inter-state migration of more
than 12 million and killing of about one million human beings across the
Pakistan-India borders. There is a long background of riots especially in

3
The overall literacy in West Pakistan was hardly five per cent. Government of
Pakistan, Census of Pakistan 1951, vol. 1 (Karachi: Census Publications, n.d.),
77.
4
Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2001), 853.
5
Qureshi, Pakistan, 229-230. Jinnah’s first cabinet included A.M. Malik, who was
a medical practitioner, Finance Minister Ghulam Muhammad was a former
civil servant, and Foreign Minister Zafarullah Khan was a lawyer. They had
practically no political following.
6
In 1954, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad, who was himself a
bureaucrat, asked Muhammad Ali Bogra, another bureaucrat, to form a
cabinet, which included, among others, Major-General Iskandar Mirza, a
bureaucrat, and General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Commander-in-Chief of the
Army.
7
Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study of Political Developments 1947-97 (Lahore: Sang-
e-Meel Publications, 1999), 34.
4 Dr Noor ul Haq

northern India.8 It seems that Indian anger against the partition of

“mother India” was also a cause of the intense feeling of hatred.9 The
carnage in the Punjab was caused by “the chaos and anger” owing to the
“surprise of partition” when no one was prepared organizationally to
cope with the change, for the British government had advanced the date
of transfer of power from June 1948 to August 1947. The Radcliffe
Commission’s boundary award was announced three days after partition.
It was “mostly the British fault” but local grievances and hatred created a
bloodbath which has left its own “lasting scars” in both states. Till 1955,
about seven million refugees from India entered West Pakistan and about
5.6 million Hindus and Sikhs left Pakistan.10 It was relatively easier for
India to absorb the calamity of migrants given its size, resources and
available infrastructure, as compared to Pakistan, where one out of every
ten persons was a refugee. “But it was the patriotism and self-denial of the
people that pulled the country through the most precarious phase of its
existence.”11

Illiteracy and Extremism

Due to the migration of literate Hindus and Sikhs to India, the literacy
rate in Pakistan sharply declined. There was about 95 percent illiteracy in
Pakistan in 194712, which acted as a hindrance to the growth of a civil and
democratic society. Feudalism and economic constraint did not permit
any Pakistani government to launch a “crash course to expand literacy
and grow higher standards.”

8
See Appendix 20, “Hindu-Muslim Fighting during July 1946-June 1947”, Noor-
ul-Haq, Making of Pakistan: The Military Perspective (Islamabad: National
Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1993), 231-34.
9
Hamid Khan, 82; Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan
(Rawalpindi: Services Book Club, 1958), 256; quoting Jhon Cornell
Auchinleck (London: Cassell, 1959), 906.
10
Viqar Ahmad and Rashid Amjad, The Management of Pakistan’s Economy 1947-
82 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1984), 71, cited by Hamid Yusuf, 35.
11
Qureshi, Pakistan, 228.
12
The province-wise literacy was: Punjab 7.3 percent; Sindh 6.1 percent; NWFP
5.2 percent; Balochistan 3.9 percent. This does not include tribal areas. The
percentage should be less in 1947 after the migration of literate Hindus and
Sikhs, Census of Pakistan 1951.
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 5

Poverty and Scarcity of Essential Goods

Pakistan was established in the northwest and northeast of the South

Asian subcontinent. These areas were neglected by the British being
closer to the borders. It was considered safer to invest in central India
which was beyond the reach of enemy air force. The affluent class in
Pakistan was mostly Hindus and Sikhs and they transferred their wealth
to India. Thus, at the time of its birth, Pakistan was virtually an
“economic desert”13 and the masses were abysmally poor. There was “an
acute famine of commodities of every day use.”14 The authorities, who
were administering the country, were more interested in the procurement
of goods and development of the country rather than promoting the
cause of democratic governance. Pakistan’s low literacy, bad
infrastructure, and instability made it difficult to take advantage of what
is commonly called “globalization”. It did not produce much to offer in
the exports market except low value primary goods, its work-force was
not educated, and the government controlled trade and investment
suffered for political reasons, partly due to mutually constrained relations
with neighbouring India.

Persisting Problems
Quasi-Federalism and Conflict between Eastern and Western Wings

One of the main bottlenecks in the constitutional development in

Pakistan was that its two wings were separated by about 1000 miles of
hostile territory. The eastern wing consisted of one province but was
more populous than the western wing which was much larger in area and
had as many as four provinces. The western wing was not prepared to
concede majority representation to the eastern wing in the parliament.
After a confrontation of nine years between the two wings, the solution
was evolved in the 1956 constitution in the shape of parity of
representation in a quasi-federal structure, neutralizing the majority of
the eastern wing and paving the way for the manipulated domination of
the western wing. The domination of the western wing in governance led
to an insurgency in the eastern wing which culminated in the separation
and independence of Bangladesh in 1971.

13
Yasmin Khan, The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (London:
Yale University Press, 2007), 101.
14
Qureshi, Pakistan, 228.
6 Dr Noor ul Haq

In the post-1971 Pakistan, it came to be realized that ideological

moorings alone could not easily overcome ethnic and economic
differences. Yet the anti-ethnic attitude and anti-modern thinking
prevalent in certain segments of society lean towards a unitary or quasi-
federal state as against a true federation.

Religion vs. Secularism

Pakistan was not created as a theocracy but as a place where an

economically marginalized minority could operate a democracy
independently. It was to save the people from religious discrimination
and domination by an overwhelming religious majority. Moreover, it
emerged as a territorial state in the Muslim majority areas of the
subcontinent. But the religious and secular groups soon started making
conflicting demands while formulating the constitution of Pakistan. The
speech of Mr Jinnah of August 11, 1947, addressed to the first legislative
and constituent assembly of Pakistan, had advocated political pluralism
and declared that the “religion or caste or creed has nothing to do with
the business of the State”.15 This was not adhered to. The Objectives
Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly in 1949, pacified
demands of Muslim religious parties and elements, but was not supported
by religious minorities. The compromise solution attempted to balance
the values and the spirit of Islam with requirements of secularism.
Due to lack of competent and visionary political leadership, and the
fact that Muslims constituted 98 per cent of the population, the
conservative religious leaders, partly due to their conviction and partly
owing to their parochial interests, advocated and preached the
establishment of a religio-political system based on Al-Quran and
Sunnah.16 They were skeptical of the politico-social development of
modern times and western political institutions and form of government.

15
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah: Speeches as Governor-General of Pakistan
1947-48 (Karachi: Pakistan Publications, n.d.), 8-9.
16
“The field of medieval political theory has already been subjected to intensive
investigation by Von Kremer, Arnold, Sherwani, Rosenthal, Hamidullah,
Tyan and others, and movements of modernism in contemporary Muslim
world have also been extensively surveyed by scholars such as Smith, Gibb,
Adams and Aziz Ahmad.” Manzooruddin Ahmed, Islamic Political System in
the Modern Age: Theory and Practice (Karachi: Royal Book Coy, 1983); Justice
Hamoodur Rehman, Islamic Concept of State (Karachi: Begum Aisha Bawany
Waqf, 1978).
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 7

Their dogmatic theology clashed with the democratic culture envisioned

by the founding fathers.
Another adverse impact of the adoption of religion as a guiding
principle in the constitution, was the promotion of religious sectarianism,
especially between the two major sects inhabiting Pakistan, i.e., Sunnis
and Shi’as. Some sections of these sects, instead of peaceful negotiations to
overcome their differences, often resort to violence, which is against the
spirit of both Islam and democracy. These rivalries fostered reliance on
the security forces for maintenance of law and order, which eroded the
hold of democratic institutions in governance.

Delayed Framing of the Constitution

The immediate and foremost requirement of the Constituent Assembly

was to frame a democratic constitution for the country. The constitution
had to lay down the form of government, the role of judiciary, military,
and bureaucracy. It had to decide the basic issues about provincial
autonomy, religion and the state, joint or separate electorate,
representation of minorities and women in assemblies, fundamental rights
and civil liberties. The debate over the representation of eastern and
western wings of the country and religion versus secularism were the two
main hindrances in the way of framing the constitution. As against India,
which was able to frame the constitution of the country within two years
of independence in 1949, Pakistan took nine years to finalise the
constitution in 1956, which did not work for more than two years and
was abrogated. The second constitution was framed by a military ruler
General Ayub in 1962 which could last as long as he was in power.
Finally, it was after the separation of East Pakistan and a lapse of more
than quarter of a century (1947-1973) that the elected representatives of
the people under the leadership of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
framed a consensus constitution envisaging a federal, democratic structure
for the country and a parliamentary form of government. This
constitution has survived in spite of the breakdown of democracy twice
in 1978 and 1999, and hopefully has come to stay. But the delay in
framing the constitution harmed the growth of political democracy, as it
allowed the authoritarian rule of the Governor-General to continue for
seven long years (1947-56), which set this inglorious tradition in the
country.
8 Dr Noor ul Haq

Weak Political Parties and their Infighting

For any healthy constitutional and political system to function
smoothly, strong and well-entrenched political parties are essential. …
Unfortunately, political parties in Pakistan have failed to develop into
strong vehicles of national political will.17

The main responsibility for safeguarding democracy in a country

falls on political parties18. Pakistan, since its inception, was lacking in well
organized and well established political parties that could carry the
representative system of governance forward. The All-India Muslim
League, which had piloted the movement of Pakistan during 1940-47, was
not a well organized political party, but it was primarily a movement.
“Leading a movement and organizing a political party are two different
things.”19 Most of its leaders belonged to areas which became part of the
Indian Union and their majority did not come to Pakistan. Of those who
were in Pakistan, barring a few exceptions, belonged to feudal and
landowning classes that in their nature were in conflict with democratic
dispensation. In fact “the leadership of Pakistan movement had few roots
in the land that became Pakistan.” Their incompetence and constant
wrangling for power in the initial nine years (1947-1956) was also
responsible for the delay in constitution-making. Instead of cooperation
and mutual accommodation there was ceaseless infighting. For instance,
as early as 1953, a clash between the leadership of the Punjab and the
central government led to intense communal riots and imposition of
Martial Law in Lahore, the provincial capital.20 Even as late as the decade
of 1988-99 of civil supremacy, the fight between the PML and the PPP led
to repeated dissolution of national and provincial assemblies and dismissal
of prime ministers and their cabinets.21 Finally, it ended with the military
take over in 1999.

17
Hamid Khan, 852.
18
“Any satisfactory analysis of the practice of Western democracy – and any
discussion of how it might be made to work better – must recognize and
account for the role of political parties.” Geoffrey Brennan and Alan Hamlin,
Democratic Devices and Desires (New York: Cambridge University Press,
20000), 185.
19
Hamid Khan, 856.
20
Punjab Chief Minister Mian Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana and Prime
Minister of Pakistan Khawaja Nazimuddin, both belonging to PML, were at
logger-heads. Hamid Yusuf, 52.
21
The conflict between President Ghulam Ishaq Khan (1988-1993) and Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990) resulted in the dissolution of the
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 9

Delayed Elections, Rigging and Violence

The representative character of the civilian parliamentary government

during the first decade of Pakistan’s existence was eroded because the
country was governed under Government of India Act of 1935. The
purpose of the Act was “to make the appointed governor-general exert
dominance over the elected prime minister.”22 The Act had introduced a
representative and a centralized system of bureaucratic governance, which
was an imperative requirement of the colonial government but not of
democratic governance.
The first general elections in the country should have been held in
1951, i.e., five years after the previous elections in 1946, but this could
not happen till 1970. The reasons for the delay were that the ruling elite,
i.e., civil bureaucrats, migrant political leadership, and weak political
parties, had few roots in the masses. As a consequence, general elections
could not be held for 23 years (1947-1970) of the country’s initial history.
On the expiry of the five years term of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto (1972-1977), the second general elections on the basis of adult
franchise were held on March 7, 1977 which the PPP won with a vast
majority. The opposition parties alleged that the elections had been
“rigged on a massive scale”. It has been commented:

National Assembly and the dismissal of the Prime Minister and her cabinet
on August 6, 1990. Again differences and confrontation between Ishaq and
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (1990-1993) made both of them to resign on
July 18, 1993. The differences between President Farooq Leghari (1993-1997)
and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1993-1996) ended with the dissolution of
the National Assembly and dismissal of the government on November 5,
1996. Thereafter, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (1997-1999), in a bid to
become an authoritarian ruler, is discredited for an assault on the Supreme
Court (Hamid Khan, 827), declaring a state of emergency in 1998, allowing
establishment of military courts for trial of civilians, amending the
Constitution taking away the discretionary powers of the President,
preventing the floor-crossing in the assemblies, and introducing the Fifteenth
Constitutional Amendment Bill which was “apparently a blatant attempt by
Nawaz to introduce dictatorship in the country in the name of Islam”
(Hamid Khan, 929). Finally, on October 12, 1999, he sacked the Chief of the
Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf while he was officially visiting Sri
Lanka. This resulted in a coup d’etat and dismissal of Nawaz Sharif. (Hamid
Khan, 219-249).
22
Shahab Usto, “Mosquerades of Dictatorship”, Dawn, August 22, 2008.
10 Dr Noor ul Haq

Elections in Pakistan had been rigged before, notably the

presidential election in 1965 and the Provincial Assembly
elections in early 1950s, but rigging in these instances did not
arouse the mass uprising as it did in 1977. The people of Pakistan
were evidently not of the same mind now as they were in those
earlier periods.23

Civil-Military Bureaucracy vs. Politicians

The greatest factor impeding the development of the country was the
evasion of land reforms in the western wing which strengthened the
feudal hold on the instruments of governance. Feudalism was one of the
main factors responsible for the weakness of the political parties and the
supremacy of the bureaucracy. In West Pakistan (present Pakistan),
leaders were mostly drawn from the feudal class. Pakistan being an
agricultural country, the landed aristocracy almost dominated the
political, social and economic life. Since the feudal leadership of political
parties was not capable of dealing with the multifarious problems faced
by the country, it depended heavily on the civil and military
bureaucracy.24
It is indeed a sad commentary on the elected members of the first
Legislature and Constituent Assembly of Pakistan that they could not
find a suitable head of state from among their own ranks. Most of them
came from the civil bureaucracy or the military.25 The civil-military
bureaucracy did not have a favourable opinion about the competence of
political leaders and often took decisions without consulting them. This
adversely affected their political training, development and growth. The
inability to control the Anti-Ahmadiya Movement in the Punjab in 1953
was blamed on an inept political leadership. This religious movement was
spearheaded by the religious Ahrar Party which had opposed the

23
Hamid Khan, 571.
24
Even after six decades of the establishment of Pakistan, Iftikhar Hussain,
Minister of Information, NWFP has blamed “feudal, capitalist and tribal
systems” responsible for “all social ills and backwardness”. Dawn (Islamabad),
August 24, 2008.
25
During 61 years (1947-2008) of existence of Pakistan, civil bureaucrats or
military generals governed the country for as long as 45 years. These were: Mr.
Ghulam Muhammad (1951-55); Mr. Iskander Mirza (1955-58); General
Muhammad Ayub Khan (1958-69); General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan
(1969-71); General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (1978-88); Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan
(1988-93); and General Pervez Musharraf (1999-2008).
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 11

establishment of Pakistan and now wanted again to come into limelight.

They were supported by other religious parties, i.e., Jamaat-i-Islami,
Jamiatul Ulema-i-Pakistan, and Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Islam. The movement
was exploited by politicians in their own political interest.26 But the civil-
military bureaucracy was against the religious parties to dominate the
power structure either in the provinces or the centre. To rescue the city
of Lahore where Ahmadis were in a “virtual state of siege” and their
properties were being “burned or looted”, General Azam Khan, the Area
Commander, was ordered by the Defence Secretary, to impose martial
law in Lahore. It was met with general approval of the people. It was
demonstrated that the civil-military bureaucracy “would not let
politicians or religious ideologues lead the country to anarchy”.27 This
also laid down the foundations of the supremacy of military and
orchestrated the initial rehearsal for recurring imposition of Martial Law
in the country and its acceptance by the people.
In fact, “since its birth, Pakistan has been governed by
bureaucratic, military and political elites. The bureaucratic elite generally
became more assertive, steadily increasing their power at the expense of
the political elite.”28 “Ayub’s term of office [1958-69] was the golden era
for the bureaucracy, which exercised its powers, unbridled by any
political interference.”29 The weakness of political elites can be
demonstrated from the fact that during seven years from 1951 to 1958, as
many as seven Prime Ministers had been changed.30 During 1988-1999,
four democratically elected governments31 were replaced on charges of
corruption, inefficiency, security risk, etc. The civil-military bureaucracy
has dominated governance owing to the inherent weakness of the
political parties and their incompetent leadership, resulting in the
derailment of democracy thrice in the history of Pakistan, i.e., in 1958,
1977 and 1999.

26
Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Rule, supra, note 70, 151, cited by Hamid
Khan, 119.
27
Hamid Khan, 120.
28
Ibid., 878.
29
Ibid., 345.
30
After assassination of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan on October 16, 1951,
Khawaja Nazimuddin (1951-53), Muhammad Ali Bogra (1953-55), Chaudhry
Muhammad Ali (1955-56), Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy (1956-57), I.I.
Chundrigar, and Feroz Khan Noon (1957-58) became Prime Ministers.
31
Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto (1988-90), Mian Nawaz Sharif (1990-93),
Benazir Bhutto (1993-96), and Mian Nawaz Sharif (1996-99).
12 Dr Noor ul Haq

Kashmir Dispute and Security of the Country

The persistence of external and internal threats to its security converted

Pakistan into a security state which thwarted the country’s march
towards democracy. The security of Pakistan was threatened externally
from its bigger neighbour and internally from communism,32 religious
extremism and ethnic ambitions of the rulers of the princely states. The
first threat originated in October 1947 when the Indian Army occupied
the state of Jammu and Kashmir, which geographically and
demographically should have formed part of Pakistan33, and the second
one came to surface through the Socialist inspired Rawalpindi Conspiracy
Case (1951), the Anti-Qadiani Movement (1953) by religious parties, and
declaration of cessation by the ruler of the state of Kalat (1958).
The external threat resulted in Indo-Pak wars and border clashes
and threats of war a number of times (i.e., during 1947-48, 1951, 1965,
1971, 1984, 1999, and 2002). Ari Fleischer, a White House spokesman,
speaking on December 20, 2002, about the 2002 situation between India
and Pakistan said:
the tension reached alarming level … As a result of the
intervention of the President, the Secretary of State, and
numerous leaders around the world including [Russian] President

32
The Communist Party of Pakistan was banned in 1950s mainly because of own
conservative leadership.
33
All the rulers of Princely states were told “You cannot run away from the
Dominion Government which is your neighbour any more than you can run
away from the subjects for whose welfare you are responsible” (British Indian
Viceroy’s address to the Chamber of Princes, July 25, 1947). “Keeping in view
the geographical conditions, 80% Muslim majority … the passage of the
important rivers of the Punjab through the State, the language, cultural, racial
and economic connection of the people and the proximity of the borders of
the State with Pakistan … the Jammu and Kashmir State should accede to
Pakistan” (Resolution of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, July 19,
1947). The accession “of the State of Jammu and Kashmir will be made in
accordance with the will of the peoples expressed through the democratic
method of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under the auspices of the
United Nations” (UNSC Resolution (S/3779) of January 24, 1957). Also see
Richard Symonds, The Making of Pakistan London, 1949), 157-58; Alaistair
Lamb, Incomplete Partition: The Genesis of the Kashmir Dispute (Hertford,
1997); A. H. Suhrawardy, Trajedy in Kashmir (Lahore, 1983), 203).
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 13

[Vladimir] Putin and [British] Prime Minister [Tony] Blair, there

is now a markedly diminished point of tension.34

As for earlier internal threats, the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case

was quelled by the Armed Forces in 1951, the Anti-Qadiani movement
was suppressed when Martial Law was enforced in Lahore in 1953, and
military action led to the absorption of the state of Kalat. All this was
possible because the British trained Pakistan’s Armed Forces were mostly
secular in outlook and motivated to ensure the integrity of the country.
The security threat and the need for defence forced the nation to
strengthen the armed forces rather than democratic governance. The
priority to defence can be judged from the fact that, in the beginning,
most of the annual budget of the country, was allocated for this purpose
which has gradually been scaled down to about 17 per cent in the last
budget.

Immediate Challenges to Governance

Corruption and Nepotism

According to Transparency International, Pakistan got a score of 2.7 out

of 10 in 1998, followed by 2.2 in 1999, 2.5 in 2008 and 2.4 in 2009. 35
Corruption36 in bureaucracy and among political leaders poses a grave
threat to good democratic governance. Quaid-i-Azam had termed
corruption as “poison” and asked to put that down with an “iron hand”.37
Now that the National Reconciliation Ordinance, which had withdrawn
from prosecution any person “falsely involved for political reasons or
through political victimization” between 1986 and 1999, has lapsed on
November 28, 2009, the concerned individuals should get themselves
cleared in a court of law in a transparent manner. The tribal nature of
society in Pakistan is susceptible to nepotism. As an antidote,

34
Dawn (Islamabad), December 21, 2008. Also see Noor ul Haq, “Indian Quest
for Hegemony”, IPRI Journal, vol. III, no. 2, (2003): 21-48.
35
Mansoor Ahmad, “Poor ranking in corruption index no surprise”, The News
(Islamabad), November 21, 2009.
36
Corruption, violence and lack of accountability and transparency have been
termed as fault lines in Indian democracy. G. Rana Chandhra Reddy, Fault
Lines in Indian Democracy (New: Delhi: A.P.H. Publishing Corporation,
2007), xi-x. The same applies to Pakistan.
37
Quaid-i-Azam Mahomed Ali Jinnah Speeches (Karachi: Pakistan Publications,
n.d.), 7.
14 Dr Noor ul Haq

accountability and transparency are necessary. It is a challenge to the

people to reject those leaders and political parties which indulge in
corruption and nepotism.

Unprecedented Inflation and Rising Prices

Another threat to the government comes from inflation and

unprecedented rise in prices of daily needs, as this adds to poverty of the
people. 38

Terrorism and Extremism

The latest threat is emanating from extremism and terrorism, especially

in the North West Frontier Province and Federally Administered Tribal
Area (FATA). This is the spill over effect of the conflict in Afghanistan
and is spreading in Pakistan. It is likely to continue as long as there is no
peace and stability in that country. However, the military enjoying the
support of the nation is successfully combating against the extremists and
terrorists under the supremacy of the civilian democratic government. It
is hoped that the process would continue to its logical conclusion.

Human Rights

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the father of the nation, after his
election as the first president of the Constituent Assembly on August 11,
1947, outlined his concept and policies for Pakistan, which in essence are
secular and democratic. For instance, he emphasized that in Pakistan:
every person no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first,
second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges
and obligations. … you are free to go to your temples; you are
free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in
this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or
creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State. …
in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims
would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because

38
Among the main challenges for Asia Pacific region, poverty, disengagement of
the military from political economy, the professionalism of political parties,
human rights, human resource development and press freedom have been
highlighted. Heraldo Munoz, ed. Democracy Rising: Assessing the Global
Changes (New Delhi: Viva Books Private Limited, 2006).
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 15

that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political

sense as citizens of the State.39

As Governor-General, he affirmed that he shall always be guided by

the “principles of justice and fair play” without any “prejudice or ill-will”
or “partiality or favouritism”.40 Unfortunately, he died a year after the
birth of the country. Consequently –
… Pakistan has encountered frequent, unresolved political crises.
They are woven into its concepts of political community, and
have withstood uneasy relationships between state institutions
and civil society. Pakistan’s politics has also been characterized
by incomplete constitution-making, a process that has placed the
burden of constitutional interpretation and political change on
state instruments varying from the bureaucracy to the military
to the judiciary.41

Fundamental human rights are guaranteed in Chapter One of the

Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan but injustices against
women and members of minorities continue. However, apart from
reservation of seats for women in local, provincial and federal assemblies,
the Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Bill 2009 sets
tough penalties “to protect women from harassment and make them feel
more secure.”42 Similarly, apart from reservation of seats in assemblies,
the members of minority communities have been given the right of
double voting – one vote for general seats and another for choosing their
representative for reserved seats. But sustained and firm efforts are
necessary for the protection of the rights of minorities and women. It is a
challenge for the democratic government to ensure implementation of
rules and regulations concerning the fundamental human rights in true
letter and spirit.

39
Quaid-i-Azam Mahomed Ali Jinnah Speeches as Governor-General of Pakistan
1947-48 (Karachi: Government of Pakistan, n.d.), 6-10. Jinnah’s address has
been interpreted differently. Ch. Muhammad Ali in his Emergence of Pakistan
has viewed it as an assurance for security to minorities, whereas Muhammad
Munir states that Jinnah believed in secularism. See Muhammad Munir, From
Jinnah to Zia (Lahore: Vanguard), 29.
40
Ibid.
41
Paula R. Newberg, Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics in
Pakistan (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 1995), i.
42
Dawn (Islamabad), January 30, 2010.
16 Dr Noor ul Haq

Strength of Democratic Governance in Pakistan

Pakistan Movement and Traditions

The Pakistan movement envisaged a democratic country with a federal

structure. In all Constitutions of Pakistan (of 1956, 1962 and 1973) the
objectives of governance, in the words of Dr. Ainslie T. Embree,
Professor Emeritus of Columbia University, are:
democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice as
enunciated by Islam, giving Muslims freedom to live their lives
in accordance with the teachings of Islam, but with minorities
having full freedom to profess their own religions.43

Islamic and Cultural Traditions

Islam lays emphasis on the concept of Shura, i.e., consultation among

people, which is the essence of democratic culture. Quaid-i-Azam, the
founder of Pakistan had stated:
we learned democracy 1300 years ago. … democracy is in our
blood. It is in our marrows. Only centuries of adverse
circumstances have made the circulation of that blood cold. It
has got frozen, and our arteries are not functioning. But thank
God, the blood is circulating again, thanks to the Muslim League
efforts. It will be a People’s government.44

Culturally, in the region of Pakistan, there is a concept of Jirga or

Panchayat, i.e., an assembly of elders, to settle issues and disputes
involving two or more than two persons. This system has been prevalent
for ages, much before the advent of Islam. Thus, both religion and age-old
tradition advocate the concept of consultation in decision-making
through an assembly of people, which is the essence of democracy.
During the period of British supremacy in the subcontinent, the practice
of elections to assemblies (local, provincial and central) was introduced
through various enactments. Finally, it was the Government of India Act

43
Ainslie T. Embree, Foreword, Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study of Political
Developments 1947-9 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1999), viii.
44
Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, Evolution of Pakistan, vol. II (Lahore: All Pakistan
Legal Decisions, 1963), 415 and 424. The address was in response to the
demand of a section of the Muslim Leaguers who, before the opening of the
session, had proposed that the Muslim League should declare that the future
Constitution of Pakistan would be based on Al-Quran.
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 17

1935 under which the dominions of India and Pakistan functioned after
independence till they framed their own constitutions. These enactments
provided the groundwork for democratic governance.
It may be of interest to note that even when democratic rule was
suspended by the armed forces, the military rulers always came with the
promise to restore democratic governance. For instance, in 1970, General
Yahya Khan is credited with organising the first ever general elections in
the country, which led to the establishment of democratic governments
both in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Besides holding of general elections in
2002 and 2007, General Musharraf’s introduction of local government
system introduced in 2001 is considered a “laudable model of governance”
because of its principle that whatever can be done at the local level should
not be done at a higher tier of governance.45

Growth of Education, Civil Society and Media

The country is on the path to achieve full literacy and progress towards
higher standard of education in important disciplines.46 This is
strengthening the civil society in ensuring the prevalence of democratic
culture at the lower and higher level of governance. Secondly, the print
and electronic media in Pakistan is vibrant and independent. A
responsible media educates the masses, raises political consciousness and
thus promotes democratic values, norms and culture. In addition, a
number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are playing an active
role in the field of education and contributing to the growth of a vibrant
civil society and good governance.

Growth of Economy and Middle Class

Since 2003, Pakistan’s economy has been growing by more than 6.5 per
cent per year except for 2007-08 and 2008-09 when the growth declined to
4.1 per cent and about 2.00 per cent respectively. The decline is partly
due to global economic recession and partly owing to disturbed

45
Editorial, Dawn (Islamabad), January 2, 2010.
46
There was only one university/degree awarding institution in 1947. Presently
there are 120 universities/degree awarding institutions – 64 in public sector
and 56 in private sector. Of these, there are six women universities/degree
awarding institutions – five in public sector and one in private sector. See
Noor ul Haq, “Education in Pakistan: Historical Perspective,” Pervez Iqbal
Cheema and other, (eds.), Pakistan and Changing Scenario: Regional and
Global (Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research Institute, 2008), 18.
18 Dr Noor ul Haq

conditions internally in the wake of the “war against terror”. The per
capita income in 2008-09 was US$ 1046.00, which has nearly doubled
during the last decade.47 Hopefully, the current phase of slow growth will
soon be over, due to the inherent resilience of the economy and external
support from aid giving agencies and remittances of Pakistanis. The
Enhanced Partnership Act 2009 (commonly known as Kerry-Lugar Bill)
provides assurance for a long-term US assistance and focuses on
“democracy, pluralism, stability and fight against terrorism”.48 Pakistan is
a developing country and needs foreign assistance. It’s GDP and per
capita income have increased and a growing middle class is visible in the
country, which is one of the stake holders and a factor in strengthening
democracy.

Security and Democracy

During the entire history of Pakistan, the country has faced military
threats from the east. Now the country is facing threats in the west also.
It is a heaven-sent opportunity for Indians to be active on Pakistan’s
western borders so as to pressurize it from the east as well as the west.
The realization is growing that under democratic dispensation the
country can fight as well, if not better, as under an authoritarian rule. It is
said that “democracies are more capable than other systems of mobilizing
their resources” to fight and win a war.49 However, the factor of nuclear
deterrence has kept hostilities at bay on the country’s eastern borders.
Hopefully, the changed policies of the US administration under President
Obama will be able to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan with its
salutary impact on Pakistan. When Afghanistan’s government has
stabilized after withdrawal of foreign forces, it is expected it will revert to
its traditional role of a neutral country. This would ensure peace on
Pakistan’s western borders also.

47
“Growth in Pakistan”, http://go.worldbank.org/QTEHWNS5Q70; Economic
Survey of Pakistan 2008-09; IPRI Factfile: The State of the Economy of Pakistan,
vol. XI, no. 7, July 2009.
48
Senator Dick Lugar’s Floor Statement, May 4, 2009.
49
Mathew Evangelista and others, (eds.), Democracy and Security (New York:
Routledge, 2008), 4.
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 19

Conclusion: Guarded Optimism

It was tragic that the country faced numerous problems and was
“hijacked soon after independence by the ruling classes belonging to
feudalists, senior bureaucrats, incompetent politicians and ambitious
military generals who transformed it into an elitist system.”50 It was
visualized that the people of Pakistan may “either remain under the
feudal stranglehold for ever or gain direct access to political and economic
rights by freeing our political culture from the exploitative elitist and
feudal political structures.”51 The latter alternative may now be
succeeding. Unlike the past assemblies, at present almost half of the new
members of legislative assemblies are young and educated. All stake
holders seem desirous to establish the supremacy of the parliament.
Certain clauses of the 17th amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan
which impinge on the supremacy and sovereignty of the parliament or
any other anti-democratic constitutional provisions may be scrapped
under the pressure of civil society and public opinion.
Second, the politicians may have learnt lessons from their past
mistakes and are more mature politically. A consensus politics seem to be
emerging in the country. In the past, the constant infighting amongst
political parties had often led to interference and take-over by the armed
forces. Now a culture of reconciliation, accommodation and dialogue is
emerging. The ideological polarization is diminishing. After general
elections of February 2008, four major political parties, i.e., Pakistan
Peoples Party (PPP), PML – Nawaz (PML-N), Awami National Party
(ANP), Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam – Fazalur Rahman (JUI-F) and Muttahida
Qaumi Movement (MQM) have joined hands to govern the country and
re-establish the supremacy of the Parliament in accordance with the
Constitution of 1973.
Third, a vibrant and responsible media can also educate the masses
and keep them well informed. Currently, dozens of newspapers and
journals, and as many as fifty television channels are operating. They are
raising political consciousness and thus promoting democratic values,
norms and culture. With the help of the media, the unprecedented
country-wide lawyer’s movement throughout the country during 2007-

50
Javid Husain, “Public welfare and democracy”, Dawn (Islamabad), June 18,
2007.
51
Shamshad Ahmad Khan, “Primacy of Democracy in Pakistan”, Dawn
(Islamabad), August 5, 2006.
20 Dr Noor ul Haq

2008 has demonstrated the strength of political activism and the people’s
urge for the rule of law and independence of judiciary. The one hundred
thousand strong lawyers’ community has experienced its power as a
pressure group and may again rise in alliance with civil society if
independence of judiciary is threatened.
Fourth, the supremacy of parliament was fully demonstrated when
President Musharraf resigned on August 18, 2008 after being threatened
with impeachment by the Parliament. In the past, exploiting the
confrontation between main political parties (especially PPP and PML),
the civilian elected President Ishaq (1988-93) had dissolved the National
and Provincial Assemblies twice52. Similarly, President Leghari (1993-
1997) had dismissed the elected Assemblies53. However, in 1998, President
Musharraf, a military ruler, could not do the same because of the changed
political consciousness and environment.
Fifth, the Constitution of Pakistan of 1973 provides the politico-
legal framework for parliamentary democracy and federal form of
government, guaranteeing freedom of expression and religion and free
and fair elections, etc. It has withstood the military governments of
General Zia and General Musharraf. This constitution, it appears, has
sustained democracy, in spite of intervening periods of suspension, and
guarantees the continuation of democratic governance in the country.
Sixth, whereas general elections were not held for a quarter century
after the birth of Pakistan, these are now being held regularly.54
Seventh, the main factors which inhibited and retarded the growth
of democracy in the country are slowly dying. Now “the external as well
as internal forces that [had] hitherto sustained authoritarianism in
Pakistan have either retreated or become dormant.”55 It is hoped that the

52
He dismissed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990) and Prime Minister
Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif (1990-1993).
53
He dismissed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (1993-1996) in November 1996.
54
Whereas indirect elections were held in February 1960 and January 1965 by
General Ayub, and General Zia held non-party elections in February 1985,
direct elections to national and provincial assemblies based on adult franchise
were held in December 1970 under General Yahya, in March 1977 under
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in November 1988 and again in August 1990 and October
1993 under President Ishaq, in February 1997 under President Leghari, and in
October 2002 and February 2008 under General Musharraf.
55
Rashid Ahmad Khan, “President vs. Parliament”, The Nation (online), August
19, 2008,
http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/
Opinions/Columns/19-Aug-2008/President-vs-parliament.
Governance and Democracy in Pakistan 21

congenial atmosphere thus created would strengthen political parties and

political institutions, which, in turn, would further promote and
strengthen the cause of democratic governance and democratic values,
culture and norms.
To sum up, it is the political leadership which can ensure
permanence to democratic governance. The prospects are, however, not
as dismal as sometimes portrayed. Already, the literacy rate in Pakistan
has increased to more than fifty five per cent.56 Efforts are afoot to
improve the standard of higher education. The economic growth and
industrialization has given birth to a vocal urban society and middle class,
which is growing, and gradually lessening the influence of the feudal class.
The vibrant electronic and print media is playing an effective role in
constructive criticism of the government and in educating the masses.
Elections are being held regularly, representative political leadership and
political parties are getting stronger and a peaceful mode of transfer of
power is becoming the norm. The bureaucracy (both civil and military),
though still powerful, may retreat gradually and submit to the peoples’
power and will and concede to democratic governance. The democratic
process is progressing and, hopefully, will not be obstructed and derailed,
as in the past.„

56
Ministry of Education, Academy of Education Planning and Management,
2005 census revealed that the literacy rate by age group 10+ was 54.5 percent
during 2005-06. The literacy rate should have increased by 2009-10.