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Connell RW - A Very Straight Gay - Masculinity, Homosexual Experience, and The Dynamics of G PDF
Connell RW - A Very Straight Gay - Masculinity, Homosexual Experience, and The Dynamics of G PDF
Author(s): R. W. Connell
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 57, No. 6 (Dec., 1992), pp. 735-751
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096120
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A VERY STRAIGHT GAY: MASCULINITY,HOMOSEXUAL
EXPERIENCE, AND THE DYNAMICS OF GENDER*
R. W. CONNELL
University
of California,
SantaCruz
practicebecome clear. Further,exploringa dy- by mapping them on a synoptic grid that, for
namiclike the reconstructionof masculinitythat each topic, kept all cases in view while preserv-
operatesacrossdifferentsociallocationsrequires ing the gestaltof each life-course.
comparisonof a range of groups.Accordingly, Because this projectconcernedcontemporary
the studydesignhadthreelevels:the singlecase, transformations in masculinity,four social loca-
a groupof cases from a particularlocation,and tions were chosen in which the institutionaliza-
comparisonsbetween groups in differentloca- tion of masculinitywas likely to be underpres-
tions. This reportfocuses on a group of cases sure,andthuscrisistendenciesmightbe decoded:
from a particularlocation,but refersto the other urbangay communitynetworks;environmental
levels. or"green"activism(a locationwitha strongfemi-
This logic requiresfeaturesof design and in- nistinfluence);unemployedworking-classyouth;
terpretationthattakethe life historywell beyond andknowledge-basedoccupationsoutsidetheold
unstructured narrative.The sociallytheorizedlife professions. My approach is similar to what
history, to give the approacha name, requires GlaserandStrauss(1967)called"theoretical sam-
prior analysis of the social structureinvolved. pling." I judged that about 10 cases from each
Interviewsin this studywere basedon an analy- locationwould reveal the diversityof dynamics
sis of genderas a structureof social practiceand withoutbeingunmanageablein termsof funding
of its three main substructures:the division of andreporting.Thirty-sixcase studieswere com-
labor,the structureof power,andthe structureof pleted.
cathexis (Connell 1987), each realized at both This reportpresentsthe resultsfor one loca-
collective andpersonallevels. For the substance tion - a groupof eight men recruitedfrom an
of the autobiographicalnarrative,interviewers urbangay communityin Sydney,Australia.The
sought descriptionsof concrete practices(e.g., aim was to find respondentswho had a reason-
whata boy andhis fatheractuallydid in interac- ably well-defined,sharedlocation in genderre-
tion, not just how the relationshipwas experi- lations. This groupreflects the social character
enced). We used institutionaltransitions(e.g., of the Sydneygay communityas establishedin a
entryto school,entryto workforce)as the frame- subsequent quantitativestudy (Connell et al.
workfor memory,and askedfor descriptionsof 1989). The group also reflects the predominant
interactivepractice in institutions(particularly style of sexuality. It includes no drag queens,
families,schools,andworkplaces).We explored weathermen,or aficionados of sexual exotica.
the sequencingof relationshipsin orderto under- (Suchsexualstyles maybe prominenton the gay
stand the constructionof gender as a project culturalscene, butonly a smallproportionof the
throughtime.To gainclues to emotionaldynam- gay communityis committedto themin practice
ics, we also soughtaccountsof early memories, [ConnellandKippax1990].)Althoughrepresen-
family constellations,andrelationshipcrises. tativenessis not measurablewith a small group
The modeof analysisin life-historyresearchis of case studies,I am confidentthat these cases
as importantas theinterviewdesign.Inthisstudy, are not atypical. Interviews,lasting one to two
theindividualcaseswereintensivelyworkedover hours,wereconductedfrom 1985 through1986;
andwrittenup beforethe analysisof groupswas interviewswere taperecordedandtranscribed.
undertaken.A standardformatfor the case stud- Reportingon a studylike this is difficult.The
ies was developedwith threemain components, designemphasizesintensiveanalysis,ratherthan
eachexaminingthewholeinterviewmaterialfrom numbersof cases, while focusing on social pro-
a differentpointof view: (1) the life course(i.e., cess. Condensationis essential; but condensa-
the narrativesequencingof events); (2) a struc- tion can underminethe goal of the life-history
turalanalysis,usinga gridof the substructures of method - to show life courses. In addition,a
genderrelationsdefinedby thetheoreticalmodel; project on gender tensions relatedto sexuality
and (3) a dynamicanalysisthat tracedthe con- can hardly avoid sensitive materialthat places
struction(and deconstruction)of masculinityin ethicalconstraintson reporting.It is not easy to
the individuallife. achieve a faithful representationof such data.
After the case studies were completed, the My approachto writing this text is a compro-
group analysisbegan. The goal was to explore mise:Foreachresearchquestion,I selectenough
the similaritiesand differencesbetween the tra- detailfrom one or a few cases to documentthe
jectories of men in a given location and their mainprocessrevealedby the full dataset while
collectiveinvolvementin the historicaldynamic giving enough of other cases to indicatevaria-
of gender.Cases were systematicallycompared tionsoralternatives.Althoughall cases werecon-
740 REVIEW
AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
sideredin the analysisof eachtopic,not all cases JonathanHampdenis in his late twenties,un-
arequoted. married, and is a tradesman's assistant. The
Although the study is set in Australia, the middle child in an affluentprofessionalfamily,
analysiscenterson topics havingclose parallels he was sentto privateschoolswherehe didpoorly.
in North America and WesternEurope.These His anxiousrelationshipwith an overworkedfa-
regionsaresimilarin the overallpatternsof gen- thermeantthathis father'sdeathprecipitatedan
der relations(Bottomley, de Lepervancheand emotionalbreakdownas well as a family eco-
Martin 1991) and the recent history of homo- nomiccrisis.He madea slow recoverythrougha
sexual masculinities(Aldrichand Wotherspoon series of relationshipsand casualjobs. Recently
1992) because of shared cultural history and he has been deeply involved in growth-move-
contemporaryglobal economic and media inte- ment therapy.
gration. Damien Outhwaiteis in his early thirties,un-
married,andis anunemployedtaxidriver(works
THEPARTICIPANTS only occasionally).He was the middlechild in a
working-classfamily in a remotecountrytown.
Theparticipants wererecruitedby wordof mouth He moved to the regionalcity for highereduca-
throughinterpersonal networksin theSydneygay tionandto escapecountryconservatism.A flam-
community,inviting participationin a study of boyantstudent,he was pushedout of his profes-
"changesin the lives of men."Participantscame sional course on suspicion of being gay. He
from mixed class and regional backgrounds, moved to Sydney and discoveredthe gay com-
thoughtheirpresentlives converge. munity, but lost his white-collarjob for being
MarkRichardsis in his earlytwenties,unmar- gay. Livingon the dole andworkingperiodically
ried, and a nurse trainee.The oldest child of a as a driver,he has become involved in creative
business family, his childhood was dominated arts.
by conflictbetweenhis parents,theirseparation, AdamSingeris in his earlythirties,unmarried,
andhis mother'sillnessanddeath.He boreheavy and worksin the city office of a large organiza-
responsibilitiesearly. Sent to a boys' private tion as a professionalspecialist.His family was
school,he formedhis firstlong-termsexualrela- upwardlymobilefromthe workingclass;he was
tionship there and failed his exams. Rejecting pushed toward a profession and succeeded at
social conservatismanda career,he went to live university,but lacks enthusiasmfor the work.
in a radicalcommunalhousehold.Womenfriends However,the environmentis secure,and he has
suggestednursing,andhe startedworkin a hos- stayed with the same employer. His main en-
pice for the dying. thusiasmslie in an active andvariedsex life and
Dean Carringtonis in his mid-twenties,un- a stronginterestin the artworld.
married,and works as a heavy-vehicle driver. GordonAndersonis in his early forties, di-
Theyoungestchildof a close-knitfamilythatran vorced,a father,and is a companymanager.He
a small business,he had a religious upbringing was the oldest child in a ruralfamily that was
but lost faithaftera sibling died. His family mi- disruptedby his father'salcoholismandsupported
gratedseveraltimes. (He is the only one of the by his mother'smanualwork. From school he
eight men who was bornoutsideAustralia.)His went to white-collarwork in the city, married,
parentsencouragededucation,but he failed uni- and starteda family. He entered the "yuppie"
versityandthensupportedhimselfin a varietyof (his word) social world, but disliked its snob-
manualjobs. He eventually migratedalone to bery.He becameprominentworkingfor a volun-
join the gay communityin Sydney. taryorganizationthathad a high public profile.
Alan Andrewsis in his late twenties, unmar- His marriagegraduallybrokedown and separa-
ried, works as a technician.He was a younger tion followed; he keeps in touch with the chil-
child in a large family in a small countrytown. dren.He shiftedhis careerto businessmanage-
His father,a tradesmanin a familybusiness,and ment. He has establisheda long-termcouple re-
his mother,a housewife, were embeddedin an lationship,but remainscloseted.
extendedfamily.Successfulin school,he moved GerryLamontis in his late forties,married,a
away to attendcollege and began to breakwith father,and is a professionalin privatepractice.
countryconservatism.He workedin the city be- He was theoldestchildin a working-classfamily
cause no jobs were availablein the region. He markedby violent conflict.Rejectingthis back-
linked up with gay social networksand eventu- groundhe became upwardlymobile via school-
ally formeda long-termcouple relationship. ing andreligion.He entereda conventionalmar-
MASCULINITY 741
riage and built a successful, but increasingly sured to performsimilarly.Rebellious and re-
unsatisfying, bureaucraticprofessionalcareer. sentful in early adolescence, Jonathanbecame
Personal crises and encountergroups led to a involved - even something of a leader - in a
"periodof transition"in which he consciously school-resistingpeer network that engaged in
reconstructed his sexuality,personalrelations,and heavysmoking,groupsex play,playgroundfight-
workinglife. He formedgay relationshipsduring ing, antagonismtowardteachers,and poor aca-
and afterthis period. demic performance.In puberty,Jonathangrew
physically large and became a successful
CONSTRUCTINGMASCULINITY footballer.He recallsepisodesof violence on the
footballfield in whichhe bashedopposingplay-
Traditionaldiscoursesof homosexualityhavebeen ers, a practicethatis in tunewith rugby'shyper-
preoccupiedwiththe"causes"of homosexuality. masculineculture(Dunning1986).
The psychiatricdiscoursein particularhas con- Thus, JonathanHampdenwas engaged in the
nectedthe"etiology"of homosexualitywithsome publicconstructionof a hegemonicformof mas-
abnormalityin family relationsor genderdevel- culinity - entering a set of interpersonaland
opment,althoughdebatehas raged about what institutionalpractices that connected him to a
thatabnormalityis. Recentopinionhas been in- publicworldand gave him a masculineposition
fluencedby a SanFranciscostudythatfoundlittle andstancewithinit. Thesepracticesareresilient:
supportfortheseductive-mother/weak-father the- Jonathanremainssocially masculinized,despite
sis (Bell, Weinberg,and Hammersmith1981). tremendousturbulencein his personallife since
However, homosexual men in the study often leavingschool-his fatherdied,his familyfaced
reportedgendernonconformityin childhood. economic disaster,and he suffereda near-psy-
Neitherview of the origins of homosexuality choticepisode.He is, for instance,workingcom-
throwslighton the life historiesin this study.All fortablyin a male-dominatedmanual trade.A
the men grew up in familieswith a conventional similarsocial masculinizationis seen with other
divisionof laboranda conventionalpowerstruc- men in the group.Dean Carringtondrivesheavy
ture.Dean Carringtonjokingly refersto his fa- vehicles. Regardlessof his sexualpreferencefor
ther as a "Victorianmale." One-halfof the fa- men,Deandefinesmasculinityas sexualagency,
therswerephysicallyabusivetowardtheirwives. i.e., takingan active and directingpart.Gordon
The mothers worked as housewives and child Andersonrunshis office alongconventionalboss-
caregivers;a few had occasionalpaidjobs. The and-secretarylines and has the controlled,au-
family constellationsof these eight men clearly thoritativemannerthat goes with the well-cut
fell within the range of what was numerically graysuithe wore when interviewed.Gordonis a
"normal"or sociallyconventionalin Australiain skillful business tacticianand a knowledgeable
the 1950s and 1960s (GameandPringle 1979). commentatoron politics.He is as effectivea par-
There is little evidence of "gender non- ticipantin thepublicworldof hegemonicmascu-
conformity"either.The masculinizingpractices linity in business as JonathanHampdenwas in
in these families parallel those in the study's the adolescentpeer worldof hegemonicmascu-
heterosexuallife histories.WhatI havecalledthe linity as a rebel.
"momentof engagement" withhegemonicmascu- Yetpsychoanalysiscautionsus notto takesuch
linity(Connell1990)alsooccurredforthesemen. appearancesfor granted.The fundamentalpoint
Theirmothersputthemin pantsratherthanskirts, of Freud's"WolfMan"studyis thatadultmas-
theirfatherstaughtthemfootball,andtheylearned culinityis theproductof a long, complexprocess
sexualdifference.Afterleaving the family, they thatleaves a layeredand contradictorystructure
wereinductedintotheusualsex-typedpeergroups, of emotions. Institutionalcontradictionsalso
receivedthe usualsexist informalsex education, emerge.For example,competitivesportinstitu-
were subjectedto the gender dichotomiesthat tionalizesmasculinityin contemporaryAustralia
pervadeschool life (Thorneforthcoming). as it does in NorthAmerica.But if skill and suc-
JonathanHampden'sfather,for example,was cess aremasculine,mostparticipants aredistanced
the dominantpersonin his household,although fromhegemonicmasculinityas well as inducted
he increasinglywithdrewas his energiesfocused intoit, becausethehierarchyof competitivesport
on building up his professional business. has many moreplaces for the unsuccessfulthan
Jonathan's fatherhadbeenanacademicandsport- for champions(Messner1992).
ing success at the privateboys' school to which Moreover,theexistenceof a masculinizedpub-
he later sent Jonathan,and Jonathanwas pres- lic culture- in peergroups,schools,workplaces,
742 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
REVIEW
Alan Andrewshad a similarexperiencewatch- sex with men, to come out as gay, andto "rage"
inghis brotherbecomea drunkenboor.Compared aroundthe bars and nightclubs.Movementbe-
withtheseimagesof hegemonicmasculinity,gay tweenmilieuxis common,whetherfromcountry
masculinityis all sophisticationand modernity. conservatismto the city lights,or,withinthecity,
Negotiatingtherelationbetweenthetwo is mainly from the bourgeoisschool to the radicalhouse-
a question of establishing cultural, and often hold (MarkRichards),from the business work-
physical,distance. place to the gay social network(GordonAnder-
Personalrelationships, however,do notexhaust son), fromthe professionalcareerto the encoun-
the relationbetween masculinities.Hegemonic tergroupsof thetherapeutic"growthmovement"
masculinityis also an institutionaland cultural (GerryLamont).
presence- collectivepracticesare involved.A The process of coming out, establishingone-
clear example is the football cult in Jonathan self as homosexualin a homophobicworld, al-
Hampden's school, which was sustained by most necessarilygives this structureto the narra-
school policy and institutionalizedbodily con- tives. The life historyis experiencedas a journey
frontationandaggression.Masculinizedauthor- to one's currentplace. Contraryto Foucaultian
ity in the workplacewas a sourceof frictionfor argumentsthatsee homosexualidentityas regu-
Damien Outhwaite and Mark Richards, and lation,I emphasizetheagenticnatureof thisjour-
AdamSingerandGerryLamontdistancedthem- ney. Dean Carringtonpicturesit as both escape
selves frommale-dominatedprofessions. and self-exploration:
Theinstitutionaldimensionof hegemonicmas-
And this is one of the big thingsthatled to me com-
culinity gives it a social authoritythat shapes
ing [to Sydney], to be able to get away from my
perceptionsof gayness.GordonAnderson,com- parents,to think, and to find out who I really am,
mitted to his strategyof evasion, is critical of and what I really want, and why I was doing these
men who "flaunt"theirgayness. AlthoughGor- things over the years, why I was changing, what
don sees this as characteristicof Australiangays, was I hiding from.
a similarcriticismis made by "suburbanhomo-
sexuals"in theUnitedStates(Lynch1992).Adam Contraryto the traditionalpsychiatricview that
Singer, Damien Outhwaite(despite his outra- men's homosexualityresults from disordersof
geousness),andMarkRichardsrejecthypermas- relationshipswith parents,the majorityof these
culinity,but also dislike queens,i.e., effeminate cases show successfulego-developmentthatal-
gays. Markputsthe issue succinctly: lows separationfrom both mother and father.
Most of the men still maintainas good relations
If you'rea guywhydon'tyoujustactlikea guy?
You'renot a female,don'tact like one.That'sa with theirparentsas the parentsallow.
fairlystrongpoint.Andleatherandall thisother Personalchangemay furthertakethe shapeof
jazz,Ijustdon'tunderstand it I suppose.That'sall a deliberatereformof masculinity,of the kind
thereis to it. I ama verystraightgay. now undertakenin certain counterculturaland
radical groups (Connell 1990). Damien Outh-
HereMarkhas identifieda sexual/culturaldy- waite, in particular,is workingto overcomehis
namicof some importance.The choice of a man "competitiveness"and dominance,and enjoys
as sexualobjectis notjust the choice of a-body- breakingconventionsof masculinity.He hasbeen
with-penis;it is the choice of embodied-mascu- to a "men'smovement"event,andwantsto pur-
linity. The culturalmeaningsof masculinityare sue nonsexualphysicalcloseness betweenmen.
(generally)part of the package. In this sense, JonathanHampden, despite an uncontrollable
most gays are "verystraight."Being a "straight distaste for vegan coffee, has been living in a
gay"is notjust a matterof middle-classrespect- vegetarian household, has done "re-birthing"
ability- similarpositions are taken by work- therapy,andnow has the "dream"of settingup a
ing-class men outside the gay community centerfor workshopson sexuality.
(Connell,Davis, andDowsett forthcoming). Deliberatereform is only one possibility. A
sense thatgenderrelationsarechangingis wide-
FACINGCHANGE spreadamong the groupsof men in this study,
anda demandfor changein masculinitydoes not
Dean Carrington'sstoryof his boyhoodfriends requirethe supportof the counterculture.It is
who had "donethe rightthing"says something widely believed that sex differencesare lessen-
aboutsmall-townlife as well as masculinity.Dean ing and thatmen are coming emotionallycloser
movedto Sydneyandimmediatelybeganto have to women.Sucha changemaybe occurringwithin
MASCULINITY 747
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straightgay" neatly summarizesthe contradic- Wild and Woolley.
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versityof California,SantaCruz.He was Foundation Homosexuality/Heterosexuality: Conceptsof Sexual
Professor of Sociology at Macquarie University, Orientation,editedby D. P. McWhirter,S. A. Sand-
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