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The Indigenous Andean Concept of

Kawsay , the Politics of Knowledge and
Development, and the Borderlands of
Environmental Sustainability in Latin
America

Article in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America · May 2012

DOI: 10.1632/pmla.2012.127.3.600

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Karl S. Zimmerer
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theories and
methodologies
The Indigenous
Andean Concept of
Kawsay, the Politics
of Knowledge and
Development, and
the Borderlands
of Environmental
Sustainability in
Latin America
karl s. zimmerer
KARL S. ZIMMERER is professor in the De-
partment of Geography and in the Earth
and Environmental Systems Institute at
the Pennsylvania State University, Univer-
sity Park. His most recent books are The
New Geographies of Energy (Routledge,
2012) and Globalization and New Geog-
raphies of Conservation (U of Chicago P,
2006), and he has published more than
two dozen scholarly and popular articles
during the past few years, on topics rang-
ing from sustainability and conservation
to social justice, biodiversity, agriculture,
and food (www.geog.psu.edu/people/
zimmerer-karl). His current work on agri-
culture, land use, and food is coordinated
with policies and projects on climate
change, development, and human rights
being pursued by nongovernmental orga-
nizations, indigenous and peasant organi-
zations, and governmental and university
institutions in Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico.
600
[ PM L A
Kawsay in Colonial and Postcolonial Borderlands
The personage of Huatya Curi, the “Baked Potato Gleaner,” figured
prominently in an early colonial account of the landscape and re-
ligious mythology of the Andean people of Huarochirí, a province
in the mountainous interior of Lima in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The
Huarochirí manuscript, a sixteenth-century Quechua document, in-
troduces Huatya Curi with these words: “Chay pacha cay huatya curi
ñisca huacchalla micuspapas huatya cuspalla causaptinsi sutiachir-
can huatya curim ñispa . . .” ‘At that time Huatya Curi, a poor potato
eater, was accustomed to living from gleaning baked potatoes, and
for that reason people named him Huatya Curi . . .’ (Salomon and
Urioste 163; my trans.; see also Taylor 32–33). While poor, Huatya
Curi was powerful; in the same passage he goes on to vanquish a
mighty Andean lord, Tamta Ñamca. The demise of Tamta Ñamca
sets the stage for the ascendance of Paria Caca, Huatya Curi’s father,
who emerges as the chief Andean deity. Huatya Curi’s existence is
earthly yet linked to his supernatural lineage.1
Causaptinsi, translated above as “accustomed to living,” derives
from causay, a Quechua portmanteau word in early colonial Peru
whose spectrum of meanings extended well beyond the usage in the
Huarochirí manuscript. The Jesuit missionary Diego Gonzalez Hol-
guín (1552–1618) listed no fewer than twenty-three variations in the
specific meaning of causay in his 1608 dictionary of Southern Pe-
ruvian Quechua, making it one of the most versatile of indigenous
words (“Causay”). Based in the order’s Cuzco headquarters and trav-
eling in numerous Andean towns and villages, Gonzalez Holguín
joined in the extensive cultural encounters among ecclesiastics, local
officials of the Peruvian viceroyalty, indigenous people, and other el-
ements of colonial society. The meanings of causay ranged from ba-
sic connotations of existence and subsistence to appraisals of health
and well-being. Many causay-derived words were also detailed in
the pioneering Quechua lexicographic work of Domingo de Santo
Tomás (1499?–1568), another Jesuit working in the Andean cultural
borderlands. During recent decades causay and other indigenous
[ © 2012 by the moder n language association of america ]
1 2 7.3 ] Karl S. Zimmerer
terms signifying “to live well” (especially vi-
vir bien, allin kawsay, and sumak kawsay) and
“sweet or good living” (especially vida dulce
and suma qamaña [Medina]) have become
enshrined as a conceptual centerpiece of as-
cendant indigenous movements and endog-
enous development in the Andean countries
and have encouraged a pan–Latin American
perspective (Escobar; Salgado).
In the twentieth century kawsay sup-
ported a similar range of meanings conveyed
across the indigenous Andean cultural bor-
derlands to national societies and interna-
tional milieus. In 1931 Toribio Mejía Xesspe
(1896–1983) published an article entitled
“Kausay: Alimentación de los Indios” ‘Kaw-
say: Staple Foodstuffs of the Indians’ in the
inaugural issue of Wira kocha, a Peruvian
anthropological journal. Mejía Xesspe was a
provincial autodidact whose family’s cultural
background was partly indigenous. Fully bi-
lingual, as was common among a number of
provincial Peruvian intellectuals, he altered
his maternal family name to Xesspe from
Quispe, its earlier spelling, to make it accord
with Quechua orthography (Ravines). Mejía
Xesspe went on to become an important Peru-
vian scholar, assisting and collaborating with
Julio C. Tello, a pioneering and internationally
renowned Peruvian archaeologist (Salomon
and Urioste 29). Mejía Xesspe’s article on kaw-
say is a unique compendium of indigenous
Andean foodstuffs and their culinary uses,
especially those of the Quechua-speaking peo-
ple of Peru. He based his concept of kawsay on
ethnographic and landscape interpretations of
quotidian Quechua language and livelihoods.
The article was praised in Peru as a pioneer-
ing work about the rescue and revival of tra-
ditional technology, the particular promise of
Andean foods, and the potential of Peru’s food
growers to solve world hunger. Mejía Xesspe’s
work on kawsay also reflected a deep scholarly
engagement with Quechua culture, including
his comprehensive Spanish translation of the
entire text of the Huarochirí manuscript.

theories and methodologies
By the mid-1990s, kawsay had become
increasingly common in Andean studies and
movements concerned with agroecology, food
security, social justice, and, more generally,
sustainability. In these contexts kawsay re-
ferred to a fit livelihood or resource ethic in
the diverse livelihoods of contemporary Que-
chua people amid rapid change in the Andean
countries. Ethical or normative meaning was
rooted in a belief that social need and jus-
tice demanded production, acquisition, and
consumption capacities sufficient to sustain
a wide spectrum of foodstuffs and agroeco-
systems. In these uses kawsay was a counter
to national and international environment-
and-development policies and changes that
often undermined such capacities. Kawsay
invoked not only adequacy of cultural skills,
technology, and resources—such as land,
water, and other resource endowments sup-
porting food supply and consumption—but
also the social relations in and among fami-
lies and communities needed for the inter-
twined fabric of learning, knowledge, work,
and enjoyment in healthy living. In much of
the Andes, sustainability-enhancing agrobio-
diversity took shape in the scores of farmer-
tended varieties of Andean food plants, such
as potatoes, maize, quinoa, and ulluco, so
that “kawsay cuisine was based on customary
diversity of crops and especially landraces”
(Zimmerer, Changing Fortunes 60). In the
sense of the word as used in agroecology and
food studies, local sustainability projects, and
subsequent usage among burgeoning Andean
indigenous movements, kawsay invoked the
indigenous peoples’ culturally inscribed rights
to customary eating and cuisine—rights that
were related, in turn, to these peoples’ use of
and access to the diversity of foods and food-
producing landscapes. The history of this rela-
tional meaning of kawsay traced also to early
colonial times and to commoner expectations
of customary foodstuffs and agrobiodiversity
under the imperial dictates of Incan rulers
(Zimmerer, “Agricultural Biodiversity”).
  The Indigenous Andean Concept of Kawsay
theories and methodologies
Kawsay has remained common in every-
day Quechua conversation, quotidian usage
occurring extensively alongside the newer
public expressions. The concerns of the lat-
ter expressions have ranged from indigenous
rights to sustainability and well-being to is-
sues of plurinational citizenship and social-
ecological utopia, and the commonplace uses
also demonstrate a defining range of linguis-
tic versatility. Four principal meanings tend to
anchor the everyday use: “to live, to exist”; “to
start, to be pending”; “life, lifestyle”; and “sta-
ple foodstuffs, agricultural products.” Taken
together, these meanings refer to human lives
and livelihood experiences with implications
regarding what should be possible. “Lifestyle,”
or modo de vivir, for example, is evidenced
in expressions such as Kawsaywanqa ima-
pis tariy atiyllan ‘In life one always gets what
is striven for’ (Cusihuamán G.; my trans.).
Uses of kawsay like these are characteristic
of Southern Peruvian Quechua, a dialect also
referred to as Cuzco-Callao Quechua (many
speakers of which live in central Bolivia), and
they resemble expressions integral to other
Andean languages, as well as Quechua dia-
lects, from southern Colombia to northern
Argentina. Indeed, as many as fifteen million
speakers of diverse Quechua dialects and Ay-
mara use these everyday expressions (Walsh).
By the early 2000s kawsay and related
terms began to be deployed to signal in-
digenous concepts of development and na-
tionhood. By mid-decade kawsay became a
favored referent of mass indigenous move-
ments in the Andean countries—princi-
pally Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru (Escobar;
Salgado). Indigenous groups and their sup-
porters have framed visions of alternative or
endogenous development and Andean nation-
hood by focusing on the concept of kawsay,
frequently referred to in Spanish as vivir bien
and buen vivir in mainstream national dis-
courses (Delgado, Rist, and Escobar). Kawsay
is translated into English as “living well” or
“well-living,” contrasting the Western mate-
[ PM L A
rialism connoted by “the good life.” Kawsay
has been used to denote an indigenous alter-
native to neoliberal governments and global-
ization and to modern Western technology,
economics, and politics. It was employed to
voice the unpopularity of previously predom-
inant neoliberal approaches. Allin ‘well’ or
‘good’ is commonly affixed as a prefix, form-
ing allin kawsay ‘to live well.’ For example, the
Proyecto Andino de Technologías Campesi-
nas ‘Andean Project of Peasant Technologies,’
or PRATEC, a proindigenous nongovernmen-
tal organization in Peru that draws on inter-
national funding, has effectively publicized
allin kawsay as an indigenous principle con-
noting “to always share” and “to have respect
for our natural collectivity” (Proyecto Andino
104, 106; my trans.). Having gained renown
through its internationally supported proj-
ects on Andean agrobiodiversity, conserva-
tion, and sustainability, PRATEC is adopting
allin kawsay as a three-pronged concept of the
earth, relations among people, and culture (5).
Kawsay: Indigenous Movements and New
Constitutions
During recent years the rights to kawsay
have been enshrined in the constitutions of
Ecuador and Bolivia. Article 275 of the new
Ecuadorian constitution, approved in 2008,
guarantees citizens the right to sumak kaw-
say, the Ecuadorian Quichua equivalent of
allin kawsay (a term characteristic of Cuzco-
Callao Quechua). Similarly, the new Bolivian
constitution, written by the recently installed
government of Evo Morales and approved in
a national referendum in 2009, establishes
vivir bien as a goal integral to the country’s
plurinational model of nineteen indigenous
ethnic groups and their territories. Consti-
tutional meanings of sumak kawsay and vi-
vir bien embody the values of social justice,
inclusion, and equality. In addition, sumak
kawsay and other provisions of the Ecuador-
ian constitution recognize nature as inde-
1 2 7.3 ] Karl S. Zimmerer
pendent and thus suggest that it has rights
(Gudynas). The kawsay-related concepts in
these constitutions represent forms and ob-
jectives of governance under the new state
architectures of these two Andean countries
(De Marzo 159)—yet they are at odds with
a variety of existing government policies. In
fact, the present-day governments continue
to pursue a wide range of contradictory po-
litical, economic, and environmental policies
involving a “[modern] vision of development
still based on extractive industries, energy
and water intensive usage and [socially and
environmentally unjust] rural development”
(Salgado 8; see also Escobar; Radcliffe).
Interpreting Kawsay
Popular use has unleashed new interpre-
tations of kawsay—and a suite of similar
terms—as potent portmanteau concepts of
indigenous customs and rights in the An-
dean countries. In recent works kawsay has
been carefully defined as social justice, with
emphasis on normative attributes of inclusion
and equality (Gudynas 34), and as a quality
of social movements representing collective
well-being (Escobar 21). Still, debate and con-
tention infuse the ongoing interpretation. On
the one hand, kawsay is cast hopefully and
with widespread public support as signaling
a decolonial turn and a new paraeconomic
model of national development and coopera-
tion in the Andean countries. On the other
hand, the concept coexists uneasily in the
continued amalgam of so- called neoliberal
multiculturalism and environmentality (Rad-
cliffe; Zimmerer, “‘Conservation Booms’”).
Amid debate, the concerns of the environ-
ment and sustainability have become even
more central to the growing popular usage
and interpretations of kawsay. The term has
recently been defined as connoting political
ecology and global ecology (Salgado) and en-
vironmental protection combined with social
solidarity (Avendaño). Such highlighting of

environmental and sustainability meanings
theories and methodologies
seeks to confirm kawsay’s similarity to glob-
ally prevalent ideas. For example, in a new
monograph on vivir bien Giuseppe De Marzo
likens kawsay to the ideas of the well-known
1987 report on global sustainability (Our
Common Future) by the World Commission
on Environment and Development, known as
the Brundtland Commission.2
Kawsay and Sustainability
Amid the upsurge of intense and varied in-
terest, kawsay is an apt subject also for new
scholarship on environmental sustainability
envisioned as a broad suite of healthy and
durable social-ecological trends. The idea of
relational ontology in Quechua meanings of
kawsay integrates and fuses the natural realm
(pacha) and the human-social world, in con-
trast to the separateness of nature and culture
in classical traditions of modern Western
thought, including many strands of environ-
mental studies and resource management. By
contrast, central to the Andean worldview,
or so-called cosmovision, is the Pachamama
(Madre Tierra, or Mother Earth), believed to
be the essence and giver of all life, both natu-
ral and human-social. However, the precepts
of kawsay and the Pachamama typically differ
from the predominant ideas of sustainability
as principally a global institutional challenge.
Unsurprisingly, kawsay concepts refer only
rarely to the definitions of global sustain-
ability commonly advanced in international
reports (e.g., the documents issuing from the
influential 1992 United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development in Río de
Janeiro, such as the sustainability action plan
prescribed in Agenda 21). Instead, kawsay is
a methodology or process in which human
lifestyles must continually be “harmonized
to the pacha” through quotidian customs of
reciprocity with nature, understood broadly
to encompass elements from food plants to
local climate (Proyecto Andino).
  T he Indigenous Andean Concept of Kawsay
Kawsay and the Pachamama conjure an
theories and methodologies
ideal of nature as humanized landscapes of
indigenous food-producing environments
and technologies, unlike the predominant
Western ideal of nature as pristine wilder-
ness (Denevan). These Andean beliefs suggest
an incipient divergence from the biocentric
formulation of sumak kawsay recently incor-
porated into the Ecuadorian constitution (Gu-
dynas; Salgado). Notwithstanding this recent
shift, the historical continuity is noteworthy.
Cross-historical comparison shows that the
ethical demand to preserve a suitable quality
of life and livelihood is a persistent foundation
of kawsay notions (e.g., health and well-being,
along with what’s needed to support them).
Continued framing of kawsay is seen by in-
digenous culture as a complex of well-being
related to food, technology, and socionatu-
ral resources; one recent encapsulation poses
kawsay as the capacity for adequate resource
allocation. Reflecting on these beliefs high-
lights the continuities, as well as the changes,
in the meanings of kawsay and related terms.
In general, historical analysis is crucial to un-
derstanding the meanings of kawsay related to
sustainability. Indeed, the historical approach
of this essay strives to illustrate the sort of new
scholarship necessary to deciphering the un-
certain political significance of kawsay, given
the expansion of interest and usage among
diverse citizens, social movements, and, most
recently, national constitutions.
The long arc of the uses of kawsay and
related terms is characteristic of cultural
borderlands involving, but not exclusive to,
indigenous peoples. In the Andes these bor-
derlands are both geographic locales and
figurative spaces of cultural encounter, rural
and urban, where Andean indigenous groups
have interacted with their nonindigenous
counterparts across a wide range of contexts
in complex imperial, colonial, and modern
societies. Kawsay was an important portman-
teau concept in the early colonial encounters
of Quechua speakers with viceregal authori-
[ PM L A
ties and interlocutors (e.g., Jesuit missionaries
in the Viceroyalty of Peru), while later, in the
first half of the twentieth century, it conveyed
meanings rooted partly in Peruvian indigeni-
sta anthropology, and late in the century it re-
flected interest in food and agroecology issues
and the rise of national indigenous political
movements. Even PRATEC—the Peruvian
group that has effectively promoted kawsay
and related concepts on indigenous agendas
during recent decades—must be seen as situ-
ated in a similar cultural borderland. This
Lima-based nongovernmental organization,
headed by adept agronomists and intellec-
tuals, including many from nonindigenous
backgrounds, has excelled in offering insti-
tutional translations and expertise in the
borderlands of indigenous agriculture and
culture in broader Peruvian society and in a
notably international milieu (Apffel-Marglin
and PRATEC).3
Kawsay and related concepts share uto-
pian qualities, which have begun to be trans-
lated into the so-called anticipatory-learning
and adaptive-capacity approaches to sustain-
ability. Utopian qualities have distinguished
the lengthy history of kawsay concepts, es-
pecially in Andean borderland spaces of cul-
tural, political, and economic struggle and
contestation. Hence, colonial connotations of
kawsay, considered in the essay’s opening, fre-
quently encompassed the facts of a life as it is
lived and a belief about how the life should be
lived. The kawsay-based ideal of access to suit-
able quantities of wholesome food for the sake
of a healthy life or fit livelihood differs from
the notion of a subsistence diet. Recently,
indigenous movements have appended to
kawsay the qualifiers “good” and “beautiful”
(allin and sumaq), emphasizing the prescrip-
tive sense of justice in kawsay.4 One example
of this combined sense of aesthetics and jus-
tice as applied to sustainability is illustrated
in current attempts to foster anticipatory-
learning and response- capacity- enhancing
approaches in Andean communities re-
1 2 7.3 ] Karl S. Zimmerer
sponding to climate change, which tends
to be pronounced in the Andes and other
tropical mountain environments. Sustain-
ability approaches to climate change in these
landscapes have focused on enabling local
initiatives, wherever possible, using cultur-
ally appropriate knowledge, technology, and
vision building. Utopian and idealistic mean-
ings of kawsay and related terms are enabling
Andean communities to reconfigure the use
and accessibility of resources like farmlands,
forests, grasslands, seeds, water, and livestock
in response to climate change (Ishizawa Oba,
Rengifo, and Arrillas Traverso; Salgado).5
Conclusion: Kawsay and the
Sustainability Borderlands
Kawsay is a versatile, portmanteau con-
cept common in the linguistic borderlands
formed through the contacts of indigenous
Andean peoples and cultures with nonin-
digenous groups and interests. Kawsay and
similar expressions have likely been deployed
for many hundreds of years among the in-
digenous inhabitants of the Central Andes
between Colombia and Argentina. Cultural
norms, social relations, and the agroecologi-
cal quality of produced and consumed goods
(e.g., foodstuffs) have been invoked in a litany
of changing linguistic uses. Most recently,
mass indigenous movements have used allin
kawsay, sumak kawsay, and suma qamaña to
connote social and environmental goals in lo-
cal communities and at the national political
level in each of the Andean countries (pri-
marily Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia). Together
with social justice and political reform, envi-
ronmental sustainability is a principal goal
of these indigenous movements. Meanings of
kawsay related to sustainability range from
the fused human-social and natural world of
relational ontology to utopian qualities suited
to adaptive learning and capacity building
in the face of environmental, climatic, and
development changes. The incorporation

of kawsay into the political constitutions of
theories and methodologies
Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009) signals a
momentous shift in its usage. Constitutional
meaning suggests the move toward a biocen-
tric interpretation, at least in Ecuador. While
seeming connected to environmental values,
this shift of meaning could compromise the
core understanding of humanized land-
scapes that has been integral to the meaning
of kawsay concepts. These concepts need to
be deciphered, in particular with regard to
sustainability. Doing so will require probing
the multiscale power-knowledge matrices of
the linguistic terrain of kawsay in the cultural
and environmental borderlands—spatially
extensive and historically and morally condi-
tioned—of Andean peoples and their liveli-
hoods, aspirations, and political movements.
NOTES
1. Huatya Curi’s contrasting origins were akin to those
of the Huarochirí manuscript itself, whose authorship, in
1597 or shortly thereafter, is unknown though it was ap-
parently sponsored by Francisco de Ávila (1573–1647), a
well-known clerical persecutor or “extirpator of idolatries”
of the Peruvian viceroyalty. Constructed as an investiga-
tive text rather than an anti-Andean polemic, the manu-
script reflects the early colonial encounters and emerging
hybridity of indigenous belief systems, as well as the cor-
responding social and cultural complexity of places and
peoples in colonial Peru (Salomon and Urioste; Taylor).
2. In this example, kawsay is claimed to contain mean-
ings built on the idea of cross-generational environmental
equity (De Marzo 157) articulated in the principal clause
of the Brundtland Commission report’s definition of sus-
tainability: “Sustainable development is development that
meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs . . .”
(World Commission on Environment and Dev. 43).
3. In addition to its effectiveness regarding issues of
endogenous development, indigenous empowerment,
agrobiodiversity, and sustainability, PRATEC has thrived
as a translator of the Andean world’s essential qualities,
or lo andino, especially in Peru (Apffel- Marglin and
PRATEC). While scholarship centered on lo andino was
subject to trenchant critique among social scientists and
humanities specialists, PRATEC effectively reinvented
this idea within an indigenous activist agenda.
  The Indigenous Andean Concept of Kawsay
theories and methodologies
4. For example, allin kawsay (vivir bien) is the
chief goal in the 2008–13 strategic plan of Bolivia’s
Con sejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qullasuyu
(CONAMAQ), which consists of sixteen indigenous na-
tionalities and hundreds of communities.
5. The role of kawsay as an ideal in national politics, es-
pecially through state-level policies and legal systems, in-
vites comparison with uses of indigenous concepts outside
the Andean countries. For example, ujamaa, a Swahili
word for extended family, was a conceptual foundation of
so-called African socialism under the government of Ju-
lius Nyerere in Tanzania between 1967 and 1985.
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