THEREISNO . _ BUILDING WITHOUT _ REGULATIONS AND GOOD ARCHITE DOESN’T ALWAYS HOLL OU val Me NAiPublish _. .agounstituite‘EL HONTH, sowioneeing (Re) Writing the City: An Assessmen of Brasilia’s Legacy Lucio Costa won the competition for the new Brazilian capital of Brasilia in 1957 by submitting the Memoria Descritiva do Plano Piloto, a written document outlining a new urban paradigm. Martino Tattara reassesses the planning of the original city in relation to the contemporary peripheral urban expansion to reveal Brasilia as an unfinished modern project.After being ignored for many decades, in recent yeats there has been ‘anew stirring of interest in Brasilia and its planning history. While the reasons behind this rediscovery may lie ina renewed responsiveness ‘among planners to distant and peripheral experiences, there is also widespread feeling thatit is time to do justice to the city after neatly fifty ‘years of fierce criticism toward the project of the Brazilian capital, especially in light of the recent foundation of new cities in Asia. The idea that the plan of the Brazilian capital has much to teach us about the contemporary city is pervasive in the recent literature on Brasilia. Often, however, this intention is unmatched by any concrete reasons why we should take such an interest. In fact, in some cases, the errors of the past, ‘committed by historiography, are actually perpetuated, masked by a certain optimism about good intentions. There is even a tendency to return ‘unexpectedly to the clichés that have obscured full recognition of the project ever since the city’s inauguration on April 21, 1960. In this essay Iwill try to define this interest that,in my opinion, lies in the relationship between the projectof the planopiloto the original, planned Acity) and the contemporary territorial city spfead in the federal district. By looking.t the path of developmentof the city in the past Fifty years, itis clear that it has followed a different path from the typical sprawling South American metropolis, as if the original city has been able to set different parameters for the future development of the city. In this sense, ooking again at contemporary Brasilia and at the plano pilovo, and assessing, the relationship between the two would help in defining new operative tools to work on the contemporary condition in general. Critical reception Photography has always played a fundamental role in spreading know- ledge of the plan for the capital. The black-and-white photos that began circulating in the sixties, recounting the epic ofa city built in just three years, represented to the eyes of Western observers a barren and arid city, lacking life and starting as a tabula rasa.? Those images failed to give any idea of the exuberance of the natural vegetation all around the city today and the extraordinary rapport that each building creates with the open space around A recent “photographic journey” published in Casabella presented fifty images, mostly of the buildings that house the public institutions of Brasilia and nearly all of them designed by Oscar Niemeyer. The same pictures have lately been published in L’Architectured'aujourd hui in an issue ‘commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of the Brazilian architect’s Dirth.4 These photographs not only showcased the figure of Oscar Niemeyer (again overshadowing the person truly responsible for the plan of Brasilia, the planner Lucio Costa), but they interfered with any attempt toreally understand the city ina way that moves beyond the emblematic works of the Brazilian architect. Once again the photos insisted on the irreducible distance between what was perceived as architectural artifice and the real dimension of urban life. Not by chance, in a 1985 text Lucio Costa felt it was necessary to offer some recommendations about how to take pictures of the city, stressing the relevance of representing the life and the movement that inhabit the buildings of the city.’ Itis significant that the aim of many recent scholars of Brasilia has been to reveal the gap separating the adverse judgments of critics from eer, among oer othe books by Eduard Rodguez ‘vscetsa spd cae Vera Pipher cl Bat inten cloal len 2008} Gea (tar ft}. Pkaed, 20065 Fes Eade Le ‘Gann speuate New Yor tara Desa ‘Sciol reste soos} these Sul Bl “haus Levkatonal Fl Pov 2007 Rha |.Wilams-sModernsrcriespacemd theese o asl Soar of ren sary, ns (2ostana ote cent ‘hibition wiih of he Plan Chandlgarh and asia ete Academia dared Mendis cvatel tyre cst, stains Von Moos ad op ‘eal che symposium ras Chandiath= {eiivesTe- ane VilessymbolesdaXXesiee Le Hae For god examples the nage by Calin Bdhanan Published nthe Rea jeu! wth the eloguent te tne Moet ace i Jnr 967) 59-60. amb 78(ao07 +54 Themagesareby he phot ‘uer Lenard Fett Sec Ande Conrad ago, "Niemeyer Bala, anes hal 37207 76-6. aco Cat, "Come fotografi, Pla eS Ps, a = Colin Buchanan, The Moon's Backside RIBA Jouraal'74, no. 4 Apel 196, A spread iustrating hesdareside*of Brasilia famous monuments and landseape ziONNA iEHONTH, a & Aste cnt ye onl Ba te (Ghepinp pas oe sci towra ashe MIC Human Development Inde) a the highest, {dustonl levels alten Baa. bet wwv.coreawebsom,dnbotesBeaigsanoy (london Spoon Press 2005. Tang caret cen bp lo—plan hm James olson cls tha Costs entry was base bnashechof telex an pata nthe ‘educa contain ee hand ktces $s rit statment rent hearer ‘entation featured natalie ptm sn ‘omades land uses population char ashes, foveimer sonamis development or asta {seats proeons of conoid population rowohandatdtald plan of ena and sdmnsteatve Aeyelopment. James Holston, Taewaemar igen An ‘alg Cae basta Chea: The Ualverty erchiago essa ores. Wiliam Holford wrterhat afer aft rding of he ompattioneport “oe tiled butte washer, Fealzedthatterewasnorsingieunnesssay word [nd ana are reading tis member te ur alo ‘Antunes beta the member eesenng Re ran Order of veel atesgbecme more and more Taiteeostoplion cis ond sth of rowel ‘ihn uniy of tite conception, ada been ‘eragise snd nist lc Cora eores sop at can hardly besurnmariaed."Wiam Holford, has New Capa fe Baa ANN ee 2, nagadosr 08 James Holston, Te Modi i 60. architecture onjonrthu 33, 2007. Tee spreads {rom a recent survey celebrating Brasilia in commemoration of theone-hundredth anniversary of Osear Niemeyer beth people’s firsthand experience of life in the city. This is confirmed by recent statistical surveys which, even allowing for a degree of inaccuracy reveal that all the inhabitants, not just those living in the plano piloto, -° rate the city very highly.© Residents and those who have had an opportu. nity to visitit find Brasilia acity in which the experience of open space in relation to the built-up areas is very different from the kind of relation. ship found in the modern city. Infact it is much closer to the status of the ancient city, where the built-up areas, the forms of private space, are controlled by the forms of public space. As Thomas Sieverts reminds us, the distinctive feature of the “contemporary urban condition” is the relationship between open and built spaces.” The texture and density of the elements and the degree of interpenetration between built and open spaces are the factors that determine the specific character of a city, In this respect, rather than being interpreted as the full expression of the Modern Movement’ principles of urban planning, Brasilia’s project became a new urban paradigm, in which the relationship between city and territory, between the urban dimension and the landscape, and between builtand open space was reformulated inn attemptto redefine the very significance of the city as a political institution, ‘To understand Brasilia as a lesson for the contemporary urban project, “ it is advisable to take step back from the analysis of the architectural definition of certain buildings and instead examine the instrumentality of the urban plan. To this end, it is wise to look first at the winning project submitted to the national competition in 1957 for the plano pitoto and then at the reality of the contemporary city. Meméria Descritiva do Plano Piloto’ tis useful to begin the analysis of the plano pilovo by looking at the text written for the 1957 competition. As the deadline approached, Costa submitted, as required by the competition brief, a drawing of the plan and a project report. His report consisted of twenty-four typed sheets and was illustrated by fifteen ink drawings on five sheets of paper. Act first sight, this seems a fairly limited quantity of material, especially if compared with the amounts submitted by the other groups taking part in the competition.® If the drawing of the plan seemed inadequate to enable the jury to appraise all the relevant aspects of the functioning of the new capital, the written report, as we learn from one of the jurors, William Holford, was considered more than exhaustive.!° The plata piloto wasa project conveyed by the written word. The report, “one of this, century’s most influential documents of city planning,” "is often compared to another document, the Athens Charter, 2 from which itis said to derive. 19 But the hypothesis that underlies the present rereading of the Meméria Descrtiva do Plano Piloo is its presentation as the constituent text ofa new urban paradigm, in contrast with the normative spirit that pervades the Athens Charter. William Holford, one of the foreign members of the jury of the national competition for the new Brazilian capital, justifies his interest in the text of the plano piloto precisely because itisnotjusta plan fora city, but “rather foundational charter, an account of primordial origins with the status of law which establishes precedents for all subsequent development in Brasilia.” “ Continuing in this con- ceptual superimposition between legal entity and disciplinary paradigm, we can note that every constitution can be reduced “to three principal phases, depending on whether it designates the institutive phase, the structure or the fundamental law of a legal entity. The three aspectsconstitution are only phases in the development of asingle concept, Ue the institution or foundation of the social group entails its ne ticution or structure and vice versa, and both entail and are entailed Meir existence, continuity and development."*5 The constitutional {rrer is a“fundamental body of rules” dealing with standards, organi tion, jurisdiction, administration, and all the other public Functions. hort itis “principle of regulation.” Every constitution isa fundamental nay of regulations, generally understood as the principle or source ihe social order. In the preamble to the Meméria, Brasilia is presented jot as “result of regional planning but the cause of it.” #6 Itis the ganizing principle of that sociopolitical entity called the “city” which Costa distinguishes from “any single modern” city as civitas (the status ithe citizen or of citizenship) and not justas urbs (city). The Athens Charter 50 makes regional planning its first point, but unlike the Meméria {tsees “the city as merely a part of an economic, social and political unity which constitutes the region.” 17 jewedl in linguistic terms, the wording of every constitutional charter -xpressly chosen to be as clear as possible, ensuring the text can be read ily. This clarity is achieved by various means, including “the frequency and familiarity of the words used, the degree to which they are related toa vocabulary of high frequency and familiarity in a language, while any ‘complexity in the syntactical structures should be of a proper and tradi- tional kind.” 18 By contrast, every normative text is characterized by atypically low degree of accessibility. Renunciation of the technicalities of legal and administrative terminology does not, however, dimit the force of constitutional rules. On the contrary, their transparency and accessibility are such as that they are reflected positively onto other laws and rules. The legal value of such a text lies in this effectiveness secured by its clarity. In the light of these considerations the Meméria Descritiva do Plano Piloto is a remarkable linguistic and literary case. In structuring his text, Costa reveals a rare narrative ability. Ic is singular in its use of. rhetorical artifices to secure the attention of the jury, the invention of a ew vocabulary, and its ability to describe with logical clarity the elements and the principles of the city, taking the reader on a journey through the different parts of the city and dwelling on one specific aspect or detail. Despite its simplicity and accessibility, the text does not lose precision and, consequently, retains its character as a body of constitutional rules. tis hardly surprising that, in 1987, when legislation was drafted to preserve Brasilia as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, on Costa’s advice, the drafters opted not for the preservation of the buildings but of the volumes and the arrangement of the individual buildings (with some ‘exceptions being made for the buildings on the monumental axis). Each building can be demolished and rebuilt, but its volume cannot bealtered. This rule sanctions the constitutional “constructive” value of the principles contained in the Meméria, as a body of law that generates a possible ordering of the city. In the first point of the Meméria Costa explains that the birth of the planimetric idea of the city “was born of the primary gesture of one who marks ot takes possession of a place: two axes crossing at right-angles the very sign of the Cross.”21 Subsequently the cross was adapted “to the local topography, the natural drainage of the area, to the best possible orientation.” 22 In this way, the intrinsically abstract gesture of the cross te Corbusier, The ns coer (New York: Grossman Poblishers. 973 the it of he opinions of among othe, Per itera toro Oxford Ne Yor Bae Yale Units) es 973 Capt en ‘is Robewo Sere and Rael Lope ange. cera eit ela atin Man Ea 1983). James Holston, The Modest, 60, Seetneentry “Cotsen Ecol ri, tot fone tte dla Fatdopea alana Gioann ‘recast ‘set ut by Lalo Costin she prembleto the Nene Penne lane ae, Asano anil oF tear hare allow, “ling ae casttionein ‘Stefano Root, dy Al rg la Cstaoe (Blogs Tatoo 35 ‘rconsiuen characte ofthe Meni ae oppositon {Dretrlooony ofthe Cartes ppetsin Costs ‘Siminsogilinvenonst enti ea eres ‘tthe an words whch oer he yer have become nares ‘ommend by te population fhe cyan atthe ‘im tme, rec dietary dfn Examples are thelavenrin fe term seen windiest the eipitourod unt and tec quad and ern {oindane cern of spar the term pl pled {odny te indiate Contr and eileen tom {heresiona dimension of thcontempray cy the tem Porn dears he sets ad te moa Intron tersoaumental x ‘ca (Ss Pata Empresa das Artes 199), 350-33 _earciteeuredenour hu 373, 2007. Three spreads froma recent survey celebrating Brasilia Commemoration of teone hundredth anniversary ‘of Oscar Nemeyer's birth on fowsanesing zIONAE ouwa Asstt in one Modi Der del ia ‘wlan Holo “robles and Respective fsa” Maas ineoe 3 rhe exemplary gai othe plana plot sas urged Upraure Cavaco Madre aoe (io deancr:Joge tae eden, 207 308 rol Vino Mandan is st mond repens emesis, 994 105-07 3 i Casabetta 738, 2007- Two spreads showing photographs taken by Leonardo Finott! was adjusted to suit the actual contingencies of the territory, curving “the two extremities of one of the axes so as to ensure that the symbol of the cross fits into the equilateral triangle, which limits the area available for the construction of the city.”2° ‘The process of adaptation, change, and distortion of the abstract scheme of the cross is highly interesting in the construction of the concept underlying the plano plato. This process was not the resultof the applica of the rules contained in the Athens Charter. Instead it drew on that slow process by which the ideas coming from Europe in the fields of art and architecture in the early twentieth century underwenta gradual but fertile re-claboration in the terms of a constant search for Brasilidade (“Brazilianness,” meaning the effort to heighten all the factors that differentiate Brazilian culture from European) In Brasilia itattained its fullest expression. If, as Costa wrote, Brasilia is the result of just afew operations-the intersection of twoaxes, two terraces, one platform2+ itis aboveall an attempt to provide relevant answers to a series of questions such as how to fepresent the national identity, how to build. acity for 00,000 in the middle of the countryside in.an unknown - territory, how to incorporate a plural idea of representation, and, lastly, the appropriate status of a capital. ‘The simplicity of Costa’s plan embodies the significance and the lesson of his urban project: the symbolic meaning of a place and its landscape, the legibility of its urban form, the definition of the urban nucleus (at the intersection of two street axes), the need to reformulate the idea of monumentality, and the representation, in the mark of the cross, of the beginning of the conquest of a territory. From plan to reality ‘Already in 1960, Holford recognized that the relevance of Brasilia does not lie in the “furniture of the Alvorada Palace” but in its capacity as, a “regulator of growth” as “nowhere else in the world isa metropolitan region, springing from a new capital city as its centre, being built to such a comprehensive and unified idea.” 25 ‘The contemporary city (meaning the complex of the plano piloto and the various satellite towns constellating the federal district) is closely related to the plan pilots. The contemporary urban dimension is the confirmation of a territorial project already contained, in its constituent principles, in Costa’s original project for the plano pitoro. In other words, the plano piloto was not simply a plan for the city but the result of research into the definition of an example for the definition of a city-region to be built in the federal district.?6 In short, it was a prototype for the definition of anew territorial order. By paraphrasing Paolo Virno’s political definition of “prototype,” an example is not the “empirical application of a uni- versal principle, but the singularity and the qualitative completeness that normally, speaking about the life of the mind,’ we attribute to an idea.”27 The exemplar object does not proliferate through a set of rules, pre~ scriptions, or orders but through the authoritativeness of the prototype, which is “a specie that consist of one single individual.” studies and research into the relationship between the plano piloto and the satellite towns have sought to shed light on the “asymmetries” in this model of territorial development, considered the principal cause of thesocial problems generated by the construction of the city, going right pack to an early stage when the work sites were still open.?? The relationship between the satellite towns and the plavo piloto has always been interpreted as troubled and in this respect is similar to the relation- ship between center and periphery in the modern city. Sociologists and city planners have described Brasilia’s satellite towns as the embodiment of social injustice and the reason for the failure of the political project, inherent in the idea underpinning the new capital. They see a division between, on the one hand, the privileges of a small, elite group of pureaucrats from Rio de Janeiro (the country’s former capital), and on the other the sufferings of the large mass of workers, compelled to commute Jong distances to thei workplaces, in most cases located in the plano plata. without wishing to ignore the problems of social segregation generated by the construction of Brasilia, itis far more relevant to emphasize the intrinsic qualities of this paradigm, today abandoned in a limbo between full regognition and neglecOn the one aide shee is the esin of Costa and the reality of a system of satellite towns embedded pd complex” ronmental system. (42% of the Federal District is currently a protected snvironmental zone). On the other there are tendencies towards in- discriminate occupation of the territory by sprawling, low-density develop- ment and the policies embodied in the latest regulatory plan, which, instead of confronting the special status of the green areas interspersed between the satellite towns, instead proposes to build functionally specialized developments there. PDOT (The Plane Diretor de Ordenamento ‘Ternitorial do Distrito Federal is currently awaiting approval).2° The regulatory plan fails to confront the special status of the green areas interspersed between the satellite towns; on the contrary, it proposes to build there functionally specialized developments. As the plane begins its approach to Brasilia, coming in low over the satellite towns, one gets the impression that the federal district isan orderly territory in which the open spaces separating and sur rounding the satellite towns dominate the urbanized spaces. In some cases the status of the residential developments appears threatened by the preponderance of the green spaces surrounding them.The distinctive feature ofall the satellite towns seems be the way they conflict with their natural settings, whose presence is an impassable barrier for the spread. of the city. In terms of geography, from above the area looks like practically flat terrain, but is actually part of an immense plateau which is cut up by asystem of watercourses, declivities, and depressions, which restrict where it is possible to build, as became evident in the lengthy process of choosing a suitable location for the construction of the new capital. ‘The urban fabric of the satellite towns appears in itself ordered as the result of the application of reasonable and elementary rules of urban planning (a Cartesian grid of roads, a legible hierarchy of spaces, extensive empty spaces, a regular division into lots). Contemporary Brasilia isa city in which the plano pilotois just one part of a whole made up of different urban developments. These include the satellite towns, whose demographic growth has been continuous over the years, plus new residential ghettos, some of which are totally segregated, and areas of urban sprawl.3t The residents of this complex urban system number some two million, with only two hundred thousand today living in the plano piloto (compared with five hundred thousand envisaged in the See redevco etlanda, Ana Maria asos Morac, rece rs” Ua Dr ena 200 ‘ora Alo Paine cognac mits ‘pale rst als Ed. Ua, Caled st, ‘SpA eine, rete benaofine ‘lane Bri En, Caleta Bll 990 sec huplfpdotsatn.atgon) ‘Suman sara ri, Sto ebstio,Rlacho Fondo, sd candanacandla |z1KONT An aerial view of sazallite town of Sobradinho, 207, -Anaeral view of the satellite even of Cella, 672 Aeesoneaing sonyoriginal project).®2 ‘Travel between the satellite towns and the plano piloto is mostly by cat, while public transport (buses and one subway line) hhas difficulty in providing efficient service. ‘To deal with transformations of the federal district, in 1974 Costa pre- sented an idea that summed up the guidelines of future urban expansion. ‘Naturally he adopted his usual strategy of combining a written text with the drawing of a plan.%3 This scheme envisaged new industrial developments on the terrain beyond the satellite towns of Taguatinga ‘and Sobradinho, which were the two new extremes of the city-region. It also inserted agricultural activities in the empty area around the plano piloto, so forestalling its indiscriminate occupation by suburbs. "This scheme was capable of creating not only a system of “centripetal forces” converging on the plano piloto (the center of the system) but also series of “centrifugal forces.” 34 The drawing indicates the dimensions ‘and the limits of this geographical system, represented by the cities of Taguatinga and Sobradinho, cach lying about twenty kilometres from. the intersection at the centre of the plano piloto, This distance would be covered quickly by means of a rapid public transport system, represented asa line running along one side of the monumental axis, skirting the ministries and prolonged to reach the two satellite towns at either end of the region. It proposes also to build a dam, duplicating Lake Paranod with a large new lake with a surface area sufficient to sustain the expansion of the city. Costa again affirmed the importance of empty space in 1987, when he drafted the guidelines for the preservation of the city.28 He proposed that this should be achieved by recognizing. the features that “as a city planner interest me most.” These were the preservation of the monumental scale, the residential scale and the concentrated scale, to which he added the bucolic scale, by which he meant the landscape surrounding the plano pilato. ‘The status of the open spaces today appears uncertain, although 42 percent of the territory, mostly consisting of cerrado (the typical flora of this region, with savannah-like vegetation) is today subject to various forms of environmental protection. The new Plano Diretor de Ordenamento ‘Territorial, currently being debated publicly with the citizens, does not deal directly with the status of the empty space around the satellite towns, except in terms of planning regulations and land use. One of the strategic operations proposed by the new plan (its proposals consist of seven. operations) is the “dynamicization of the metropolitan area.” This te- ‘commends the localized insertion of projects along the principal infra- structural axes of the federal district. The aim is to create a series of catalysts for regional development located precisely in these spaces that separate the different built developments, so denying the potential intrinsic in the archipelago pattern inscribed in the present form of the city. Costa had already foreseen the dangers of this operation. Inalletter in which he presented a number of observations on the plano piloto, he warned against the developmentof the city “along the lines of communication with the satellite towns” to avoid compromising the territorial geography of the federal district.2° ‘The curtent configuration of the city is the result of a historical process of planning and management of the territory and not the result of improvisation. The origins go back to the years of drafting the plano iloto, when the first satellite towns were created to solve the problem of On the basisof the 2000 census, Iter gectin cr Tetrops4n6 ci Costs, rom he fist eter seato Senator crete Pinheiro th ecaston ofthe Fil Conference ‘rin ina ese bi Ania dP, Jne197 alo Cost, rt Resta, 30-33, taco Cost, “Conidragesem torn do ano Po fds de ts Pre Vans rei Revi serge, Mangere Consre Storie. = fowanesing ‘zioNniZLHONT fomianesing oy oz Susy unde n Angus 956 bythe Balan Pca Lio Cost, “Considerabsem orn do Panola debra ‘The proposal forthe territorial development of Brasilia as elaborated in sketch by Lucio Costa ‘on theoccasion of theeonferenccenttied Besa ‘Una readlidade urbane eadmmstatve de as diseussing the urban reality of rasa held Intors the favelas, which sprang up around the worksites where the building contractors were active. The idea underlying the new capital, as set out in the competition brief, was that the city should be able to grow to five hundred thousand residents. Then, once this limit was reached, further development and construction would take place through cidades- satélites, o ensuring an “orderly expansion, rationally planned and architecturally defined.”37 Costa was not directly involved in planning these new developments. The project was entrusted to the group of engineers at Novacap, which was in charge of the construction of the plano piloto and the design of its architectures.3® NOVAcap rapidly developed the essential infrastructures needed to build adequate housing to cope with the increasing numbers of workers engaged on the construction of the city. As Costa specified, the satellite-towns “were soon transformed, by resorting to acertain dose of demagogy, into cities, using a word intended to indicate developments distinguished by a substantial infra- structure network and so settling the scope of the plano piloto, of the city proper:”59 Observation of the contemporary city, as Costa’s words suggest, reveals that the plan for Brasilia is an “unfinished” project, in which the satellite cowns and the “voids” thatseparate them still have toachieve their full status. We can now look forward tothe original project becoming a lesson and being taken to its logical conclusion.=== Fe Benipece, 118, pant | A Paspnintia da expilel pare Kerieeg Sng 0 mune de BRASILIA, Deny cnicalemate Mredpareone Prades a Nia Aa Compockia Ortrniptcrn eo 4 Comiisde Lede AGN pila Apmedics ey Aa past. MIE, Be CEES EAI SYA pene n rote Cpclel, 4 Teh © fot flaknme, neta : Wim prcdengin om pedi ©, ede, A wus, — ape pe deynch, 4 u, 4 ached passer! | ge AR pa peeredy prey sania PO AS Anan, A! pions : | PMO AR One WR deh de Pe thebe ) py tee Soaiey Aspe be MeipTAe, Amey hae simple Pg A thm isrmy , Ae AR ee Ter PMMA me hese dy le thi eepresen. ToAh Conte tyetrab—loom foatthehy Ao ay. ue slo. Sy PMU AB eA ale L igune Ane Ps a Yl SA y Sep Evil, Bais tebe es acgentar giceatallasing J pn fb Wnts Spice Teg, porn Manlird, pr, apites Aa trpele tlt Grpnmal, hy Fi Ares, lpm Picieke co Mscleha y ses oe 6) A PROMS te fad pts Pine RTs PABA, 6 ree Meeps mew i ail Bas "inst page of the handwritten copy ofthe Memerie Deserta do Pano Floto by Lucio Costa, 1957 z1HONNA ve