Lgs Phon

Language Family Area Non-modal phonation
breathy, strident (breathy plus

pharyngealized),
pharyngealized, and creaky
!Xoo Khoisan Botswana (glottalized) vowels
Bella Coola Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants

Bruu Austro-Asiatic Thailand stiff consonants
creaky and killed (glottalized)

Burmese Sino-Tibetan Myanmar vowels [1]
Caddo Caddoan Oklahoma, USA creaky consonants
Chitimacha Gulf Louisiana, USA creaky consonants
Choapan Zapotec Oto-Manguean Mexico checked, laryngealized vowels

breathy, creaky vowels. There
are also constrastive
combinations of these
phonations (e.g.breathy-creaky,
Chong Mon-Khmer Thailand modal-creaky) [2].
Coast Tsimshian Penutian British Columbia creaky consonants

Cowichan Salishan British Columbia creaky
breathy vowels and breathy

Gujarati Indo-European India voiced aspirated stops
Hani (Hanoi dialect) Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels

Hausa Afro-Asiatic Nigeria creaky implosives
Heiltsuk Wakashan British Columbia creaky

Hindi Indo-European India breathy voiced aspirated stops
Hmong (Green) Hmong-Mien Laos breathy, and creaky vowels
Hmong (White) Hmong-Mien Laos see Hmong (Green)
Ineseno Chumash Chumash California, USA breathy, and creaky consonants

Jalapa Mazatec Oto-Manguean Mexico breathy, and creaky vowels
slack vs. stiff voiced stops at the

bilabial, dental, retroflex, and
Javanese Javanese Indonesia velar places of articulation [1]
Jingpho Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels
Washington,
Kalispel Salishan Montana, USA creaky consonants
Kashaya Pomo Hokan California, USA creaky sonorants

Kedang Austronesian Indonesia breathy vowels
Khmer Mon-Khmer Cambodia breathy vowels
Klamath Penutian Oregon, USA creaky consonants
Kui Dravidian Thailand breathy vowels
Kwakw'ala Wakashan British Columbia creaky sonorants
Maithili Indo-European India breathy stops

Marathi Indo-European India breathy stops
Mon Austro-Asiatic Myanmar breathy vowels
Washington, creaky sonorants (glottalized

Montana Salish Salishan Montana, USA sonorants)
Mpi Sino-Tibetan Thailand stiff (tense)

Newari Sino-Tibetan Nepal breathy voiced stops
Nez Perce Penutian Idaho, USA creaky consonants
Nuuchahnulth Wakashan British Columbia creaky consonants
Nyah Kur Mon-Khmer Thailand breathy vowels
Phalok Mon-Khmer Myanmar breathy vowels

Saanich Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants
laryngealized and checked

San Juan Guelavia Zapotec Oto-Manguean Mexico vowels
breathy, creaky, and checked

San Lucas Quiavini Zapotec Oto-Manguean Mexico vowels
Santa Ana Del Valle Zapotec Oto-Manguean Mexico breathy, creaky vowels
Shuswap Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants
Squamish Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants
breathy voice before voiceless

stops, and creak before ejectives
Takelma Penutian Oregon, USA [1].
Telugu Dravidian India breathy voiced stops
Thompson Salish Salishan British Columbia creaky
Tsonga Niger-Congo Mozambique breathy nasals
breathy and creaky vowels

Vietnamese Mon-Khmer Vietnamese allophonically
Wa Mon-Khmer China tense vs. lax
breathy consonants (voiced
Xhosa Niger-Congo South Africa only?)
has creaky sonorants,
breathiness before voiceless
stops, and creak before ejectives
Yana Hokan California, USA (Sapir 1912).
Yi Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels
Yokuts Penutian California, USA creaky consonants

Characteristics of Non-Modal
Phonation Tones/F0
high, mid-level, mid-falling, low [4]
none
low, high, creaky (rising tone), killed tone

(rising tone, followed by a glottal stop) [1].
a Choapan syllable can have up

to three phonations [1]. high, low, mid tones [1]
Four tones, each distinguished by a
phonation. Tone 1 = level, modal phonation.
Breathy vowels are Tone 2 = slightly higher than tone 1, ends
characterized by a an increase in with laryngealization. Tone 3 = falling tone,
aspiration noise [1]. breathy phonation. Tone 4 = slightly higher
than tone 3, ends with laryngealization [1]
Breathy vowels are

characterized by increased
airflow [1]. none
The lax vowels are more breathy

than the tense vowels. (The
difference between the
fundamental and the second
harmonic is greater for lax
vowels than tense ones.) There
is a difference in vowel quality
between the tense and lax high, mid, low-falling, and 35, which only
vowels. [1] occurs in loan words from Chinese [1]
breathy voiced stops in Hindi
are produced with a less active
cricothyroid muscle producing
slack vocal folds, a moderately
open glottis, a high rate of oral
airflow, a drop in subglottal
pressure, and a random
distribution of noise in the upper
formants of the following vowel
[2] none
Seven tones. High, rising, mid, low, falling

= modal phonation. Low (slightly falling)
= breathy phonation. "Checked" tone =
creaky voice [3] (though [1] found that the
checked tone was not distinguished from
modal phonation, suggesting that the
checked tone is modal.)
Breathy phonation is
characterized by a decrease in
signal-to-noise ratio [4], Low, mid, high. Tone and phonation are
irregular glottal pulses [2]. fully cross-classified [4]
The arytenoids remained close

together for the stiff voiced
stops. The degree of opening
between the vocal folds in
noticeably greater for slack than
stiff voice [1].
The vocal folds are more closed

for the tense vowels than the lax
ones. The difference between
the fundamental and the second
vowels than tense ones. The
respiratory effect is the same for
the tense and lax vowels. No
difference in vowel quality
between tense and lax vowels.
[1]. high, mid, low or low-falling
none [1]
Breathy vowels have a lower

amplitude than modal vowels
[1]. Breathy vowels have a lower F0 [1].
none
none
high-level register with modal phonation,

low -level register with breathy phonation
[1]
The sonorants are realized as a

glottal constriction followed by
a sonorant (pre-glottalized
sonorants) [1].
Six tones: high-falling, low-rising, mid-

rising, high, mid, low [1]
Breathy vowels have a lower F0 than modal
vowels [1].
low, mid, high. Tone and phonation are fully

cross-classified.
“plain vowels (especially two plain vowels

a checked vowel is a vowel together) have high tone, creaky vowels
followed by a glottal stop. have low tone ... and final phrasal breathy
Creaky vowels co-occur in vowels have an extra-low tone. The tone of
syllables with checked vowels. checked and other breathy vowels is derived
A single syllable can have up to from the vowel complex in which they
three phonations. [1] occur” [1:3].
Strong correlation between tone and
phonation. Modal phonation = either a high
or high-rising tone. Breathy phonation =
slightly falling tone. Creaky = largely
falling tone [1].
The breathy nasals in Tsonga

differ from the breathy nasals
found in other languages. "They
sound less breathy, they induce
very large perturbations in F0,
and auditorily they appear to be high, low
subject to systematic speaker In Tsonga, the consonants can be divided
variations affecting phonation into depressor and non-depressors. The
type." [1] Speakers' productions difference between depressor and non-
of the breathy nasals range from depressor nasals also involves a phonation
breathy to tense [1]. contrast. Nasal depressors are breathy [1].
ngang - high-level, modal; huyen - low-

level, breathy; sac1 - high-rise, modal;
nang1 - low-falling, creaky; hoi - low-curve,
breathy; nga - low-curve, creaky; sac2 -
Breathy with low tone, creaky high-rise [obstruent], nang2 - low-fall,
with high-rising tone [1]. breathy [obstruent] [1]
The difference between the
vowels than tense ones [1].
The difference between the

vowels than tense ones [1].
Timing Durational Properties of Non-modal ph.
Breathy voice extends over the entire first

mora, unless the vowel is glottalizated, in
which case the breathiness stops when the
glottalizations starts [4].
In prevocalic position, the creak on the

glottalized sonorants is toward the
beginning. The creak shifts toward the end
of the sonorant when not preceding a vowel.
[2]

beginning. The creak shifts toward the end
[2]
No duration differences between modal
and non-modal phonation [2].
has 'pre-creak' sonorants: creaky voiced

sononarants that realize their creak early,
often sharing it with the immediately
preceding vowel [2].
Breathiness is concentrated at the beginning increased duration for non-modal

of the vowel [1]. phonation [1]
lax vowels are longer [1]

preceding vowel [1]
increased duration for non-modal
phonation [2]

preceding vowel [1]
Non-modal phonation is localized to the increased duration for non-modal
beginning of the vowel [3] phonation [1]
no duration difference between tense and

lax vowels [1]
preceding vowel [1]
phonation [1]

preceding vowel [2]
Breathy short vowels have a longer
duration than modal short vowels, but the
opposite is true for the phonemically long
vowel [1].
preceding vowel [1].
The breathy register has a longer duration

than the modal one [1].

preceding vowel [2]

phonation [1]
preceding vowel [1]

preceding vowel [2]
no duration difference between modal and

non-modal phonation [2]
no duration difference between modal and
non-modal phonation [1]

beginning. The creaky shift toward the end
[1]
preceding vowel [1]
lax vowels are slightly longer than tense
ones [1].
Lax phonation in longer only in the falling

tone [1].
preceding vowel [1]
Data Available Proposed Measure Intonation
UCLA Archive H1-H2 [1,3]
UCLA Archive
H1-H2 (most
successful); H1-F2;
UCLA Archive cepstral peak [1]
modal and breathy

vowels can be
produced with a
wide variety of
intonational
[1] notes that the contours (i.e. rising,
spectrum is rising-level, rising-
dominated by falling, falling,
fundamental, so falling-rising tone,
UCLA Archive presumably H1-H2. or a level) [1].
UCLA Archive
Typical utterance is
one IP composed of
one or more rising
(LH) contours
aligned with
individual content
words. Three
distinct boundary
tones: (1)L%, (2) H
% typically ends
yes/no questions,
(3) LH% and LHL
% at the end of tag
UCLA Archive questions [3].
Intonation is
conveyed through
markers that occur
at the end of the
sentence. Questions
are formed by
adding a question
H1-H2 (for marker rather than
distinguishing by intonation or by
breathy and modal changing the word
UCLA Archive vowels) [1] order. [3]
see Hmong (Green)

UCLA Archive H1-H2; H1-F2 [1]
Archive room
UCLA Archive
UCLA Archive H1-A3
UCLA Archive
(under Mpi, and in
"Fieldwork") H1-F2 [1]
Archive room
Female: H1-H2
Male: H1-F3 [1] see [1]
UCLA Archive
room (folder
labeled Salish)
UCLA Archive
UCLA Archive see reference [2]

References (specific to phonation, or phonetics)
1. Bickley, C. 1982. Acoustic analysis and perception of

breathy vowels. Speech Communication Group Working
Papers, Research Laboratory of Electronics, MIT, 73-93.
2. Ladefoged, P. & Traill, A. 1980. Phonological features
and phonetic details of Khoisan languages. In J.W.
Snyman (Eds.), Bushman and Hottentot Linguistic
Studies. Pretoria: Unversity of South Africa.
3. Ladefoged, P. 1981.
The relative nature of voice quality J. Acoustic Soc.
America. Suppl. 1 69. S67.
1. Watkins, J. 2001. Illustrations of the IPA: Burmese.

Journal of the International Phonetic Association,
31.2:291-295.
1. Chafe, W. 1976. The Caddoan, Iroquoian, and Siouan

languages. Trends in Linguistics, State of the Arts
Reports 3. The Hauge: Paris
2. Gordon, M. & Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation
types: a cross-linguistic overview. Journal of Phonetics
29, 383-406.
1. Swadesh, M. 1934. A phonetic study of Chitimacha,

Language 10, 345-62. 2.
Gordon, M. & Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a
cross-linguistic overview. Journal of Phonetics 29, 383-
406.
1. Blankenship, B. 1997. The time course of breathiness
and laryngealization in vowels. University of California,
Los Angeles, Ph.D. dissertation. 2.
Thongkum, Therapan L. 1987. Phonation types in Mon-
Khmer languages. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics.
67:29-48.
1. Dunn, J. 1979. A reference grammar for the Coast

Tsimshian language. Ottawa: National Museums of
Canada. 2.
Gordon, M. & Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a
406.
1. Fischer-Jorgenson, E. 1967. Phonetic analysis of

breathy (murmured) vowels in Gujarati, Indian
Linguistics 28, 71-139.
2. Pandit, P. 1957. Nasalization, aspiration
and murmur in Gujarati, Indian Linguistics 17, 165-72.
1. Maddieson, I & Ladefoged, P. 1985. 'Tense' and 'lax' in

four minority languages in China. Journal of Phonetics
13, 433-54.
1. Gordon, M. & Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a

406.
1. Bengueral, A. & Bhatia, T.K. 1980 Hindi stop
consonants: an acoustic and fiberscopic study. Phonetica
37, 134-48. 2.
Digit, R. Prakash. 1989. Glottal gestures in Hindi
plosives. Journal of Phonetics 17:213-37.
3. www-personal.umich.edu/~jharns
1. Huffman M. 1985. Measures of phonation type in

Hmong. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 61.
2. Gordon, M.& Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a
406.

406.
Los Angeles Ph.D. dissertation. 2.
Kirk, P.L., Ladefoged, J., & Ladefoged, P. 1993.
Quantifying acoustic properties of modal, breathy, and
creaky vowels in Jalapa Mazatec. In A. Mattina & T.
Montler (Eds.) American Indian linguistics and
ethnography in honor of Laurence C. Thompson.
Missoula, MT: University of Montana Press.
3. Silverman, D. 1997. Laryngeal
complexity on Otomanguean vowels, Phonology 14, 235-
62. 4. Silverman, D., Blankenship, B., Kirk, P.,
& Ladefoged, P. 1995. Phonetic structures of Jalapa
Mazatec, Anthropological Linguistics 37, 70-88.
1. Ladefoged, P. & Maddieson, I. 1996. The Sounds of

the World's Languages. Blackwell.

four minority languages in China, Journal of Phonetics
13, 433-54.

406.
1. Buckley, E. 1990. Glottalized and aspirated sonorants
in Kashaya. In M. Langdon (Ed.), Papers from the 1990
Hokan-Penutian Workshop, pp. 75-91. Carbondale, IL:
Southern Illinois University.
406.
1. Thongkum, T. 1988. Phonation types in Mon-Khmer
languages. In O. Fujimura (Ed.), Vocal fold physiology:
voice production, mechanisms and functions, pp. 319-
334. New York: Raven Press.
1. Blevins, J. 1993. Klamath laryngeal phonology,

International Journal of American Linguistics 59, 237-
280. 2.
Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a
406.
1. Thongkum, Therapan L. 1987. Phonation types in

Mon-Khmer languages. UCLA Working Papers in
Phonetics. 67:29-48.
1. Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types:

a cross-linguistic overview. Journal of Phonetics 29, 383-
406.
1. Yadav, R. 1984. Voicing and aspiration in Maithili: a
fiberoptic and acoustic study. Indian linguistics 45, 27-
35.
1. Thongkum, Therapan L. 1987. Another look at the

register distinction in Mon. UCLA Working Papers in
Phonetics. 67:132-165
2. Lee, Thomas. 1983. An acoustical study of the
register distinction in Mon. UCLA Working Papers in
Phonetics 57:79-96.
1. Flemming, E. Ladefoged, P. & Thomason, S. 1994.

Phonetic structures of Montana Salish, UCLA Working
Papers in Phonetics 87, 1-33. 2.
Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation types: a
406.
Los Angeles Ph.D. dissertation.
406.
1. Shank, S. & Wilson, I. 2000. Acoustic evidence for as

a glottalized pharyngeal glide in Nuu-chah-nulth. In S.
Gessner & S. Oh (Eds.), Proceedings of the Thirty-fifth
International Conference on Salish and Neighboring
Languages, pp. 185-197. Vancouver: University of
British Columbia, Department of Linguistics.
2. Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. 2001. Phonation
types: a cross-linguistic overview. Journal of Phonetics
29, 383-406.
1. Munro, Pamela and Felipe H. Lopez, with Olivia

Mendez, Rodrigo Garcia, and Michael Galant. 1999.
Di'syonaary X:tee'n Diizh Sah Sann Lu'uc (San Lucas
Quiaviní Dictionary/ Diccionario Zapoteco de San
Lucas Quiaviní. Chicano Studies Research Center
Publications, UCLA.
2. Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. 2001.
Phonation types: a cross-linguistic overview. Journal of
Phonetics 29, 383-406.
1. Esposito, C. 2003. Phonation in Santa Ana del Valle
Zapotec. M.A. thesis. UCLA.

406.

406.
1. Traill, A. and Michel Jackson 1987. Speaker variation

and phonation types in Tsonga nasals. UCLA WPP # 67.
1. Pham, Andrea. 2003. Vietnamese Tone: A New

Analysis. In Horn, L. (ed.) Outstanding Dissertations in
Linguistics. Routledge Series.
2. Dung, D. & Huong, T. 1998. Intonation in Vietnamese.
In D. Hirst and A. DiCristo (eds.) Intonation Systems.
Cambridge University Press.
1. Watkins, J. 2002 "The Phonetics of Wa: experimental
phonetics, phonology, orthography and sociolinguistics."
Canberra : Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and
Asian Studies, Australian National University. 2.
Watkins, J. 1999 Closed quotient of laryngeal gestures and
settings in Wa Proceedings of the XIVth Congress of Phonetic
Sciences: 1017-1020 Univ of California

four minority languages in China, Journal of Phonetics
13, 433-54.

406.
General grammars/references Wordlist Available
available from
4.http://www.ultrasw.com/pawlowski/brendan/Xoo.html PLAY
1. Newman, S. 1947. The Bella Coola language. Ottawa: some examples in
National Museums of Canada. the intro to [1]
1. Lyman, Larry and Rosemary Lyman. 1977. Choapan

Zapotec Phonology, Studies in Otomanguean phonology.
William R. Merrifield, editor. Summer Institute of
Linguistics. Univeristy of Texas Arlington: 137-161.
UCLA Archive
UCLA Archive
dictionary, papers in
Archive. Pretty hard
to make a wordlist
from the dictionary
unless you are
familiar with
devanagari and/or
4. McGregor, R.S. 1993. The Oxford Hindi-English the order of the
Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Hindi alphabet.
see dictionary -easy

to find words with
non-modal
phonation. The last
consonant of a
Hmong word
denotes its tone: b =
high level, m = low
glottalized, d = low
rising, j = high
falling, v = mid
rising, vowel final =
3. www.seacrc.org/media/pdfiles/HmongBK.pdf mid level, s = low
4. Lyman, T. 1974. Dictionary of Hmong Njua. The level, g = falling
Hague: Mouton (Blue Hmong) breathy
1. McKibben, B. (1992). English-White Hmong Dictionary.
Provo, UT: Brian McKibben.
2. Applegate, R. 1972. Ineseno Chumash grammar.

University of California, Berkeley Ph.D. dissertation. extinct
available from
PLAY
UCLA Archive
2. Vogt, H. 1940. The Kalispel language, and outline of

the grammar with text, translations and dictionary. Oslo:
J. Dybwad. nearly extinct
2. Samely, U. 1991. Kedang (Eastern Indonesia), some
aspects of its grammar. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag.
3. Barker, M. 1964. Klamath grammar. Berkeley:

University of California Press. nearly extinct
see Archive Room
see Archive Room

2 Aoki, H. 1970. Nez Perce grammar. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Archive Room
1. Jones , Ted E., and Lyle M. Knudson. 1977. "Guelavia

Zapotec Phonemes." Studies in OtoManguean
Phonology, ed., William R. Merrifield, pp. 163-80.
Dallas: SIL/Univeristy of Texas, Arlington
see dictionary
see [1]
2. Kuipers, A. 1974. The Shuswap language. The Hague:

Mouton.
2. Kuipers, A. 1967. The Squamish language: grammar,

texts, dictionary. The Hague: Mouton.
1. Sapir, E. 1912. The Takelma language of southwestern
Oregon. Republished in V. Golla (1990), The collected
works of Edward Sapir VIII, New York: Mouton de
Gruyter.
1. Thompson, L. & Thompson, M. T. 1992. The

Thompson language. Missoula, MT: University of
Montana. nearly extinct
The huyen
(breathy_ tone is
3. Thompson, L. 1965 A Vietnamese Grammar. Seattle, marked with a grave
University of Washington Press. accent.

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Language Family Area Non-modal phonation

breathy, strident (breathy plus

Bella Coola Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants

creaky and killed (glottalized)

Caddo Caddoan Oklahoma, USA creaky consonants

Chitimacha Gulf Louisiana, USA creaky consonants

Choapan Zapotec Oto-Manguean Mexico checked, laryngealized vowels

Coast Tsimshian Penutian British Columbia creaky consonants

breathy vowels and breathy

Hani (Hanoi dialect) Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels

Heiltsuk Wakashan British Columbia creaky

Hmong (Green) Hmong-Mien Laos breathy, and creaky vowels

Hmong (White) Hmong-Mien Laos see Hmong (Green)

Ineseno Chumash Chumash California, USA breathy, and creaky consonants

slack vs. stiff voiced stops at the

Jingpho Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels

Kashaya Pomo Hokan California, USA creaky sonorants

Khmer Mon-Khmer Cambodia breathy vowels

Klamath Penutian Oregon, USA creaky consonants

Kui Dravidian Thailand breathy vowels

Kwakw'ala Wakashan British Columbia creaky sonorants

Maithili Indo-European India breathy stops

Mon Austro-Asiatic Myanmar breathy vowels

Washington, creaky sonorants (glottalized

Mpi Sino-Tibetan Thailand stiff (tense)

Nuuchahnulth Wakashan British Columbia creaky consonants

Nyah Kur Mon-Khmer Thailand breathy vowels

Phalok Mon-Khmer Myanmar breathy vowels

laryngealized and checked

breathy, creaky, and checked

Shuswap Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants

Squamish Salishan British Columbia creaky consonants

breathy voice before voiceless

Thompson Salish Salishan British Columbia creaky

Tsonga Niger-Congo Mozambique breathy nasals

breathy and creaky vowels

Yi Sino-Tibetan China tense vs. lax vowels

Yokuts Penutian California, USA creaky consonants

high, mid-level, mid-falling, low [4]

low, high, creaky (rising tone), killed tone

a Choapan syllable can have up

Breathy vowels are

The lax vowels are more breathy

Seven tones. High, rising, mid, low, falling

The arytenoids remained close

The vocal folds are more closed

Breathy vowels have a lower

high-level register with modal phonation,

The sonorants are realized as a

Six tones: high-falling, low-rising, mid-

low, mid, high. Tone and phonation are fully

“plain vowels (especially two plain vowels

The breathy nasals in Tsonga

ngang - high-level, modal; huyen - low-

The difference between the

Breathy voice extends over the entire first

In prevocalic position, the creak on the

In prevocalic position, the creak on the

has 'pre-creak' sonorants: creaky voiced

Breathiness is concentrated at the beginning increased duration for non-modal

lax vowels are longer [1]

has 'pre-creak' sonorants: creaky voiced

has 'pre-creak' sonorants: creaky voiced