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Presupuesto Detallado Produccion Audiovisual Regional 2016
Presupuesto Detallado Produccion Audiovisual Regional 2016
Presupuesto Detallado Produccion Audiovisual Regional 2016
A Dissertation
Doctor of Philosophy
by
July 2005
UMI Number: 3265640
2005
Abstract
by
effect on the wages of groups not subject to discrimination is less obvious. A powerful
effect on one group in a work relationship could likely affect the other members of
the relationship. This study explores the effect of wage discrimination on the wages
discrimination predict disparate effects on the wages of the managers and coworkers
This study develops models in which managers’ tastes cause discrimination. The
models predict that as managers’ taste for discrimination rises, the wage gap rises,
and managers’ pay falls. Discrimination hurts profits, but managers are willing to
pay for it, making up for the losses in order to be allowed to hire fewer workers from
I test this theory against other theories using data about sex and race discrimi-
nation. Using 2000 Census data to measure the wage discrimination against female
non-managerial workers by Oaxaca decomposition, I find that for every one percent
of managers fall by 0.531%. This is consistent with the model of manager discrimi-
nation. I also find that a one percent discriminatory decrease in female wages leads
Daniel Matthew Custance Lawson
to a 0.227% decrease in the wages of their male coworkers in the same geographic
area. This is not consistent with the basic model, although it could be explained
by extensions to the model. In the context of the race wage gap, I find the oppo-
site effect for managers: when the unexplained wage gap increases by 1%, manager
These results, taken together, suggest that while a model of manager taste
discrimination may explain some of wage discrimination based on sex, race wage
findings on race wage discrimination are inconsistent with a model that rogue man-
agers produce the wage gap by gratifying their own tastes in opposition to corporate
interests.
To Lisa and Madeleine
ii
CONTENTS
FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
iii
2.4.1 Census of Population and Housing, 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
2.4.2 Sample Selection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
2.5 Variables in the Wage Regression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
2.6 Results and Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2.7 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
EPILOGUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
iv
APPENDIX B: VARIABLES IN THE SEX DISCRIMINATION WAGE RE-
GRESSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
v
FIGURES
vi
TABLES
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Financial support for this dissertation came from a University of Notre Dame
Graduate School Presidential Fellowship. Office space was provided by the Higgins
Center for Labor Research. The computer facilities for algebraic manipulation,
data analysis, writing, and typesetting were funded by a generous gift from Hilda
N. Burns.
Assistance and feedback on the content of this dissertation came from Katharine
Abraham, David Betson, Justin Dubas, Teresa Ghilarducci, Lisa Workman Gloege,
David Hachen, Sharon Hermes, Alicia Knoedler, David Lawson, Lisa Lawson, BJ
Lee, Bruce Meyer, Derek Neal, Kevin Neuman, James Rakowski, Jim Sullivan, Jen-
nifer Warlick, Lance Wescher, Marty Wolfson, and three anonymous grant reviewers
at the National Science Foundation. Their advice and contributions have been in-
Powerful and well-written software contributed to this study; without the tools
provided by the authors of Mac OS X Panther, Mathematica 5.0, Perl 5.8.1, Stata
8.2, TEXShop 1.34, and TextWrangler 2.0, this study would have taken far longer
to complete.
viii
CHAPTER 1
OF NON-TARGETED GROUPS
1.1 Introduction
effect on the wages of other groups is less obvious. This study explores the effect of
wage discrimination on the wages of privileged groups — those not subject to wage
black workers on the wages of white workers and on the bosses of these workers, and
the effect of discrimination against female workers on the wages of male workers and
the bosses of these workers. Besides the group discriminated against, who is helped
or harmed by discrimination?
Forty years ago, after hearing testimony from people knowledgeable about eco-
nomic theory and considering other evidence, Congress enacted the Equal Pay Act
of 1963, which, among other things, required that employers not discriminate on the
basis or race and sex in paying equally trained and experienced employees for equal
work. The economic theory of the day explained how wage discrimination could
exist, but predicted that in a competitive market, it would and indeed could not
persist over time (Becker 1957). The Equal Pay Act and many non-governmental
ination explained by existing economic theory. Forty years later, wage discrimina-
1
tion is in many cases reduced, but by no means gone. Economic theory has offered
which would suggest different policies to combat them. Just as the economic theory
of owner taste-based discrimination available in 1963 informed the Equal Pay Act,
tion.
Wage discrimination on the basis of race and sex appears to be stubbornly per-
sistent. If, after Altonji and Blank (1999), one accepts the gap between the mean log
wages of two groups that is not explained by differences in the groups’ mean levels of
education and potential experience (i.e. a Oaxaca decomposition of the wage gap) as
at least a crude measurement of the wage discrimination against one of the groups1 ,
then the time trend over the past twenty years indicates that wage discrimination is
still a pressing problem. While the unexplained wage gap among full-time workers
due to sex has declined, it has distinctly not gone to zero, and the unexplained
wage gap among full-time workers due to race has actually increased. To the extent
a worthwhile project.
gap in mean log hourly wage between males and females and then between blacks
and non-blacks controlling for education and potential experience for workers who
worked over 35 hours the previous week from the monthly outgoing rotation groups
2
0.45
0.4
0.35
Unexplained difference in mean log wages
0.3
0.25
0.2
0.15
0.1
0.05
0
Jan-79
Jan-80
Jan-81
Jan-82
Jan-83
Jan-84
Jan-85
Jan-86
Jan-87
Jan-88
Jan-89
Jan-90
Jan-91
Jan-92
Jan-93
Jan-94
Jan-95
Jan-96
Jan-97
Jan-98
3
If wage discrimination both exists and persists, its effects become much more
approaching zero. One question that has not been thoroughly explored in the litera-
ture to date is the question of what relationship exists between wage discrimination
and the wages of the group not discriminated against. This basic empirical ques-
its own right and as a means of distinguishing between some competing economic
On one level, the relationship between discrimination against one group and the
wages of the group not discriminated against is a question of who might benefit and
who might suffer from the removal of the discrimination, and to what extent. On a
completely positive level, these questions deserve accurate answers. Public policy to
combat discrimination should be informed by the effects such policy might have on
powerful effect on one group in a work relationship would affect the other members
of the relationship.
Members of groups not discriminated against have historically played many roles
in the struggle for pay equity. In some cases, these actions may arise from a sense
promoting pay equity would not just be the honorable and just course of action, but
also the economically profitable one for the group not discriminated against. Insti-
tutional evidence of union strategies may suggest that these models may motivate
much modern union support for racial equality. In other theoretical models, such
actors’ wages would decline, suggestion that their actions were altruistic, gaining
them psychic utility benefits that offset the wages they would forego by eliminating
4
A relationship between overall wage level for the baseline group and the effect
more or less discrimination. This could be true even if this relationship is completely
wage level and the level of discrimination offset indicates nothing about one causing
the other, if economic and social structures that lead to high wages tend to be
If discrimination does not cause low (or high) wages, and low wages do not
cause discrimination, but both are caused by a particular pattern of industrial or-
at patterns that relate to the development of higher-wage jobs even though the
The second, and perhaps more critical reason that examining the relationship
between wage discrimination and the wages of groups not discriminated against
is important is that its answer can help shed empirical light on the long-standing
question of why wage discrimination persists. Since Gary Becker first broached the
explained both the existence and the persistence of a wage gap between men and
women and between blacks and whites. Multiple theories of discrimination explain
wage gaps between different groups in the face of the prima facie presumption that
market forces ought to set one’s wage equal to the marginal product of one’s labor.
5
1.2 Manager Discrimination
decisions cause hiring discrimination. Managers working for firm owners often act
as their agents in hiring, firing, and wage determination decisions. Many economic
models that explain wage discrimination or its absence assume that a firm’s poten-
tially discriminatory decisions either maximize owner utility (Becker 1957) or profits
(Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977; Phelps 1972; Reich 1984; Blau, Ferber, and
Winkler 1992, p. 224). The model proposed in this study introduces principal/agent
conflict so that managers make hiring decisions to maximize their own utility rather
discrimination happens not because of company policy but because of the discrimi-
discrimination and to have policies to that effect, while individual managers violate
such policies, bringing about discriminatory results that are not the fault of the
firm.
company policy, but rogue managers acting contrary to company policy (New York
Times 2001).
3
Demonstrating that discrimination took place despite efforts of the company to prevent it is
not a defense against charges of discrimination, but can have drastic effects in limiting damages
in such cases. See Burlington Industries, Inc. v. Ellerth, Faragher v. Boca Raton, and Kolstad v.
American Dental Ass’n.
6
In March 2001, a class of 2,600 current and former black employees sued food
Sodexho spokesperson Leslie Aun and Sodexho court filings called the cases of dis-
crimintion “isolated”, with Aun claiming,“When you have a company that is the
size of 100,000 people, do you have people who act inappropriate? Yes.. . . We have
the same issues as a town of 100,000. But is that reflective of the culture or the kind
of company you’re trying to build? No. We’ve been very aggressive about taking
a stand on these issues.” (Shin 2004) Representatives of the company claim that
York’s Plaza hotel of discriminating against Muslim staff members after the Septem-
ber 11, 2001 terrorist attack. Plaza spokesperson Amanita Duga-Carroll acknowl-
edged some discriminatory behavior on the part of managers, but claimed that it was
contrary to company policy, and noted that the company terminated or suspended
went to trial in May 2004 claimed that Boeing benefitted from paying women less
than men. Boeing’s lead counsel Barbara Berish Brown countered, claiming that
Boeing’s policies specifically prohibit salary discrimination on the base of sex, explic-
2004)
Jewelry store chain Friedman’s Inc. faced a class-action suit in 2003 claiming
hiring and promotion discrimination against blacks. Freidman’s Inc attorney Denis
Shanagher identified the chain as “an equal opportunity employer [that] does not
7
Shanagher noted that outrageously discriminatory action by one single manager was
If one takes these claims at face value that firms find discrimination undesirable
from discrimination), but some managers desire to discriminate, and thus persist
in this behavior even in the face of lower expected wages (either probabilistically
because of the risk of firing or deterministically as in the pay schemes linking pay to
diverse hiring), an economic model should be able to reflect this dynamic. Such a
that managers are penalized for discriminating is not consistent with profit maxi-
that a model in which discriminating managers are paid less had never been devel-
oped or tested, but suggested that such effects were unlikely to actually exist.
Several firms have explicitly adopted policies linking managerial pay to hiring
records, suggesting that the theory that managers take a pay cut for discriminating
is not as far-fetched as previously thought, and deserves further study. Some firms
have responded to discrimination lawsuits with policies that explicitly link manage-
rial pay with the diversity of managers’ hiring records. According to Wall Street
Journal reporter Mehta (1996), firms implementing such pay policies include Mar-
riott International Inc., Deloitte & Touche, Tenneco, and Hoechst Celanese Corp.
In June 2004, the United States’ largest employer, Wal-Mart, announced that it
would link the bonuses of its top executives to their ability to meet diversity goals.
in promotion through the Wal-Mart chain. Wal-Mart CEO Lee Scott announced
up to 7.5% cuts in bonuses for all top executives, including himself, if a smaller
8
proportion of women and minorities were promoted than applied for management
promotion are rare but the group includes some large and influential firms. Repre-
sentatives of the firms interviewed in the article, however, claimed that their firms
believed that diversity in hiring benefited the firms’ bottom lines. If diversity in hir-
ing does indeed benefit profitability, as in the model developed in this study, then
firms explicitly linking diversity in hiring to managerial pay capture only the tip of
the iceberg: many more firms would implicitly link diversity in hiring to managerial
pay. If diversity in hiring is good for profitability either inherently (in the absence of
any firm that links managerial pay with performance would penalize managers for
discriminating.
Note that finding support for the claim that discrimination is driven by man-
agers’ preference to hire males does not necessarily imply that discrimination is solely
the fault of rogue managers. In the profit-neutral version of the manager discrimina-
tion model, firms pay managers according to their marginal revenue product for the
they can pay them less could also be consistent with these findings, particularly
if managers are hired within internal labor markets. To test for the distinction
manager discrimination model (and to examine the owners’ incentive for hiring dis-
criminating managers), one would need data on localized profit rates, which I do
not have.
9
show that they do not explain the same results. The theoretical story of discrimina-
tion and wage gaps has not lacked for attention in any of the decades since Becker
first tackled the issue in 1957 (Becker 1957; Phelps 1972; Arrow 1973; Aigner and
Cain 1977; Reich 1984; Black 1995; Lundberg and Startz 1998). For a summary,
see Altonji and Blank (1999). These multiple theoretical models of discrimination,
however, posit different causes for the wage gap, and thus would imply different pol-
icy solutions. Determining the extent of wage discrimination itself has proven to be
a difficult empirical challenge, although many empiricists have risen to the challenge
(Cain 1986; Blau and Beller 1988; Groshen 1991; Blau and Beller 1992; Blau and
Kahn 1992; Neal and Johnson 1996; Blau and Kahn 1997). A more daunting chal-
lenge has been to determine to what extent wage discrimination is due to different
wage differentials not based directly on productivity factors, but determining which
story to tell about which group at which time remains a difficult question.
regard to discrimination, “other social scientists, by their early entrance into this
field may have established it as their property; the economist here, as elsewhere,
has respected the property rights of others.” (Becker 1957, p. 2) Property rights of
takes the form of disutility from contact with members of a particular group. Prej-
udice refers to the case where an individual experiences disutility from associating
10
with certain groups of people. Prejudice becomes measurable as discrimination
when that individual pays money or foregoes income in order to associate and not
associate with the people of his or her choice. (Becker 1957, p. 6). The amount
an individual pays for the “good” of association with desired groups measures the
extent to which that individual discriminates. This foregone income reveals that the
discriminating party values the lack of contact with people of the disliked group at
least as much as the amount of money foregone. Becker refers to this as a “shadow
For a utility-maximizing employer, then, the hiring decision enters the utility
function through two paths. First, hiring affects the profitability of the firm, which
affects the income available to the firm owner. This path alone leads to the normal
profit maximization story — firms maximize profits because their owners maximize
ously unconsidered in economic models. There are more inputs to the firm owner’s
utility function than simply profits. The firm owner maximizes utility with respect
not only to profits but also with respect to contact with groups of people the owner
likes or dislikes.
money costs of hiring a worker, buying a product, working at a job, etc., with the
net utility costs of each of these actions. Becker then uses this as a springboard
consumer discrimination.
11
1.3.1 Owner Taste
If an employer faced a wage of π for a particular type of labor i, but the employer
incurred disutility from hiring that type of worker, the employer would behave as if
the wage paid to that worker were π(1 + di ) for workers belonging to group i. The
Suppose there are two factors of production that are perfect substitutes in the
production process but one factor Lo produces disutility di for the employer, while
the other factor Lω does not. If the market wages for both were equal, there would
be less demand for Lo than for Lω . This would lead to a shortage of Lω and a
surplus of Lo . The theoretical Walrasian auctioneer, however, would notice that the
market does not clear, and adjust prices accordingly. Thus, wages for Lω would
go up, increasing supply and decreasing demand, and wages for Lo would go down,
decreasing supply and increasing demand, until the markets clear. This is commonly
By this mechanism, employer distaste for Lo drives down the price of Lo until
would pay higher factor prices, while employers with lower or zero DCs would pay
lower factor prices. In competitive product markets, firms facing higher costs would
be driven out of the industry in the long-run adjustment process. This would reduce
demand for Lω and increase demand for Lo , leading to a new short-run equilibrium
wage regime in which the wage for Lo is close to the wage for Lω than it was in the
previous regime. This process would continue until only firms with a DC of zero
Becker thus concluded that in competitive product markets, owner taste dis-
12
with their higher costs, would be driven out of business. Stiglitz (1973) noted that
kets could allow owner taste discrimination to persist. Minimum wage legislation,
efficiency wages, or other factors that yield non-clearing factor markets can produce
job queues. In the presence of queues, employers could discriminate in whom they
Becker explored the possibility that the distaste for working with members of
another race could come not from the owners of the firm but from the workers.
this form of discrimination, employers would find it least costly to employ completely
segregated workforces. Stiglitz (1973) argues that this model developed by Becker
(1957) and expanded by Arrow (1972a, 1972b) and Krueger (1963) explains only
segregation and not discrimination in the long run as long as there is the equivalent
Welch (1967) observes that worker distaste for members of other groups need
not lead to a segregated workforce if workers of different groups are complements for
one another rather than substitutes. If workers from two groups are complements,
the increase in marginal productivity for a worker (and, presumably, wage) caused
by working with members of the complementary group could more than offset the
disutility of working with said group. Welch does conclude, however, that “The
incentive to integrate is derived solely from the possibility of obtaining factor com-
binations different from those which exist under segregation” (Welch 1967 p. 232) —
in other words, workers from the two groups must be fundamentally different from
one another in a way that is useful to the production process. Integration takes
13
place only when there are significant differences between two groups that comple-
ment each other in production. If workers are basically the same but dislike one
One element these models omit are the legal or public relations costs of maintaining
will add this element, which helps explain how worker taste could lead to discrimi-
nation and not mere segregation with long-run tendencies toward wage equalization
Becker notes the potential for discrimination based not on the tastes of firm
owners or employees, but rather on the tastes of consumers. Welch (1967) con-
cluded that if some consumers derive no disutility from associating with members of
the disfavored group, these consumers could act as intermediaries for “impersonal”
products, arbitraging away the price difference for goods and services that do not
require contact between the producer and the end consumer. Thus, consumer taste
suggests that in the presence of customer preferences for goods or services produced
by one group of workers over another where such customers are willing to pay a
premium for goods or services from non-minority workers over minority workers,
the minority status of a worker becomes an actual factor in that worker’s marginal
revenue product for the firm. In this case, it is impossible to separate discrimina-
tion from productivity differences by looking at the inputs because the same input
14
coworkers and at the same time differences in productivity (because customers may
be willing to pay more for goods or services from non-minority workers). If these
“discriminatory differences” in the pay gap. Hammermesh and Biddle (1994) find
evidence that lawyers that consumers find attractive earn more than ones consumers
find ugly. This means that lawyers whose physical appearance is more desirable to
clients are by definition more productive — clients are willing to pay more for their
services, and clients’ willingness to pay determines the worth of the lawyers’ time.
Race and sex are both linked to physical appearance. It is a small leap to go from
factor.
notion that capitalists benefit from discrimination and non-minority workers suffer.
Becker, of course, develops a model in which this is not the case, despite what Becker
The simple act, however, of developing a model in which something does not hap-
pen does not prove that the phenomenon does not occur. Similarly, Becker’s 1957
benefit from discrimination requires empirical testing. Models can and indeed do ex-
ist in which capitalists benefit from discrimination and workers (even non-minority
workers) are hurt by the same. Reich (1981) finds that where the median black
household income is a larger percentage of the median white household income, in-
4
Becker cites Saenger (1953), Allport (1955), Rose (1951), Cox (1948), Dollard (1937),
McWilliams (1948), and Aptheker (1946) as claiming that capitalists benefit from discrimination
at the expense of all workers.
15
equality among whites goes down, or the greater the inequality between whites and
blacks, the greater the inequality between rich whites and poor whites.
The Becker model, and indeed, many neoclassical models, requires that wage
determination (and, by extension, the buying and selling of labor) takes place in
perfectly competitive markets, with all the attendant prerequisites (full employ-
ment, perfect information, uniform goods, etc.). In the absence of these prerequi-
sites, many institutionalist economists offer the counterproposal that in the context
petitive markets. If the firms in an industry can effectively collude to fix prices,
profits will go up at the cost of consumer surplus. Similarly, if workers can effec-
tively collude to fix labor prices, wages could go up at the cost of profits. This
implies that profit share could be related to the ability of workers to effectively form
a cohesive group.
Reich’s model (1981 p. 204) sets the bargaining power of workers as a function
of the relative wages and quantities of black and white workers. Reich notes that the
labor market sets a wage floor below which a firm cannot hire workers, but, at least
in the short run, a firm could certainly choose to pay more to workers. In a twist on
Stiglitz’s efficiency wage theory, if a firm selects one group of its workers to receive
a wage premium in exchange for their not joining with another group in collective
bargaining, the firm could potentially buy a lower total wage bill by dividing the
pool of workers that potentially might bargain as a unit. White capitalists thus earn
more in the presence of discrimination, while white workers earn less. Discrimination
From this model, Reich concludes that “racial inequality can be stable in a
competitive economy even in the absence of collusion among employers.” The model
16
is consistent with Reich’s finding that capitalists benefit from discrimination, while
white workers receive reduced wages. This model relies on a unionized labor force
being the alternative scenario; if employers do not fear the threat of unionization,
cause discrimination is not the indulgence of a firm-owner’s tastes but rather the use
(1973), Phelps (1972), Spence (1973) and Aigner and Cain (1977) are united by
the theme that there is a profit motive for discriminating. In the absence of dis-
crimination, then, workers in the group not discriminated against would receive
lower wages and managers not engaging in the best practice of discriminating would
receive lower wages, in direct opposition to the predictions of a manager taste dis-
crimination model. In some ways, a model of this class is the most direct alternative
information literature of the 1970’s. Spence (1973), for instance, explicitly treats
With transition costs associated with worker change and imperfect knowledge of
or costly messages that individuals can choose to invest in, are the focus of Spence’s
analysis, but he also acknowledges the existence of “indices,” which are unalterable
observable characteristics that convey information. Spence classifies race and sex as
17
unalterable indices rather than investable signals.
Stiglitz (1973) extends this framework to explicitly address the impact of indices
an index, members of a group with a higher mean productivity will receive a higher
return to the same increase in productivity than members of a group with a lower
members of the group with the higher mean productivity have a larger incentive to
invest in additional productivity, making the difference in means grow even greater.
Stiglitz further notes that firms that do not discriminate (i.e. that do not use the
and firms that disregard information conveyed by race or sex earn less than firms
that use all available information. This model is consistent with both individual
noting that if the effect of the imputation of average group characteristic information
to members of that group is linear, as it is in Phelps (1972), then while there are
some winners and some losers in each group, the average wage of workers of each
group will equal the average marginal productivity of each group: thus, no economic
discrimination. Aigner and Cain note that if both the average level of productivity
for a group and the variance matters then there could be systemic differences in
wages, but they find little empirical evidence that such a model explains much if
In any of these models, information is both costly and valuable. If indices (i.e.
workers’ ascriptive characteristics such as race and sex) convey information, and
information has value, any employer not using such information would be incurring
18
extra costs. In such a case, competitive product markets would drive out non-
the part of the employer for hiring members of any group. Indeed, hedonic utility
functions do not enter the analysis. Similarly, because firms discriminate in the
context of profit maximization, long run competition does not drive out discrimina-
tion5 .
In 1953, Milton Friedman claimed that “The ultimate goal of a positive science
is the development of a ‘theory’ or ‘hypothesis’ that yields valid and meaningful (i.e.
not truistic) predictions about phenomena not yet observed” (Friedman 1953, p. 5).
He further claimed that “The choice among alternative hypotheses equally consistent
with the available evidence must to some extent be arbitrary...” (Friedman 1953, p.
10).
ized most existing tests of discrimination theories. Theories have been proposed
methodology claims that choices among the theories, however, to a large extent have
Some efforts have taken place attempting to pit theories against one another,
and to explain why this has been done as little as it has. Levitt (2003) notes that
a persistent empirical challenge, and suggests that economists may have to turn to
unusual data sources in order to gather the revealed preference information neces-
5
This assumes that employers are not incorrect about the information conveyed by the index.
Being “not incorrect” means that the assumptions about the index are either objectively correct
or self-perpetuating.
19
sary to help determine whether taste-discrimination or information-discrimination
game show (The Weakest Link ), in which the structure of the game gives contes-
tants an incentive in early rounds to vote against players who do poorly (or whom
they expect to will poorly), and in later rounds to vote against players who do well
(or whom they expect will do well). Because Levitt’s data also includes measure-
ments of the players’ observed “productivity,” he shows how a pattern of more votes
against a particular demographic group than the number that would be would be
consistent with their performance in both early rounds and later rounds would be
demographic group in early rounds that reverses itself in later rounds, on the other
in his data set against women or Blacks. Despite the statistical significance of his
20
discrimination ideally requires a data set representative of real-world market be-
havior (rather than stylized game show interactions) that uses changing incentive
Even this, however, does not seem to identify the truly interesting question.
The real world discriminatory tendencies of people in general are not especially
is of much more economic relevance. Thus, while Levitt proposes a strong test of
of the game show were representative of real-world settings and the contestants
conclusions to any relevant policy questions about the ways in which discrimination
affects hiring, wages, promotion, and other labor market outcomes. Levitt’s ideal
data could show how representative individuals might discriminate if they had they
had the opportunity. Everyone, however, does not have equal opportunities to
discriminate, and thus Levitt’s ideal data would not explain the discrimination that
The story of wage gaps between pairs of groups (black-white, male-female, etc)
has been well documented; Altonji and Blank (1999) summarize this quite thor-
oughly. Little previous empirical work explicitly examines the relationship between
discriminatory wage gaps and the pay of workers not discriminated against; one of
the rare examples comes from Reich (1984). Reich examines the relationship be-
tween white income inequality and the wage equality between black and white work-
ers. Using the ratio between median black household and median white household
income as a proxy for discrimination, he finds when the ratio is higher, inequality
among whites goes down, or the greater the inequality between whites and blacks,
the greater the inequality between rich whites and poor whites. Little corresponding
21
work has been published on the issue of the gender pay gap; this project will fill
This study will thus examine the effect of the unexplained wage gap between
men and women on the wages of non-managerial males and on the wages of their
managers. It will also examine the effect of the unexplained wage gap between
blacks and whites on the wages of non-managerial whites and on the wages of their
managers.
Chapter 2 develops a simple model of manager taste discrimination, and tests its
reduced form predictions about the effect of discrimination against female workers on
the wages of managers. Chapter 3 develops the manager taste model in more detail,
the context of the effect of discrimination against black non-managers on the the
wages of managers. The alternative hypotheses come from the models reviewed in
this chapter.
and white non-managers requires some extrapolation; most of the models do not
about the productivity of current or potential employees. Firms not employing all
be lower at such firms. Similarly, managers’ wages should be lower because the
If some firms engage in statistical discrimination and others do not, the wages of
22
TABLE 1.1
individuals from groups with higher expected productivities would be higher at firms
than at firms that do not. If the unexplained wage gap is higher where more firms
where the unexplained wage gap is higher, wages should be higher for members of
In the consumer taste model, consumers have a preference for services from one
group of workers over another. Profits should be higher at firms that pay wages ac-
cording to marginal productivity. If this model holds, firms that pay workers from
different groups equally even though their effect on revenue is unequal pay their fac-
to consumer preferences, it follows that firms that pay factors more efficiently will
23
Because managers are the ones who implement pay structures, managers who
implement efficient pay structures have a higher marginal revenue product than
managers who implement inefficient pay structures. Thus, managers should earn
If firms in some areas respond to consumer tastes with their pay structure more
on average than firms in other areas do, workers of the groups with a higher marginal
revenue product (i.e. those favored by consumers) would earn more at firms that
gap increases, the pay for workers of favored groups should also increase.
The consumer taste model could be considered a special case of the statistical
discrimination model. While the two models grew out of different traditions, con-
sumer taste is the most intractable statistical discrimination model. The common
noisy but cheap sources of information such as race and sex. In consumer taste
statistical discrimination models, but it is not a noisy signal. Race or sex itself is
the source of the productivity difference because consumers are willing to pay a
In the divide and conquer model, firm owners pit two groups of workers against
each other to enhance profitability. Where the practice is more prevalent, profits
should increase. This profit motive drives the practice; if profits did not increase,
The effect on managers’ wages is less explicit in the model, but two aspects
24
of Reich (1981) suggest it should be positively signed. First, Reich’s empirical
findings show that controlling for other effects, the income Gini coefficient among
whites increases as the black-white wage gap increases. If this were caused entirely
by increased profits and not by increased manager pay (including pay for upper
by no corresponding increase in the earnings Gini coefficient. This is not the case,
the increased profits resulting from “dividing and conquering” the workers, and
managers are the ones to carry out this practice, it follows that managers who can
carry out this practice would have value to the firm, and be rewarded for it. While
Reich does explicitly discuss the effect of his model of discrimination on the wages
of managers, both empirically and theoretically it appears that the Reich model
Reich’s primary prediction is that white workers earn less in the presence of
discrimination than they would have earned in the absence of discrimination, even
though they earn more than black workers. This is a primary distinguishing feature
of “divide and conquer” models — by dividing the workforce into privileged and
unprivileged groups, all wages are kept lower than they would be in the event that
workers choose to buy, as long as wages are set correctly. If hiring a more segregated
workforce imposes costs on the firm, the workers who desire this workforce bear
that cost. Managers and owners are unwilling to bear the costs of discrimination; if
workers will not absorb the costs, discrimination will not take place in this model.
25
Thus, the model predicts no link between the wage gap and profits or managers’
wages.
At least in the short run, this model predicts that the wages of members of
majority groups should be lower in the presence of a higher wage gap. If legal, insti-
the wage gap and its effect on majority wages should persist. Workers from major-
ity groups, however, elect to earn less in exchange for the utility they receive from
In the owner taste model, owners are willing to forego profits in order to “buy”
a workforce comprised of members of a group they like. In areas where owners are
more willing to do this, profits will be lower. This is a key feature of this model.
Managers’ wages should not be affected by the wage gap. In both the case of dis-
to owners’ whims. Nothing in the model suggests that either tactic calls for more
with the desires of firm owners. Thus, does not predict any link between the wage
favored groups increases and demand for workers from non-favored groups decreases.
This model does not call for any secondary mechanisms that would cancel out this
effect. This means that when the wage gap increases, wages of workers from favored
26
CHAPTER 2
Managers working for firm owners often act as their agents in hiring, firing, and
sume that a firm’s potentially discriminatory decisions either maximize owner utility
(Becker 1957) or profits (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977; Phelps 1972; Reich
1984; Blau, Ferber, and Winkler 1992, p. 226; Blau, Ferber, and Winkler 1992, p.
224). This study shows that a model in which hiring decisions maximize the man-
agers’ utility rather than the firm’s profits predicts a different effect of discrimination
on managers’ wages than many models that ignore this principal/agent distinction.
This study finds that under a reasonable set of assumptions, for every percent
that discrimination reduces female non-managerial workers’ pay below its level in the
that locale fall by at least 0.227%, and the wages earned by managers in that locale
managers and male coworkers also suffer lower pay from the presence of a male-
female wage gap in their locality. These empirical effects are consistent with the
discrimination model based on the tastes of both coworkers and managers developed
27
here.
Becker (1957) argued that discrimination is not stable in the long run because of
competitive markets will drive out any firm with higher than normal costs.
from long-run competition, or discrimination must be efficient for the firm. Indus-
product markets include Hellerstein, Neumark and Troske (1997) and Black and
Strahan (1999). Statistical discrimination models (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain
1977; Phelps 1972) claim that discriminating firms take advantage of all available
information, and thus are efficient. Strategic segmentation models (Reich 1984) ar-
gue that firms can lower payroll costs across the board by maintaining two groups
itive product markets despite that inefficiency because someone other than the firm
and Winkler 1992, p. 226) explain the ongoing “inefficiency” by customers who are
1
While economists such as Gunnar Myrdal had written about wage discrimination earlier
(Myrdal 1944), the first widely-noted formal model of wage discrimination (and its apparent viola-
tion of the so-called “law of one price”) came from University of Chicago sociologist and economist
Gary Becker (Becker 1957). Becker’s basic model of employer discrimination accounts for dis-
crimination in the short run, but predicts that in competitive product markets, in the long run
discrimination should disappear due to market forces alone. (Becker 1957; Blau and Kahn 2000).
Prior to Becker’s formulation of his theory, competitive product markets existed; firms had been
formed and had gone out of business, and still, discrimination was, as Kenneth Arrow quotes
Samuel Johnson, “too evident for detection and too gross for aggravation” (Arrow 1998). In other
words, when Becker developed his model predicting that competitive markets eliminate wage dis-
crimination, facts indicated that competitive markets had not eliminated wage discrimination even
at firms that had survived multiple long-run market adjustments. Thus, while Becker’s basic model
opened the door to economic modeling of wage discrimination, it did not explain persistent wage
discrimination in competitive markets. Welch (1967 p. 227) concurs with the assessment that “[i]n
view of the rather long history of discrimination, it seems to me that explanations which are stable
only in the short run are unsatisfactory.”
28
willing to pay more for services rendered by people who are not in a group they
dislike. Coworker discrimination models (Blau, Ferber, and Winkler 1992, p. 224)
project that some workers would forego a portion of wages in order to not have to
managers in a firm as agents of the employer who make hiring decisions but seek
to maximize their own utility, not firm profitability. This principal/agent situation
allows for “bosses” to perpetuate discrimination and yet not hurt the firm’s bottom
line, thus negating the push of market forces that would have otherwise driven
hold with one exception. Some people who run a company experience psychic disu-
tility from hiring female employees. If enough people making hiring decisions prefer
to hire males to females, ceteris paribus this reduces demand for female employees,
causing the going wage for female employees to fall below that of male employees,
hiring females at all, or partially by hiring fewer females) are less efficient than those
who do not. The difference lies in long-run adjustments. Firm owners reviewing
these managers find they are not maximizing profits: the agent does not represent
the principal well. To actually represent the interest of the principal well (by hiring
in a non-discriminatory manner) would incur psychic disutility for the agent. If firms
manager would earn less money than a non-discriminating manager because the
29
discriminating manager does not hire efficiently. This model predicts that where
not perform as well as higher-quality managers, but they also cost less.
derpay female workers because of their own distaste for female workers, and not
because of pressure from the owners. If managers make hiring and firing decisions
and set pay, then by definition, managers will carry out wage discrimination. The
mere fact that managers are the ones carrying out the discrimination does not dif-
be a source of disutility, and the firm’s managers do not hire women to please the
owners, the agents (managers) simply accommodate the principals (owners), and the
original Becker (1957) model applies. If the owners of a firm want to strategically
divide male and female workers to segmenting the labor force, as in racial divides in
this context would simply act as a good agent, and traditional segmentation models
would apply.
agers discriminating because of their own tastes is not trivial. On June 22, 2004,
Federal Judge Martin J. Jenkins of the United States District Court in San Francisco
certified 1.6 million female current and former Wal-Mart employees for a class-action
discrimination lawsuit against Wal-Mart. The suit claims that Wal-Mart systemati-
cally paid and promoted women less than men. Wal-Mart appealed the class-action
certification, claiming that discrimination was not due to systemic corporate pol-
icy (pressure from the principals), but rather the tastes of the individual managers
30
(Greenhouse and Hays 2004). Even if managers’ tastes drive discrimination, owners
rents.
absolute sense; they lose wages. While their wages are lower than those of non-
from being able to discriminate at least what they lose in wages; if not, they would
act like non-discriminating managers. Arrow (1998) noted that this model had never
been developed or tested, but suggested that such effects were unlikely to actually
exist.
production, male and female labor, and that the production function of any firm is
the same:
Y = F (L) (2.1)
where in Equation (2.1), Y is the output of the firm and L is the input of generic
L = Lm + L f (2.2)
where Lm represents the quantity of male labor and Lf represents the quantity of
female labor.
π = Py F (Lm + Lf ) − Lm Wm − Lf Wf (2.3)
where in Equation (2.3), Py represents the price of the good produced, a constant
competitive market.
31
Lf
Let r = L
.
if Wf < Wm , the profit maximizing firm would hire only female labor (i.e. r = 1)
∗)
at the quantity L∗ where Py dFdL
(L
= Wf .
If managers rather than owners make the hiring decisions, managers do not nec-
essarily maximize π, but rather their own utility, Ub , where r, the fraction of female
employees, and Wb , the manager’s wages both affect managers’ utility. Assume a
If a manager makes inefficient decisions, the firm loses Λ, the additional amount
the firm would have earned had the manager maximized profits. Let Λ ≡ π − π ∗
where π is the actual level of profits earned under the manager, and π ∗ is the level
of profits that would have been earned had the manager maximized profits. Thus,
Wb = Wb (Λ) (2.6)
∂ ∂
G Wb (Λ(r)) = D(r) (2.7)
∂r ∂r
which decomposes to
∂G ∂Wb ∂Λ ∂
= D(r) (2.8)
∂Wb ∂Λ ∂r ∂r
∂G
In decomposed form, ∂Wb
represents the marginal utility of money to a manager.
∂Wb
The term ∂Λ
represents how firms penalize managers for lost profits. In the profit-
32
∂Wb
neutral case2 , ∂Λ
= 1. If managers had market power and their leadership wanted
∂Wb
to reward discriminatory managers, ∂Λ
could be less than one. If firms have bar-
∂Wb
gaining or information advantages over managers, it could be the case that ∂Λ
> 1,
Firms would thus have depressed demand for female labor. This model alone
∂
would predict that as ∂r
D(r) increases (i.e. the disutility of a higher fraction of
female labor in the workforce increases, or managers have stronger tastes for not
∂Wb
hiring female labor), r will fall, and as long as ∂Λ
> 0 (i.e. firms do not reward
managers for losing money and punish them for increasing the firm’s profitability),
managers would earn less money. The wages for female labor, Wf would be lower
than their non-discriminatory value, and the wages for male labor, Wm would be
It would be likely that the tastes of managers are not entirely disconnected from
the tastes of male non-managers in the same geographic area. This model could
predict that both managers and non-manager male workers would lose wages due
with multiple industries, some of which were governed by the manager discrimination
model and others governed by the employee discrimination model; more complex
2
In the “profit-neutral” version of this model, firms pay managers according to their marginal
revenue product for the owners. A divide-and-conquer model in which owners cultivate a preference
for discrimination among their managers so they can pay them less could also exist, particularly in
a model with limited job transition options among managers. To test for the distinction between a
“profit-neutral” manager discrimination model and a “profit-advantageous” manager discrimina-
tion model (and to examine the owners’ incentive for hiring discriminating managers), one would
need data on localized profit rates, which I do not have.
33
(and realistic) combinations could also produce the same results.
This section lays out an econometric strategy to measure the relationship be-
tween wage discrimination against one group and the wages of other groups. This
study uses individual workers in the non-target groups as the unit of analysis . With
this approach, the measured wage of each worker is the dependent variable, while
individual levels of various forms of human capital, other determinants of pay, and
the level of discrimination in the labor market containing that individual are the
the relationship between the level of wage discrimination against a target group
in a given labor market and the wages of non-target group members in that labor
market. Using this approach, the standard errors need adjustment because of the
set some of the benefit to standard error gained by the large sample size, although
In Equation (2.9), Wi is the wage of male worker i, who works in labor market j,
the wages of worker i, Mj are other determinants of the wages of all workers in labor
i is the residual term for individual i, and uj is the residual term for labor market
j.
As in Rogers (1993), this study uses ordinary least squares regressions to find
34
the effect of the unexplained wage gap on the wages of male non-managerial work-
ers and managers, but adjusts the variances according to a modified Huber-White
technique to account for the clustering in the error term. Repeating the study using
nitude of the coefficients slightly, but the sign and significance of the variables of
the extent of wage discrimination (Cain 1986; Blau and Beller 1988; Groshen 1991;
Blau and Beller 1992; Blau and Kahn 1992; Neal and Johnson 1996; Blau and Kahn
Ronald Oaxaca (Oaxaca and Ransom 1999; Altonji and Blank 1999). This study
will employ the Oaxaca decomposition in every geographic labor market (“Place of
Work Public Use Microdata Area,” or POWPUMA as defined by the United States
Census Bureau) to measure the size of the pay gap between males and females that
35
In a Oaxaca decomposition of the gap between the mean log wages of two groups,
one performs two wage regressions: one for each group. One can decompose the wage
gap, the difference in mean log wages between the two groups, into the “explained”
The explained portion (i.e. the difference not due to discrimination) for each
observable characteristic is the product of the difference between the second group’s
mean value and the first group’s mean value multiplied by the first group’s coefficient
for that characteristic. The sum of this value for all characteristics is the portion
of the wage gap that differences between the two groups’ observable characteristics
explain. The unexplained portion of the gap equals the total gap minus the portion
Barsky et al. (2001) propose a non-parametric model that does not need this ar-
bitrary normalization. While such a model would be ideal here, data constraints
the wage gap for each labor market) preclude the use of the more data-intensive
In this study, this calculation will take place with males as the first group and
females as the second group. The unexplained gap serves as a proxy for the wage
gaps due to sex discrimination. For each locale, a Oaxaca decomposition split
4
Juhn, Murphy, and Pierce (1991) suggest that the measurements of discrimination would
ordinarily be close, but not necessarily equal depending on which normalization one selects. In
this case, however, there exists a reason to prefer one normalization over the other. If one group is
significantly larger than the other, using the coefficients from the larger group to multiply by the
smaller group’s mean in the decomposition (i.e. group one is the larger group) would result in an
estimation of the difference with a smaller standard error.
36
by sex will determine the unexplained sex wage gap (a proxy for the wage gap
described above, the wage regression for each locale and sex for the male/female
In Equation (2.11), Ai is the age of individual i, E1i through E5i are dummy
variables for education as defined in the Appendix, Bi is a dummy variable for black
workers, and S1i and S2i are dummy variables for extractive5 and manufacturing6
The variable Ai (or potential experience) serves as a proxy for human capi-
tal due to actual experience (and on-the-job training), and the various education
dummy variables attempt to capture human capital due to education. This will
over represent discrimination to the extent that there are productivity characteris-
tics correlated with race or gender that the human capital proxies (such as quality
than years of schooling (or dummies for various sheepskin effects) have been demon-
strated in the context of race to be helpful in measuring human capital (Neal and
Johnson 1996). If members of groups facing discriminatory wage offsets tend to sys-
tematically acquire experience-based human capital differently with age than groups
facing no such offsets in a manner not due to discrimination, this would make age
5
Census Industry codes between 0 and 56, inclusive
6
Census Industry codes between 77 and 406, inclusive
37
a particularly poor proxy in that case, and would lead to overrepresentation of dis-
crimination. This might be the case for sex, but it might not; due to lower labor
force attachment, women often have lower rates of acquiring firm-specific human
capital than men do. One still acquires experience, however, in time spent out-
side the formal-sector labor force. The degree to which the human capital acquired
subject to empirical investigation, but it is far from obvious that lower rates of labor
tion because discrimination causes selection bias (wages are only observed for those
actually in the workforce) and reduced levels of education for minority groups. Nev-
ertheless, this study shall interpret the decomposition of the sex wage gap to proxy
for the wage gap due to sex discrimination in locale j; I discuss further interpreta-
tion of this proxy in Section 2.3.4. The method also leaves out other forms of com-
differently for women and men (Ghilarducci 1985; Ghilarducci and Lee 2004), sug-
gesting that wage might not accurately proxy total hourly compensation in studies
exploring the wage gap between women and men. It would thus be quite desir-
Even if the unexplained wage gap were entirely due to discrimination and not
at all due to unmeasured productivity differences, the unexplained wage gap and
the level of discrimination against female workers are not the same thing. The next
subsection shall derive the relationship between the effect of the unexplained wage
gap on the wages of male non-managerial workers and the effect of the level of dis-
38
crimination against female workers on the wages of male non-managerial workers
under the naı̈ve case that the unexplained wage gap is entirely due to discrimina-
tion. The subsequent subsection will then expand this treatment to include the case
Even if the explained portion of the wage gap perfectly captured productivity
differences between men and women, leaving the unexplained portion of the wage
gap entirely due to discrimination, there would be a difference between the unex-
plained wage gap and the measurement of the effect of discrimination on women’s
wages. The unexplained wage gap would measure the effect of discrimination on
women’s wages and the effect of discrimination on men’s wages. I disentangle these
effects by examining the effect of the wage gap on the men’s wages.
D ≡ Wf∗ − Wf (2.12)
where in Equation (2.12) Wf is the actual level of women’s pay and Wf∗ is the wage
women would receive in the absence of discrimination. Similarly for men, let
men’s wages.
The wage gap between male and female workers, Wm − Wf , can thus be decom-
posed
39
or
where Wm∗ − Wf∗ represents the wage gap not due to discrimination and G, the wage
G = E(D) + D (2.16)
function would be E(D) ≈ µD, by Taylor series expansion (See Appendix A).
G ≈ D + µD (2.17)
and
1
D≈ G (2.18)
(1 + µ)
µ
If ψ ≡ (1+µ)
, then
E(D) ≈ ψG (2.19)
Wm ≈ Wm∗ + ψG (2.20)
By previous definition,
µ
ψ≡ (2.21)
(1 + µ)
Algebraic manipulation reveals
ψ
µ= (2.22)
(1 − ψ)
The variable µ represents the effect of discrimination against women on the wages
of men. Because decomposition reveals the unexplained wage gap and not the
portion of the gap that affects women’s wages, linear regression cannot identify µ.
40
Nonetheless, with a Taylor series approximation, µ can be expressed as a function
of ψ, which linear regression can identify. Thus, a ψ between zero and one indicates
that where there is more discrimination, male coworkers earn more money. A ψ less
than zero indicates that where there is more discrimination, male coworkers earn less
money. A ψ greater than one would indicate the unlikely result that discrimination
against women reduces men’s wages more than it reduces women’s wages.
In Section 2.3.3, I assumed that Wm∗ and Wf∗ represented the log wage levels
that men and women, respectively, would earn in the absence of discrimination
while E(D) and D represent the effect of discrimination on male log wages and the
reduction in female log wages due to discrimination. More accurately, Wm∗ and Wf∗
represent the log wage levels for men and women predicted by levels of observed non-
wages.
Dj = δj + ∆j (2.23)
female pay in locale j due to unobserved skill differences. E(D) is still the effect of
D on male wages, but not all the assumptions made in the previous section continue
to make sense.
Holzer and Neumark’s (2000) argue that while the size of share of the male-female
wage gap due to discrimination is still open to some empirical dispute, discrimina-
tion does exist and accounts for some positive portion of that gap. Holzer and Neu-
41
mark’s argument puts certain bounds on the terms of Equation (2.23). In particular,
∀j, δj > 0. This implies that there may be a gap in unobserved non-discriminatory
determinants of wages, but that gap neither explains the entire male-female pay gap
suggests that in the presence of customer preferences for goods or services produced
by one group of workers over another where such customers are willing to pay a
premium for (in this case) goods or services from male workers over female workers,
the sex of a worker becomes an actual factor in that worker’s marginal revenue
product for the firm. In this case, it is impossible to separate discrimination from
productivity differences by looking at the inputs because the same input (sex) is the
time differences in productivity (because customers may be willing to pay more for
goods or services from male workers). If these theorized effects exist, decomposition
pay gap.
Such a possibility highlights the need for the approach used in this study. If
local differences in customer taste for male workers drive the pay gap, and man-
relationship between the pay gap and manager pay. If manager response to cus-
tomer taste for male workers drive the pay gap (the taste exists everywhere, but
some managers have a sense of fairness or fear of anti-discrimination laws and thus
pay more equally even though marginal revenue product is different for male and
female workers), managers should earn more where there is more discrimination.
If managers earn less in the presence of more discrimination, ceteris paribus, this
implies that manager tastes and not customer tastes or other differences in marginal
42
revenue product between men and women drive the gap.
taste and coworker taste, the two effects are opposite in direction. The regression
would then indicate which effect is dominant, but the magnitude of the effect would
actually be stronger than its apparent magnitude because the countervailing effect
would mask part of the dominant effect. If the gap cannot be decomposed into
agers or coworkers reveal a preference for discrimination by taking lower pay in the
presence of more discrimination helps identify the source of the pay gap.
discrimination will make the effect of apparent discrimination on the wages of privi-
leged groups appear to be more positive than it actually is. If the apparent effect of
under the assumptions of Section 2.3.3 will change, but the sign should stay the
same. The better the unexplained wage gap measures the male-female wage gap
due to discrimination, the better the magnitudes calculated will accurately measure
This study uses data from the United States Census of Population and Housing,
2000. The decennial census in the United States attempts to question the entire
population of the United States. The long form questionnaire, however, which con-
tains most information of value to economists, goes out to one sixth of United States
43
households, or about 16.7% of the population. The Census Bureau does not release
the data collected in the decennial census in a way that could identify respondents.
fied. The microdata release used in this study is the 2000 1% Public Use Microdata
viduals.
The primary virtue of this data set is its size; my empirical strategy calls for sep-
arate regressions for male and female populations in each geographic labor market
task. The 1% Public Use Microdata Sample reports each respondent’s POWPUMA.
Area) in which the respondent works, the smallest geographical area reported in the
1% Public Use Microdata Sample for place of work. For respondents in Metropoli-
tan Statistical Areas, the POWPUMA corresponds to a common code for all Public
Use Microdata Areas included in the Metropolitan Statistical Area. Each POW-
PUMA contains enough male and female workers to meaningfully conduct a Oaxaca
44
2.4.2 Sample Selection
affects the wages of their managers and male coworkers uses four distinct samples:
their wages, and samples of male and female non-managerial workers to measure
In the case of male non-managerial workers, using the same population to es-
timate the unexplained wage gap and its effect on their wages leads to statistical
ln wi = Wi = Xi BM + i (2.24)
then (2.26) shows that the unexplained wage gap GU includes the error term i of
this would violate the regression assumption that the explanatory variables and the
To avoid this problem, I use a split sample: one sample of male non-managerial
workers in the Oaxaca decomposition to measure the unexplained sex wage gap in
45
each locale, and a separate sample in the final regression to calculate the effect of
the unexplained sex wage gap on the wages of male non-managerial workers.
Lettau (1997) found that similar part and full time workers have large wage
differentials for identical jobs. Examining the effect of part time workers would be
an important extension to this research, but for this study I simply recognize that
part time workers receive different returns for their skill and experience than full
time workers, and thus exclude workers working less than 30 hours a week from the
sample.
role in predicting firm behavior. For this reason, I exclude military and government
workers (those with Census industry codes over 936, corresponding to NAICS code
(1999, p. 3157) report that the standard “textbook” decomposition should control
for education, experience8 , region, occupation, industry, and whether the job is in
the public sector or part time. I control for a number of these characteristics via
In the first specification, the dependent variable is the hourly wages of male
hourly wages of managers in another. The unexplained sex wage gap in locale j
8
Because of restrictions imposed by the data set they use, the Current Population Survey
(CPS), Altonji and Blank would have to control for “potential experience” or age, and not actual
work experience. In 1979, one could adjust potential experience for years of schooling, but in
1995, the CPS does not report years of schooling, making the schooling-adjusted years of potential
experience infeasible given the data. Imputation of years of schooling from the schooling data
could allow them to control for imputed education adjusted potential experience.
46
is the independent variable of interest in both specifications; Figure 2.1 shows this
This study also controls for a fourth-degree polynomial of the respondent’s age
(see Appendix), educational attainment dummy variables, race, sex (manager re-
with varying levels of education, the unemployment rate for people who live within
the geographical territory of the POWPUMA, the average rental rate for individuals
who live in rented housing within the geographical territory of POWPUMA, and
Table B.1 in the Appendix describes the dataset for the sample of male non-
standard error adjustment shows that the unexplained male-female log wage gap on
the log wages of male non-managerial workers has a coefficient of -0.292. If the
unexplained male-female wage gap grows by 1%, wages for male non-managerial
workers fall by 0.290%. Subsequent analysis of this result and its theoretical im-
plications will depend primarily on the finding that the effect of the log wage gap
on male workers’ log wages is negative. Using the cluster-adjusted standard errors,
one can be 98% confident that this effect is, in fact, negative. If the log gap’s co-
efficient on male wages is 0.292, Equation (2.22) implies the effect of the proxy for
The unexplained male-female log wage gap has a coefficient of -0.410 on man-
agers’ log wages. If the unexplained male-female wage gap grows by 1%, managers’
wages fall by 0.407%. Subsequent analysis of this result and its theoretical im-
47
plications will also depend primarily on the finding that the effect of the gap on
managers’ log wages is negative. Using the cluster-adjusted standard errors, one
TABLE 2.1
Locale Unexplained
Sex Wage Gap -0.292∗ (0.125) -0.410∗ (0.166)
49
TABLE 2.1 (CONT.)
Transportation and
warehousing 0.256∗∗ (0.013) 0.546∗∗ (0.020)
Professional, Scientific,
and Technical Services 0.406∗∗ (0.013) 0.662∗∗ (0.018)
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.497∗∗ (0.063) 0.761∗∗ (0.044)
Administrative and
Support and Waste
Management 0.042∗∗ (0.013) 0.504∗∗ (0.020)
50
TABLE 2.1 (CONT.)
Accommodation and
Food Services -0.074∗∗ (0.014) 0.235∗∗ (0.016)
locale College
Diploma 0.618∗∗ (0.232) -0.337 (0.305)
Locale Graduate
Degree 1.176∗∗ (0.397) 0.477 (0.452)
Locale Unemployment
Rate 1.147∗∗ (0.196) 0.741∗∗ (0.260)
Locale Average
Rental Cost 0.000∗∗ (0.000) 0.000∗∗ (0.000)
Locale Transportation
and Warehousing 0.515∗ (0.247) 0.902∗∗ (0.248)
51
TABLE 2.1 (CONT.)
Locale Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.348 (0.337) 0.789∗ (0.316)
Locale Management
of Companies and
Enterprises 9.887 (6.493) 17.447∗ (7.289)
Locale Administrative
and Support and
Waste Management 0.093 (0.465) 1.919∗∗ (0.521)
Locale Health
Care and Social
Assistance -0.126 (0.223) 0.538† (0.296)
Locale Accommodation
and Food Services -0.561 (0.364) -0.887∗ (0.379)
52
TABLE 2.1 (CONT.)
N 293323 111989
R2 0.281 0.289
Significance levels : † : 10% ∗ : 5% ∗∗ : 1%
Log wages for female non-managerial workers would have been at Wf∗ in the
differences. When the reduction in female pay due to discrimination and unmeasured
These results illustrate the importance of multivariate regression for this prob-
lem. By pair-wise correlation alone, the unexplained wage gap has a positive corre-
lation with log wages of both male non-managerial workers and managers. Dismiss-
ing the possibility of second-order effects, the temptation exists to conclude that
a larger unexplained sex wage gap caused higher wages for male non-managerial
workers and managers. Multivariate regression reveals that the opposite is true in
both cases (The correlation tables anticipate this; see discussion of Table B.3 and
53
TABLE 2.2
of payroll costs. A manager who hires discriminating workers (and pays them less)
would be no more or less efficient than a manager who pays a premium for non-
discriminating workers who are more productive. Thus, a neutral model would
wages.
Firms would thus find it desirable to pursue a policy of hiring discriminating workers
as a form of cost minimization. Managers who hire discriminating workers (or culti-
vate a taste for discrimination among their workforce) would thus be more produc-
Thus, these models would predict managers in localities with higher discrimination
would make more money than managers in localities with less discrimination. If,
however, managers are just another kind of worker, a divide-and-conquer model that
includes dividing and conquering the managers would predict results identical to a
54
manager discrimination model and a shareholder-supported manager discrimination
model would be to have data on rates of return on investment in each of these lo-
A manager taste discrimination model would predict that the desire of managers
to not hire female workers drives discrimination at least in part. Managers are willing
to take a pay cut to be able to hire fewer female workers. Thus, a manager dis-
The estimation of the manager model revealed that the effect of the unexplained
gap in log wages by sex on the log wages of managers can be represented linearly
with a coefficient of -0.401. The transformation from Equation (2.18) implies that
under the assumptions outlined in section 2.3.4, managers’ wages fall by more than
0.531%.
2.7 Conclusions
Sex discrimination depresses the wages of managers and male coworkers. These
First, the results indicate that manager taste for hiring male workers at least
partly drives the sex wage gap. Managers thus appear to pay for wage discrimination
against female workers with foregone wages. This is consistent with the hypothesis
Secondly, the fact that the data support a model of discrimination that can per-
sist in competitive product markets supports a theory that competes with Becker’s
claim (1957) that competitive markets drive out discrimination in the long run. This
means that even in the long run, eliminating discrimination could require interven-
55
tion and cannot be left to competitive markets.
Finally, this study does not have the data to conclude whether firms benefit
from discriminating managers’ foregone wages or if the productivity losses from the
discrimination offset the managers’ wage reduction. If firms can reduce the pay of
discriminating managers by more than their lost profits from discriminatory hiring,
firms have an incentive to promote tastes for sex discrimination, as in the divide-
and-conquer models. If, on the other hand, as in the competitive model, firms
simply recoup their losses due to managers’ tastes for discrimination, firms have no
individual managers’ tastes for hiring female workers or need to target firms.
56
CHAPTER 3
by managers’ tastes. In this model, which Arrow (1998) proposed but did not
develop because he believed the phenomenon has “not been tested but certainly
seems dubious,” managers’ tastes alone drive discrimination. This model predicts
that as managers’ taste for discrimination rises, the wage gap rises, managers’ pay
falls, and non-targeted workers’ pay rises. Simple modifications to model find that
as managers’ taste for discrimination rises, the wage gap rises, managers’ pay falls,
Managers working for firm owners often act as their agents in hiring, firing,
utility (Becker 1957) or profits (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977; Phelps 1972;
Reich 1984; Blau, Ferber, and Winkler 1992, p. 224). This study shows that a
model in which hiring decisions maximize the managers’ utility rather than the
managers in a firm as agents of the employer who make hiring decisions but seek
57
to maximize their own utility, not firm profitability. This principal/agent situation
and yet not hurt the firm’s bottom line, thus negating the push of market forces
hold with one exception. Some people who run a company experience psychic disu-
tility from hiring employees from some groups. If enough people making hiring
decisions prefer to hire workers from one group to another, ceteris paribus this re-
duces demand for employees from the disfavored group, causing the going wage for
such employees to fall below that of employees from the favored group, as in the
Becker model.
hiring from the disfavored group at all, or partially by hiring fewer employees from
the disfavored group) are less efficient than those who do not. The difference lies
in long-run adjustments. Firm owners reviewing these managers find they do not
maximize profits: the agent does not represent the principal well. To faithfully rep-
resent the interest of the principal (by hiring in a non-discriminatory manner) would
incur psychic disutility for the agent. If firms compensate managers according to
their marginal revenue product, a discriminating manager would earn less money
hire efficiently. This model thus predicts that where levels of discrimination are
higher, manager pay is lower. Discriminating managers are like low-quality man-
derpay female workers because of their own distaste for female workers, and not
58
because of pressure from the owners. If managers make hiring and firing decisions
and set pay, then by definition, managers will carry out wage discrimination. The
mere fact that managers are the ones carrying out the discrimination does not dif-
be a source of disutility, and the firm’s managers do not hire women to please the
owners, the agents (managers) simply accommodate the principals (owners), and the
original Becker (1957) model applies. If the owners of a firm want to strategically
divide male and female workers to segmenting the labor force, as in racial divides in
this context would simply act as a good agent, and traditional segmentation models
would apply.
agers discriminating because of their own tastes is crucial and relevant. On June
22, 2004, Federal Judge Martin J. Jenkins of the United States District Court in
San Francisco certified 1.6 million female current and former Wal-Mart employ-
ees for a class-action discrimination lawsuit against Wal-Mart. The suit claims
that Wal-Mart systematically paid and promoted women less than men. Wal-Mart
appealed the class-action certification, claiming that discrimination was not due to
systemic corporate policy (pressure from the principals), but rather the tastes of the
individual managers (Greenhouse and Hays 2004). Even if managers’ tastes drive
“lose” in an absolute sense; they lose pay. While their pay is lower than that of
59
gained from being able to discriminate at least what they lose in wages; if not, they
would act like non-discriminating managers. Arrow (1998) noted that this model
had never been developed or tested, but suggested that such effects were unlikely
to actually exist.
Lh2
U = wh − (3.1)
2
In Equation 3.1, U is utility, w is a worker’s wage, h is the percentage of normal
working hours that a worker works (which could be more than 100% but could not
be less than zero), and L is a parameter related to the value of non-market activity.
following equation:
0 w
if <0
L
h= (3.2)
w w
if ≥0
L L
Assume that there exist two perfectly substitutable factors of production, type-o
labor and type-ω labor. These factors of production are identical except in their
share of 1 − r̃ belong to group ω, the labor supplies for type-o and type-ω labor are
nr̃wo
LSo = (3.3)
L
n(1 − r̃)wω
LSω = (3.4)
L
60
3.2 Labor Demand
Firms hire managers, and call on them to minimize costs for their unit of pro-
duction. Managers are charged with the task of minimizing the cost of production.
interest in this cost minimization is r, the fraction of the total number of workers ν
manager supervises, and wo and wω represent the wages of workers from group
o and group ω, respectively. The term ρ(r − r̃)2 is a cost the firm incurs if the
group composition of its workforce does not proportionally match r̃, the group
composition of the workforce as a whole. This could be for public relations reasons
From the firm’s perspective, the optimal value for a manager to choose would
A manager, however, want to maximize his or her own utility. Assume the
U = λr + (S)γ (3.7)
61
In Equation (3.7), U represents the manager’s utility, λ is a parameter measuring
how much the manager likes managing members of group o (for managers who dislike
managing members of group o, λ < 0). The variable S is the manager’s pay, and γ
for the sake of simplicity that managers’ marginal utility of money is constant. This
means that γ = 1.
To enforce cost minimization on the manager, the firm must link the manager’s
pay, S, with the economic consequences of the manager’s decisions on the firm’s
costs. For any value of r a manager chooses other than rπ∗ , the firm does not
minimize costs, and consequently loses money from the manager’s decision. The
The firm thus penalizes the manager by a function of the losses the manager
incurs for the firm κ(Λ). Thus the manager’s pay is a base pay level minus a penalty
function based on the losses incurred by the firm as a result of the manager’s choice
of hiring ratios:
S = s − κ(Λ(r)) (3.9)
If the firm penalizes the manager dollar for dollar according to the costs of the
manager’s decision, then κ(Λ) = Λ. This reduces the utility function reduces to:
U = λr + s − Λ(r) (3.10)
In this case, given a manager’s like λ for members of group o, the manager would
62
choose to hire at ratio ru∗ , that manager’s utility-optimizing choice of ratio r:
λ wω −wo
0 if r̃ + 2νρ
+ 2ρ
<0
ru∗ (λ) = λ
r̃ + 2νρ −wo
+ wω2ρ if 0 ≤ r̃ + λ
+ wω −wo
≤1 (3.11)
2νρ 2ρ
1 λ wω −wo
if 1 < r̃ + +
2νρ 2ρ
For values of λ for which the choice of ru∗ is unconstrained, the pay of the manager
λ2
S(λ) = s − (3.12)
4νρ
Suppose there exists a continuum of managers in a particular labor market whose
and extending from λ̄− 2δ , the utility parameter for those managers who most dislike1
workers of type o, to λ̄ + 2δ , the utility parameter for those managers who most like
(or least dislike) workers of type o. Since λ is the parameter measuring how much
a particular manager likes working with type-o workers, this will be negative for
managers who do not like managing workers from group o. Because of this uniform
Lo
For the entire labor market, the ratio r̄ of Lω +Lo
can be defined:
Z 1
r̄ = ru∗ (λ(q))dq (3.14)
0
δ
If the parameters are such that for both of the extreme cases λ = λ̄ − 2
and
λ = λ̄ + 2δ , the optimal ru∗ (λ) is actually an optimized value and not one of the two
63
1
λ(q) wω − wo λ̄ + ν(+2rρ + wω − wo )
Z
r̄ = r̃ + + d(q) = (3.15)
0 2νρ 2ρ 2νρ
3.3 Equlibrium
At equilibrium, the labor supplies of each type of labor must match the labor
demand for each type of labor. Equation (3.16) represents the condition needed for
the market for type-o labor to clear, while Equation (3.17) represents the condition
needed for the market for type-ω labor to clear. In these equations, m represents the
number of managers. Total labor demand for type-o workers is the product of νr,
the number of type-o workers hired by the average manager, and m, the number of
managers. Similarly, demand for type-ω workers is equal to the average manager’s
nr̃wo
mν r̄ = (3.16)
L
m(1 − r̃)wω
mν(1 − r̄) = (3.17)
L
For unconstrained values of r∗ , the following solution satisfies these equilibrium
conditions.
Lmλ̄
G=− (3.20)
Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ)
64
∂S
Solving for ∂λ
= 0 yields the intuitively obvious conclusion that an individual
manager earns the maximum salary when λ = 0 and the manager has no incentive
1
δ2 λ̄2
Z
S̄ = [s − Λ(r[λ(q)])]dq = s − − (3.21)
0 48νρ 4νρ
3.4 On Profit-neutrality
The function κ(Λ) represents how firms penalize managers for lost profits. In the
profit-neutral case, firms extract from manager pay the profits lost by the managers’
κ(Λ) < Λ. In this case, the market for managers would not clear. The excess supply
the wage penalty they faced were the same as their damage to profitability. At that
point, κ(Λ) = Λ.
profits for a firm. Firms without discriminatory managers would have an incentive
to seek them out. The poaching firm would have an incentive to hire for any κ(Λ)
greater than Λ; the manager would have an incentive to switch firms for any κ(Λ)
less than that of the discriminating manager’s current employer. This poaching
the case that κ(Λ) > Λ, meaning that firms over-penalize discriminating managers,
65
extracting more profits from such operations.
If managers had market power and the leadership of these collectively bargaining
This would mean that profits would be lower in the presence of discrimination.
If this were the case, the model would not be sustainable in competitive product
3.5 Implications
3.5.1 Effect on Managers’ Pay
The central prediction of this model is the predicted effect changes in the make-
Equation (3.21) gives managers average pay as a function of λ̄, the average dis-
centered at λ̄).
∂ S̄ λ̄
=− (3.22)
∂ λ̄ 2νρ
Equation (3.22) shows that as discrimination increases (and λ̄ falls), S̄ falls.
Note that this assumes λ̄ < 0. If this condition did not hold, managers would, on
average, prefer group o over group ω, which contradicts the designations of the two
groups.
∂ S̄ δ
=− (3.23)
∂δ 24νρ
Equation (3.23) demonstrates that as the dispersion around the mean increases,
66
3.5.2 Effect on Non-managerial Pay Gap
The change in the wage gap with respect to λ̄, derived from Equation (3.20),
shows the model’s prediction about the effect of increased discrimination on the
wage gap.
∂G Lm
=− (3.24)
∂ λ̄ Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ)
Given that L, m, n, ν, and ρ are only meaningful in this model if non-negative,
and r̃ must be between zero and one, exclusive2 , Equation (3.24) demonstrates
results that the more managers prefer type-ω workers over type-o workers, the larger
the wage premium for type-ω workers. If some managers’ choices of ru∗ (λ) fall into
the constrained corner solution at either end, this result will still hold so long as not
∂wω Lmr̃
=− (3.25)
∂ λ̄ Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)
Equation (3.25) demonstrates that as discrimination increases (and λ̄ falls), wω
rises. Thus, manager distaste for type-o workers raises the wages of type-ω workers.
the level of pay these workers receive in the presence of discrimination minus the
level of pay they would receive in its absence. Equation (3.19) gives the wage for
type-ω workers as a function of λ̄. To find EωD , the effect of discrimination on the
2
The existence of two groups precludes a value of zero or one for r̃.
67
wage of type-ω workers, subtract wω (λ̄) − wω (0) :
Lmr̃
EωD = −λ̄ (3.26)
Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ
falls also. Thus, manager distaste for type-o workers unsurprisingly reduces the
the level of pay these workers receive in the presence of discrimination minus the
level of pay they would receive in its absence. Equation (3.18) gives the wage for
type-o workers as a function of λ̄. To find EoD , the effect of discrimination on the
Lm(1 − r̃)
EoD = λ̄ (3.28)
Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ
Finally, Equation (3.26) and Equation (3.28) reveal that EωD is a function of EoD
and r̃.
r̃
EωD = − EoD (3.29)
1 − r̃
Because the wage gap due to discrimination is made up of the effect of discrimination
on type-o workers and the effect of discrimination on type-ω workers, one can find
68
EoD = −(1 − r̃)G (3.31)
Note that these findings are dependent on the assumption in Equation (3.1) that
both types of worker have identical utility functions, and in particular, identical
marginal utilities of non-market activity3 . If that assumption does not hold, the
ratio of those parameters would also be a factor in the distribution of the gap.
The basic form of this model predicts that as discriminatory tastes strengthen,
managers earn less, type-o workers earn less, and type-ω workers earn more. Minor
modifications to this model could change the sign on the predicted effect on type-
ω worker wages. If type-ω workers also have a taste for working with their own
kind, but they express that taste through their productivity, then as the level of
discrimination rises, type-ω productivity falls, along with type-ω wages. This could
type-o workers, choose to work less hard. It could also be an actual productivity
model — if, despite claims of the benefits of diversity, workers actually are more
In the current model, the crowding effect boosts type-ω wages by a factor of
Lmr̃
Lmν+2n(1−r̃)
. A productivity effect would have to at least offset this effect to reverse
the sign of the prediction. A localized aggregate demand model could also reverse
the wage increase for type-ω workers. If local managers are the primary consumers
demand for labor, then type-ω workers could suffer wage decreases where managers
69
somehow link workers’ wages and managers’ wages (Lazear 1999) could also apply a
downward pressure on type-ω wages where manager pay falls. Again, such an effect
would have to outweigh the crowding effect in order to reverse the predicted sign of
the effect on the wages of type-ω workers. Future work should explore these models
in detail.
70
CHAPTER 4
pensating wage differential in exchange for not having to manage with as many
black workers, then in places where demand for black employees was reduced by
these discriminatory forces, managers would receive less pay. This study tests this
appropriate in this chapter (with their original numbering), but not re-derived.
Examining the signs of the derivatives in Equation (3.24), Equation (3.25), and
Equation (3.27) yields testable, falsifiable predictions that the model makes about
measurable data. These equations will be repeated in the section discussing them.
The model proposed in Chapter 3 predicts that as λ̄, the mean level of discrimi-
natory preferences among managers, increases (i.e. approaches zero from beneath),
71
wages of black non-managers would rise, wages of white non-managers would fall,
and manager pay would increase. Section 4.3 tests these reduced-form predictions.
The test, however, need not be limited to these generalized predictions. The ac-
tual magnitudes of relationships among the various measurable data and estimable
parameters predicted by the functional form of this model can be tested, and not
In general, any test of these models will depend on separating the effect of
these tests will begin with a regression of the basic form of Equation (4.1).
ln wi = BX + i, j + E D + i,j (4.1)
Equation (3.30) predicts the effect of the wage gap due to discrimination, G, on
could be included in a wage regression with the other determinants of the wages of
white workers.
Because EωD is the predicted effect of how discrimination against blacks affects
white workers’ wages, it follows that θ0 , the coefficient in the wage regression for
x0 should be 1. The model predicts that the effect of discrimination on the wages
of white workers should be the fraction of workers who are black times the total
72
black-white wage gap due to discrimination.
Hypothesis 4.1
θ0 = 1
Equation (3.28) defines the effect of discrimination on the wages of type-o workers
Lm(1 − r̃)
EoD = λ̄ (3.28)
Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ
Equation (3.31) expresses this same effect in terms of G, the wage gap due to
discrimination.
These equations, taken together, yield λ̄, the average loss of profitability incurred
workers supervised by each manager, ν, the fraction of the population that is black,
n
r̃, a parameter representing the strength of anti-discrimination penalties,ρ, and Lm
,
Equation (3.21) provides S̄, the average manager’s salary, as a function of λ̄.
δ2 λ̄2
S̄ = s − − (3.21)
48νρ 4νρ
Taking S̄(λ̄) − S̄(0), one can find the effect of average discriminatory preference
73
λ̄2 G2 ν G2 r̃(1 − r̃) G2 n2 r̃2 (1 − r̃)2 ρ
Ebλ̄ = − =− − − (4.4)
4νρ 4ρ Lm L2 m 2 ν
Some of these variables are observable from data; νj , r̃, n, and m can all be mea-
of Gj for each locale. If one assumes that ρ and L are fixed across locales, then the
model reduces to a linear regression, with several testable predictions. These terms
1
θ1 ≡ − (4.5)
4ρ
1
θ2 ≡ − (4.6)
L
ρ
θ3 ≡ − 2 (4.7)
L
x1 ≡ G2 ν (4.8)
G2 r̃(1 − r̃)n
x2 ≡ (4.9)
m
G r̃ (1 − r̃)2 n2
2 2
x3 ≡ (4.10)
νm2
The variables x1 , x2 , and x3 and the parameters θ1 , θ2 , and θ3 do not have
obvious intuitive meaning; they are useful as ways to make hypotheses about their
concepts.
The model predicts the following hypotheses about the effect of x1 , x2 , and x3
on manager wages:
Hypothesis 4.2
θ1 < 0
74
The model predicts that the effect of the x1 variable on managers’ wages should
be negative. If θ1 > 0, this would imply that ρ were negative. This would mean
that there would be a regulatory or public relations reward for discriminating. In-
stitutional evidence (see Chapter 1) clearly indicates the first possibility is false —
discriminating leads to fines, not subsidies. The second could be true, but if it were,
a model of consumer discrimination would be in order. If the public were more likely
to support a firm that was known to discriminate, this could cause ρ to be negative.
If this happened, the mathematical model might survive, but the intent behind a
The model predicts that the effect of the x2 variable on managers’ wages should
be negative. If θ2 > 0, this would imply that L were negative. This would mean
that workers have a distaste for time spent in non-market activity. Work would be a
source of utility, and workers would be willing to pay to work, not demanding a wage.
to the coefficient on the x3 variable. The algebra of the model requires that θ3 =
θ22
4θ1
. If this does not hold then the model is misspecified. This has no intuitive
interpretation, but serves as a check on the functional form specified for the model.
If the model fails some of the tests of Hypotheses 4.1 — 4.4, this indicates that
the functional form specified in Chapter 3 does not hold. If, however, an increase in
75
the discriminatory wage gap were to accompany an increase in white workers’ wages
and a decrease in managers’ wages, but some of the tests of Hypotheses 4.1 — 4.4
were to fail, this would suggest that while the specific model proposed in Chapter 3
does not hold, perhaps a different model of manager taste discrimination would.
All of these tests measure the effect of G. The discriminatory wage gap serves as
a proxy for λ̄, the average level of discriminatory taste among managers, because of
the monotonic relationship between them. Specifically, Equation (3.24) shows the
∂G Lm
=− (3.24)
∂ λ̄ Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)r̃ρ)
Let Equation (4.12) be a wage regression in which wi is the wage of white worker
i, Gj is the discriminatory wage gap in locale j, Xi,j are the individual and locale-
specific determinants of wages other than the discriminatory wage gap, and i,j is
an error term.
becomes more negative, and its absolute value, |λ̄|, increases), wages increase for
white non-managers.
∂wω Lmr̃
=− (3.25)
∂ λ̄ Lmν + 2n(1 − r̃)
Thus, the testable hypothesis is that the effect of a discriminatory wage gap on
wages is negative:
76
Hypothesis 4.5
θ4 > 0
4.3.2 Managers
Similarly for managers, let Equation (4.13) be a wage regression in which wi is the
wage of white manager i, Gj is the discriminatory wage gap in locale j, Xi,j are the
becomes more negative, and its absolute value, |λ̄|, increases), wages decrease for
managers.
∂ S̄ λ̄
=− (3.22)
∂ λ̄ 2νρ
Hypothesis 4.6
θ5 < 0
If Hypothesis 4.5 were rejected but Hypothesis 4.6 were upheld, this would sug-
gest that a model like the one proposed in the Section 3.6 might be in order. If
Hypothesis 4.6 were rejected, that would suggest that a model of manager discrim-
ination might not be the best explanation of wage discrimination on the basis of
race.
1
Note that this test shows the effect of λ̄j on the wages of a manager in locale j, not the effect of
that individual manager’s λi , which this study does not measure. Firm-level or even more refined
data would be necessary to separate the effects of λi and λ̄j .
77
4.4 Data and Sample Selection
4.4.1 Census of Population and Housing, 2000
This study uses data from the United States Census of Population and Housing,
2000. The decennial census in the United States attempts to question the entire
population of the United States. The long form questionnaire, however, which con-
tains most information of value to economists, goes out to one sixth of United
States households, or about 16.7% of the population. The Census Bureau does
not release the data collected in the decennial census in a way that could identify
identifiers broad enough that individual respondents cannot be identified. The mi-
crodata release used in this study is the 2000 1% Public Use Microdata Sample,
The primary virtue of this data set is its size; my empirical strategy calls for sep-
arate regressions for black and white populations in each geographic labor market
task. The 1% Public Use Microdata Sample reports each respondent’s POWPUMA.
Area) in which the respondent works, the smallest geographical area reported in the
1% Public Use Microdata Sample for place of work. For respondents in Metropoli-
tan Statistical Areas, the POWPUMA corresponds to a common code for all Public
Use Microdata Areas included in the Metropolitan Statistical Area. Not all POW-
PUMAs, however, contain enough black and white workers to meaningfully conduct
78
POWPUMA’s with fewer than 30 full-time black workers were omitted from the
study.
affects the wages of their managers and white coworkers uses four distinct samples:
their wages, and samples of black and white non-managerial workers to measure the
In the case of white non-managerial workers, using the same population to es-
timate the unexplained wage gap and its effect on their wages leads to statistical
ln wi = Wi = Xi BW + i (4.14)
then (4.16) shows that the unexplained wage gap GU includes the error term i of
however, lacks some variables that could identify the respondent within that more specific geo-
graphical area. In particular, the 5% sample only reports “place of work” at the state level, and
no finer. Analysis by place of work is key to this study and the primary reason for selecting a
Census data set over, for instance, the Current Population Survey, which collects variables includ-
ing unionization status and some information about non-cash benefits that would be helpful for
this study. The main reason to use a Census data set over a CPS data set is that the Census
has enough observations to meaningfully measure levels of discrimination in localities smaller than
the state level. While the 5% sample includes more than enough observations for such small-scale
geographic analysis, the fact that it does not report place of work at a finer level than the state
negates any reason for selecting that sample.
79
each individual white worker.
NW
U 1 X
G = i − W̄B + X̄B BW (4.16)
NW i=1
this would violate the regression assumption that the explanatory variables and the
To avoid this problem, I use a split sample: one sample of white non-managerial
workers in the Oaxaca decomposition to measure the unexplained race wage gap
in each locale, and a separate sample in the final regression to calculate the effect
of the estimated unexplained race wage gap on the wages of white non-managerial
workers.
Lettau (1997) found that similar part and full time workers have large wage
differentials for identical jobs. Examining the effect of part time workers would be
an important extension to this research, but this study excludes workers working
role in predicting firm behavior. For this reason, I exclude military and government
workers (those with Census industry codes over 936, corresponding to NAICS code
92).
In both the generic and specific tests, on both the wages of managers and white
non-managers, the regression will need to separate out the effect of “discrimination”
80
report that the standard “textbook” decomposition should control for education,
experience, region, occupation, industry, and whether the job is in the public sector
or part time. I control for a number of these characteristics via sample selection: this
This study also controls for a fourth-degree polynomial of the respondent’s age,
educational attainment dummy variables, race (manager regression only), sex, sec-
tor of employment, the percentage of workers in the POWPUMA with varying levels
of education, the unemployment rate for people who live within the geographical
territory of the POWPUMA, the average rental rate for individuals who live in
rented housing within the geographical territory of POWPUMA, and the percent-
age of workers in each industrial sector in the POWPUMA. See the Appendix to
Chapter 3 for a more thorough discussion of the variables used to control for non-
The two data called for by the model of the impact of race discrimination on the
wages of white workers are r̃j , the fraction of the potential non-managerial workforce
that is black, and Gj , the wage gap between blacks and whites due to discrimination.
For the case of r̃j , this study measures this by counting the number of individuals
in a POWPUMA who are not employed as managers and report that they are black
and divide this by the number of individuals in a POWPUMA who are not employed
as managers and identify themselves as either black or white (for this measurement,
individuals who are neither black nor white are excluded from the population).
As a proxy for the gap between white and black wages due to race discrimination,
this study uses the gap between white and black wages unexplained by observable
81
factors hypothesized to be separate from current labor market discrimination. This
procedure is explained in detail in Section 2.3.2. Figure 4.1 shows this variable in
The model of the impact of race discrimination on the wages of managers calls
for several data. As was the case for white non-managers, it requires a proxy for
the discriminatory race wage gap, Gj and the fraction of black workers, r̃j . It also
calls for mj and nj , the raw numbers of managers and non-managers, respectively,
Finally, the generic reduced-form tests only examine the impact of Gj , the dis-
criminatory race wage gap, which employs the same proxy as above.
4.6 Results
4.6.1 Specific Test on Wages of White Non-managers
above by the structure of the model from Chapter 3 and other standard deter-
minants of wages (see Chapter 2, but include a dummy variable for sex instead of
race, as the worker sample in Chapter 2 was all male but of multiple races, but
this sample includes both males and females, but all members are white) yields the
Hypothesis 4.1 predicts that the coefficient for x0 should be 1; it was estimated
as 1.089. The hypothesis that x0 = 1 cannot be rejected. This bodes well for
the model. The model’s predictions about the wages of white non-managers are
82
TABLE 4.1
OF LOG WAGES
84
TABLE 4.1 (CONT.)
Professional, Scientific,
and Technical Services 0.335∗∗ (0.015)
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.450∗∗ (0.037)
85
TABLE 4.1 (CONT.)
86
TABLE 4.1 (CONT.)
N 361353
R2 0.305
Significance levels : † : 10% ∗ : 5% ∗∗ : 1%
Finding initial signs of encouragement, the study continues to the next set of
by the the structure of the model from Chapter 3 yields the results shown in Table
4.2; the results are consistent with some of the hypotheses but reject others.
TABLE 4.2
x2 1.383∗ (0.586)
87
TABLE 4.2 (CONT.)
88
TABLE 4.2 (CONT.)
Professional, scientific,
and Technical Services 0.636∗∗ (0.023)
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.724∗∗ (0.048)
89
TABLE 4.2 (CONT.)
90
TABLE 4.2 (CONT.)
N 97889
R2 0.28
F (58,337) 534.935
Significance levels : † : 10% ∗ : 5% ∗∗ : 1%
Hypothesis 4.2 predicts that the coefficient for x1 is negative. The coefficient
does appear to be negatively signed, but the data do not allow a claim with 90%
Hypothesis 4.3 predicts that the coefficient for x2 is also negative. It appears
to be the case that one can say with 95% confidence that the opposite is true: the
Finally, the test of non-linear Hypothesis 4.4 is clearly rejected. Thus, the model
If the specific model proposed in Chapter 3 does not fit. The question remains,
however, whether the problem is specific to the functional form imposed in Chapter
2, or whether the data rule out the basic premise of the model that manager wages
on the reduced-form determinants discussed above yields the opposite result from
the model’s prediction: race discrimination seems to raise managers’ wages. This is
91
TABLE 4.3
OF FULL-TIME MANAGERS,
G 0.197∗∗ (0.051)
92
TABLE 4.3 (CONT.)
93
TABLE 4.3 (CONT.)
94
TABLE 4.3 (CONT.)
N 97889
R2 0.28
F (56,337) 546.648
Significance levels : † : 10% ∗ : 5% ∗∗ : 1%
results (see Table 4.3) do not indicate that this is the case; rather, they suggest
that one can be 99% confident that the effect of G on managers’ wages is actually
positive.
4.7 Interpretation
The results of the analysis of race discrimination support neither the specific
nor the generic form of the model. Rogue managers acting in violation of company
policy that effectively penalizes them for the imposition of their tastes in hiring
decisions do not seem to cause persistent race discrimination. The results are more
consistent with a model in which managers are rewarded for discriminating, not one
95
in which they are penalized. The empirical evidence does not support the claims
be the case that the few firms in question who made these claims do, in fact, penalize
managers for discriminating, but many other firms do not, and the average effect
masks the actions taken by the firms claiming to enforce anti-discrimination policies,
96
EPILOGUE
Manager pay falls where the unexplained wage gap between males and females
increases. This is a remarkable finding that flies in the face of existing discrimination
it, however, is not fully consistent with the empirical findings: the wages of male
non-managers, for instance, were predicted to rise where the unexplained wage gap
rises, and instead they fell. The results observed do not confirm the model, but do
suggest that further exploration of this model might be in order. Future work should
While the specific model of rogue manager discrimination in from Chapter 3 might
not fit, the data indicate that it may well be on the right track toward explaining
the negative correlation between manager pay and the male-female wage gap.
While a model of manager taste discrimination may explain some of wage dis-
explain race wage discrimination. These findings on race wage discrimination are
inconsistent with a model that rogue managers produce the wage gap by gratifying
their own tastes in opposition to corporate interests. Corporate claims that racial
with the aggregated data from the Census. Further research with firm-level data or,
better still, firm-level data with hierarchy information (who reports to whom, who
97
Future work also needs to develop a coherent explanation for why race and
the pay of managers. As the unexplained race wage gap increases among non-
managers, manager pay rises, but as the unexplained sex wage gap increases among
non-managers, manager pay falls. If race but not sex conveys valuable productivity
information, this could help explain the divergence. Further research needs to look
at the value of the information contained in the race index and the sex index.
The unexplained race and sex wage gaps have significant impacts on the wages
of this impact; further work needs to continue on the subject to find a model that
explains the fall in male wages in areas where the wage gap is larger.
The data in this study do not examine any particular company. Thus, any gen-
eral findings about race or sex discrimination are not at this point directly relevant
to the ongoing legal cases discussed in Section 1.1. Any particular company could
have some relevance to the believability of the story the companies tell in response
to allegations of discrimination.
In the race discrimination cases of Microsoft, Sodexho, and Friedman’s, the data
surveyed do not support their scenario that discriminating managers are punished
financially. Manager pay is higher where the unexplained black-white wage gap is
higher, textitceteris paribus. It could be the case that a particular company does
link manager pay to racial diversity in hiring, but this study finds that this does
bad for profits, and rogue managers who perpetuate this practice pay for it does
not match the aggregated findings. If firm-specific data were available, it could be
used to make the case that a particular firm does or does not fit this model, but the
98
present data give no indication that the model holds.
In the sex discrimination cases of Boeing and Wal-Mart, the impact of these
findings is murkier. Manager wages are significantly lower where the male-female
pay gap is larger. This is consistent with a model in which rogue managers pay for
discrimination. This study does not have the data to conclude whether firms benefit
from the wage reductions to discriminating managers or if the increased costs from
discrimination offset the managers’ wage reduction. Firms may or may not have an
future research with sub-firm-level data and localized profit rates should attempt
should target individual managers’ tastes for hiring female workers or need to target
firms.
99
APPENDIX A
TAYLOR APPROXIMATION
E(0) = 0 (A.1)
Without knowing the exact form of the function E(x), one can approximate it
∞
X
E(x) = E i (x0 )(x − x0 )i (A.2)
i=0
In Equation (A.2), E (x0 ) represents the ith derivative of the function E(x)
i
n
X
E(x) ≈ E i (x0 )(x − x0 )i (A.3)
i=0
and
n
X
lim E i (x0 )(x − x0 )i = E(x) (A.4)
n→∞
i=0
100
A two-term Taylor expansion around known point 0 would yield the approxima-
tion
∞
X
E(D) = E i (0)(D − 0)i ≈ E(0)(D − 0)0 + E 0 (0)(D − 0) = µD (A.5)
i=0
101
APPENDIX B
TABLE B.1
102
TABLE B.1 (CONT.)
Agriculture, Forestry,
Fishing and Hunting 0.021 0.142 0 1
Transportation
and Warehousing 0.068 0.251 0 1
Finance and
Insurance 0.031 0.174 0 1
Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.056 0.23 0 1
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0 0.018 0 1
103
TABLE B.1 (CONT.)
Administrative and
Support and Waste
Management 0.04 0.196 0 1
Accommodation and
Food Services 0.043 0.203 0 1
Locale Agriculture,
Forestry, Fishing
and Hunting 0.021 0.03 0 0.266
104
TABLE B.1 (CONT.)
Locale Transportation
and Warehousing 0.047 0.017 0.016 0.139
Locale Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.057 0.033 0.01 0.219
Locale Management
of Companies and
Enterprises 0.001 0.001 0 0.006
Locale Administrative
and Support and Waste
Management 0.036 0.01 0.015 0.065
Locale Accommodation
and Food Services 0.056 0.017 0.031 0.183
105
TABLE B.1 (CONT.)
Locale Unemployment
Rate 0.058 0.021 0.023 0.195
Locale Average
Rental Cost 542.732 176.625 249.715 1178.959
Locale Unexplained
Sex Wage Gap 0.233 0.022 0.153 0.298
N = 293323
TABLE B.2
106
TABLE B.2 (CONT.)
Agriculture, Forestry,
Fishing and Hunting 0.08 0.271 0 1
Transportation and
Warehousing 0.031 0.173 0 1
Professional, Scientific,
and Technical Services 0.071 0.257 0 1
107
TABLE B.2 (CONT.)
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.002 0.039 0 1
Accommodation and
Food Services 0.083 0.276 0 1
Locale Agriculture,
Forestry, Fishing and Hunting 0.02 0.031 0 0.266
108
TABLE B.2 (CONT.)
Locale Transportation
and Warehousing 0.047 0.017 0.016 0.139
Locale Professional,
Scientific, and Technical
Services 0.063 0.037 0.01 0.219
Locale Management of
Companies and Enterprises 0.001 0.001 0 0.006
Locale Administrative
and Support and Waste
Management 0.037 0.01 0.015 0.065
109
TABLE B.2 (CONT.)
Locale Unemployment
Rate 0.055 0.02 0.023 0.195
N = 111989
TABLE B.3
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
110
TABLE B.3 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Agriculture, Forestry,
Fishing and Hunting -0.0943 -0.0179
Transportation
and Warehousing 0.0097 -0.0032
Finance and
Insurance 0.1065 0.0311
Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.1609 0.0397
111
TABLE B.3 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.0131 0.0002
Administrative and
Support and Waste -0.0818 0.0037
Locale Agriculture,
Forestry, Fishing
and Hunting -0.1117 -0.0779
112
TABLE B.3 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Locale Transportation
and Warehousing 0.0221 -0.0509
Locale Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.1574 0.2688
Locale Management
of Companies and
Enterprises 0.0725 0.062
Locale Administrative
and Support and Waste
Management 0.08 0.0651
113
TABLE B.3 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Locale Average
Rental Cost 0.1579 0.2968
TABLE B.4
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
114
TABLE B.4 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Agriculture, Forestry,
Fishing and Hunting -0.251 -0.056
Transportation
and Warehousing 0.0077 -0.0098
Finance and
Insurance 0.08 0.0251
115
TABLE B.4 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.1022 0.0554
Management of Companies
and Enterprises 0.0191 0.0017
Administrative and
Support and Waste -0.0074 0.0011
Locale Agriculture,
Forestry, Fishing
and Hunting -0.2047 -0.0959
116
TABLE B.4 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Locale Transportation
and Warehousing 0.0313 -0.0991
Locale Professional,
Scientific, and
Technical Services 0.2313 0.2854
Locale Management
of Companies and
Enterprises 0.1134 0.0624
Locale Administrative
and Support and Waste
Management 0.188 0.0333
117
TABLE B.4 (CONT.)
Correlation with
Correlation with Unexplained Sex
Variable log wage wage gap
Locale Average
Rental Cost 0.243 0.3174
Age
The use of age as a proxy for experience-related human capital is so common that
detail, distinguishing between firm-specific human capital and general human capital
(Becker 1975). Other researchers have noted that time on the job does not transform
into experience-related human capital in the same linear (or polynomial) fashion for
all workers. Nevertheless, it is still common, especially when using data sets that
do not contain information about workers’ actual work experience, to use age as a
proxy for experience-related human capital, if for no other reason than the absence
While age may not be a good proxy for firm-specific human capital, it may not
be as bad a proxy for general experience-based human capital as some might believe.
118
Different individuals and different activities likely have different rates at which indi-
viduals convert time spent at various activities into experience-based human capital.
In general, however, whether or not a person was in the labor force is far from the
Census 2000 does not report full-time workers under age 16; any full-time worker
under age 16 would be truncated from the dataset. At age 93, ages are top coded
for anonymity. Thus, full-time workers over age 93 would be coded as age 93. Thus,
both the sample of managers and male non-managerial workers have maximum
reported values for age of 93 and minimum reported values of 16. The average age
of male non-managerial workers is 39.8, while the average age of mangers is 43.5.
This fits with most economic models in which workers tend to rise to fill managerial
roles as they age, making the average age of managerial workers higher than non-
managerial workers. As expected in a case where the variance is non-zero, the mean
of the square (and cube and quart) age terms is greater than the square (and cube
Education
The education variables edu1 through edu5, are dummies where edu1i is equal
to one if individual i attended some high school but did not graduate or attend col-
lege and zero otherwise (no high school attendance or high school graduate); edu2i
corresponds to graduation from high school but no college attendance; edu3i corre-
sponds to some college attendance but no bachelor’s level or higher degree; edu4i
corresponds to a bachelor’s degree but no higher degree; finally for the education
119
for both data and theoretical reasons. On the data side, a continuous education
variable is not available in the Census data set (nor has it been available in the
Current Population Survey since 1988). On the theoretical side, the wage effects of
at which degrees have been awarded (Gullason 1999). This empirically supported
“sheepskin effect” hypothesis suggests that the effects of education on wages could
the data.
The means of the two samples behave as expected, with the sample of managers
having higher percentages of observations with higher education levels than the
have less than a high school diploma, but 18.9% of male non-managers attained less
Industry
The variables miningi , utiliti , constri , manufai , wholesi , retaili , transpi , informi ,
financi , realesi , profesi , managei , adminii , educati , healthi , artseni , foodsei , and
insurance,” “Real estate and rental and leasing,” “Professional, scientific, and tech-
support and waste management services,” “Educational services,” “Health care and
120
food services,” and “Other services (except public administration)” as defined in
the NAICS. The baseline case is that individual i works in the agricultural sector.
fication System (NAICS) codes. For the 2000 Census, the Census Bureau switched
to using the NAICS from the Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) classification
system for industries that it had used from 1940 through 1990. The Office of Man-
agement and Budget of the Executive Office of the President developed the NAICS
in 1997. The NAICS system classifies firms into one of twenty industries (as opposed
to 11 divisions under the SIC codes) based on their primary activities (Bureau of
the Census, 2003). This study includes dummy variables for industry according to
these twenty sectors (The two wage regressions actually use eighteen dummy vari-
ables, as I exclude NAICS sector 92 (government and military) from the sample (see
Section 2.4.2), and the agricultural sector is the baseline group in the regression.).
The means reported in tables B.1 and B.2 for the industry variables represent the
Local characteristics
In the absence of regional (or more finely-tuned) locality dummy variables, this
page 44). The reason for this substitution is similar to the choice of a random-effects
panel data model over a fixed-effects model (and bears with it all the attendant chal-
lenges). A region, state, or PUMA dummy variable would capture all the effect of
one’s locality on wages. The purpose of these regressions, however, is to capture the
effect of the unexplained wage gap on the various left-hand variables. The discrimi-
nation variable necessarily must be a variable not unique to individuals, but rather
to some aggregated group of people. Thus, a locality dummy variable would capture
121
the effect of local discrimination along with the effects of other characteristics of the
locality. This combined effect would fail to identify the very reason for performing
the study; this is completely analogous to using a fixed effects panel data model
when the variable of interest does not change across time for an individual.
Thus, with a fixed-effect model failing to answer the primary question at hand,
this study must use a model that allows the inclusion of variables that do not change
across locales with appropriate adjustment to the error terms of the regression. It
would be a singularly bad idea to use the level of the unexplained sex wage gap
alone as the only term that varied across localities. Looking at the tables of corre-
lations (Table B.3 on page 110 and Table B.4 on page 114), one can note that many
characteristics of a locality correlate with the size of the unexplained sex wage gap.
Using pair-wise correlations, the unexplained sex wage gap is positively correlated
with the wages of managerial and male non-managerial workers. The second column
of the correlation charts, however, provide reason to think that the pair-wise cor-
of a POWPUMA and the unexplained sex wage gap in that POWPUMA, one finds
higher wages also correlate with a larger unexplained sex wage gap. Thus, the pair-
wise correlation could easily capture second-order effects and not the direct effect
of the unexplained sex wage gap on wages of managers and male non-managerial
workers. This fact both motivates multivariate regression to understand this sys-
rate on wages (and untangling the role unemployment rates play in models of sex
discrimination is not the subject of this research but should be the subject of future
122
extensions). Regardless of the predicted effect, the unemployment rate in a POW-
regression.
While the Tiebout hypothesis (Tiebout 1956) could be extended to predict that
average housing rental rates in a POWPUMA might not affect wages at all1 , both
Marxian models of the cost of reproducing labor and neoclassical models of compen-
sating wage differentials in job migration suggest that cost of living might play a role
rental rates, likely important on their own, but also as a proxy for cost of living as
a whole. The interpretation of this coefficient is not important to the study, but its
It could be the case that POWPUMAs with higher percentages of workers who
have higher levels of education might have spillover effects for all workers in that
ally; if “better” or more desirable jobs tend to locate in areas with higher-skilled
workers, one might expect to find the percentage of workers in a POWPUMA who
have higher levels of education relates to higher wages for workers in that POW-
Finally, industrial controls for the POWPUMA also matter. The industry of
should also matter. If in general, a janitor in a retail establishment earns less than
a janitor in a financial institution, it still might be the case that in a locality where
most of the jobs are in the financial sector, the retail sector might have to pay higher
1
If the Tiebout hypothesis were to hold such that cost of home rental or ownership in a com-
munity relative to other communities reflected the level of public goods relative to costs in other
communities, workers would not need any incentive from a firm to relocate to an area with higher
housing costs; greater housing costs would correspond to greater levels of public goods at price
levels such that workers would be indifferent to the exchange.
123
wages to its janitors because they have better-paying alternatives. Thus, this study
includes variables measuring what percentage of the jobs in a POWPUMA fall into
each sector, with the expectation that POWPUMAs with more jobs in higher-paying
sectors might have higher pay even for individuals not in those sectors.
through edu5.
lfoodsej , and lothersj correspond to the percentage of full-time private sector workers
one minus the sum of these variables should equal the percentage of workers in the
agricultural sector.
124
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