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Testimonio and Postmodernism
Testimonio and Postmodernism
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Latin American Perspectives
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Testimonio and Postmodernism
by
George Yudice
More than any other form of writing in Latin America, the testimonio has
contributed to the demise of the traditional role of the intellectual/artist as
spokesperson for the "voiceless." As some major writers-most notably
Octavio Paz and Mario Vargas Llosa-increasingly take neoconservative
positions and as the subordinated and oppressed feel more enabled to opt to
speak for themselves in the wake of the new social movements, Liberation
Theology, and other consciousness-raising grass-roots movements, there is
less of a social and cultural imperative for concerned writers to heroically
assume the grievances and demands of the oppressed, as in Pablo Neruda's
"Alturas de Macchu Picchu" ([1946] 1955) "From across the earth bring
together/all the silenced scattered lips/and from the depths speak to me . . .
Speak through my words and my blood" (38-39).
In contrast, the testimonialista gives his or her personal testimony "di-
rectly," addressing a specific interlocutor. As in the works of Elvia Alvarado
(1987), Rigoberta Menchut (1983), and Domitila Barrios de Chungara (1977),
that personal story is a shared one with the community to which the tes-
timonialista belongs. The speaker does not speak for or represent a commu-
nity but rather performs an act of identity-formation which is simultaneously
personal and collective. For example, Domitila Barrios (1977: 13) tells
Moema Viezzer, her interlocutor:
George Yuidice teaches Latin American literature and literary theory at Hunter College and the
Graduate Center, CUNY. He is the author of a book on Vicente Huidobro, numerous articles on
literature and theory, a co-author with Juan Flores and Jean Franco of a forthcoming book on Latin
American culture, and a co-editor of Social Text.
15
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16 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
many years of struggle in Bolivia and thus contribute a tiny grain of sand to
the hope that our experience will contribute in some way to the new generation.
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Yudice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 17
for universal truth but, rather, as seeking emancipation and survival within
specific and local circumstances. Following the studies of Barnet (1969,
1981), Fornet (1977), Gonzailez Echevarria (1980), and Casas (1981), testi-
monial writing may be defined as an authentic narrative, told by a witness
who is moved to narrate by the urgency of a situation (e.g., war, oppression,
revolution, etc.). Emphasizing popular, oral discourse, the witness portrays
his or her own experience as an agent (rather than a representative) of a
collective memory and identity. Truth is summoned in the cause of denounc-
ing a present situation of exploitation and oppression or in exorcising and
setting aright official history.
Testimonial writing is quite heterogeneous; critics -for example, Foster
(1984) and the essayists in Jara and Vidal (1986)-have included works as
diverse as Augusto Roa Bastos's Yo el Supremo, the journalistic books of
Eduardo Galeano, personal accounts of social struggle or war like those of
Domitila Barrios (1977) and Omar Cabezas (1983), and so on. My argument
regarding testimonio and its challenge to master discourse relies on those
texts which are written as collaborative dialogues between activists engaged
in a struggle and politically committed or empathetic transcribers/editors.
The reason for this is that many texts do not really abandon the forms of
subjectivity inscribed in certain master discourses.
Cabezas's La montana es algo mas que una inmensa estepa verde, for
example, easily accommodates the subjective structures provided by patri-
archy. Cabezas's "new man," which some critics-for example, Duchesne
(1986)-describe as a "new subject," repeats patriarchal privilege in the
guise of a Sandinista uniform. The epic hero of the narrative is empowered
and legitimized to embody the authority to govern by means of a series of
paternal figures who relay that authority from the original revolutionary,
Augusto Sandino.
When don Leandro speaks to me in that way . .. giving me his sons and
speaking to me of Sandino and the Sandinista struggle I suddenly feel don
Leandro as a father. I realize that, in reality, he is the father, that don Bacho and
don Leandro are the fathers of the fatherland. Never before have I felt more a
son of Sandinismo . . . I found my history through him, my tradition, the
essence of Nicaragua, my genesis, my forefathers (Cabezas, 1983: 252-253).
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18 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
against the external enemy and its internal accomplices. Rather than aggran-
dized heroes, we see everyday people - militiamen, jet pilots, soldiers,
civilians, among others -expressing their experiences at Giron. They con-
stitute a "people" in the populist sense of the word.
This constitution of the "people" by rallying against a common enemy has
even found residence in a museum, a "testimonial museum." The marielitos
who first gathered at the Peruvian Embassy in Miramar can now be seen
in floor-to-ceiling size photographs. They are described as escoria "scum."
We read that this scum is composed of "homosexuals, lesbians, pederasts,
..., santeros, dope fiends and prostitutes, counterrevolutionary ex-cons,
Jehovah's Witnesses, etc." (Hernandez Perez, 1983: 8). Reflecting on his
experience, the writer of this testimonio makes clear the interpellative
mission of the genre: to recuperate "the potentialities of the people" by
reliving the 1960s, years in which the "people" constituted themselves in the
process of their own defense. After going through his experience, Secret
Agent Cesar offers the ideological satisfaction to his readers: "ideologically
I feel more fulfilled and more committed to my all in order to defend this
people to whom I have the honor to belong" (Hernandez Perez, 1983: 20).
But rather than a testimonial process generated from the bottom up by
the people themselves, there seems to be no doubt that La leyenda de lo
cotidiano, in which this and other similar testimonios are found, is an attempt
on the part of the state to consolidate a national subject by means of the
testimonial process. Likewise, Dice la paloma, whose editors include Mirta
Aguirre, Angel Augier, Roberto Fernandez Retamar and Onelio Jorge
Cardoso, brings together a series of military testimonios as a paean to their
"heroic epic."
In contrast, those testimonios that emerge from the consciousness-raising
experiences of the Christian Base Community movement, for example,
undermine rather than reconsolidate patriarchal and paternalistic master
narratives. Even Catholicism and Marxism deconstruct each other's overrid-
ing legitimacy and take a subordinate position within the struggle for survival
as just two among several other "popular weapons" of self-defense (Menchut,
1983: 270).
Literary critics - for example, Gonzalez Echevarria (1980)- have been
quick to discard the testimonialista's claim to authenticity, based on the
age-old literary premise that narrative voice is always a persona which does
not coincide with the individual narrating. I do not claim that testimonial
writing suffers no problems of referentiality, but I do point out that it is not
so much a representation of a referent (say, the "people" or Lukacs's "typical"
man) but a practice involved in the construction of such an entity. That is,
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Yuidice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 19
Testimonial writing thus fits into and contributes to the ongoing challenge
to the literary, which is no longer understood simply as an autonomous
cultural activity conditioned by social and political factors. While the generic
norms to which any text conforms are still regarded as "relatively autono-
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20 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
mous" - that is, they hold across diverse contexts - they are now also under-
stood to have a social and political function which ranges from the reproduc-
tion of hegemony to pragmatic intervention in the organization of society.
The modem institution of literature has traditionally functioned as a
gatekeeper, permitting certain classes of individuals to establish standards of
taste within the public sphere and excluding others. This explains why
contestatory writers like Neruda or Gabriel Garcia Marquez, trained within
the institution, have had no trouble performing in the literary sphere and why
the expression of those deemed nonliterary -by the standards of that same
institution - has been assigned to the genres of other disciplines - oral his-
tory, ethnography, and so on - or to substandard discursive forms - folktale,
gossip, legend, and so on.
The shift marked by the growing importance of the testimonial does not
mean, however, that the "people" have taken expression into their hands.
Who writes when and where and by what means is never determined
unilaterally by any one class or group and much less the individual. The
particular arrangement of institutions in a given society serves to channel and
constrain expression (the state-sponsored Cuban testimonios on the Mariel
exodus, discussed above, provide a good example). This does not mean that
only "infrastructural" factors can produce changes in this arrangement and,
consequently, in the modes and means of expression. Aesthetic factors, such
as those based in the ethos of given groups or communities, can also act to
alter institutional authority by changing the rules of the games by which
expression is monitored.
I use the concept aesthetic independently of the particular acceptation
given to it in bourgeois modernity, that is, the freedom inherent in form, the
"lawfulness without a law," which Kant (1952: 86) describes in his Critique
of Judgment (1790). As Terry Eagleton (1990: 19) explains:
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Yudice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 21
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22 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
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Yudice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 23
itself' (Foucault, 1977: 66), it does not exist. On this view, the aesthetic is
the experience of this generalized limit which takes on the guise of woman,
death, monster, savage, "heart of darkness," in sum, all that is abject:
These bodies . .. are often broken into unnatural positions, and the faces to
which the bodies are attached (when they are attached) are equally unnatural,
sometimes unrecognizable as human faces, obliterated by acid or beaten to a
mash of misplaced ears and teeth or slashed ear to ear and invaded by insects
(Didion, 1983: 16-17).
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24 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
I wrote it down dutifully, this being the kind of "color" I knew how to interpret,
the kind of inductive irony, the detail that was supposed to illuminate the story.
As I wrote it down I realized that I was no longer much interested in this kind
of irony, that this was a story that would not be illuminated by such details,
that this was a story that would perhaps not be illuminated at all, that this was
perhaps even less a "story" than a true noche obscura (Didion, 1983: 36).
As I waited to cross back over the Boulevard de los Heroes to the Camino Real
I noticed soldiers herding a young civilian into a van, their guns at the boy's
back, and I walked straight ahead, not wanting to see anything at all (Didion,
1983: 36).
Indeed, she is quick to see "cultural impotence" but not one single coun-
terhegemonic expression. No doubt its human relevance and its excentricity
to the hegemonic postmodemist lens, which does not register meaningful-
ness, preclude interviews with mass organizations of peasants, workers,
students, and women or a visit to the guerrilla zones of control.
In other words, the aesthetic-ideological underpinnings of her putative
"testimonial" reportage transform her testimony into a self-reflection on her
own alienated vision. She cannot "see" the subjects of the counterhegemonic
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Yudice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 25
project because they are marginal and such marginalized elements appear in
hegemonic postmodern texts only as the horror which excites the writer. With
the "other" thus neutralized, it becomes indistinguishable from the oppres-
sors; both, according to Didion, wield the same reality-defying strategies, the
same "problem solving" name-changes which make it impossible to know
what is what. The renaming of the "Human Rights Commission" of the
Archdiocese, virtually indistinguishable by name from the government's
"Commission on Human Rights," signals, for Didion, "the presence of the
ineffable" (1983: 64), that is, the charge that provides her aesthetic fix.
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26 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
las Americas, that the genre, with its attendant emphasis on the marginal
the popular, is recognized as such. It is significant, as regards global hege-
monic struggles, that the prize was instituted after the break with liberal Latin
American intellectuals over the "hardening" of the Soviet line of the Cuban
government. This was clearly a contestatory and a positive move on the part
of the Cubans, for with it they helped erode the "boom" canon, which
cultivated self-referentiality, simulation, and poststructuralist ecriture.
Testimonial writing, as the word indicates, promotes expression of per-
sonal experience. That personal experience, of course, is the collective
struggle against oppression from oligarchy, military, and transnational capi-
tal. Like the Christian Base Communities - grassroots movements in which
popular (i.e., exploited) sectors reread the gospel as the "good news" of the
coming of the Kingdom of God here on earth - testimonial writing also
emphasizes a rereading of culture as lived history and a profession of faith
in the struggles of the oppressed. Indeed, the two come together in Ernesto
Cardenal's Christian community in Solentiname, where he led Bible discus-
sions - rereadings, reinterpretations - and recorded the peasants applica-
tions of their interpretations to their own lives both in a three volume "popular
trehtise" on the Gospel and in the poetry workshops conducted by Mayra
Jimenez (see Cardenal, 1978; Jimenez, 1980).
Christian Base Communities, like Liberation Theology, operate in accor-
dance with an amalgam of Marxism and Christianity. The former offers a
class analysis of oppression whose inherent instrumental rationality (the will
to power) is tempered by the latter's message of love for and solidarity with
the poor. Proposing the "people" (the poor) as the active subject and agent
of history, Liberation Theology conceives of culture as the poor living their
freedom, in all social spheres (economically, politically, religiously, etc.). Where
Liberation Theology departs from conventional Marxist thought is in the renun-
ciation not only of private property but also of elitism as regards knowledge and
power (see Scannone, 1979). Liberated consciousness is free of such elit-
ism, according to Menchu's testimonial narrative, to which I now turn.
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YGdice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 27
she learned who she was by participating in a collective struggle for material
and cultural survival. She identifies herself as one of the "people," meaning
by this all who are exploited.
I can say that I had no formal education for my political formation but that I
attempted to turn my own experience into the general situation of the people.
I was happiest when I realized that my problem was not only mine. That my
anxieties were ... also the anxiet[ies] of all who face a bitter life (Menchu,
1983: 144).
Again, in contrast with the hegemonic postmodern text, in which the "I"
is expelled as vomit, in which the body transforms into vomit, that which is
expelled, separating it from nature (mother and father), thus making dialogue
impossible - "I abject myselfwithin the same motion through which 'I' claim
to establish myself' (Kristeva, 1982: 3)- Menchu's text is, rather, a testimo-
nial of incorporation, embodiment.
Rcpresentation for Menchu, then, is something quite different from clas-
sical political representation or the aesthetic reflective mimesis of nineteenth-
century European realist fiction. The nahual, more than a representation, is
a means for establishing solidarity. It projects the absence of domination
through instrumental rationality, put negatively, and the general practice of
love, put positively. It is something akin to the solidarity provided by Jesus
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28 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
in early Christian lore, whose significance also lies in the body, that is,
Christ's embodiment of love. This is precisely the sense in which Menchu's
community fuses Christianity with its own rituals in a syncretic body of
practices for survival.
Their first contacts with Christianity had been through the conservative
and orthodox Catholicism of Accion Catolica, which, dispensed like a
"soporific," only made it easier for the ruling class of large landowners to
exploit them (Menchu, 1983: 148). Thus, Indians came to distrust those
priests who, like other ladino (Westernized mestizo) denigrators of the indige-
nous population, lived apart, rejecting Indian customs (Menchui, 1983: 160).
Religion, like other cultural practices, is a form of social reproduction.
Thus when Menchu argues that the objective of Christianity is to create God's
kingdom here on earth she means that it "will exist only when we all have
enough to eat" (Menchu, 1983: 160). It is precisely in that practical use of
religion that Catholicism is reconcilable with traditional Indian practices.
The significance of all Indian expression is to embody the image of the earth
(Menchui, 1983:107). Indian religiosity emanates from Indian culture, which
in turn is considered to be a product of a dialogical relationship with the earth
and nature. Land, and nature in general -which not only provide material
sustenance but also embody Dios Mundo (earth god) -must not be owned
or exploited instrumentally. The child undergoes certain rites to purify his
hands so that he may never rob (i.e., take from the community, the social
body) nor "abuse nature" (i.e., the natural body; Menchui, 1983: 32). The
Indian analysis of existential and social strife, then, begins with the condem-
nation of private or state ownership of the land (Menchui, 1983: 142).
Indians turn to Christianity (in its "primitive" mode) as a means to express
their desire to maintain an integrated social harmony (Menchui, 1983: 106).
When their view of this harmony is upset by instrumental reason and
economic exploitation of land and labor, they convoke religious meetings in
which they appeal to both God and nature and use Catholicism's sacred texts
as "popular weapons" for vindication.
We began to study the Bible as a principal document. The Bible has many
stories like ours regarding our ancestors ... The important thing is that we have
begun to integrate that reality as our own reality (Menchui, 1983: 156).
CONCLUSION
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Yudice / TESTIMONIO AND POSTMODERNISM 29
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