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Customer Familiarity and Its Effects On Satisfaction and Behavioral Intentions
Customer Familiarity and Its Effects On Satisfaction and Behavioral Intentions
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Customer Familiarity and
Its Effects on Satisfaction
and Behavioral Intentions
Magnus Söderlund
Stockholm School of Economics
ABSTRACT
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and quality seems to have overlooked the possibility that a considerable Base of text
purchase history may exist before the customer makes his or her post-
purchase evaluation.
This is unfortunate, because purchasing history is likely to affect
postpurchase evaluations as well as future intentions and future pur-
chases. For example, considerable evidence suggests that customer fa-
miliarity (i.e., the number of purchase-related experiences) increases
customer knowledge. And customer knowledge affects customer infor-
mation processing activities in several ways (Alba & Hutchinson, 1987).
However, relatively little work has been carried out on the extent to
which customer familiarity/customer expertise affects evaluations fol-
lowing a behavioral act. This is reflected in Linville’s (1982) observation
that research on knowledge structures (e.g., schemas, scripts, and pro-
totypes) has generally not addressed the question of evaluation. Simi-
larly, Lusk and Judd (1988) note that general work on the representa-
tion of evaluative beliefs is in its infancy.
Thus, on the one hand a rich literature on postpurchase evaluations
(customer satisfaction and perceived service quality literature) is usu-
ally so future-oriented that the role of past behavior as a possible de-
terminant of evaluations is not explicitly dealt with. On the other hand,
literature that does focus on past purchases, particularly in terms of
familiarity, has not examined postpurchase evaluations to any consid-
erable extent. This, then, calls for an attempt to integrate these two
fields. The present article offers one such attempt. The purpose of the
article is to examine how customer familiarity affects customer satis-
faction and two of the commonly assumed consequences of satisfaction,
namely, repurchase intentions and word-of-mouth intentions. More spe-
cifically, this article addresses the following question: Do high-familiar-
ity and low-familiarity customers express different levels of satisfaction
and future intentions?
The main rationale behind this question is that the effects of famil-
iarity on purchase evaluations and behavioral intentions are important
for the relationship marketer with a long chain of repeated purchases
as the main objective. This objective has in fact become important for
many firms today. However, to date, it seems as if relationship market-
ers are focusing on understanding and managing the factors that serve
to create long-term relationships (i.e., antecedents to long-term rela-
tionships are in focus). It will be useful to go one step further and ex-
amine what to expect when the customer is developing a long-term re-
lationship with the firm (i.e., consequences of long-term relationships).
It is often claimed that one major consequence of long-term relation-
ships is profitability (Reichheld, 1996), but we believe that such claims
fail to recognize that the long-term customer is subject to cognitive
changes that may offset the effects on profitability. Concern has been
fueled by one of the few existing empirical studies of the association short
between customer lifetime and customer profitability that identifies sev- standard
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eral patterns that challenge conventional assumptions. For example, Base of text
long-term customers were not found to pay higher prices than short-
term customers, and long-term customers did not result in lower costs
than short-term customers (Reinartz & Kumar, 2000). It seems reason-
able that such patterns reflect increasing customer familiarity, in the
sense that more familiarity may create a more demanding customer.
This in turn implies that customer familiarity may be a useful segmen-
tation variable. In fact, a long-term customer — a high-familiarity cus-
tomer in the terminology used here — may not react to marketing stim-
uli in the same way as a low-familiarity customer. If this is the case,
differences in reaction patterns call for attention in the relationship
marketing process.
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exposure increases, the summed evaluations of positive stimuli become Base of text
more positive, and the summed evaluations of negative stimuli become
more negative.
Why, then, would this pattern occur? It has been argued that the
positive exposure – liking association serves an adaptive function: It is
adaptive — for the adult — to prefer the familiar to the unknown, be-
cause more risk is involved in ventures into the unknown (Bornstein,
1989). An increasing liking for the familiar thus reduces risk-taking
behavior. Moreover, given that familiarity sometimes breeds contempt,
in the sense that stimuli sometimes become increasingly disliked as
exposure increases, adaptive functions may again explain the pattern.
In this case, increasingly negative evaluations may foster a behavior
that eventually facilitates escape from negative objects. Without in-
creasingly negative evaluations in a situation with repeated exposure,
rigidity or perceived lack of alternatives may freeze the individual into
a behavioral path that would be less adaptive in the long run.
Second, when an encounter between an individual and an object in-
volves more than mere exposure, for example, thinking about the object,
predictions about the evaluations of an additional encounter by high-
familiarity and low-familiarity subjects are offered by attitude polariza-
tion theory. Basically, it is predicted (and shown in several empirical
studies) that when the outcome of the evaluation of the additional en-
counter is positive, the individual who has spent relatively more time
thinking about the object tends to be more positive than an individual
who has spent relatively less time thinking about the object. On the
other hand, when the outcome of the evaluation of the additional en-
counter is negative, an individual who has spent relatively more time
thinking about the object tends to be more negative than an individual
who has spent relatively less time thinking about it (cf. Tesser, 1978).
In other words, it is predicted that evaluations tend to polarize, or be-
come more extreme, as experience accumulates. Other studies with sim-
ilar results are reported in Chaiken and Yates (1985), Judd and Lusk
(1984), Lusk and Judd (1988), and Taylor and Fiske (1978). An obser-
vation of this type is also made by Peracchio and Tybout (1996), who
claim that individuals with an extensive network of knowledge, reflect-
ing substantial prior thought, are likely to make inferences that are
more polarized than individuals with a less elaborate knowledge struc-
ture. In contrast, a limited knowledge structure, which reflects little
prior thought, produces moderate rather than extreme affect. One par-
ticular condition for this pattern seems to exist, namely, that the indi-
vidual is committed to an attitude position (Millar & Tesser, 1986). In
other words, a polarization pattern is expected when the individual feels
a need to judge the additional stimulus so that the evaluation is con-
sistent with prior evaluations. Some reasons for this pattern are ex-
amined below. short
Given that a need for consistency is important for the individual (Lord standard
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et al., 1979), it is likely that previous experiences with an object influ- Base of text
ence the evaluative direction of an additional encounter (Tesser, 1978).
When an additional stimulus is positive, it is expected that the individ-
ual searches his/her memory for judgments of previous positive evalu-
ations in order to allocate an evaluation value to the new encounter,
which is consistent with the accumulated evaluation. The high-famil-
iarity subject has encountered the object more often than the low-fa-
miliarity subject, and should therefore have a larger pool of positive
evaluations stored in his or her memory. This means that the high-
familiarity subject has a higher sum of accumulative positive evalua-
tions stored in his or her mind than the low-familiarity subject. For
example, if one thinks of an evaluative continuum as a 7-point scale
(⫺3 ⫽ very bad, 3 ⫽ very good), an individual with seven positive en-
counters may have an evaluation history of the following type: 2 ⫹ 3 ⫹
3 ⫹ 3 ⫹ 3 ⫹ 2 ⫹ 3 ⫽ 19. An individual with a lower level of familiarity,
including, say, only two positive previous encounters, may have the fol-
lowing evaluation history: 3 ⫹ 2 ⫽ 5. In order to obtain an evaluation
of an additional positive encounter that is consistent with the level of
the accumulated positive evaluation, then, the high-familiarity subject
is driven to a higher evaluation of the additional positive encounter than
the low-familiarity subject. Similarly, when an additional stimulus is
negative, the previous history of negative encounters is accessed, and a
need for consistency would drive the high-familiarity subject toward a
lower evaluation level of the additional encounter than the low-famil-
iarity subject. This reasoning is based on the premise that different
schemes are activated given the evaluative direction of an additional
stimulus: positive accumulated experience is used as a point of reference
for an additional positive encounter, whereas negative accumulated ex-
perience is activated when an additional negative encounter is faced. In
other words, the individual is assumed to distinguish between catego-
ries of positive and negative experiences, rather than averaging positive
and negative experiences into one single category. An integration pro-
cess of this type, thus including two different sets of norms, is indicated
by research that shows that positive and negative reactions are quali-
tatively distinct phenomena (Taylor, 1991). Or, as Ebbesen, Kjos, and
Konecni (1976) put it, liking and disliking are not two sides of the same
coin.
Another consistency-based reason for more polarization in high-fa-
miliarity individuals’ evaluations of additional encounters is that a neu-
tral — or near-neutral opinion — is likely to be perceived as inconsistent
with the fact that the high-familiarity subject has seen him- or herself
(a) carry out object-related behavior several times, and (b) observed him-
or herself repeatedly make evaluations of the object. In this case, then,
it is assumed that prior behavior serves to commit the individual to an
attitudinal position (cf. Kiesler, 1971). More specifically, we expect that short
the high-familiarity subject, who by definition has more behavioral in- standard
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vestments to protect, uses justifying arguments of the following type: Base of text
“If I repeatedly come back to this object, it matters to me, and if it mat-
ters to me, I should have an opinion about it that signals that it matters,
and a neutral, or near-neutral, opinion does not do that.”
In addition, the high-familiarity subject’s ability to produce more ex-
treme opinions is facilitated by his or her more detailed cognitive struc-
ture in terms of evaluation categories. For example, it has been noted
that the low-familiarity subject is likely to think of an object basically
in terms of dichotomies (e.g., “the motorcycle has a powerful engine or
it does not have a powerful engine,” “the personnel is either friendly or
unfriendly,”), whereas the more detailed categories of the high-famil-
iarity subject allows him or her to make statements about the extent to
which the object has this or that feature (Mitchell & Dacin, 1996). Ap-
plied to evaluations, the high-familiarity customer can be assumed to
have more steps on his or her evaluative continuum and more experi-
ence in using the full range. These characteristics, then, serve as nec-
essary conditions for the ability to make more extreme evaluations.
In sum, empirical studies and arguments from different theoretical
domains suggest that an evaluation polarization is at hand, in that the
high-familiarity individual’s evaluations of an additional encounter are
located at more extreme positions on an evaluative scale compared to
the low-familiarity individual. It should be noted that the notion of en-
counter in theory on mere exposure and attitude polarization requires
relatively little effort from the individual’s point of view. The individual
in these theories is basically perceiving stimuli (e.g., nonsense word,
Chinese ideographs, and photos of faces, in the case of Zajonc, 1968) or
reflecting on stimuli (e.g., on courses that they may take in the future,
in the case of Millar & Tesser, 1986). However, turning to the type of
encounter in focus here, that is, the service encounter, more effort is
required from the individual. For example, direct physical interaction
with a service provider is necessary, and the exchange usually involves
payment. The greater effort demanded of the individual in a service
encounter is believed to mean that the hypotheses below are subject to
assessment in a situation that would increase the scope of the theoret-
ical propositions underlying them, given that they survive (cf. Stinch-
combe, 1968). On this basis, then, and given that customer satisfaction
is a significant type of evaluation in a service situation, the following is
hypothesized:
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Furthermore, many studies show that customer satisfaction is posi- Base of text
tively associated with behavioral intentions, particularly repurchase in-
tentions and word-of-mouth intentions (cf. Fornell, 1992; Mittal, Ku-
mar, & Tsiros, 1999; Oliver, 1996). Existing literature is basically silent
with regard to the level of such intentions given different levels of fa-
miliarity, and therefore the following hypotheses are framed in terms
of the expected pattern for evaluations in general:
METHOD
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proach, therefore, facilitates a manipulation of overall evaluations — Base of text
which in turn would provide data within a less-limited range.
More specifically, respondents were instructed to imagine themselves
in the situation described in the scenario. Two versions of the question-
naire were distributed (cf. Appendix 1). The first version was designed
to simulate a service experience with a relatively high level of perform-
ance, and the second version was designed to simulate a service expe-
rience with a relatively low level of performance. In order to keep con-
stant as many factors as possible, only one feature was manipulated,
resulting in one sentence being added to the second version. This ad-
ditional sentence describes an aspect of the social encounter. Given that
service encounters are first and foremost social encounters (McCallum
& Harrison, 1985), it was predicted that aspects of the social interaction
would strongly influence the perceived level of performance (cf. Bitner,
Booms, & Tetreault, 1990). More specifically, the smell of the service
person in the scenario was manipulated, since previous research (Mar-
tin, 1996) has indicated that the (bad) smell of other persons contributes
significantly to evaluations of social encounters (particularly in a dining
setting, which is the case at hand here).
The scenario was followed by a set of questionnaire items, and re-
spondents were instructed to respond to them by imagining that they
had experienced the scenario situation. The items were identical for
both versions of the questionnaire. Moreover, the two versions of the
questionnaire were randomly distributed to the respondents (and each
respondent completed only one version).
Measurement
Customer familiarity was measured with the following open-ended item:
“During the past six months, I have dined in restaurants approximately
㛮㛮㛮㛮 times.” The variable was subject to substantial variation in the sam-
ple, since it took on values in the 2 – 100 range (mean ⫽ 19, sd ⫽ 15.7).
Several studies report that familiarity in this sense is positively asso-
ciated with measures of customer knowledge such as subjective knowl-
edge, objective knowledge, and various aspects related to the complexity
of the cognitive structure (Flynn & Goldsmith, 1999; Raju, Lonial, &
Mangold, 1995). As a validity check, the questionnaire included a three-
item subjective knowledge scale. It consisted of the following items
scored on a 7-point scale (1 ⫽ “Do not agree at all,” 7 ⫽ “Definitely
agree”): “I know a lot about the range of restaurants in the town where
I live,” “I consider myself to be an experienced restaurant guest,” and “I
know very well what characterizes good and bad restaurants” (alpha ⫽
0.73). The correlation between the familiarity measure and the subjec-
tive knowledge measure was 0.39 (p ⬍ .001) which is in tune with find-
ings in previous studies. short
Customer satisfaction was measured as the unweighted mean, for standard
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each respondent, of the following items scored on a 7-point scale (1 ⫽ Base of text
“Do not agree at all,” 7 ⫽ “Definitely agree”): “After an evening like this,
I would be satisfied with the restaurant,” “I would believe that the res-
taurant matches my demands,” and “I would give the restaurant a high
overall score” (Cronbach’s alpha ⫽ 0.91).
Repurchase intentions were measured with the following items: “I
would like to return to this restaurant,” and “I would not hesitate to
come back again” (Cronbach’s alpha ⫽ 0.93). Each item was scored on
a 7-point scale (1 ⫽ “Do not agree at all,” 7 ⫽ “Definitely agree”).
Word-of-mouth intentions were measured with this two-item scale: “I
would recommend this restaurant to my friends” and “If someone asked
me for information about a good restaurant, I would recommend this
one” (Cronbach’s alpha ⫽ .96). Each item was scored on a 7-point scale
(1 ⫽ “Do not agree at all,” 7 ⫽ “Definitely agree”).
Hypothesis Testing
Satisfaction. The following procedure was used to test the hypotheses
regarding the level of satisfaction (H1 and H2). First, the respondents
were split into two groups according to the scenario they had been ex-
posed to. Second, the respondents were split into two groups with regard
to their level of familiarity. The mean value of familiarity (mean ⫽ 19)
served as the demarcation line. This, then, resulted in four groups of
respondents. The satisfaction means in the four groups are depicted in
Table 1.
A visual inspection of Table 1 suggests that, under the condition of
high performance, high-familiarity customers were more satisfied than short
low-familiarity customers. Table 1 also suggests that, under the condi- standard
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Table 1. Mean Satisfaction in the Four Groups Base of text
Low Familiarity High Familiarity
High performance 6.30 (n ⫽ 41) 6.55 (n ⫽ 28)
Low performance 4.92 (n ⫽ 41) 4.14 (n ⫽ 30)
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the conditions of low performance and high performance (p ⫽ .85). How- Base of text
ever, the difference in repurchase intentions under low- and high-per-
formance conditions was significant between high-familiarity customers
(p ⫽ 0.063). A two-way analysis of variance showed that the main effect
of performance on repurchase intentions was significant (p ⬍ 0.001), the
main effect of familiarity was not significant (p ⫽ .205), and the inter-
action effect was significant (p ⫽ .012).
Turning to word-of-mouth intentions (H5 and H6), the same pattern
was repeated. That is to say, under the condition of high performance,
high-familiarity customers had a significantly higher level of word-of-
mouth intentions than low-familiarity customers (p ⬍.001). Under the
condition of low performance, on the other hand, high-familiarity cus-
tomers had significantly lower level of word-of-mouth intentions than
low-familiarity customers (p ⫽ 0.001). H5 and H6, then, cannot be re-
jected. Again, the comparison of means indicated that there was no sig-
nificant difference in word-of-mouth intentions between low-familiarity
customers under low performance and high performance (p ⫽ 0.91). The
difference in word-of-mouth intentions under low and high performance
conditions, however, was significant between high-familiarity custom-
ers (p ⬍ 0.001). The same pattern as above was also produced in the
two-way analysis of variance. The main effect of performance on repur-
chase intentions was significant (p ⬍ 0.001), the main effect of famil-
iarity was not significant (p ⫽ 0.385), and the interaction effect was
significant (p ⫽ 0.055).
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sonant with Raju, Lonial, and Mangold (1995), who show that different Base of text
facets of expertise (familiarity, subjective knowledge, and objective
knowledge) do not correlate identically with other variables.
DISCUSSION
Limitations
The independent variable in this study, familiarity, was conceptualized
in a conventional way, in the sense that the construct encompasses the
number of encounters during a specific period (cf. Alba & Hutchinson,
1987). However, this is a somewhat limited way of assessing familiarity,
because the construct can be conceived of as having several other di-
mensions. These may include how long the customer has been patron-
izing a supplier, how regularly the supplier is patronized, and how many
different types of suppliers within the same category are patronized.
Research by Hedlund (2001) suggests that such dimensions are not per-
fectly correlated, and that they therefore may affect post-purchase var-
iables differently. That is to say, it remains to be explored if the number
of purchase-related experiences is the most important familiarity di-
mension with regard to effects on postpurchase variables. Moreover,
recent research has identified biases in self-reported familiarity. Lee,
Hu, and Toh (2000), for example, found that high-frequency customers
underreport their behavioral frequencies, whereas low-frequency cus-
tomers overreport them. This regression toward the mean, it was ar- short
gued, leads to a distorted view of the customers in a sample. Presum- standard
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ably, biases are also at hand with regard to familiarity dimensions other Base of text
than the number of purchase-related experiences. This calls for the use
of objective familiarity measures (e.g., the supplier’s data base), at least
as a validity check. At the same time, it has been suggested that people
are surprisingly accurate at answering how often events occur — fre-
quency information serves an important function in the development of
conceptual knowledge (Hascher & Zacks, 1984). If objective sources of
familiarity data are unavailable, then the self-reported number of pur-
chase-related experiences may not be such a bad option after all. Per-
haps a more important limitation with respect to the use of the famil-
iarity construct in the present study, however, is that familiarity can be
conceived of as the process by which knowledge is acquired. Yet it is
knowledge — not familiarity per se — that is assumed to constitute the
frame of reference for postpurchase evaluations; differences in knowl-
edge structures produce differences in evaluations between individuals.
The lack of several measures of knowledge in this study must therefore
be seen as an important limitation. One may indeed ask why the fa-
miliarity measure, but not the subjective knowledge measure, produced
the hypothesized differences between experienced and less-experienced
customers. One reason could be that subjective knowledge is a some-
what rough indicator of customer knowledge, because it is likely that
self-confident individuals overestimate their knowledge levels (Brucks,
1985).
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ena. However, some products are highly integrated into customers’ so- Base of text
cial lives. Restaurant visits may be an example of a product that is
indeed integrated in the visitor’s social life. For example, the experi-
enced restaurant visitor is likely to perceive that his or her social status
is at stake when a judgment of a restaurant is made in public, while the
less-familiar restaurant visitor may care little about what others think
of his or her judgments. This status factor may thus affect judgments
and, perhaps even to a larger extent, repurchases and word-of-mouth
behavior. That is to say, one can easily think of products other than
restaurants that are less well integrated in the individual’s social life,
and that they may therefore produce patterns of differences unlike those
obtained in this study. Again, then, one important avenue for further
research is to examine whether evaluation differences between subjects
with different levels of familiarity occur for other types of products.
Future research should also examine differences between expert and
novice customers in a dynamic perspective. One particular issue is re-
lated to what happens, in cognitive terms, after the most recent service
encounter (but before the next service encounter) in a chain of repeated
purchases. It has been suggested that satisfaction decays over time, in
the sense that satisfaction is likely to be negatively associated with the
time between the purchase/consumption occasion and the measurement
occasion (Richins & Bloch, 1991). It has also been suggested that ex-
pectations are updated as experience grows (Boulding, Kalra, Staelin,
& Zeithaml, 1993; Rust & Oliver, 2000). Similarly, Fournier and Mick
(1999) found that comparison standards relevant in the early days of
ownership rarely remained constant as usage experience evolved. More-
over, performance perceptions are not likely to remain constant as we
move further in time from the purchase/consumption occasion (cf. Mit-
tal, Ross, & Baldasare, 1999). Given differences between experts and
novices in terms of information processing in general, and in terms of
evaluations in particular, it is likely that something will happen to dif-
ferences in evaluations over time. Exactly what pattern we may expect,
however, remains unclear. Do experts and novices, perhaps, integrate
new experience differently, so that initial differences are affected over
time?
MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS
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satisfaction/service-quality program. This means, in the typical case, Base of text
that the personnel are informed that the customer’s subjective view
matters. It may also mean that the personnel are explicitly evaluated
(and compensated) in terms of customers’ evaluations. Assume that this
program works, in the sense that substantial efforts are undertaken by
the personnel to produce a high level of perceived performance. Given
the present results, however, these efforts are not likely to produce top
performance ratings from low-familiarity customers. Moreover, given
service failures, low-familiarity customers’ ratings may not signal that
performance was particularly poor. Outcomes of this type may serve to
reduce enthusiasm and motivation for the program, because they ap-
pear to provide distorted feedback. However, if the response patterns
by low-familiarity customers are made explicit (e.g., in a training pro-
gram), it may be easier to keep motivation on a high level. A related
aspect is when the boundary occupant deals mainly — and continu-
ously — with low-familiarity customers because of organizational design
factors (e.g., the junior business school teacher is assigned to first-year
students). This may create frustration, given lower ratings from novices.
However, explicit knowledge about differences between experts and
novices may keep frustration at bay — or serve as the basis of rotation
schemes.
Another managerial aspect relates to service failures (i.e., occasional
low service performance). It has become imperative that service pro-
viders develop recovery strategies for such situations (Grönroos, 2000),
because it has been shown that responsive recovery strategies affect
satisfaction positively (Bitner et al., 1990). The present results, how-
ever, indicate that customers with different levels of familiarity respond
differently to poor service performance. They also indicate that high-
familiarity customers are subject to a more negative response. This im-
plies that the same service recovery strategy may not be equally well
suited to deal with failures, and that the supplier should consider more
elaborate activities in attempts to create recovery among high-familiar-
ity customers.
Finally, when things do go well, that is when performance is on a high
level, the impatient supplier who wishes to see a more immediate pos-
itive reaction from the low-familiarity customer may consider activities
in the service process itself that serve to familiarize this customer with
the offer. Norman (2000) has argued that the inexperienced service cus-
tomer has to base his or her judgments on highly incomplete clues, and
this thus creates a potential for the supplier to aid in the judgment
process by providing more clues. For example, a transparent offering,
which takes the customer behind the scenes, and a high level of com-
munication during the encounter may serve to increase customer knowl-
edge. Restaurants appear to be doing this when the kitchen activities
are highly visible, and when the waiters provide small lectures on wine short
and food-preparation details. standard
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APPENDIX 1: THE TWO SCENARIOS Base of text
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Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to: Magnus Söderlund,
Center for Consumer Marketing, Stockholm School of Economics, P.O. Box
6501, SE-113 83 Stockholm, Sweden (Magnus.Soderlund@hhs.se)
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