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Communication Studies

Vol. 64, No. 3, July–August 2013, pp. 315–336

Internet Pornography Exposure and


Women’s Attitude Towards
Extramarital Sex: An Exploratory
Study
Paul J. Wright

Pornography research has primarily focused on male sexuality. This exploratory study
assessed the association between adult U.S. women’s exposure to Internet pornography
and attitude towards extramarital sex using data provided by the General Social Survey
(GSS). The glamorization of uncommitted, recreational sex in general and extramarital
sex in particular is common in pornography. A positive association between Internet por-
nography viewing and more positive extramarital sex attitudes was found. In alignment
with Wright’s (2011a) 3AM model of media sexual socialization, this association was
moderated by women’s media confidence, religiosity, and educational attainment.
Specifically, Internet pornography exposure was associated with more positive attitudes
toward extramarital sex only for women who had more media confidence, were less
religious and were less educated.

Keywords: 3AM Model; Extramarital Sex; Internet Pornography; Sexual Socialization;


Women’s Sexuality

Weinberg, Williams, Kleiner, and Irizarry noted recently that ‘‘the relationship
between pornography and women’s sexuality’’ has been ‘‘largely ignored in prior
empirical research’’ (2010, p. 1392). Internet pornography1 research in the last 10
years has paid more attention to women, but the tendency to focus more on men
has persisted (Short, Black, Smith, Wetterneck, & Wells, 2012). The emphasis on

Paul J. Wright is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Telecommunications at Indiana University.


Correspondence to: Paul J. Wright, Department of Telecommunications, Indiana University, 1229 East
7th Street, Bloomington, IN, 47405, USA. E-mail: paulwrig@indiana.edu

ISSN 1051-0974 (print)/ISSN 1745-1035 (online) # 2013 Central States Communication Association
DOI: 10.1080/10510974.2012.755643
316 P. J. Wright
men is understandable, as they are pornography’s primary target and audience
(Boies, 2002; Brooks, 1995; Goodson, McCormick, & Evans, 2001; Lo & Wei,
2005; Malamuth, 1993, 1996; Omori, Zhang, Allen, Ota, & Imamura, 2011; B. Paul,
2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2011).
But women do view pornography. A retrospective study of college students found
that 62% of women reported viewing online pornography before the age of 18
(Sabina, Wolak, & Finkelhor, 2008). A study of adolescents and emerging adults
recruited from a health clinic found that 50% of women had visited a sexually explicit
Web site at some point in their life (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009). A study of
college students’ more recent pornography consumption found that in the past 12
months women had viewed pornography about two or three times, on average
(Weinberg et al., 2010). Another study of young women found that about one in
three viewed pornography on their own, away from their male partner (Maddox,
Rhoades, & Markman, 2011). In sum, women do view pornography, often at their
own behest. Consequently, research informing the question of whether pornography
has a socializing effect on women is needed. Given the shift in pornography delivery
from offline to online (Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 2000; Edelman, 2009), research
on exposure to Internet pornography and women’s sexuality is especially needed.
Recent studies suggest that exposure to Internet pornography is associated with a
more permissive, recreational approach to sex (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009;
Omori et al., 2011; Peter & Valkenburg, 2010). But little is known about factors that
moderate this association. Is the association uniform across all individuals? Theory
suggests otherwise (Kingston, Malamuth, Fedoroff, & Marshall, 2009; Wright,
2011a), but the existing literature on exposure to pornography and sexual permissive-
ness is largely silent on the question of moderating individual differences.
Another limitation of the existing literature is its near exclusive focus on adoles-
cents and college students (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Carroll et al., 2008; Hunt &
Kraus, 2009; Morgan, 2011; Wingood et al., 2001). Research on older adults is needed
for two reasons. First, adults are the intended audience for pornography. Second,
the focus on young people reflects the assumption that only impressionable
youth can be influenced by pornography’s permissive approach to sex. Peter and
Valkenburg summarize this notion as follows: ‘‘Adolescents are seen as uncritical
and incompetent receivers of sexual media content. Adults, in turn, are implicitly
associated with critical thinking skills and the competencies necessary to resist the
influence of sexual media content’’ (2011, p. 752). The assumption that adults are
unaffected by pornography’s portrayal of sex as a recreational pursuit needs to be
explored empirically.
An additional limitation of the existing literature is its reliance on convenience
samples (Haggstrom-Nordin, Hanson, & Tyden, 2005; Lo & Wei, 2005; Štulhofer,
Busko, & Schmidt, 2012). Reliance on convenience sampling for data generation
allows critics of media effects research to dismiss results as ungeneralizable and there-
fore without value. For example, in a recent review of the literature on the effects of
pornography on aggression, Ferguson and Hartley acknowledge that survey studies
have found positive associations between exposure to pornography and aggressive
Internet Pornography 317

behavior: ‘‘Results of these studies, however, must be taken with a grain of salt as they
used college students only,’’ according to the authors (2009, p. 326).
This exploratory study addresses several limitations of the existing literature.
First, the study focuses on Internet pornography and women’s sexuality. Second,
the study tests three moderators suggested by a theoretical model developed specifi-
cally to explain the socializing effect of sexual media—Wright’s (2011a) acquisition,
activation, application model (3AM). Third, the study’s sample consists of
women aged 40 years old on average. Fourth, the study’s data were provided by
the National Science Foundation funded General Social Survey, the only ongoing,
national, full-probability study examining social beliefs and behaviors currently car-
ried out in the United States (National Data Program for the Social Sciences
[NDPSS], 2011).

Pornography: Content
If pornography is an agent of socialization, its effects occur through the provision of
particular sexual scripts (Wright, Malamuth, & Donnerstein, 2012). The sexual script
concept was developed by Gagnon and Simon in 1973 (Gagnon & Simon, 2005).
Sexual scripts address the questions: ‘‘Who does what to whom in what kind of
relationship, to what consequence?’’ (Gagnon & Simon, 2005, p. 206). In other
words, sexual scripts provide individuals with rules for determining which sexual
behaviors and partners are appropriate or inappropriate and=or desirable or undesir-
able. The duo devoted a chapter of their text Sexual Conduct: The Social Sources of
Human Sexuality to pornography and sexual scripts (Plummer, 2005, p. ix). Thirty
years after their debut of sexual script theory, the authors surveyed the sexology
literature and concluded that ‘‘the scripting perspective has remained remarkably
robust and stable as an explanatory framework for sexual conduct’’ (Simon &
Gagnon, 2003, p. 491).
According to Huesmann, individuals can learn specific scripts from media such as
pornography or ‘‘higher order scripts’’ (1986, p. 131). Higher order scripts are
acquired by abstracting the behavioral philosophy guiding media models’ behavior.
Pornographic scripts focus almost exclusively on the pleasure, delight, and satisfac-
tion that comes from having sex with casual companions (Brosius, Weaver, & Staab,
1993; Dietz & Sears, 1987; Malamuth & Impett, 2001; Monk-Turner & Purcell, 1999;
Peter & Valkenburg, 2006; Weaver, 1991; Zillmann & Bryant, 1988). Thus, the higher
order script presented by pornography is clear: Uncommitted, recreational sex is
pleasurable and exciting across a wide variety of contexts and with a wide variety
of partners.
A specific sexual script presented by pornography that falls within the higher order
recreational sex script is the fulfilling nature of extramarital sex (Anderson, 1999;
Capone, 2010; DeVoe, 2010; Lane, 2006; Markman, 2010; Montana, 2010; Noelle,
2010; Rhodes, 1999; Rossi, 2009; Slater, 2010; Smith, 1976; Thomas, 2010; Winick,
1985). Extramarital sex occurs when married persons have sexual relations with
someone other than their spouse (Davis & Smith, 2010). In particular, the theme
318 P. J. Wright
of women having—and relishing—extramarital sex seems to be quite common.
Pornographic Web sites devoted to wives having extramarital sex abound (e.g.,
cheatwife.com; cheatingwife.tv; naughtyathome.com; wife-swap.com; worldwidewi-
ves.com), as do pornographic videos (e.g., The Councilman’s Wife, Capone, 2010;
Diaries of a Wife Gone Black, DeVoe, 2010; Wife Switch, Montana, 2010; Cheating
Wives Tales, Rossi, 2009).
Numerous theories of media effects would support the hypothesis that pornogra-
phy’s positive portrayal of recreational sex generally and positive portrayal of
extramarital sex specifically would lead viewers of pornography to adopt more
positive attitudes toward extramarital sex themselves. As one example, Bandura’s
(2001) social cognitive theory of mass communication asserts that viewers develop
positive attitudes toward behaviors that are rewarding to media models. Likewise,
Huesmann’s information processing model of media influence maintains that
viewers adopt favorable dispositions toward ‘‘programs for behavior’’ that lead to
beneficial outcomes for media models (1986, p. 130). As a final illustration, media
priming theory argues that exposure to media messages activates content congruent
schemas in memory (Roskos-Ewoldsen & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2009). The activated
schemas’ increased accessibility enhances the probability of their utilization when
viewers make social judgments. The next section explores research related to the
hypothesis that pornography viewing and permissive attitudes toward extramarital
sex covary.

Pornography: Research
Several cross-sectional surveys have found that pornography exposure is associated
with more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex. Middle and high school stu-
dents in Taiwan who view more Internet pornography are more likely to agree with
statements such as ‘‘it is allowable for married women to have extramarital sex’’ (Lo
& Wei, 2005, p. 228). Japanese college students who view more Internet pornography
are more likely to agree with statements such as ‘‘it is allowable for married women to
have more than one sexual partner’’ (Omori et al., 2011, p. 100). Similarly, men in
the United States who view pornographic movies are more likely to find extramarital
sex acceptable (Wright, 2011b). Although they did not assess extramarital sex atti-
tudes, Wingood and colleagues (2001) surveyed female adolescents and found that
pornography exposure was associated with more permissive sexual behavior.
Experimentally, viewing video pornography led college students to have more
favorable attitudes toward extramarital sex, more tolerance for affairs, more accept-
ance of individuals having multiple sexual partners even if they are in a relationship,
and an increased intention of having an affair if given the opportunity (Zillmann &
Bryant, 1988). The results of this experiment were uniform for men and women.
Given the results of these studies, the following hypothesis is proposed:

H1: Exposure to Internet pornography is associated with more positive attitudes


toward extramarital sex.
Internet Pornography 319

Pornography: Potential Moderators


Research is needed that investigates whether individual differences moderate associa-
tions between pornography exposure and permissive sexual attitudes (Kingston et al.,
2009; Malamuth & Huppin, 2005). Wright (2011a) has proposed a three-stage sexual
script acquisition, activation, application (3AM) model of sexual socialization that
may inform research in this area. The 3AM has been utilized in studies of both
pornography (Wright, 2011b, 2012) and mainstream media sex (O’Hara, Gibbons,
Gerrard, & Sargent, 2012; Wright, Randall, & Arroyo, 2012).
According to the model, sexual media can provide viewers with sexual scripts they
were unaware of (acquisition), prime sexual scripts they were already aware of (acti-
vation) and can encourage the utilization of sexual scripts (application) by portraying
them as normative, acceptable, and rewarding. Script application may manifest at the
level of behavior or attitude. In the case of this study, script application would occur at
the attitudinal level (i.e., expressing a more positive attitude towards extramarital sex).
Drawing on communication theory, behavioral theory, and media sex research,
the 3AM identifies a number of content, audience, and situational factors that should
make socializing effects from exposure to sexual media more or less likely. Pertinent
to this study are the model’s assertions regarding the importance of viewers’ (a)
confidence in the authenticity of media portrayals, (b) existing sexual scripts, and
(c) ability and or motivation to view media through a critical, analytical lens. The
model predicts that socializing effects are most likely to occur when viewers have
more confidence in media, do not possess sexual scripts that are incompatible
with the scripts presented, and are unable or unmotivated to view media critically
and analytically.

Media confidence
Media confidence may be defined as an individual’s perception of the believability of
mediated representations, portrayals, and information (Major & Atwood, 1997). In
the realm of nonfiction, confidence is associated with the perception that depicted
events actually happened. In the realm of fiction (e.g., entertainment media), confi-
dence is associated with the perception that depicted events could actually happen
(Green, 2004). Media effects scholars interested in sexual socialization have
speculated that socializing effects from viewing sexual media hinge on viewers’ con-
fidence in media (Malamuth & Impett, 2001). For instance, Huston, Wartella, and
Donnerstein hypothesize that sexual depictions will ‘‘be most influential’’ when view-
ers ‘‘perceive them as realistic and valuable guides to behavior’’ (1998, p. 15).
Several studies of youths’ exposure to mainstream media sex suggest that effects
are more likely to occur for viewers with higher levels of media confidence (Olson,
1994; Ward, Merriwether, & Caruthers, 2006). For example, Taylor (2005) either
showed or did not show college students sexual television clips. Exposure to sexual
television led to higher estimates of female college students’ promiscuity, but only
for participants who were confident in the plausibility of the portrayals they were
shown. Recent Internet pornography research on Dutch adolescents also suggests that
320 P. J. Wright
viewers’ confidence in media portrayals is a key dynamic in the effects process (Peter
& Valkenburg, 2010).
In sum, theory and research suggest the moderating potential of media confidence
in the media sexual socialization process. Translated to the present study, this line of
thought would predict that women who have more confidence in media would be
more prone to believe in the plausibility of pornography’s positive portrayal of extra-
marital sex than women who are less confident in media. Consequently, the extra-
marital sex attitudes of media-confident women should be more likely to change
from exposure than their less media-confident counterparts due to the increased
likelihood that the former women will accept the veracity of pornography’s positive
portrayal of extramarital sex. The following hypothesis is thus proposed:

H2: The association between exposure to Internet pornography and more positive
attitudes toward extramarital sex is stronger for women who have more
confidence in media.

Existing sexual scripts


The 3AM also hypothesizes that attitudinal adoption of currently encountered sexual
scripts is less likely when current scripts are incompatible with existing scripts. Exist-
ing sexual scripts are sexual scripts viewers have previously encoded and adopted.
The 3AM maintains that incongruity between existing sexual scripts and currently
encountered sexual scripts increases the probability that the latter ‘‘will be deemed
inappropriate and discarded’’ (Wright, 2011a, p. 356).
According to the 3AM, traditionally religious individuals are likely to possess
sexual scripts that are strongly dissonant with scripts found in sexual media. Extra-
marital sex—the attitudinal object of analysis in this study—is a behavior that is
particularly discouraged by the traditionally religious (Linz & Malamuth, 1993).
Of course, religions also discourage pornography consumption (Linz &
Malamuth, 1993). But some religious women admit that they view pornography
(Ferree, 2001; Renaud, 2011; Rochester, 2009; Warren, 2010). Consuming media with
particular sexual values and adopting the values espoused by sexual media, however,
may not be one in the same. The 3AM suggests that ‘‘because most religions empha-
size relational and procreational sexual values, high levels of religiosity may discour-
age the internalization of sexual scripts provided by the mass media’’ (Wright, 2011a,
p. 353). Accordingly, the following hypothesis is proposed:

H3: The association between recent exposure to Internet pornography and more
positive attitudes toward extramarital sex is stronger for women who are less
religious.

Critical viewing
The 3AM also predicts that the attitudes of viewers who are more able and apt to pro-
cess media content critically should be less affected by exposure to sexual media than
Internet Pornography 321

viewers who are less able and apt to process media content critically. Critical viewing
should, in general, inhibit mediated socialization because social portrayals in media
are often inaccurate (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994; Potter, 2005). For
example, pornography’s portrayal of extramarital sex as an activity associated with
few consequences and many rewards is generally dissonant with the experiences of
those who have engaged in or have had a partner engage in extramarital sex (Amato
& Rogers, 1997; Beach, Jouriles, & O’Leary, 1985; Gorman & Blow, 2008; Schneider,
Corley, & Irons, 1998). A number of authors have suggested that individuals who are
critical and analytical should be less affected by distorted media messages (Potter,
2005; Rubin, 2002; Wright, Malamuth, & Donnerstein, 2012). The mechanism
hypothesized to underlie this moderating dynamic is straightforward: Critical viewers
should be more likely to reflect upon, to dissect, and ultimately to reject distorted
media portrayals. An experimental study of adolescents’ exposure to sexual television
and subsequent moral judgments supports the premise that critical viewing inhibits
attitude change (Bryant & Rockwell, 1994).
How might critical thinking skills be indexed? One possible index is level of edu-
cation. Formal education has been suggested as one of the foremost ways individuals
can acquire and sharpen critical thinking skills (Halpern, 1990; Potter, 2005). Point
in fact, nations such as the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and the United
States have all expressed the view that formal education is essential if individuals are
to maximize their critical thinking capacities (Pithers & Soden, 2000). If critical
thinking inhibits mediated sexual socialization and education develops and hones
critical thinking, then education may moderate the association between exposure
to Internet pornography and attitudes toward extramarital sex.2 The following
research question is thus posed:

RQ1: Will the association between exposure to Internet pornography and more
positive attitudes toward extramarital sex be stronger for women who are
less educated?

Method
Data Source
Data were provided by the General Social Survey (GSS; Davis & Smith, 2010).
Funded by the National Science Foundation, GSSs have been conducted in 1973–
1978, 1980, 1982, 1983–1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, and
2010. Participants for this study were 298 U.S. women at least 18 years old from GSSs
2000 and 2002 who were asked about their exposure to Internet pornography and
attitude towards extramarital sex. Different women were queried in 2000 and 2002.
GSS 2004 also assessed Internet pornography exposure but did not ask participants
who were queried about their Internet pornography exposure about their extramari-
tal sex attitudes. To allow for the inclusion of more questions and to avoid partici-
pant fatigue, not all GSS questions are asked of all participants in each year the survey
322 P. J. Wright
is conducted. Similarly, the GSS has core questions that are asked each survey but
also has questions that are asked in only some surveys. GSSs in 2006, 2008, and
2010 assessed extramarital sex attitudes but did not assess exposure to Internet
pornography.
As the GSS is the only ongoing, national, full-probability survey examining social
beliefs and behaviors currently carried out in the United States (NDPSS, 2011), the
data provided by GSSs 2000 and 2002 provide unique insight into the extramarital
sex attitudes of adult U.S. women who view Internet pornography. The contempor-
ary relevance of these data are indicated by the persistently positive presentation of
casual sex in Internet pornography (Lo & Wei, 2005; Omori et al., 2011) and the
continued popularity of Internet pornography (Edelman, 2009).

Measures
The study’s measures are described below. When possible, test-retest reliability was
established using panel data from GSSs in 2006, 2008, and 2010 (previously
cross-sectional, the GSS added a rotating panel component in 2006). To reiterate,
GSSs in 2006, 2008, and 2010 did not assess exposure to Internet pornography. Data
from these GSSs are mentioned only to provide evidence that the single-item mea-
sures employed by the GSS are reliable. In sum, test-retest assessments were possible
for all variables in the study save for Internet pornography exposure (i.e., for age, atti-
tude toward extramarital sex, confidence in media, education, ethnicity, religiosity,
political orientation). Expectations for the size of test-retest correlations depend on
the variables under examination (DeVellis, 1991). Demographic measures should
have high test-retest correlations. Opinion measures, on the other hand, should have
lower test-retest correlations, as opinions may fluctuate over time.

Demographics
Participants were 40 years old on average (SD ¼ 12.75). The GSS measure of age is
reliable. Age in 2006 was strongly correlated with age in 2008 (r ¼ .99, p < .01) and
2010 (r ¼ .99, p < .01). Ethnicity was operationalized as White (coded 0) or Nonwhite
(coded 1) (Wright, 2011b). Whites comprised 86% of participants. The GSS measure
of ethnicity is reliable. Ethnicity in 2006 was strongly correlated with ethnicity in
2008 (r ¼ .82, p < .01) and 2010 (r ¼ .79, p < .01). Education was operationalized
in terms of the number of years of school participants had completed (M ¼ 14.38;
SD ¼ 2.44) (Wright, 2011b). The GSS measure of education is reliable. Education
in 2006 was strongly correlated with education in 2008 (r ¼ .84, p < .01) and 2010
(r ¼ .86, p < .01). Political orientation was operationalized in terms of whether part-
icipants considered themselves liberal or conservative (1 ¼ extremely liberal, 7 ¼
extremely conservative; M ¼ 4.04, SD ¼ 1.48) (Vaisey, 2006). The GSS measure of
political orientation is reliable. Political orientation in 2006 was strongly correlated
with political orientation in 2008 (r ¼ .59, p < .01) and 2010 (r ¼ .58, p < .01). Religi-
osity was operationalized as frequency of attendance at church services (Wright,
Internet Pornography 323

2011b) and measured on a 0 (never attend) to 8 (attend more than once a week) scale
(M ¼ 3.66, SD ¼ 2.63). The GSS measure of attendance at church services is reliable.
Attendance at church services in 2006 was strongly correlated with attendance at
church services in 2008 (r ¼ .77, p < .01) and 2010 (r ¼ .73, p < .01). The criterion
validity of this measure is demonstrated by its positive association with frequency
of prayer in GSSs 2000 and 2002 (r ¼ .51, p < .01).

Internet pornography exposure


Exposure to Internet pornography was assessed with the following question: ‘‘In the
past 30 days, how often have you visited a Web site for sexually explicit material?’’
Response options were 1 ¼ never, 2 ¼ 1–2 times, 3 ¼ 3–5 times, and 4 ¼ more than
5 times (M ¼ 1.05; SD ¼ 0.27). The criterion validity of this measure is demonstrated
by men reporting more frequent exposure than women (r ¼ .25, p < .01) (Short et al.,
2012) and liberals reporting more frequent exposure than conservatives (r ¼ .12,
p < .01) (Linz & Malamuth, 1993) in GSSs in 2000 and 2002. The low level of
exposure may be due to the brief timespan referenced and the age of the sample
(age and pornography exposure are negatively correlated; Wright, 2011b).

Confidence in media
The GSS does not assess confidence in media at a general level or confidence in the
Internet specifically. However, the GSS does assess confidence in television, which is
correlated with confidence in the Internet (Marquis, Dubeau, & Thibault, 2005) and
a variety of other media (Astrom, Moshiro, Hemed, Heuch, & Kvale, 2006; Bennett,
Rhine, Flickinger, & Bennett, 1999; Cook & Gronke, 2001; Lipset & Schneider, 1987;
Manaev, 1995). Consequently, confidence in media was inferred by participants’
confidence in television. Participants were asked whether they had ‘‘hardly any’’ con-
fidence in television, ‘‘only some’’ confidence in television, or ‘‘a great deal’’ of
confidence in television (1 ¼ hardly any, 2 ¼ only some, 3 ¼ a great deal; M ¼ 1.62;
SD ¼ 0.64). The GSS measure of confidence in television is reliable. Confidence in
television in 2006 was correlated with confidence in television in 2008 (r ¼ .33,
p < .01) and 2010 (r ¼ .27, p < .01). The criterion validity of this measure is suggested
by its positive association with confidence in the press in GSSs in 2000 and 2002
(r ¼ .37, p < .01) (Lipset & Schneider, 1987).

Attitude towards extramarital sex


Attitude towards extramarital sex was assessed by asking participants whether they
thought it was wrong for married partners to engage in extramarital sex. Response
options were 1 ¼ always wrong, 2 ¼ almost always wrong, 3 ¼ sometimes wrong,
and 4 ¼ not wrong at all (M ¼ 1.31, SD ¼ 0.67). The GSS measure of extramarital
sex attitudes is reliable. Extramarital sex attitudes in 2006 were correlated with
extramarital sex attitudes in 2008 (r ¼ .37, p < .01) and 2010 (r ¼ .38, p < .01). The
criterion validity of this measure is demonstrated by men reporting more positive
324 P. J. Wright
attitudes than women (r ¼ .08, p < .01) (Malamuth, 1996) and by its negative corre-
lation with church attendance (r ¼ .21, p < .01) (Linz & Malamuth, 1993) in GSSs
in 2000 and 2002.

Analytic Approach
Hierarchical multiple regression analyses were used to test the study’s hypotheses and
research question. Age, ethnicity, education, religiosity, and political orientation were
included as controls in the initial step in all analyses. Interactions were probed at one
standard deviation above and below the mean of the moderator, as prescribed by
Aiken and West (1991).

Results
Results for the study’s hypotheses are presented in the order they were delineated in
the literature review. Zero-order correlations are presented in Table 1.

H1: Internet Pornography Exposure and Women’s Attitude Towards


Extramarital Sex
Hypothesis 1 predicted that exposure to Internet pornography would be associated
with more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex. Hypothesis 1 was supported,
DR2 ¼ .04; F(1, 261) ¼ 12.89, p < .01. Exposure to Internet pornography was associated
with more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex, b ¼ .21, t(261) ¼ 3.59, p < .01.

H2: Moderating Role of Confidence in Media


Hypothesis 2 predicted that the positive association between exposure to Internet
pornography and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex would be stronger
for women who have more confidence in media. Hypothesis 2 was supported. The

Table 1 Zero-Order Correlations


Variable 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Age .06 .17 .08 .22 .11 .06 .15


 
2. Attitude towards extramarital sex – .03 .12 .13 .17 .18 .19
3. Confidence in media – – .02 .11 .08 .05 .06
4. Education – – – .09 .03 .06 .11
5. Ethnicitya – – – – .04 .18 .00
6. Internet pornography exposure – – – – – .11 .05
7. Religiosity – – – – – – .24
8. Political orientation – – – – – – –
a
White ¼ 0, Nonwhite ¼ 1.

p < .05.  p < .01.
Internet Pornography 325

Figure 1 Interaction of Internet pornography exposure and media confidence on attitude towards
extramarital sex.

interaction of Internet pornography exposure and media confidence on attitude


towards extramarital sex was significant, DR2 ¼ .03; F(1, 112) ¼ 5.04, p < .05. Simple
slope analyses showed that, as predicted, a positive association was present for
women with high media confidence, b ¼ .60, t(112) ¼ 3.35, p < .01, but not low
media confidence, b ¼ .09, t(112) ¼ 0.78, p ¼ .44. Figure 1 displays this interaction.

H3: Moderating Role of Religiosity


Hypothesis 3 predicted that the positive association between exposure to Internet
pornography and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex would be stronger
for women who were less religious. Hypothesis 3 was supported. The interaction of
Internet pornography exposure and religiosity on attitude towards extramarital sex

Figure 2 Interaction of Internet pornography exposure and religiosity on attitude towards extramarital sex.
326 P. J. Wright

Figure 3 Interaction of Internet pornography exposure and education on attitude towards extramarital sex.

was significant, DR2 ¼ .05; F(1, 260) ¼ 16.71, p < .01. Simple slope analyses showed
that, as predicted, a positive association was present for women who were less
religious, b ¼ .32, t(260) ¼ 5.09, p < .01, but not more religious, b ¼ .29,
t(260) ¼ 2.16, p < .05. Figure 2 displays this interaction.

RQ1: Moderating Role of Education


Research Question 1 asked whether the positive association between exposure to
Internet pornography and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex would
be stronger for women who were less educated. The interaction of Internet pornogra-
phy exposure and education on attitude towards extramarital sex was significant,
DR2 ¼ .04; F(1, 260) ¼ 11.95, p < .01. Simple slope analyses showed that, as specu-
lated, a positive association was present for women who were less educated,
b ¼ .59, t(260) ¼ 4.76, p < .01, but not more educated, b ¼ .03, t(260) ¼ 0.35,
p ¼ .73. Figure 3 displays this interaction.

Discussion
This exploratory study investigated the association between adult U.S. women’s
exposure to Internet pornography and attitudes toward extramarital sex using data
provided by the GSS. A positive overall association between viewing Internet por-
nography and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex was found. This find-
ing is consistent with prior studies that have assessed overall associations between
exposure to pornography and extramarital sex attitudes and intentions (Lo & Wei,
2005; Omori et al., 2011; Wright, 2011b; Zillmann & Bryant, 1988).
In response to the assertion that pornography’s socializing effects vary according
to individual differences (Kingston et al., 2009; Malamuth & Huppin, 2005), this
study also explored the moderating potential of several individual difference charac-
teristics. Wright’s (2011a) 3AM model predicts that socializing effects from exposure
Internet Pornography 327

to sexual media are more likely to occur when viewers have more confidence in media,
do not possess sexual scripts that are incompatible with the scripts presented in sexual
media and are less able to view media critically and analytically. Correspondingly,
women’s level of media confidence, religiosity, and educational attainment were tested
as moderators of the Internet pornography exposure—extramarital sex attitudes
association. Consistent with the assertions of the 3AM, Internet pornography exposure
was correlated with more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex only for women
who had more media confidence, were less religious, and were less educated.

Contributions and Potential Implications


The contributions and potential implications of this study are as follows. First, the
study responded to what Weinberg et al. identify as a limitation ‘‘of great concern’’
in the current literature: lack of research on pornography and women’s sexuality
(2010, p. 1392). Second, the study assessed exposure to Internet pornography. As
pornography viewing in general (Cooper et al., 2000; Edelman, 2009) and women’s
pornography viewing in particular (Leiblum, 2001) shift from offline to online, it
becomes increasingly important to study how consumption of Internet pornography
associates with viewers’ sexuality. Third, the study’s sample consisted of adult
women, adding demographic diversity to a literature dominated by research on ado-
lescents and college students. Fourth, the study utilized data from a national,
full-probability survey, adding generalizability to a literature typically characterized
by convenience sampling.
The association between Internet pornography viewing and more positive atti-
tudes toward extramarital sex that emerged across the entire sample suggests that
the sexual views of adult U.S. women who view more or less pornography differ. This
result is consistent with studies finding that adolescents and emerging adults who
view more pornography have more permissive sexual attitudes in general and more
permissive attitudes toward extramarital sex in particular (Carroll et al., 2008; Lo &
Wei, 2005; Omori et al., 2011; Peter & Valkenburg, 2006, 2010). The cross-sectional
data employed prevent inference about the causal nature of the association found in
this study. However, the nature of the association is consistent with theory positing
that social portrayals in the media have an overall socializing impact (Gerbner et al.,
1994). Thus, the results cast some doubt on the idea that only the young are socia-
lized by sexual media (Peter & Valkenburg, 2011). The results also suggest that por-
nography and sexual socialization research should focus on women as well as men.
The results also suggest that if pornography does have a socializing effect, the effect
may not be uniform across viewers. First, the results suggest that viewers’ level of
confidence in media affects the degree to which they adopt the sexual perspectives
presented in pornography. Specifically, the results suggest that pornography may
socialize only those who have confidence in the social reality presented in media mes-
sages. Viewers with media confidence have more faith in the tenability of mediated
accounts, renderings, and depictions. Media confidence manifests in a variety of
forms. In the realm of entertainment media such as pornography, media confident
328 P. J. Wright
viewers may be aware that they are viewing actors and=or actresses. However, they
may believe that the encounters depicted are indicative of ‘‘real-life’’ individuals’ sex-
ual behavior. The perception that pornographic depictions reflect reality may
increase the probability of attitudinal shifts in alignment with pornography’s
presentation of sex.
Second, the results suggest that the possession of sexual scripts antithetical to
pornographic scripts may obstruct pornography’s socializing impact. Specifically,
the results suggest that the traditional sexual scripts provided by religious teachings
discourage the adoption of the permissive sexual values presented in pornography.
For the faithful, pornography’s permissive approach to sex contradicts ‘‘timeless rules
for behavior laid down by religious authorities who represent the ultimate author-
ity: God’’ (Linz & Malamuth, 1993, p. 7). Proscriptions against ‘‘adultery’’ and
‘‘promiscuity’’ protect ‘‘fidelity, marriage, and the family’’ and ‘‘reflect enduring
and immutable values’’ (Linz & Malamuth, 1993, p. 7). All told, while more religious
individuals may be just as likely to consume pornography as less religious individuals
(Christakis, 2012), the results of this study suggest that the sexual values of the less
religious are more likely to be altered from exposure to pornography.
Explained in 3AM terminology, exposure to pornography should activate permiss-
ive sexual scripts for both the less and more religious. At the point of attitudinal
application, however, the two groups should diverge. Less religious viewers’ lack of
binding and transcendent prohibitions against casual sex should increase their like-
lihood of script application. Conversely, religious viewers’ internalization of the mal-
evolence of casual sex should discourage script application. As stated in the model’s
initial formulation, ‘‘the moral and religious symbolism so often attached to sexual
behavior may inhibit the enactment of the myriad casual sex scripts in the mass
media’’ (Wright, 2011a, p. 357).
Third, the results suggest that the suasory impact of fantastic pornographic depic-
tions may be dampened when viewers are apt and able to engage in critical thinking.
In this study, education moderated the association between exposure to pornography
and attitudes toward extramarital sex. Pornography exposure was positively corre-
lated with extramarital sex attitudes for women who were less educated. No associ-
ation emerged between pornography exposure and extramarital sex attitudes for
more educated women. Enhanced capacity for critical thinking has long been ident-
ified as one of the central goals of formal education (Halpern, 1990; Pithers & Soden,
2000). Correspondingly, studies find that education and critical thinking skills are
positively correlated (Denney, 1995). Why should more educated, analytical thinkers’
attitudes be less affected? The most likely explanation is that critical thinkers are criti-
cal viewers and are more skeptical of and thus more likely to reject pornographic
depictions that test the limits of authenticity.

Limitations and Future Directions


The primary limitation of this study is its cross-sectional survey method. Causal
conclusions cannot be drawn from cross-sectional survey data. Specifically,
Internet Pornography 329

cross-sectional surveys allow for the possibility of reverse causation or a third variable
confound.
Regarding reverse causation, it is always a possibility in cross-sectional survey
research on pornography and permissive sexual attitudes that permissive sexual atti-
tudes cause pornography exposure, as opposed to pornography exposure causing
permissive sexual attitudes. Reverse causation becomes less feasible in the face of
interactions that are in alignment with media effects theory, however. For example,
the idea that less educated viewers would be more influenced by misleading porno-
graphic depictions than more educated viewers is quite intuitive. On the other hand,
an intuitive explanation for why the possession of positive extramarital sex attitudes
would cause only less educated women to view more pornography is not easily
derived. Likewise, confounding third variable explanations are more readily apparent
in the case of bivariate associations than moderated associations. For example, that
having an erotophilic disposition (B. Paul & Shim, 2008) would cause both permiss-
ive sexual attitudes and pornography exposure is intuitive. Conversely, attempting to
explain why erotophilia would cause covariation between pornography exposure and
more permissive sexual attitudes for individuals with high media confidence but not
low media confidence is a difficult task. Nevertheless, experimental and longitudinal
research is needed to more adequately address the possibility of reverse causation and
third variable confounds.
Another potential limitation of the present study is that the data reported were
gathered in 2000 and 2002. The data collection period would be problematic if any
of the following criteria were operable: (a) pornography’s presentation of sex has
become less permissive in recent years; (b) the association between pornography
exposure and more permissive sexual attitudes has become weaker in recent years;
(c) pornography viewing has declined in recent years. If pornography has become less
permissive or if viewers no longer appear to be affected by pornography’s permissive-
ness or if individuals no longer view pornography, then the relevance of the present
study’s results would be limited. The available evidence contradicts all of these
possibilities, however.
First, according to contemporary pornography researchers, pornography’s presen-
tation of sex remains highly permissive. In 2005, Lo and Wei described pornographic
depictions as follows: ‘‘In pornographic media, men and women are depicted engag-
ing in varied sexual behaviors without love or emotional involvement, and many of
those depicted have sexual relations with more than one person. . . . Sexual activities
tend to deemphasize intimacy, love, affection, and human connection’’ (p. 233). In
2007, Nathan stated that pornography portrays sex as ‘‘a thing, rather than an emo-
tion or a relationship between people’’ (p. 33). In 2009, Braun-Courville and Rojas
argued that pornographic Web sites’ portrayal of sex should ‘‘reinforce’’ viewers’
positive attitudes toward ‘‘casual sex’’ (p. 160). In 2011, Omori and colleagues stated
that Internet pornography typically shows sex between ‘‘uncommitted’’ individuals
(p. 96).
Second, studies reporting more recently collected data find correlations between
pornography exposure and permissive sexual attitudes quite akin to the present
330 P. J. Wright
study. After adjusting for covariates, the association between pornography exposure
and more positive attitudes toward extramarital sex in the present study was .22. In
their 2006 study, Peter and Valkenburg found a .24 correlation between pornography
exposure and attitudes toward recreational sex. In wave one of their 2010 study, Peter
and Valkenburg found a .20 correlation between pornography exposure and rec-
reational attitudes toward sex. Data gathered in 2010 in Wright’s (2011b) multiyear
study of men’s pornography exposure found a .25 correlation between pornography
viewing and attitudes toward extramarital sex.
Last, the consensus among cultural commentators is that pornography consump-
tion is increasing, not decreasing (Maltz & Maltz, 2008; P. Paul, 2005; Sarracino &
Scott, 2008). For instance, according to Maltz and Maltz, ‘‘today porn reaches an
unprecedented number of people of all ages and from all walks of life’’ (2008, p. 4).
Likewise, P. Paul contends that an ‘‘all- pornography, all-the-time mentality is every-
where in today’s pornified culture’’ (2005, p. 5).
In sum, all signs suggest the current relevance of the 2000 and 2002 GSS data on
women’s Internet pornography exposure and attitudes toward extramarital sex.
Additionally, the importance of adding national-level data to the literature must
not be overlooked. For example, because of the rarity of national data, Malamuth,
Hald, and Koss (2012) recently published a study exploring men’s pornography
exposure and acceptance of violence against women generated by a dataset gathered
in 1984–1985. Nevertheless, because of differences in the above-mentioned studies’
methods and samples, contemporary research on adult U.S. women’s Internet por-
nography exposure and sexual attitudes is desirable.
Several additional future research recommendations are warranted. First, future
research should examine whether exposure to extramarital sex pornography has a
more pronounced effect on extramarital sex attitudes than exposure to pornography
devoid of extramarital sex themes. The concept of higher order scripting (Huesmann,
1986) suggests that exposure to pornography’s glamorization of permissive,
recreational sex should cause more positive attitudes toward permissive sex in a
variety of contexts and relationships. Wright’s (2011a) 3AM model concurs but also
predicts that correspondence between mediated sexual scenarios and actual sexual
situations increases the likelihood of media sexual socialization.
Second, future research should explore the effects of pornography made specifi-
cally for women (e.g., the productions of Candida Royalle). Pornography designed
for women may enhance perceptions of the contents’ salience, plausibility, and func-
tional value. Such fare may also increase women’s sexual arousal. All of these factors
are hypothesized to facilitate sexual socialization (Wright, 2011a). The direction of
effects in pornography made for women, however, should still depend upon the nat-
ure of the sexual messages presented. For instance, positive portrayals of extramarital
sex (e.g., as in Loving Sex’s film Swinging Lovers) should still lead to more positive
perceptions of extramarital sex.
Third, future research should assess women’s personal dispositions toward extra-
marital sex. Particularly, future research should assess correlations between women’s
Internet pornography exposure and extramarital sex intentions and behavior, as prior
Internet Pornography 331

studies have found that exposure to pornographic films predicts both intentions to
engage in extramarital sex if given the opportunity (Zillmann & Bryant, 1988) and
actually engaging in extramarital sex (Wright, 2011b).
Fourth, additional moderators should be explored. Other moderators suggested by
the 3AM and other media effects theories that should be tested are viewers’ degree of
identification with pornographic actors and actresses, level of dependency on por-
nography for sexual information, and motivations for viewing. In light of research
suggesting that many women coview with male partners (Maddox et al., 2011), this
particular motivation may be especially important to study. Coviewing with a partner
may affect women’s attitudes toward pornographic presentations of sex for several
reasons. Women may change their attitudes so as to align themselves with their part-
ners’ attitudes. Women may change their attitudes to align with their positive atti-
tudes toward their partners and the sexual experience engendered by the content
(i.e., cognitive balancing; Heider, 1958). Women who were already curious about
behaviors such as extramarital or extrarelational sex may experience positive attitu-
dinal shifts as a result of seeing their partners become aroused to their being depicted.
Conversely, coviewing with a partner may negatively affect women’s attitudes toward
pornographic presentations if women feel coerced into viewing.
Finally, future research should explore whether confidence in pornography specifi-
cally is a more powerful moderator of the association between pornography exposure
and permissive sexual attitudes than confidence in media more generally. This study
used confidence in television to tap into media confidence, as the GSS does not assess
confidence in pornography. Confidence in television ‘‘is a concept that has widely
been integrated into media uses and effects research’’ (Perse, 1991, p. 282) and is pre-
dictive of confidence in other media. For example, confidence in television is corre-
lated with confidence in newspapers, radio, flyers, and billboards (Astrom et al., 2006;
Bennett et al., 1999; Cook & Gronke, 2001; Lipset & Schneider, 1987; Manaev, 1995).
Most importantly, confidence in television is correlated with confidence in the Inter-
net (Marquis et al., 2005). And, people who are confident in any one particular media
tend to be confident in other media (Astrom et al., 2006; Marquis et al., 2005).
In sum, the results of this and other studies suggest that media confidence is a
broad disposition that is not bound to a particular platform. Correspondingly,
Salzman and Aloisi (2009) conceptualized media confidence as a general character-
istic. Nonetheless, future studies should assess both platform specific confidence
and media confidence more generally. It may be the case that confidence in a parti-
cular platform or genre is a more powerful moderator of the association between
media exposure and subsequent attitudes than confidence in media as a general
phenomenon.

Notes
[1] The word ‘‘pornography’’ is often seen as pejorative. This study associates no derogatory
connotation with the term, using it only as shorthand for mediated content depicting nudity
and explicit sexual acts (Wright et al., 2012).
332 P. J. Wright
[2] The reasoning presented is indicative of the perspective that education (for those fortunate
enough to receive it) enhances critical thinking skills, not that the less educated are inher-
ently unable to think critically. Education is posited to develop and hone critical thinking
skills. Education is not posited as an indicator of intrinsic intellectual capacity.

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