STUDIA POHL

DISSERTATIONES SCIENTIFICAE DE REBUS ORIENTIS ANTIQUI

THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMEN"TS

AT MARI

THE MILIT AR Y EST ABLISHMENTS jACK M. SASSON

A T MARI

1969 1969
PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM BIBLICUM PONTIFICAL BIBLICAL INSTITUTE
1-00187 ROMA PIAZZA DELLA PILOTTA 35 1-00187 ROME PIAZZA DELLA PILOTTA 35
 vii

Table of Contents

Abbreviations ..•••••••••.•.•••••••.•.••••••••.••••••••.•..••••••.••.••• viii

Forward ••..•••••••••.••••••••••.••.••••••••••••••••••••••..••.•••.••••• ix-x

Introduction ••.••••••••••••••.••••..••••••••••.•••••••••.••.•••••••••••••• 1

Defense Preparations ••••••••••••••.•••••••••••••.•.••••••••••••••••••••••• 3

Levy of Troops .••.•.•••••••••••••••••••••••..••.•.••••••.••••••.••••••.••. 7

Military Personnel ••••••••••••••.•••.•••••••.••••.•••.••••••••••.•••••••• 11

Military Groupings •••••.•••••••••••••••••••••.••••••..•.••••..••.•••••.•• 17

Soldiers ••••.•...••.••.••.•.•.•••••.•••.••.•..•.••.••••••.•.•••.•.•••••.• 22

Weaponry •••.••••••••.•••••.•••..••••.•••.••..•••••••••.•.•.••••••••••.•.. 25

Chariotry .••...••••.•••••••••••.•..•.•.••••••.•••.••••••••••••••••••••••• 31

Siege Devices ....•.••••..•••••.••••••••••••..•..•.•.••••••••.•.•.•••••••• 33

Provisions ••.•••.•.•••••••••.•.•••.•..••••••••.••••..•.....•.••••.•••...• 34

Preparatory Rituals ....•••.•••..••.•••.....•••••.....•••.•...•••..•...... 36

Psychological Warfare •.••••••..•.•..•••..•••••••.•.......•.••..••..••.... 37

Tactics ••.•.••...•.•••..•.•••.•••.•.•.•••.•••..•..........••.•••.••. "•••• 43

Des ertion •.•.•••...•.••••.••••••.•..•.•...•••.•••..•.......••.•.•.••••••• 45

Def eat .•••.•....••••••••.••••••.•.•.•.•.•.•..•••..•......•...••••••••.•.• 47

End of Campaigns .•.••.•••.•.•••••..•.•••••....•.•.....•...••.•.•••.•• · ••• 49

Footnotes •••••••.••••••.••...•••••.••.••.••••.••••••••..•••••..•••.•••••. 50

lndices

(A) Akkadian terms •••••••.••••..•••••••.•..••••••••.••••••••••••. 79

(B) Sumerian terms •••••••••• "••••.••••••••••••.•••.••••.•..•••.••• 82

(e) passages cited ••••••.••••.••••••••..••••••••.•.•.•••••.•••••• 83

Bibliography •••••••••••••••••.•••••••••.•••.•••••.•••..••••...•.•.••.•••• 94
viii

Abbreviations Forward

When first approached, this study of the Mi1itary Estab1ishments

AHW: W. Von Soden, Akkadisches Randw~rterbuch, Wiesbaden, 1955ff.
at Mari was to have been a statement on one of the institutions of that
ARM: Archives Roya1es de Mari, I-X, Paris, 1950ff.
Midd1e Bronze Age city. As it grew to the present proportions, it was
ARMT: Archives Roya1es de Mari: transcription et traduction des textes
cunéiformes, I-Xnr, xv (Répertoire ana1ytique des tornes 1 a V), thought beneficia1 to pub1ish it as an independent artic1e. Father
Paris, 1950ff.
Adhémar Massart and Father Richard Cap1ice, to whom this was submitted,
CAn: The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute ~ the University
of Chicago, Chicago and G1Uckstadt, 1956ff. offered to inc1ude it in the Studia Poh1 series. With this suggestion

CAH2: The Cambridge Ancient Ristory, second, revised, edition, Cambridge, we1comed, indices were drawn up and minor shifts in the format initiated
1961ff.
In the future, other institutions of Mari wi11 simi1ar1y be in-
Dossin, "archives économiques,": G. Dossin, "Les archives économiques du
Pa1ais de Mari," Syria, 20(1939), 97-113. vestigated. It is hoped that the resu1t, unabashed1y fo11owing in

Dossin, "archives épisto1aires,": G. Dossin, "Les archives épisto1aires spirit the pattern estab1ished by Pere de Vaux's Institutions de l'Ancil
du Pa1ais de Mari," Syria, 19(1938), 105-126.
Testament, will help shed more 1ight on life in the early second millen-
Dossin, "Benjaminites,": G. Dossin, "Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari,"
Mé1anges Syriens offerts a Mr. René Dussaud (BAR, 30), 11, Paris, nium B. C.
1939, 981-996.
Mari's substantial archives and its archaelogical remains offer
Dossin, Divination: G. Dossin, "Sur le prophétisme a Mari," La Divination
en Mésopotarnie ancienne ~ dans les régions voisines, Paris, 1966, a unique source for the student of the Ancient Near East. In approach-
77-86.
ing the epigraphical material, 1 have tried to adhere to the tablets
Oppenheim, Letters: A.L. Oppenheim, Letters from Mesopotarnia, Chicago,
1967. found at the site. Terms were studied as they appeared only in Mari' s

Parrot, Le Palais, 11: A Parrot, Mission archéo1ogique

Palais, vol. l;
Peintures murales
de Mari,
(BAR, 69.) Paris, 1958.
lI, Le documents. 1 tried to avoid the temptation of appealing to cognates o

Parrot, Le Palais, 111:

vol. 3; Documents
Mission archéologique
et Monuments
de Mari,
(BAR, 70.) Paris,
lI, Le Palais,
1959.
invoking occurances from other time and place. It may
But 1 believe,
be that
perhaps
this ap-
wron
proach wi1l be found unsatisfying to some.

RIA: Reallexicon der Assyriologie, Berlin, 1928ff. that there are advantages in a method that determines the meaning of a

E. Salonen, Waffen: E. Salonen, Die Waffen der Alten Mesopotamier vocable as it was employed by a specific community, at a given periodo
(Studia Orientalia, 33), Helsinki, 1965.
It is a pleasure for me to register he re a strong note of grati-
Studia Mariana: A. Parrot, et al., Studia Mariana (Documenta et Monumenta
Orientis antiqui, 4.)~eiden, 1950. tude to Professor Jean-Robert Kupper of Li~ge. He was most kind in de-

Yadin, Warfare, 1: Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, 1, voting time and energy to reading my manuscript and offering he1pful
New York, 1963. -- -- - - ---
cornments. The Institute for Research in Social Science of the Universi

of North Carolina deserves my thanks for its help in typing the present
x

draft. lt is possible that this study would have reached a final stage

without the aid of Father Caplice. But 1, for one, do not see how.

Chapel Hill, N. C. Jack Murad Sasson

October, 1968
 1

Introduction*

Whether to fulfill divine cornmandments,to reap economic rewards, or

to defend the reputation of fickle ladies, throughout history men have mobi-

lized under banners and waged wars. Students of the human mind and its

labyrinthian ways have posited a number of theories which would account

for 'why men fight.' Some have considered aggression an instinct, which no

amount of cultural conditioning will surmount; others suppose warfare to be

the result of environmental pressures which force one group into a neigh-

bor's territory.

When studying the Mari documents, clashes with neighbors can certain-

ly explain the outbreak of a number of hostilities. The Amorite penetration

into Syria and Mesopotamia, nearly two centuries before the Zimri-Lim per-

iod, brought to an end the Sumerian empire of Dr. While the emergent powers

jockeyed for position, repercussionsof the struggles were still in evidence.

The famous and oft-quoted letter of the palace functionary Itur-Asdu clearly

reflects this condition. He writes to his lord, Zimri-Lim: "There is no

king who is powerful when he is on his own. Ten or fifteen kings follow

~ammurapi of Babylon; as many follow Rim-Sin of Larsa; as many follow Ibál-

pi-El of Esnunna; as many follow Amut-pi-El of Qatna, (while) twenty kings

follow Yarim-Lim of Yambad."l This document can be dated to ca. 1775 B.C.2

It was not until the victory of gammurapi over the lesser states of

Mesopotamia, and not until the destruction of Mari, ca. 1757, that a rel-

atively peaceful era was inaugurated. The coexistence of the two powers,

Yambad and Babylon, dominant in Western Asia, sharply curtailed the out-

break of wars. This happy state of affairs was to be shattered by the

nascent powers of the Hittites in Anatolia a little more than a century

later.
 2
3

Prior to the establishment of this stabilizing entente, the Mari of Diniktum, has repaid me, as you (have), with evil

tablets record many acts of aggression. Most often the documents reveal (deeds) and obstructions. 1 had stationed 500 boats

the process as it unfolded. One reads of troop movements, heavy engage- in the wharf of Diniktum and, for 12 years, 1 have

ments, and stunning victories, but is left to wonder over the causes, cared for him and his land. An now, you repay me with

fu~ediate or real, which brought about these clashes. For this reason, evil (deeds) and obstructions, in the same way as he
ARM 11;74:5'-12' is of interest. (did).
lt plainly shows that long-standing 1 swear by Adad, god of my city, and by Sin,

disagreements required little provocation to drive men into the battle- my personal god, that 1 shall not rest until 1 crush
fields:
"On the third day, the new of the ~ of Elam, concerning the you and your land. Now, when spring arrives, 1 shall

aid of the sukkal of Elam [••. ]. As one man, they rose against gammurapi come and march through the entrance of your gate. 1

and killed as many of this followers as they could. ~ammurapi heard (of will show you the bitter weapons of Adad and Yarim-

L.1m. 3a
it), and sent troops to this land. All the armies of Mutiyabal [.•• ]

were opposed by weapons. He fought and won a victory.,,3 Once war was unleashed, the energies of the palace were channelled

A unique instance, however, deserves full quotation. In a letter into devising a formula for victory. The feverish lerter writing that
sent
ensued sheds much light upon various aspects of an engagement. Undoubt-
to Der, a city beyond the Tigris, the ruler of !,lalab,,recounts past

relations between the two cities, dwells upon the present conditions, and, edly, many tablets in the Mari archives tell of clashes which amounted to
finally declares war:
little more than skirmishes and raids. Others recorded long-1asting con-

Tell Yasub-Yagad, f1icts.

thus (speaks) YarIm-Lim, your Neverthe1ess, this study wi1l not dea1 with any specific campaign.

brother. Let Shamash inquire in your affair and Consequent1y, there wi11 be no attempt to distinguish between the Shamsi-

mine and let him give instruction. 1 have been a Adad and Zimri-Lim periods. lnstead, this paper will treat topica1ly the

father and a brother to you, yet you have been a military at Mari.

fiend and an enemy to me. To what (purpose) was

the goodness with which, because of the weapons of Defense Preparations

Adad and Yarim-Lim, 1 have saved Babylon and have

As 1eaders sniffed the odor of war, a number of important steps were
given life to you and to your land? Without Adad
taken to insure proper resistance, Among these tasks, the defense of the
and Yarim-Lim, for the past 15 years you could have
city predominated. Each district governor had the major responsibi1ity
blown on the city of Der as if on hay, and 1 wou1d
for strengthening and supp1ying the cities and territories of his own
not have noticed it. To be sure, Sin-gami1, king
province. As indicated by Vl:29:15-21, main urban centers were surrounded by
 4
5

an inner (durum)4 and an outer (~,Cf. 11:101:11) wa11. A gate bitumen (a 1ayer of) bitumen is 1aid. In addition, over (it), they wi11

(abu11um) permitted entrance (Syria, 33(1956), 65:31; 111:11:7-8; XIII:144: p1aster it with cha1ky mUd.,,9

7-8; Yabiru, p. 21 (No. 26:24). At Mari, one such city-gate -_ it cou1d, When preparations were ended a city cou1d we11 present a formid-

however, be that of a pa1ace or temple was known as the 'Gate of Itur- able appearance. We know this from archeo10gica1 evidence.10 Even to
v -
Mer' (XIII:26:10). Others honored the goddess ~isamitum XIII:31:8, IGI'KUR (IX: its contemporaries, such a fortress was awe-inspiring. Shamsi-Adad writes

43:6), and Nerga1 (XIII:40:42). The wooden doors, apparent1y in two pane1s, were to Yasma!}-Adad (1:39:4-12): "-:ab-eli-urnmani!íu has arrived here and 1

massive, sometimes requiring a fu11 month to construct (111:10:7-11). One questioned him concerning A1atru. Re answered as fo110ws: 'A1atru is

examp1e, perhaps not specifica11y destined for emp1acement at a city's gate, strong. Its ramparts are old. They have not bui1t any other ramparts.'

was manufactured out of cedars and imported from Carchemish. It measured 1 know that city we11 since 1 have often passed by. Its te11 is certain1y

6 meters (12 cubits) in height and may have possib1y been 6 meters (12 h·~g h ; ~ts
.. ramparts mass~ve. ,,11

cubits) wide (7) and 2.15 meters (4 cubits, 8 fingers) thick (7) (XIII:7: Strict measures were taken to enforce the guards. Norma11y the

15-17). Such enormous pane1s were brought by ship to Mari (1:127). men in arms 1ed a doub1e 1ife. In addition to constant1y po1icing the

The wa11s were constructed out of pi1ed earth and strengthened with area in which they resided, they were often emp10yed in menia1 jobs, such
bricks.5
A1though quite strong, they needed frequent care and repairing, as harvesting, repairing cana1s, and p1ucking sheep.12 This is c1ear1y
keeping the
governor at a constant qui-vive (e.g. 11:88:17, 101:10-12; shown in 11:3, a 1etter from Shamsi-Adad to his son at Mari: "The con-

127:5(7». For added protection, a moat (biritum, amrirnmum)6 was cut tingent which was to transport wine to Mari, 1et it remain five days.

around the city (VI:29:18, 1:90:20). When fi11ed with water, as we 1earn Rave the men fortify Masmiyanum and ~a11uriya. As to the contingent which

from 11:30:5-12; this protective device was quite effective.7 Iba1-pi-E1 1 have hired and which resides as an important body, 1et it work during

writes to Zimr1-Lim: "When the enemy rea1ized that action was taken in the day and guard during the night. After it has fortified these cities,

Yiritum, he tried to cross a number of times. But my 10rd's troops re- 1et that contingent, which is to transport the wine, bring (the wine) to
Sisted him and did not a110w him to cross.
As he was not ab1e to cross, Mari. As to the other contingent, 1et it return to guard-duty.,,13

and his crossing through the water moats (amrimmum) which

we and ~arnmurapi's With the report of hosti1ities, an additiona1 corps cou1d be re-

servants p1anned (7), and which we opened in front of his crossing, his quested from the king (IV:44:12-16; VI:15:16-17) who, it is hinted in

crossing near the Zaba1um-river [he attempted (7)].8 XIII:27:7-10 speaks 11:97, was responsib1e for supp1ying sentine1s to the district.14 Pref-

of the manner in which a ditch (igum) was protected against water seep- erence, however, was made for conscripting local peop1e (1:20:11'-15') to

age, a method, no doubt, which found app1ication in the water-proofing of man the district garrisons. Those supp1ied by neighbors were rotated

moats: "From top to bottom it is covered with dry bitumen. Over the dry month1y from one area to another (1:20:4'-10,).15 One district governor

seems to have gone so far as to refuse contingents sent by allies

 6
7

(111:13:7-10). In V:36, ~asidanum of Karana, forbids the movement of troops of certain territories (111:12; 11:92). In addition, it appears that no
in and out of his city. No expeditionary forces (alik harranim) were to be 21
amount of threats affected them (11:102).

sent out any longer, even if destined for the king. For, as he rhetorically In order to counteract conditions intolerable in times of war, the
asks, at moments such as these "where in the world is a poor man aafe?,,16
Mari civil servant devised a program whose name is peculiar to this city.

Apparently only within the sanctuary of strong walls, or so §asidanum

The term baz (a) batum, possibly a West-Semitic loan-word (from ~~~ (?»,
believed. V:37 is another missive from him where he urges: "those who are
refers to a military outpost removed from the main sections of the city.22

near Karana, let them enter into Karana; those who are near QaFara, let
A number of such outposts were established in a single territory (Xlll:ll8:
them enter QaFara; those who are near Appaya, let them enter Appaya." With- 23
19-21; 11:88:7-8). 111:30:16-18 indicates that these stations were pro-
in, security measures were also taken. We possess a number of texts which
fessionally manned. Kibri-Dagan writes to his lord: "1 have selected the

indicate that foreigners were confined to the city. 111:37:16-23 is a good

best men (well-to-do men?) from among the men of Terqa and stationed them
example written by Kibri-Dagan to Zimri-Lim: "On that day in which 1 sent
at the outposts.,,24 A contingent of well trained !J.aneensis sent to
this letter to my lord, 10 Subarians have arrived in Terqa. 1 questioned
~ammurapi of Babylon. "They know the outposts •.•well.", writes Zimri-Lim
them and they replied as follows: 'we (are) of Limi-Addu Can ally of Zimri-
(11:67:7'_8,).25 From IlI:17:21-24, we learn that groups were constantly

Lim, cf. Vl:3l].' Since they spoke thus, 1 confined them within the City.,,17
sent from the outposts to inspect the countryside. Predictably, clashes
Outside the immediate confines of the city, the countryside was to
with nomadic elements occurred as the men from the ~atum attempted to
be guarded and, in some measures, pacified. The problems of the district
check their movements to and from the Upper Country (111:12). In such in-

governor were multiplied in direct proportion to the density of the nomadic

stances, the guards could arrest and imprison the offenders (11:92; 102).
elements which roamed the territory. Kupper's excellent book on the nomads
On other occasions, we read that this group repulsed strong enemy attack
in the time of Mari evaluates soberly the subject, for which there i6 no
(Vl:64; Xlll:104:6(?», recovered escapees (11:103; Xlll:118:12-22), ex-
need to reinvestigate in these pages.18 While a governor encountered few
ecuted such culprits (Xlll:108:13'-16'), and genera11y kept note of all
difficu1ties in dea1ing with the !J.aneens (e.g., 111:15),--indeed a contin- 26
troop movements (11:105).
gent existed in the heart of Mari_,19 he faced nightmare conditions with
the Suteens, Benjamanites,
-
and Banu-Sim'al.
20
The Benjamanites, for one,
Levy of Troops
made it c1ear to Kibri-Dagan that they wou1d rather meet sure destruction

at the hand of enemies than cooperate with him (111:38). When inducted With the wel1-1earned dictum that the best defense is a good of-

fense, the kings of Mari prepared by levying armies which, as documents

into the armed forces, they defected at the slightest occasion (Vl:30:15-18,

27-32). A1thought vigi1s were constantly kept against their ambu1ations revea1, consisted of large forces pitted against others. During the wars

(111:12), authorities were power1ess to check their movements in and out which saw ~ammurapi and Zimri-Lim battling E~nunna and Elam, an army of
8 9

30,000 men is mentioned (11:67:12,).27 A tablet from Tell Shemshara indi- Whether men of the land or men of the land [sic] (they

cates that Shamsi-Adad expected to muster a force of 60,000 in order to form) a strong and well-equipped contingent. 1 have

also written to E~nunna. 6,000 men wi11 come up from

besiege the important citadel of Nurrugum.28 1:42 exp1ains how such vast

Esnunna. These (added) upon those, 20,000 men, a

numbers were collected. Shamsi-Adad is writing to Yasmao-Adad at Mari:
,,29
strong arrny...
YarIm-Addu [a cornmander] wrote to me the following:
Another tablet, 1:31, contains a 1isting of districts from which
'1 have inspected the ~aneens of the encampment and
l~me-Dagan drew an expeditionary force (cf. also 1:23). As indicated by
1 have fixed (at) 2000 men (those) who are to go on
1:22:8-15, the process of conscription occupied, in some cases, the better
a campaign with Yasmab-Adad. AII these men are (now)
part of a month.
inscribed, by name, on a tablet.' This is what he
1:42 quoted above, c1early demonstrates the ruler's involvement with
wrote to me. Determine for yourself the 2,000 ~aneens
the process of tal1ying the population for the purpose of conscription.
of the encampment who wil1 march with you, plus 3,000
The verb eb~bum and its derivatives, ebbum, mubbibum, t~bibtum, and ubbubum
men (previously). Rave La'~m and those servants who
(D of ebebum) are widely associated with the description of this process.30
stand before you hear this tablet and decide upon
Among other, this subject has evoked a response from Kupper and Speiscr.31
this matter. The men of your district have not been
The 1atter's work benefitted from the pioneering and penetrating surveys
tallied [lit. purified, CAD 'cleared'] for a long
of the forrner.32 Speiser's conclusions, in general, differ from Kupper's
time, and the day of tallying is long overdue. But
only in estab1ishing the primary purpose of the t~bibtum. Kupper emphasizes
since at this moment you cannot tally the people,
the re1igious involvement of this 'purification' ceremony, while Speiser
you must certainly tal1y the people on your return.
highlights its mi1itary connotation of 'conscription'. Be that as it may,
Until then, replace only the deserters [missing (?)]
there is 1ittle doubt that the various nomadic and semi-nomadic groups,
and the dead. AIl those people who go with you should
under Mari's sphere of influence, were periodical1y (cf. 1:36:23-29) reg-
be inscribed, by name, on a tablet (and) be assigned v '
istered by experienced scribes (DUMU'MES'E'DUB'B1, 1:7:37) under the

clearly. Collect 1,000 men between the two [... ],

supervision of mi1itary personnel.33 They were inscribed individua11y

1,000 men among the ~aneens, 600 men from among the (1:42:9, 23), according to their region (e.g. 111:19:13, 21:13), at times

Uprap~, Yari9~, and Amnan~. Pick up here and there 2 even assigned to various duties (111:19:10-33). A 1etter from Shamsi-Adad

or 300 men according to circumstances and (in this warns of abusing one's privilege during the process (1:82). Fol10wing

manner) collect 500. With your attendants 1,000 men this procedure, a cu1tic ceremony of 'purification' was performed, prob-

will suffice. Then you will have assembled 6,000 men. ab1y intended to ward off any harrnfu1 after-effect (IV:57:11-12; Studia

As for me, 1 will send 10,000 men, men of the land. 34

Mariana, p. 54, Eponyrne No. 3; p. 58, No. 26).
 10
11

Evidence assembled by Dossin proves that a pre-arranged code of Turukk~ cou1d hard1y have taken (a10ng) food even for 5 days. Since this

fire-signals, in addition to the dispatching of messengers, rallied the vi11age had made peace with them, but they (neverthe1ess) sacked it, this

troops and surnmoned allies.35 11:48 indicates that diffiCulties were 1and which had (once) lis tened to them, hardened (and) became hosti1e to

encountered in persuading vassals to join at the appointed time. At such them. Now the Turukk~ are constant1y hungry. They have no food and are

moments kings were not above instilling fear by promenading the head of an (now) in Tigunanum (itself) ••• ,,39

executed criminal. Of course, the numbers gathered depended upon a leader's

influence over his vassals and partisans. lmportant city-states such as Mi1itary Personne1

Mari, Babylon, E~nunna, and Larsa were in excellent position because of

To maintain any semb1ence of order (sadaru) and discipline, an or-
their wealth to influence a number of lesser powers located in the irnmediate
ganized mi1itary establishment was necessary. A1though Mari's documents
neighborhood. This was the situation as sketched so succinctly by It~r-Asdu
mention a number of mi1itary tit1es, it is not a1ways possib1e to unrave1
(above p. 1). Of these vassals a number of services were demanded among
the ranks which they conveyed. The king, of course, was the cornmander-in
which was the delivery of an established number of men bearing arms (e.g.
chief and persona11y often 1ed major expeditions. Ris sons were expected
1:6:16-19). This in itself was a small price to pay for the protection
to do the same, probab1y as part of the éducation roya1e (cf. 11:39:32-33).
that only a mighty suzerain could offer. 36 As the dis trict. governor
The acid criticism poured on the indo1ent Yasmag-Adad is proof enough of
Sasaranu, in writing to Yasmab-Adad, puts it: "What are the troops that
this expectation. On more than one occasion (1:113:10), his father writes
are before me, and 1 will not send them to my lord?" (V:62:5-7) Al1ies
(1:73:42-47; cf. 108:5-10; 113:6-9): "As for you, how long wil1 we have
of equa1 status supported each other with contigents much 1arger in size.37
to 1ead you? Are you a chi1d (and) not aman? Is there no ha ir on your
Barnmurapi dispatched a total of 10,500 men after repeated assurances that
cheeks? Do you not see your brother who 1eads wide armies? Cive com-
they were badly needed (11:25:4-8). In another instance, 10,000 Yambadians
mands, then, in your pa1ace and house."
and 10,000 men of Zalmaqum are reported defecting from Zimri-Lim's cause
38
(n: 21: 19-21). ARM VII:215 is a 'pay-ro11' on which is registered the names of

mi1itary officia1s and the amount paid as part of the compensations for
Treaties can be broken, sometimes unceremoniously and with violence.
their services. The total is composed of the fo11owing: "33 (men):
In such cases, the culprit could expect 1ittle sympathy. IV:24 is a 1etter
CAL a-mu-ri-im, suqaqum, red~m, na-sí-[~], and CAL·KUD." This 1ist is
from ISme-Dagan to his brother: "Concerning the news of the Turukku-
probab1y concerned with mi1itary personne1 in descending order of impor-
tribesmen (of which) you had written to me, the Turukk; are in Tigunanum.
tance.40 When compared with other 1istings cu11ed frorn various texts
At one time they were famished so they went to Birbazanum. The vi11age
(11:6:20; 13:23,29; 103:12-13; V:3:7,14; 40:10-11; 72:11; Vl:64:7'-8';
of r ... ]zuri had made peace with them. But they killed a certain mal e
69:5'; VIl:49:2), it is possib1e to note a sornewhat consistent pattern
person in the Vi11age and took away his farni1y and his be10ngings .•.• The
 12
13

which, except for an occasional 1apse, was fol1owed by the Mari scribe of the arrny. Nevertheless, it happens that our 'secretary' took personal
43
consciously exhibiting the honor due to military status. command and marched toward the enemy (ARM 11:131)."
- -44
The GAL·MAR·TU, literally, 'great one of Amurru' was the highest The suqaqu received ten sheke1s of si1ver as 'salary' (VII:215:

position on the military staff. The man who held this rank received half 3-14). At one time, as many as 40 might be on the 'payrol1' (Vll:14ú).

a mina of silver in return (~~?) from the pa1ace (VII:215:1-2). It is probable that there were as many suq~q~ as there were communities

In addition he was granted gifts of clothing (IV:74:20) and precious ob- (cf. 11:103:12). The apparent role played was that of a moqtar, aman who

jects (IX:46:1-5). Although there is an indication that the GAL'MAR'TU is chosen to present the will of the powers before the local communities.

could be directed by the district governors (V:43:17-19), his office was To be sure, the motives of a s~~~ were not always altruistic, as sus-

filled at the will of the monarch. VI:28:17-25, a letter from Bagdi-Lim pected by V:24: "Baqqum, the governor of Tizrag has passed away. The

reads as follows: "Now an important contingent will be leaving and a notables of Tizrah carne to me and (said) the following. Appoint K~li-Ilima

GAL·MAR·TU has not been designated. Have Yantin-Erag complete (levying) to command uso He has already promised a mina of silver to the palace.

the troops and, in addition, have him join with the other troops, and Now 1 am sending K~li-Ilima to my lord. May my lord appoint him as

have him inspect the troops. Let Zimri-Addu41 be the GAL'MAR'TU and suqaqum of Tizra1). Have someone there accept the mina of silver from him."

Yantin-Erag be his red~m (aide-de-camp)." Tasilis, a GAL'MAR'TU from (cL, also, 1: 119) •

Elabut is known to have possessed a number of servants (X:122:1'-S'), per- Not only was the future suqaqum expected to purchase his office

haps consisting of such functionaries.

for a mina of silver, the equivalent of 6 slaves, 100 sheep, or l/S of

The size of the force 1ed by the CAL·MAR.TU varied. VI:28:14-15 a horse,4S but he was also required to supply his lord (yearly?) with 200

mentions one of 200 to 300 men, V:18:7 one of 500, while 11:135:12 speaks to 250 sheep (2 to 2-1/2 minas of silver). 46 For this privilege, the

of a contingent of 3,000 troops. A number of these 'generals' served at suqaqum, as Kupper suggests: "had rights over a portion of the taxes or

the same time (IV:74:20; VI:64:7'; VII:215:1-2; IX:46:1_7).42 X:60:l5-20 that he drew benefits from the judicial functions which he exercised. ,,47

reports the complaints (?) a GAL'MAR'TU addressed to his soldiers. During hostile periods the suqaqu registered the eligible soldiers,48

It is possible that the office known as DUB'SAR'MAR'TU was not accompanied commanders (1:13: 8), occasionally led contigents into battle,49

that of a military figure. Rather, as the name implies, its holder was shared in the spoils of war (implied (?) by V:72), and died with others

a highly placed scribe, perhaps even a 'scribe-in-chief'. This do es not when the gods willed it (V:2:4'-5').

go counter to Kupper's arguments which are based on a study of the role In contrast to the preceding ranks, known chiefly through the
_ A ~
played by Maium, one such DUB'SAR'MAR'TU (1:60:6). His conclusion, still discovery of the Mari tablets, that of the redum (AGA'US) has been attested

valid, is as follows: "He was especially charged with the administration elsewhere.50 Its service netted the officer 5 shekels of silver (VII:2l5:5).
 14
15
- ..•

It 15 obvious, however, that the ~ 100ked for profits from other

The existence of the title nasi~ is not at all certain. It is

directions.51 In 11:13:35-36 Shamsi Adad is quoted: "Whoever among the

restored by Bottéro in VII:215:35 and V:40:11 who renders it by 'soldat-

servants (of the king) takes away the redGm's booty by force, he has Com-
recruteur' .S7 Falkenstein's suggestion for reading na~irum, 'guard' in the
,,52 h'
mited

cates

one
a sacrilege

that

receives
---
the redum
against

received

an important
me.

present
special
An ap or1sm

from
favors:

(whoever
from

"If one
the same wise

is ?) his
treats

lord
-
lips

the red~m
indi-

well,

(1:27:22-24).,,53
latter passage

such an officer

is possible
can also be applied

(?) was

that the ~~irum

assigned

was
to the former

as escort

compensated
(~~i[_ru]).S8

to an ---------
ahizu-artisan

with a five shekel

In I1:96:1S

(?). S9

salary
It

The 'lord' of this statement was probably the king. It could also conceiv-
(VII: 21S).

ably have referred to the GAL'MAR'TU, for we know from VI:28:23-25 that a
The GAL'KUD (rab pirsim?). literal1y a squad (section) chief, led
red~m was assigned to the latter. In addition, this officer received cloth-
soldiers (11:13; 18:28; IV:74:20; V:40:10; VI:69:S; 64:8') or workingmen,
ing from the ;alace (VII:147:2)54 and possibly slaves out of the spoils of
war (II:13:9). depending upon the circumstances. Although it is not possible to determine

These were certainly put to good use in ano,inting the body his role with any precísion, it is likely that it was prestigious. VII: 27

with the fine oils received from the king (VII:49:6-8; Syria, 41(1964),
p. 54, n.2). is a memorandum which speaks of large quantities of fine oil that were dis-

tributed to "anoint the 'assistance' which (is) before the king, and (also)
Such displa~s of royal favor can now be better understood as a
result of X:I0. the GAL'KUD (cf .• VII:49:2; 84:9'). Kings were wont to reward this officer

While in the temple of the god Itur-Mer, a woman receives

with clothing (IV:74; V:3),60 and a salary of 3 (?) shekels (VII:21S:31-33).
a vision in which two large ships block a river: "The king and the red;;-
officers are within. Along with most other officers the GAL'KUD was not allowed to share in the
Those on the right and those on the left shouted as
spoils of war (11:13; V:72:11).
fol1ows: 'The kingship, scepter, and the throne, and the Upper and Lower
Next in hierarchal importance were the laputt~m (NU'BANDA), who

Regions are given to Zimri-Lim.' Thus all the red~-officers answered: 'It
held a position wel1-known from outside the Mari.61 The data from this
ls tú Zi.mri-Lim only that they are given' ,,55
city, however, strongly suggest the NU'BANDA to have been involved exclu-

The red~m' s tUllctions consis ted of supervising and inspecting the

sively with military enterprises. The laputt~m received benefits in cloth-
.evYing of troops (VI:28:17-31), escorting (XIII:41:16) importanL individ-
ing (V: 3:7, 14), and quality oil (VII:49:2) probably equal in value to
als to the palace of the king (IV:5), and dying in line of combat duties ,'//
those dispensed to the GAL·KUD. Nowhere in the available documents is it
1:90:13). Uncertain because of the fragmented condition of 111:26:23,
indicated whether the laputtum received a salary. Part of his responsi-

his officer may have also helped in civilian functions.56 We do know from
bility was to keep close watch on escapees (11:103:13), to deiiver weapons

[:24:9-12 that during the winter months, the redum was dismissed from mili-
(VI:69), and to carry on messages of martial import (VI:S7:9).
iry Commitments, and returned to the comforts of ~is own home (cf. also 62
:: 6 :18- 21) . Among the 10wer ranks was the officer known as the UGULA'IO'LU,

c1ear1y a leader of a squad of ten men. Apart from one citation, 11:13:23,
 16
17

we know nothing of his ro1e at Mari. - ~

1'-9' a letter from lbal-pi-El to Zimrí-Lim contains the only two citations

lt is possible that the GIR·SIG.GA (girseq~m),63 strict1y a per- so far noted at Mari: "1 gathered 100 men and sent a baddum at the head of

sonal attendant, or perhaps a bOdyguard,64 took an active role in military that contingent. From 5a [ .•. ] to Kakkulatim 1 seized. 1 saíd (to him):

affaírs as he accompanied the king to battles (1:42:34; lV:2:16; 26:10; Heaven forbid that 10,000 men will come out and 10,000 he (the enemy7) will

V:2:l7'). From the frequency of instances in which we read of a girseq~m send out into SU9i to create a rebellion. 1f you find any way of acting,

fleeing hís lord (1:28:7; 11:35; lV:67), one suspects that a certain amount write to Meptum. Let him decide then write to me and 1 will decide from

of unwelcome danger balanced whatever honor and security the position af- here. These were the instructions 1 gave the baddum." Thus it is likely

forded (11:6:20; V:28:15-20; lX:24:ii:5 = 27:ii:22). that the baddum cornmanded a scouting team.68

Two more military titles should be mentioned despite the diffi- In all cases where officers are mentioned, no evidence exists

culties inherent in their evaluation. The first term is that of alik ~ concerning the duration of their commission. As indicated above, winter

.--
(sabim)65 literally 'one who walks in front (of the troops). I That this was regarded as a respite in which to rest weary bones (11:24:9-12). Dossin

position was quite highly regarded can be gathered from Vl:69:9'-15', a mentions a complaint which was registered by the cornmander of Ilan~ura,

letter sent by Babdi-Lim to his lord: "lf my lord gives the leader of the Duni-El, who balked at investing more than the five years already spent

contingent an (honorific7) chaír, then let them bring (one) for me (also)." at the fortress.69

In addition, it should be noted that this officer was often mentioned by

name, an honor usually deserved for notable personalities (11:122:5-7; Military Groupings

79:6-9;

manded
39:68;

an equal
(30:10'-11'7);

responsibility.
Vl:68:9'-11').

11:122:5-7
Such

shows
eminence

that a force
naturally

of 10,000
de-
In addition to the general and widely used .--
sabum, ummanum, and,

to a lesser degree, emuqu~ and gimirtum a number of other terms are em-
persons were led by an alik pan (~abim). On other occasions, however,
ployed in the Mari texts to distinguish among groups of soldiers.70 lt
smal1er numbers were placed under his trust: 2,000 in 11:79:6-9; 1,000
should be emphasized at the outset that the fighters of Mari were probably
in 111:57:8-12; 300 in 11:39:8-9; 150
in Vl:68:9'-11'; 100 in 11:39:68,
much more versatile than their modern counterparts. lt is likely, there-
and 30 in 11:30:10'-11'.
In view of the above, it is possible to speculate
that the -l'k - - fore, that a soldier belonging to one unit could be transferred to another
~~ (~abim) was a general term, applicable to officers of
al1 ranks. without undue difficulties. A heavily armed contingent was known as
This suggestion gathers further support from Xl11:41:l6 where - 71
~abum ka/ibittum. Possibly, the ~ab GlS'TUKUL'~I'A, a 'well~equipped
a number of ~ held that position.
' The
it a term second
lt which
is
66
hastit1e,
possiblyso of baddum
farWest II:30,
beenSemi tic coinage.
group' of 1:42:38, amounted to an equivalent termo The ~~bum ka/ibittum
67
are to be contrasted to the ~abum qa~latum, 'light troop' mentioned in
72
11:22:13 and 1:60:16. The mode of employrnent of these groups can be
 18
19

well illustrated by 11:22:5-15, a letter from Ibal-pf-El to Zimri-Lim: king, probably as he travelled outside of his city (cf. V:49:13), for, as
"garnrnurapi (of Babylon) spoke to me as follows: The men
'•.• the heavily-armed con- IV:34 and 41 testify, a certain amount of danger was prevalent.

tingent went to the attack of the enemy. But there was no place to estab- V:70:25-29 contains the
of the ki?rum were apparently a privileged loto
lish a position.
This contingent (then) returned empty-handed, and the following: "The men wi thin the land are replacernent for the king' s guard

enemy continues to advance; it is not frightened. Now send a lightly-armed (ki~ir ~arrim). The king has given strong order not to 'touch'."

group and have it ambush the enemy force. Have them take along spies. ",73 ?abum rudoum, tillatum, and nihrarum are terms for troops sent
74 - _
We hear, further, of other types of units. The ~abum tarditum to supplement existing contingents. D-stem ruddGm, 'to add,' explains the

seems to designate a reconnoitering party, a vanguard75 (IV:74:6 = IV:88:5?), first group adequately. This meaningis confirmed by the occurances of

probably consisting of choice fighters. Such a contingent of able warriors the term in IV:86:9 and V:18:5. The latter reference instructs us in that

was given to I~me-Dagan as a peace gesture from the TurukkG prince (11:40:
some 500 men composed a ?abum ruddGm. The few citations of sabum tillaturn

12_13).76 111:14 allows one to postulate a similar-function, that of a in the Mari archives suggest the term to have been reserved for foreign

vanguar, d f or th e ~~~.
-b - 77 Kib rl-
. D agan wrl.tes to Z"
lmrl- L'lm: "O n troops sent to the aid of an embattled ally. In 11:68:2-5, Zirnri-Lim writes

the day in which 1 send this, my tablet, to my lord, .1 led a vanguard of that he had just received such a force from gamrnurapi oi yamsad. In an-
1,000 men and reached Qatunnan. As for the rest of all the troops, it will other tablet, 11:23:26, we read that Yamgad was generous in its aid: it
go after me in (battle) formation (or:
will come without interruption) to dispatched some 10,000 men to Mari's side.80 An example worth quoting

Qatunnan. The 3,000 men, as ordered me by my lord, will be gathered. is drawn from VI:27:15'-22'. Bahdi-Lim cornrnunicates to his lord a mess-
There will be no difficulties."
age sent to I~me-Dagan and to ~arnrnurapi of Kurda: "'Hold fast the land of

The interpretation of the last passage is now rendered difficult Subartu and do not send an expeditionary force to the king of Babylon.

by the publication of XIII:I02 in which occur two separate references to Write to Zimri-Lim so that he will not send an expeditionary force to the

~. The latter one (l. 21-22) fits our rendering perfectly: Kibri-Dagan king of Babylon. '" An unpublished letter cited by Dossin is interesting

writes that a 1,500 men vanguard of the gane en will be followed by the rest in that it reports the conversation of two chieftains, apparently from

of the troops. In line 14, rasum occurs without being preceded by ~abum. opposite political camps, who were nevertheless attempting to establish

In this case a meaning of 'bivouac' or the like may be extrapolated from a modus vivendi between themselves: "When Zimri-Lim battles the Benjamanites.

the following: "Before reaching Bit-Kapan, in the bivouac (?) which is 1 will not send to hirn an expeditionary force. As for you, do not go to

downstream of Qattunan, the tablet of my lord reached me." Admittedly the aid of the Benjamanites. Let them deliberate with each other. Let

this is no more than a guess. 78

the weak between them be advised. ,,81 11:23:26 speaks of tillatum madatum,

The ki~~79 is another group which seems to be made up of picked a large reinforcernent.
soldiers. - - 82
It appears to have devoted its energies to the protection of the The ~abum~, on the other hand seern to designate
 20
21

reinforcements drawn indiscriminately from foreign (11:50:7; 75:4, 20) or Often sent out to protect valuables (V:80:11), and to accompany
- 89
native camps (X: 152: 5, 13'; RA, 35(1938), 181). The number of men var- important personages were the members of the ~abum taqribtum (1:123:14;

ied: 11:44:14-15 lists 3,000 while lV:32:28 mentions 1,000. When such a V:58:9). 11:134:9-16 contains the following message to Zimri-Lim: "Now

force was used to recover escapees (111:35:7-12), the number was undoubtedly if my lord orders (me) to bring the young ladies by ship, 1 will do (it).

smaller. 11:131 best exemplifies the mode of the ~abum ~qrarum's employ- Otherwise, ii my lord has decided to send escorts who will escort (them)

ment: two contingents are brought together in order to attack and sack to Emar, let'my lord send them so that 1 will do (his will)." lt is to

an enemy's fortress. Another case of interest is reported in lV:29:34-39. be noted that the escorts were not to go beyond Emar. a city on the Euphrates

Probably soon after his father's death,83 l~me-Dagan writes to his brother: which became part v
of Yamhad's empire after the demise of Shamsi-Adad's.90

"and just now, when the reinforcements arrived ..•and when 1 arrive to Subat- 1:88:12 indicates that such a contingent could attain the size of 200 men.

Enlil, the land will see me and the whole land will be friendly (pacified?)." A somewhat similar role was played by the ~abum mu~allimum, 'a protective
91 - - 92
Similarly, any threat of rebellion could be checked with a prompt display of force,' and the ~abum na~irum (11:39:47). Better known is the terro

military power (RA, 52(1958), 175). Possibly, the ~abum kutallum, a force alik idim93 also denoting persons who were assigned to escort diplomats and

likely to have been composed from the chosen few, can be regarded as another other foreign dignitaries. Not properly a military pe~sonality it is pos-
termo
Vll:150:1-7 records the names of four members belonging to Qarni-Lim. sible that the alik idim was more of a guide than a protector. J. Munn-

Each received 1-1/2 shekels from the palace.85

Rankin rightly suggests that the position was filled with men of high per-

lnducted into the guard, or more precisely into sentinel duties, sonalstanding.94 Her statement may be strengthened by the observatioll
- 86
were the men who formed the ~abum sag/kbum. They were often numerous. that the alik idim is frequently qualified with §a belim, 'of the lord,'

-
11:27 "for example, mentions a contingent of 1,000 under the leadership if possibly indicating a member of the king's own entourage.95 The failure

lbal-pi-El. In another case, however, no more than 5 such men were needed of one monarch to extend the courtesy of such an escort to an ally's repre-

to collect a certain object (Xlll:41:19-23). That the sagbum were also sentative invited severing of diplomatic relations.

involved in actual warfare may be inferred from V:43:17-19 which speaks of Other escort units were composed of soldiers who formed an

-
a CAL'MAR'TU
~
as this corps' commander. This is confirmed by 11:27 as aliktum, another term peculiar to Mari.96 What Shamsi-Adad wrote to his

lbal-pi-El, its leader, was one of Zimri-Lim's military cornmanders as well son iri 1:66:5-8 clearly establishes its function: "1 am now sending to

as his ambassador to 5ammurapi. Elsewhere, the men of the sagbum were you a detachment which is carrying a liver (model) to Qatna. Do not divide

settled in the countryside (11:98:4:7)87 to protect the district.88 They (?) it." From other references, however, it is also apparent that this

also played the part of messengers by reporting an important statement band was called upon at martial moments. In 1:23:26-29 such a group is
to a functionary.
led by Mutu-Bisir and Samidagum, two well-known officers.97 Vl:55 is a

letter addressed to, a palace official to whom Bagdi-Lim writes: "Manatan98

 22
23

has sent promptly to me artisans and soldiers unable to underta~e a campaign. between the betrum and the LU'EGIR, 'the replacement' (by non professionals?).

But a detachment he did not send me. 1 have now sent a letter to the king. Be that as it may, a text mentions a large force of 5,000 soldiers. Another

Let the king be aware of this affair. Let him register all the men that contingent, recruited in ldamaras, found difficulties making its way to
the king has assigned to him • . 99
Then, let him send me a detacrunent." ugarit.104

Finally it is left up to speculation whether a cavalry corps ex- Another type of soldier was the baJirum,l05 well-known from other
106
isted at Mari. The now famous letter of Babdi-Lim (Vl:76:20-22) concerning O.B. documents, sernantically related to the verb ba1aru, 'to trap, fish,

the inappropriateness for an Akkadian King to ride horses, leads H. Lewy hunt.' In the Mari archives, the term is usually rendered by the sumerograms

to suggest ~hat the ~aneens, who were unencumbered by such a stigma, had tU'HA
•.. and SU'GIR (l:ll6:3(?)); Vll:l80:iv:2l,).107 ---
Of ba)iru's two possible
mastered the art of warfare on horseback.lOO
translations, 'fisherman' and 'soldier,' only Vll:l80:iii:7; iv:2l' fit the

former meaning. All other references at Mari involve the ba1iru with mili-
Soldiers
tary enterprises. A letter from Shamsi-Adad to his epicurian son deserves

full quotation both for the light it sheds on this type of soldier and the
As a designation for the simple soldier, the term most widely met
biting spirit in which it was composed (1:31):
at Mari is ~, used either collectively or individually and is appar-
, /'\. , Concerning the ba'iru-soldiers, 1 had cornrnanded
enly derived from the verb beru, to chose. Far from being selected for
your brother Isme-Dagan tpe following: 'Mobilize
a choiceposition, the be'rum was simply drafted.lOl The case of Yasarti-
here the b.-soldiers and write to Mari so that they
El, reported by Baedi-Lim in Vl:40, reviews for us a man's induction into
will mobilize for you the ~.-soldiers. 1 will mobi-
the armed forces: "Yasarti-El aman from ~isamta was recruited by his
lize the b. -soldiers of ~ubat-Enlil and Tut tul.'
'moqtar as a be1rum-soldier. But YasIm-Sum~ seized him and said: it is
Thus 1 commanded. As fOr me, 1 mobilized the ~.-soldiers
written in the records of the palace that he is a palace slave .•.• Let my
of ~ubat-Enlil and Tuttul. Isme-Dagan had forgotten
lord investigate his case, and if he is a palace slave, let him return to
to write to you concerning the mobilization of the
the palace. But if he is a free man, let him be recruited as a be1rum-
b.-soldiers. Very good! Your brother forgot. (But)
soldier." From this text, it is clear that only a free man (awIlum) was
concerning the ~.-soldiers who are with you, why did
considered worthy of entering the military. The reference to the 'records
you not ask yourself the following: 'An expedition
(lit.tablet) of the palace' finds interesting amplification in Xm:14:4-6
is under way. Why are the ~,-soldiers (who are) with
which speaks of such documents deposited in sealed baskets, and placed in

turn in sealed chambers.102 Does this imply that ---

the be1rum, perhaps .
for-
me sitting

think
idle? 1 will

of this •.• now send

send them.'

the b.-soldiers
Why did you

who
not

are be-
cibly, entered the military as a career soldier?103 VI:28 distinguishes
fore you, as many as there are, and let them bring
 24 25

th e1r
. axes 108 an d' equ1pment wit h th em. ,,109 to a group of limen who brought the tablets from I~me-Dagan" (VII: 21).

Two other missives show the ba~iru to have been involved in matters

Weaponry
which exceeded the demands of duty. In V:74 the governor of Tuttul writes

to Yasmab-Adad: "We went to Killizum and pestered them. The b.soldiers went
It is unfortunate that the Mari texts devote so little attention

witn me. Now you can (really) say (that) we shut them up (pfsunu ~). All to the armament'of the military. With thousands of soldiers in each of

is we1l wi th the troops." The following is reported by Yasmag-Adad in a

the battling camps, large quantities of weapons must have been manufactured
letter (1:116:2-6') to hisfather: "[Daddy wrote to me) thus: Who was
and distributed. VI :32:20-25 indicates that the palace dispensed at least
caused the troops to revolt?" Two b.-soldiers. And these two men, in cre-
a portion of the needed weapons to its warriors. The throwstick,. the
ating fear, caused a revolt ••.. They have (now) chained these men and brought
bow and arrow, the axe, the mace, the sling and the spear (shield?) are
them down to Mari."
all mentioned in the documents. It is likely that the general term kakkum,
Soldiers were not treated equally. One distinguishing factor
however, was employed in lieu of the more specific appelations.
leadíng to discrimination stems from the warrior's background. This point
The throwstick (GI~'SUB = tilpanum) is listed in 11:116:11 and
ls clearly reflected in 11:1:10-23, a letter sent to Yasmag-Adad from his " -.
X:19:9 among other objects sent by Queen Sibtu to Zimri-Lim. Sammetar
father: "Take 400 ab1e-bodied men from the Baneens which you intended to
of Terqa (?) dispatched 30 throwsticks to the palace (IX:l02:l5), while
tally in order to place them at the disposal of the palace. 200 of these
more modestly, a certain Yagfd-Lim proferred only one (VII:243:3,).115 In XIII:

soldiers, one company, should come from well-to-do families, and 200 soldiers, 116
56:5, 10 bows (qa~tum) are requested by a palace attendant. As
another company, should come from poor folk. 1 myself will give good posi-
Yadin points in his Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, the simple bow·was
tions in the palace to the poor men, while the well-to-do men wil1 be pro-
most commonly used in MB IIa, while the composite variety, widely employed
V1'de d f or 1n
. th'
e1r paterna 1 h omes. ,,110
in the Agade Period, became rarer. As the Mari soldier fought with a min-
It is difficult to assess the position within a military frame-
imum of armor (see below), the simple bow produced in the. arrow a velocity
work of the personnel involved in messenger duties. It seems like1y that
S u ff'1C1ent
.. to transp1erce. 117
the many mar ~iprim mentioned in the Mari documents were chosen from among
The "11&
arrows(GIS.GAG·TI = ~~~um ) has not found .
attestat10n yet
the pa1ace functionaries.lll Others involved in similar duties were the
in the epigraphic materials of Mari. Among the depictions on the walls
mubassirum who, as the name implied, carried 'the (good) news.,l12 From
, 113 of the palace, however, is a fragmentary rendering of a soldier whose body
VII:156 we learn that they were presented with gUB·TI.LA of gold, each
(still standing!) is riddled with arrows.119 If this scene, which probably
6 shekels in weight, maces of silver, and a bracelet. Some, if not all
dates to Zimri-Lim's era,120 was at all accurately sketched, then it appears
of these gifts, may have symbolically represented their office.114 In
that the arrows of MB IIa were inordinately long, with a 'V'-shaped base
another text, VII:75:3, perfumed (?) oil is granted to them, as well as
 26 27

composed

exist.12l
of heavy

From
material.

16th century
Some hints

Mari, four
of feathers

leaf-headed
(?), to give

arrowtips
balance

together with
-
~innum,

is attested
----
the ~ukkurum,

in a juridicial
and more frequently,

document,
.
the s/sinnatum.

VIII:86:1: "3 minas

The

of silver
imittum13l

and
~ metal quiver have been found.122 The stem below the point of the arrow-
5 sheke:lsof gold from the imittu of Sarnas." The term 1'iinnum is known from
heads ends narrowly, undoubtedly to permit it to stay securely in the wood-
a single citation and is unknown outside of Mari.132 The CAn treats the
en shaft of the arrow (tang-type). The sumerogram for arrowhead, GIS'SI'
passage in which this term appears, 1:29:15, as 'obscure.,133 XIII:41:21
KAK123, occurs in XIII:4. The context there, however, requires an entirely
mentions thaC 5 sagbú-personnel were dispatched, with their sukkuru-lances
d'ff
~ erent ,124
mean~ng. It is possible, however, that the collective term
x v '
(GI~'SI'DU), 134 to collect .. obJect.
a certa~n
samratum125 may have referred to arrowheads. In most instances in which
Th~ GI s/sinnatu-spear135 is we11 documented in the Mari archive

samratum is attested, a military context is involved. 1:38 is a letter from Shamsi-

where it makes the only appearance insphenographic literature.

Shamsi-Adad to his son where he requests the production of 10,000 heads (?) A sim-
Adad urges his son to manufacture these weapons (1:62:16'-18', 20-).
to be made out of bronze. Each was to weigh 6 shekels, 48-50 grams. Since,
ilar plea comes from I~me-Dagan (IV:66:5). Apparently, Mari was the center
as he notes, bronze was lacking, he limits production to 5,000 heads at a
for the production of armaments. La>um, the man in charge of these opera-
cost of 20 heads for a shekel of silver. The Assyrian king urges in 11:1:
tions during the Assyrian period, sent 50 spears to his' lord (V: 77: 8 (7» ,
4-9 that the factories of Mari ship to him quickly a quantity of the pro-
while Mukannitum, possibly La,um's successor when Mari carne under new man-

duct, this time produced out of cooper.126 Babdi-Lim writes in VI:69:6'-8'

agement, was requested to dispatch 10 (XIII:56:4).
of dispatching all the available arrow heads to the ganeens. XIII:56:12
It should be noted, however, that in all these attestations a trans-
mentions 40 in a list which included other weapons. Indeed it wou1d certainly
lation of 'shield' for ~/sinnatu is possible.
The sling127 was another weapon employed in long-range warfare.
made better sense to render thus in the fol1owing examp1es. Figurative us-

In Mari, it was written wa-a~~ and occurs in IX:102:l8 where Sammetar of

age is met in the first, XIII:144:32-34. Yawi-I1a of Ta1bayum, in praising

Terqa (?) sent his lord Zimri-Lim 8 such weapons. A tablet of military
his part in crushing a rebel1ion, adds: "As a ~, 1 stood before them,

import from contemporaneous Shemshara, SR 812:38, speaks of 500 slings.128

and those cities which they p1anned to burn, 1 saved." It is possib1e that

Attestation of the slingstone (aban wa~pim) is found in a document regis-

an act of defiance was intended in the idiom (?) ~/sinnatam sutadd~ (St of
tering a dis tric t governor' s complaint (11: 127: 3-10) : "There is no house-
nad~) (II:50:9-). The term wou1d then be a West-Semitic 10an-word known

builder or physician (here). If the wall collapses there is no workman,

from Rebrew ~innah, a 1arge shie1d carried by Goliath (BDB 857a, but cf.
an d ~'f a s l'
~ngstone str~'k es aman, th'ere ~s no p h"
ys~c~an. ,,129
Amos 4:2).136
For medium-range conflicts, the weapons most widely used were
A bronze head of a spear which was díscovered at Mari shows that

the spear (lance?) and the javelin. In the cuneiform material, the dif- . 137
~t was socketed to permit a more secure attachment to the wooden staff.
f'
erence ~s not easy to d'~st~ngu~s.
.. h 130
At Mari we meet the imittum, the
 28
29

Arnong the figurines uncovered in the palace area, sketches of spears show (VI1:249: rev. 12'; XII1:54:9; 1X:20:25(?); 80:5(?» or precious metal. The

them taller than a man's full height.138 latter which varied in their si1ver b1ades and their gold mounting. (VII:

For hand to hand combat, the most effective weapons were the 249:2',4',6',8',10'). Probab1y these axes were consecrated to the divine
147 -
axe, the mace, the sword,and the dagger. The mace is known to us from 3 cu1t or circulated as a medium of exchange. The two pa~u-axes of gold

scenes painted on the walls of Mari's palace. The best examples come from mentioned in V11:102:3 had ana10gous functions. Those of 1:31:37, however,

the 3rd and 4th register of room 132, where they are held by 1shtar and were certainly used in combat, forming part of the equipment of soldiers.148

Adad(?).l39 The mace consisted of a wooden (?) handle topped by a heavy One 1arge agasalakkum-axe is listed among other weapons dispatched by
.~ 149
sphere of stone or metal. A hole bored into the center of the stone permitted Mukann1sum (11:139:17).

entrance to the tapered end of the handle. By forcing the sphere as far as An axe can be clear1y seen among the weapons slung over the seat-

possible downward into the handle a certain amount of security was achieved. ed Ishtar's shou1der.150 The b1ade is painted white, possib1y to indieate

Occasionally, a capping of metal was added. Another rendition is displayed a silver mounting. The style of manufacture is that commonly known as

in a quiver, slung over the shou1der of a standing Ishtar in the famous epsi10n-type, with a long and narrow blade best suited for cutting. Though

'Investiture' scene of court 106.140 Whether or not the mace occurs in the stil1 perpetuated in Egypt, this design was becoming obsolete in Mesopotamia

epigraphic material depends upon the possibility the GIS.TUKUL (kakkum), the as protective armament rendered this axe largely ineffec·tual. 1 t is likely,

general term for a weapon, referred in specific instances to this instru- however, that it remained extant in the eu1tic paraphane1ia and was offered
ment.141 VI1:119:3-4 wou1d then read:
"1 mace of bronze whose top is mount- votively.151 Much more effective were those axes and hatchets with long

ed with si1ver.,,142 From Kaptaru (Crete) came an even more elaborate1y con- blades and narrow edges. Socketed to permit an upper portion of a handle to

fectioned sample: "A Cretan (styled?) mace, its top and base mounted with enter, these types are known to us from actual finds152 a~d representations

gold."143 No doubt, such creations were destined to become votive offer- upon figurines. 153 Fina11y the duek-bi11ed variety (hache fenestrée). de-

ings.144 It is possible to conclude that in the absence of evidence for the ve10ped ear1y in the second mi11ennium as a piercing weapon, is represented

mace's more practica1 use, its days as an effective weapon had come to an end by a sma11 eopy. It, too, was probab1y destined for divine offerings.154

The axe, on the other hand, found an increasingly wide acceptanee The sick1e-sword does not appear in the written remains of Mari.

as is evident from the 1arge variety of types found in MB IIa contexts.145 We do meet, however, with two representations painted on the palace's wa11s.

At Mari, three appe1latives are recorded, al1 written syllabically. The best C1earest is the examp1e he1d in Ishtar's left hand the 'Investiture' scene.15:

represented is the ~~~innum. 146 Mukannisum sent Zimri-Lim 3 1arge axes and From room 132 comes another examp1e with the b1ade portion painted white,

-..---
one whose blade weighed 1-1/2 mina (ea. 650 grams) (11:139:15-16). In the again possib1y to denote a si1ver surface.156 Two ey1inder seals of the

administrative texts the hassinnum is described as manufaetured from bronze same period, be10nging to Mukannisum and Ana-Sin-tak1aku, bear sketches of
 30 31

the sickle sword. The former is especially interesting as it depicts the a helmet afforded.166 Some sort of chest protection extending to the pe1vic
157
execution of an enemy.
are a was offered by
the gurpisum/gursipum which the CAD translates as
167
The dagger, patrum (GÍR),158 is better attested epigraphica11y. A 'hauberk' (VII:240:4~; 255:2). Although the determinatif GI, 'reed',

madman is reported slitting his own father's throat with such an instrument
was prefixed to the vocab1e, the p1ating for this type of armor varied from

(11:129:16-18). Among other weapons dispatched, Mukanni~um included 6 dag- 1eather to metal. VII:255:1 1ists 3 GI ~ U5 which may have been reed
gers which were mounted with silver (11:139:14). A fragment of a mural from
baskets designed to protect the genita1s (cf. XIII:56:11). The on1y re-

the pa1ace shows a dagger with a 1apis-1azuli pomme1¡ bronze b1ade,159 and a
ference to the shie1d wou1d be avai1ab1e if the equation s/sinnatum
160
sheath colóred blue-coba1t. -h
Reb. sinna , offered above, is found acceptab1e.

VI:69:8~-9'is a report from Babdi-Lim that the ganeens were out

of nab1um, 'flaming arrows.,161 In addition, it is like1y that the torches

Chariotry

often cited in the Mari texts as signaling devices were also found quite
Heavy weaponry at Mari consisted of chariots and the various
functional in the burning of enemy citadels. A1so added to the soldler's
poliorcetic devices. A number of terms are known from Mari concerning
armament was a horn, the Hebrew '~opar, as it is represented on one of the
v ' 169
" 162 drawn vehic1es.168 The eriqqum (GIS·MAR·GID'DA), a four whee1ed freight
pa1nt1ngs.
v 1-) 170
wagon; the narkabtum or nubalum (GIS·GIGIR), 'a two-whee1ed wagon or char-
The soldier of Zimri-Lim's time did not burden his movement with
iot; and the magarrum,171 which, whi1e strict1y a wheél, may refer to a
excessive protective armaments. The c1ean-shaven soldier who appears,
chariot. It is logica1 to assume that the eriqqum transported the supp1ies
pierced with arrows, on a mural in the pa1ace wears a turban with a doub1e
necessary for the batt1e. Siege towers and a battering ram were also car-
chin-band,163 a kilt with a b1ack waist-band, and a ye1low (leather?) cape
ried by wagons (11: 7: 11-19) . IV: 79 shOl"s that Mari had in f act acquired
attached by a knot over the' sternum. Radica11y different in attire is the

a reputation for the manufacture of such wagons. During Zimri-Lim's reign,

soldier represented on M 768, a figurine from Mari's pa1ace.164 A1so
a certain Yasub-A~ar seems to have headed a group of smiths who manufactured
beardless, this warrior is shown reso1ute1y advancing, a lance c1utched in
these devices (XIII:40:13-14).172 This fame was probab1y we11 deserved for,
his 1eft hand, a hatchet in the right. A short sleeved tunic reaching his
more than two centuries after its dismemberment, Mari was stil1 exporting
knees opens up in V-neck fashion over his chest. Over his head and pro-
te t' 165 this product (HSS:XV:84). We know of two varieties of chariots (narkabtum
c 1ng the nape and the ears is a he1met. The texts speak of a

or nuba1um), differentiated by the adjective 'fast' (GIS·GIGIR ~a ~_a_m_u_t_t_1_'m_,

~rpis~ SAG(VII:240:3~), which may have referred to this device. Indeed,
173 -
VII:161:16. If the reading nuba1um is .proven to be the correct render-
it has been argued that the wide distribution of the socketed, narrow-
'f o
1ng GIGIR, 174 then VII:191: 9~ and 199:1 4'~, Wh1Ch speak o f LU~ sa
v nu
-b a l'
1~,
b1aded axe received its impetus from a desire to deny the.advantages that
wou1d present ear1y examp1es of the army's adoption of the chariot in
 32
33

in battle.175 In any event, we hear of chariots given as gifts to worthy Siege Devices

vassals and dutiful servants (V:66; 58:17; X:113:l7), employed in festivals

Chariots and infantry were most useful when the field of combat
(1:50:14), required pasru-wood (XIII:4l:5), manufactured by smiths (XIII:40:
was crowded with soldiers. Consider, however, the following incident in
12-13), and modeled in gold (XIII:18:7; IX:127:6).
One occasion (IX:149:6,
the career of Yabdun-Lim: "In that year, La>~m, king of Samanum and the
[20J) tells us that the palace provided 4 donkeys (ANSE'GIS'GIGÍR) specif-
Uprapu-lands, Bablu-kulim, king of Tuttul and the Amnanum-land, and
ically trained (?) to draw chariots (cf. X:134:10). From other citations,
Ayalum, the king of Abattum and the Rabb~-lands. These kings attacked
however, it is clear that horses and mules were harnessed to pull the di-
him and the troops of Sum~-Epuh~ of Yamhad
~ carne to their help. In the city
vine (?) chariot during the AkItu-festival (1:50).176 VI:76:19-25 indicates
of Samanum they gathered together as one, a perfidious race, against him.
that the king of the Akkadians dignified himself by either riding a mule or
a chariot. But with strong weapons .••he destroyed their rarnparts.,,180 lt is likely

that Yabdun-Lim relied on siege instrument to force capitulation.181

It should be noted, at this point, that ships were also used to
Mari's records have so far delivered the terms GIS dimtum,182 'siege tower'
transport the military and their equipment. VI:68mentions that 200 large
an d yas~
-"'b um, l83'b atter~ng
' ram.' Another word that belongs to the siege-
ships were requested in order to accomodate 3,000 men. In the vis ion of
cra f t 1,
ex~con, p~'1'"
sum, 184 'breach mine' also occurs. In many instances
Kakka-lide reported above (X:IO), red~-officers were seen hailing their
(1:131:11; 135:6; 11:7:8; V:2:13; XIII:146:15-17), the tower is mentioned
king while aboard large ships. Although there should be little doubt that
the waterways alongside of the battering ram, suggesting a concomitant employrnent to
were resorted to in supplying armies and towns, the written
reduce a city. One case which does not indicate the presence of the ram
evidence from Mari is not extensive (cf. 111:27, IV:8l).177
speaks of breaching the ramparts (1:135:6-9). In another (1:4:9-16), an
VII: 161 is' interes ting in that i t lists accessories furnished
for wagons and chariots. earthen rarnp is piled to reach the leve1 of the wall's topo Combinations
The terms mentioned are not always understand-
were undoubted1y resorted to,allowing a skil1ful leader to conquer cities
able: wheels of eallum and malallum, 3 karnmakkum, 3 seat-holders, 2 har-
in 7 days (1:131:14) or 8 (1:135:11), the record so far reported being one
nesses of dusu-leather, 8 bridles, 4 eye-patches (?) of leather, 10 pairs
(1:138). In one unclear case, the battering ram and the tower were employ-
of (ornamental) rings, 4 teams of humus~m (5 donkeys?) .•• protective leather
ed in the defense of a city (XIII:146:15-l8).
segments.178 From VII:234:4', we can add a ~(a)gallum, a protective
It is probable that Mari was the center for the production of
Covering made of leather to be applied to the chariot's side.179
siege engines. From there Shamsi-Adad requests towers (11:7; 15:30-36;

107:16-19) and rarns (11:7). These were to be transported by wagons (11:7;

15:30-36(?); 110) or by boats (11:107:16-19). Such devices received great

care and were often oiled by supplies from the palace (VII:16; 63; 69).
 34 35

185
Bottero the heavy that
More suggest6 ram upon wooden
the oi1 was tracksbeen
granted
may have constructed
forinvo1ved
ritual to smoothing
reach the wa11.
purposes.
in the move- 193
Attempts were made to contact we11-1aden a11ied forces (VI:27:15-17') and
186
to stop at p1aces where the waters were p1entifu1 (11:1:26_28).194 It

goes without saying that e1ementary courtesy was disregarded when hungry

Such an action wou1d prevent extensive damage to the base of the ram which
troops found themse1ves in hosti1e territory.195 Garrison troops and for-

was, in a11 1ike1ihood, repeated1y used. VI:63:6'-8' shows these engines tress defenders were not neg1ected; their needs were satisfied with the

to have been given individual names such as garadan, the 'wi1d donkey.,187 dispatch of grains, in boats, if the occasion required it (IV:81). These

warriors may have been favored with extra a110wances of f10ur and beer, no
Provisions
dou b t to b o 1 ster sagg~ng
... sp~r~ts. 196 D esp~te
. th e attent~on
. o f th e k'
~ng,

soldiers were expected to provide for themse1ves certain items of supp1y

The army of Mari, 1ike every other mi1itary force, marched on its
(II:8:5-10).
stomac h . 188 P rov~s~ons
... ~n respecta b1 e quant~t~es
... were nee d e d to susta~n
. a
11:52:1'-12', a 1etter sent to Yasmab-Adad, revea1s the normal
long campaign or an extended siege. The term most frequent1y met with at
ration issued to soldiers: "Let (someone) make a 1ist of the total number
Mari is ~idftum (NINDA'KASKAL[LA]);89 'viaticum, trave1 provisions,' con-
of donkeys assigned to the army that is before my lord and bring to Ka9at
sistent1y spe11ed sy11abica11y. A10ng with other vocab1es emp10yed to
3 or 400 homers of bar1ey. 1 wi11 then give one ~ of bar1ey as fodder to
express the same notion, ~idftum was not 1imited to mi1itary dispensation.
A 197
each of the donkeys and one ~ of bar1ey to the men who drive the donkey."
During peacetime, the king's two main mea1s were attended by 1arge crowds
In addition to sidftum, a number of other terms, whose exact mean-
of up to 1,000 men.190 Officers, and probab1y chosen soldiers as we11,
., 198
ing often eludes us, refer to rationing. kurummatum (SUK) occurs in
were invited to festivities (VI:32:21-22; VI:69:1'_8,).191 When wars be-
a wise- observation (1:16:11-15) of Shamsi-Adad: "Like·the Turukkti-tribesmen
gan, the troops about to depart on campaigns received food and c10thing
who awaken the sleepers but give no ration to those who are awake." iprum
from the pa1ace (1:60:12). Provisions were assigned in carefu1 quantities
(SE'BA),199 'food ration,' seems to possess a wider app1ication than the
so as to 1ast for a month (1:39:9'; XIII:57), 15 days (1:43:7), or 10 days
preceding term, being found in a mi1itary context on1y in IV:81:32 and
(1:66:4'). 1:60:11-15 intimates that ha1f the amount raised· as war imposts
V:22. Messengers were prepared for missions with a grant of sattukkum (SA'
were thus distributed. Shou1d 10nger journeys into distant territories be
DUG )200 . l' 'b1 h .. 201 h . l'
4 rat~on. t ~s poss~ e t at p~q~ttum was t e vocab1e ~mp y~ng
considered, rep1enishments cou1d be secured at pre-arranged areas (1:39:8'-15
the supp1y of an entire district. This is especia11y app1icab1e in XIII:51:
35:20-22). There, intendents wou1d be p1aced in charge of a11 preparations
,., 203
. h t be 1ess so in X:89:7
4 ,202 but m~g and V:69:7. tappinnum(ZID'SE),
(XIII:34:8-13),192 and wou1d fo110w a pre-devised formula of supp1y and
'bar1ey f1our,' is dispensed to the be1rum-so1diers in the broken context
distribution (XIII:57:13). Often, however, the troops wou1d enter friend1y
of V:61:5',8', [11]. isimmanum 204 was a 'ma1t preparation [used] as the
vi11ages (V:52:18-21) or wander into the pa1ace to gather supp1ies (XIII:33).
baSic ingredient for beer brewing and for food when trave11ing.,,205 1:35:
36 37

20 finds the term employed in a text of martial importo Ready-to-be-drank presumed allies (X:80:ll_l9).2l3 Evidence testifying to the reliability
, 206
beer may have also been supplied (VI:36:5). Clothing (SIC'EA = lubustum), of the prophet were collected.2l4 It is possible, incidentally, that the
W7 . W8
soothing balm (pi§~atum), and scented (VII:13:7; 14:8) o~ls, the last two anti-Babylon prophecies (obviously false!) published in XIII;23 and 114,

dispensed at special ceremonies, were sometimes added to the provisions. encouraged Zimri-Lim to undertake a fatal campaign against gammurapi. Dream
209
It may be that meats were added occasionally. sequences, as media in which the divinity expressed his martial desires,

played an equa11y major role (X:50; XIII:113).215 But it was the barti-divine

Preparatory Rituals who at Mari was most constantly engaged in fathoming the god's intents.2l6

Most often delving into the portents in liver, the bar~m sought to predict
The 1eaders of Mari were conscious that the out come of battles
political and military events. This is wel1 borne out by the number of liver
often depended upon the mental attitude of the fighters. A letter from
mode1s discovered at Mari which contained martial omina.217 In addition to
Bagdu-Addu (11:118), a !!aneen suqaqum, contains the following: "The new
these scholarly researches, the Mari diviner is known to have persona1ly 1ed
(group) of tlaneens has arrived. There are no diseases, no losses, and
troops into battles (11:22:22_24),218 an act that no doubt a110wed morale to
the miss ion is we11. Let my lord not be anxious. Further, when 1 ob-
remain consistent1y high among the troops. In order tO.have access at in-
served al1 (previous) expeditions, there were many worries; but in this
s·tant forecas t of the tides of battles, the 1eaders took divirters along
expedition, 1 observe no sorrow or anything (of that kind). On1y 1aughter
(1:85:10'-14'; VI:75:1l(?».
and mirth. They are happy, as if they were living at home. The heart of
It is also possible that on the day of the expedition a ceremony
my lord's servant thinks only of fighting and killing the enemy. My lord
took place in which the officers were anointed (VII:17; 27; 49; 84),219 gifts
shou¡d rejoice.,,2l0 One can imagine that at moments such as these, the
distributed (VII:49;84), and p1edges taken. In addition the ranking mili-
singers who accompanied the troops were kept especially busy (1:12:5-6).
tary personnel may have sworn to respect the right of their peers to share
Before an important engagement, a number of steps were taken by
in the booty (11:13). Failure to abide by these oaths were equivalent to
the king and his officers to propitiate the gods. A 1etter was sent to
infringement upon long-held taboos of kings and deities. Surprising1y,
the ru1er's protective spirit (IV:68:l4_25,21l and most likely 1:3) who
these transgressions were punished with monetary fines (VIII:1:30; V:72:
is known to have occasiona1ly responded (11:130:26). On appropriate oc-
12-15, 20'_24,).220 For his part, the king may have been moral1y ob1i-
casions, sacrifices were offered by the king (1:10:13'_14,).212 The 1ast
gated not to impose an oath which went beyond the traditional norms.22l
a1so invoked the gods (11:51:10-11). Prophetic utterances were recorded.

They often consisted of reassuring predictions of an enemy's defeat (X:6:

~chological Warfare
3'-8'; 7:20-22; 8:12-18; XIII:23:8-15; l14:1lff; A.4260), of warnings of
With the troops ready, the gods consulted, and the officers
rebellions (X:7:9-l0; 50:13) and against the treachery and deceit of
 38
39

contented, the king still had to devise the strategy for victory that would other diplomats and royal courtiers.227 Furthermore, lb~l-pi-El boasted

"gladden the heart" (1:27:11). For this a knowledge of the enemy's strength of sharíng the lawmaker's strictest confidence (11:31:5-12): "Whatever

and exact aims was necessary. The following passages clearly demonstrate matter preoccupies Barnmurapi, he always sends me word, and 1 go to him

the extent to which military decisions depended upon intelligence data. In wherever he is staying. He tells me of whatever rnatter bothers him, and

th e fo 11'
oW1ng "
m1ss1ve, 222 vammurap1
H ' 1S
, spea k'
1ng to Z"1mr1- L" ,
1m s em1ssary: 1 always report the more important of these matters to my lord. ,,228 After

"At the start of the month of KUR, the enemy performed extispicies to which such a statement, histor~ has no choice but to label our diplomat as either

god did not respond affirmatively .. He is, (therefore), going toward his a superb Talleyrand or a perfect fool.

destruction. That's good. Let Yaqqim-Adad [a messengerJ' remain for (at Other evidence was assembled from intercepted documents, some of

leas t) 5 days ,until we I see' complete information concerning the enemy. which contained top-secret reports. Dossin brings to our attention the

(When) we 'see' complete information concerning the enemy, l,will permit

following unpublished passage: tup-pu-um $U-~ tup-pi ni-~[{J-ir-tim, 'this

him (to go), (then) let him go." On another occasion, Bammurapi is even is a secret tablet.,229 In one case, however, the efforts expended to cap-

more to the point (11:25:6-7): "1 will not send (troops) as long as 1 do ture such trophies were largely wasted. As Meptum informs his lord, 4 tab-

not have information concerning the enemy." Similar statements were re- lets seized from the sukkal of Elarn contained nothing of interest (11:121).
corded in 11:23:23'-24' and 1:103:21'-23,.223 In turn, the rulers tried to Probably the bulk of military information was obtained through

keep secret their plans of action (11:20:5-9). espionage, a vocation which appealed to all walks of life. Even the mes-

To these ends, elaborate information gathering techniques were sengers of allies were suspected of indulging in spying. Babdi-Lim writes

instituted. lt is likeIy that a special bureau in the palace, headed by to his lord (VI: 19: 12-22) : "Yarpa-Adad, a messenger of Qatna, who' is sent

trusted officiaIs, was established (11:23:13-14; X:165(77». From the re- to my lord, concerning dispatching him to my lord, 1 had written earlier.

cord of his activities, it is possible to suggest that at Mari, an cfficial (But) now 1 have considered (the matter) and have retained this mano 1

appropriately named Buqaqum, 'littIe gnat,224, appointed by Zimri-Lim, filled said to myself: 'Perhaps the foreign (7) auxiliaries have not gathered
this pos t. 225
Reports from the various governors, vassals, (cf. 11:141; V:33), before my lord, and if 1 send this man to my lord, he might realize the

even from the Queen (X:4:1-12) were collected and evaluated. These consisted F or th'1S reason, 1 d eta1ne
' d h'1m. ,,230 Among
condition of the troops.' the

of news extracted from gossipy merchants, wandering artisans, sailors (IV:81: mos t 1n
' f amous sp1es
'd an 1n
' f ormers (.,
sa 1'''-'
1san1m ) 231 were tose
h recru1te
' d from

28-36), messengers (11:72:8; Vl:20:21-24; 27; 33), and refugees (1:111). Much Zalm~qum. They simply could not be trusted unless paid enormous sums.

was sent by ambassadors at the court of allied and neutral powers. A diplo- Shamsi-Adad warns his son in Mari (1:29:5-24): "Do not take :Lnto service
- ~
matic envoy par excellence, and also a part-time commander, was lbal-pi-El, the men of Zalmaqum who are continually recruited as spies (or informers:

representing Mari at the court of ijammurapi. His letters were full of informa- ~ li~anim). Do not seek their service. All those hired (7) for you,

tion he had gathered from what he labeled his 'secret sources' (~)22írobab cloth them and send them away. 3 (?) mina of silver (is the cost) of 20
 40
41

servants who come (thus) to me •... For if one day you desire to ru1e this 1et him go to the midst of the land •.•• As a11 of Za1maqum .•. they wi1l say

land, they wi1l revo1t against me al1 at once." Apart from such suspicious thus: 'Our lord is our on1y chief;236 he wi11 not p1under us.' This is

characters, recruiting persons with worthy qualifications was an uncomp1i- what they wi11 understand. They wi11 1isten. So that when [1 march?] into
cated task.
tlarnmurapi, for examp1e, sent a contingent of 120 men to the this land, it wi11 entire1y revo1t, a11 at once. Act in this manner (cf.,

gate of one city and was brought a fair co11ection.232 Some of those en- a1so 1ine 5'-8')."

gaged in this business vo1unteered information concerning their own tribe Another strategem in Shamsi-Adad's repertory was the dispatch

in expectation of a probable reward (V1:58); others, being refugees, hoped of propagandists, LÚ'MES tukkim (lit. 'men of rumors') (1:53:4'_7,).237

for shelter and board in exchange of their contributions (1V:76:4l-46); That these were successfu1 can be gathered ·from the two instances (1:52:6-35;

still others did it for sheer love of gossip. As one text puts it: "Let 43:6'-8') where it is emphasized that the rumors (tukku)238 of an incoming

them bring (to my lord) an informer so that my lord may interroga te a mouth Assyrian army was sufficient to 1ead the enemy to abandon its positian. it
willing to talk.,,233
There was always the fear that nomadic tribesmen were is possible a1so that the foe's ranks were infi1trated. 1bál-pí-E1 makes
engaged in such activities.
Kibri-Dagan seems utterly frustrated in his it clear that one person can sway the troops' opinion (11:31:6'-14'): "Now

ef~orts to control the flow of information. Consorting with the enemy in my lord knows how one man (alone) can change the mind of the troops. Now

the Upper Country by day and with their wives in the city by night,the 1et my lord write to Zimri-Addu, expose (the matter) and remove him, so

Benjamanites were suspected of inhibiting the cause of Mari (111:16). Such that, from now on, 1 can sett1e the matter of the pa1ace ..•. Otherwise this

a situation was intolerable, for, as an omen text recognized, evi1 conse- man wi11 sway the opinion of the troops against me and 1 wi11 never have

quences a1most always developed "if the 'word' went out to the enemy. ,,234 complete peace.,,239 Although it can be argued 1egitimately that the above

Finally, those LU'MES sa lisanim which accompanied an army as it set out to reflected professiona1 jealousy, another text is more to the point. Yasmah-
v

battle (11:22:10-16) were probably chosen for their inside knowledge of un- Adad writes to his father (1:116): "[Daddy wrote] the fo110wing .... : 'Who
friendly territory.
has caused the troops to revolt? Two soldiers! And these two men, in

As part of an overall strategy, kings were engaged in subversive creating fear, caused the troops to revolt. ..• They have .(now) chained these

activities in tended either to weaken the resistence of an enemy or to over- men and they took them down to Mari. '" Such infi1trators may have come in
throw its 1eaders.235
Fifth columnists were employed by Shamsi-Adad to with the 1arge numbers of troops that deserted an (unpopu1ar?) cause. In

ease his conquest of Za1maqum. When on this occasion he writes to his son 11:18:30-34 Itme-Dagan gives the fo110wing news to his brother: "In truth,

(1:10:16-25), he seems, uncomprehensive1y in 1ight of 1:29 (above), eager a rebe11ion broke out in Sagaratum because of the deserters. The king or-

to entrust the citizens of Zalmaqum with a delicate mission: "To the first dered executions there.,,240

one who is hired for you, give him instructions concerning the raids, and Much more profitab1e in their success were th e organized attempts

against a monarch's 1ife. Political assassinations were not unknown to the

 42 43

second millennium B.C. lt is likely that Yavdun-Lim or his son(?) Sumu-Yamarn this mat ter.

fell victim to internal machinations. Kibri-Dagan exposes in 111:18 a plot,

apparently directed against the king: "1 have heard of a somewhat nasty Tactics

affair. My heart was troubled. In the place of this rebellion(?) which

The Mari documents yield themselves readily to description of
Dagan will destroy, a large contingent, not a small one is taken prisoner.
tactica1 maneuvers. Single encounters are reported aften by the correspon-
But now the criminal who is polluted in that blood seeks his escape. Well
dents, albeit from a partisan point of view. As we know from a letter from
(it is) like the rabid dog who does not know where to bite (next). Heaven
Shamsi-Adad to his son (1:5:4-13), the objective was to get a firmer grip
forbid that my lord should go out too soon from the palace into the street.
on the foe: "You think up stratagems to beat the enemy and to maneuver
As long as my lord has not chained these men, has not brought his enemies
for position against him. But the enemy will likewise try to think up strat-
and foes to his feet, and has not placed them in prison, _let my lord not
agems and to maneuver for position against you, just as two wrestlers use
come out from the palace for 3 or 4 days.,,24l In X:80:22-24 the king is
tricks against each other. As the old proverb says: "In her promiscuity,
advised not to enter the city without taking an oracle. Even the deities
a bitch have birth to blind (?) puppies.,,244 Arnong these maneuvers, am-
were wont to proffer similar advice. The goddess Annunltum speaks through
bushes are rather frequently a11uded to in our texts. When properly plan-
an extatic female (X:7:8-22): "Zimri-Lim! They will test (lataku) you in
ned, an ambush could weaken greatly an enemy, often crippling his abilities
a rebellion. Protect yourself! Your servants, your cornrnissioners (ebb~tu)
to recover. Depending as it do es on the element of surprise, the stratagem
whom you love, place (them) at your side! Cause them to stand (by you) so
required an advance knowledge of the enemy's intention. lt is not surpris-
that they can guard you! Do not ever walk alone! As to those who wi1l test
ing to hear a veteran practitioner of the craft of inte11igence warn his son
you, 1 will deliver them into your hands."
to beware of traps (1: 5: 15-16) . He does not lose an opportuni ty to lure an
Occasionally, we hear that "ringleaders who have caused disturbance"
unsuspecting foe into a guet-apens (1:83:31-39). At such moments, a lightly
were caught (V:2:5'-r). As expected, their fate was not enviable. 11:33:
armed contingent wasfound to be the most effective (11:22:6-16). An inter-
5' speaks of beheading an enemy; V:2l:20-2l of crushing his skull. An
esting variation on this method is reflected in lV:23. l~me-Dagan allows
order is sent out from the king to elirninate an undesirab1e personality.
the badly harried arrny of his foes to cross a river, seemingly into safe
"lf there is a ditch in the countryside or in the city," adds Zimri-Lim,
territory. One of his contingent, however, had been dispatched to the same
"make this man disappear. Let him go up to heaven, go down to hell, let
area previously. After a period in which the enemy progressively lowered
no one see him (anymore) (XIII: 107: 10-19) •,,242 Punishment was extended to
its vigilance and managed to alienate the natives (IV:24), it is presumed
include the plotter's house(hold?) and his companions in crime. "The one
that the contingent was to dea1 the fatal blow. Still mystifying is the
who has thought up or knows about a plot, let him and his house(hold?) be
stratagem (?) devised by the same fertile mind in lV:43. l~me-Dagan attacks
burnt (111:73:11_15),,,243 was the judgment of the elders and the moqtar on
 44 45

Ursu, and Carchemish broke the alliance with Sumu-Epub before me. The sheik
a friendly territory with a guerrilla group formed by his own men in disguise.

of v
Has~um has sent me his armies and they are (now) at my disposal. As for
Other elements of military tactics are encountered. Diversionary

attacks drew a force from a well-fortified position (VI:5l; 52); the unifi- the sheik of Ursu, he asked me for 1,000 men, 1 shall send him 2,000. 1

sha1l assemble them and marcho When they will bring him (prisoner), they
cation of two allied forces at strategic moments in order could smash a single

army (11:21:10'-14'; 11:62:18'_21,);245 incursions into the land of an invader shall force him to submit. ,,250 In addition, Shamsi-Adad was massing his

might induce his retirement (1:123:3_10);246 the enemy's path could be ob- troops, under his son's leadership, at Tuttu1 ( 1:91), to the east of Yambad.

structed with defenses (11:131:10_32),247 and instant retaliation might ob- Thus an attack from three cardinal points was planned. Still, the struggle

tain a victory despite the heaviest of losses. (1:90:4-14). was expected to be arduous. For this reason, a sigh of re1ief must have

While successful tactics won battles, well-p1anned strategies de- accompanied Shamsi-Adad's report: "Sumu-Epu!J is dead (1:91:5)," apparently

from natural causes.25l

cided wars. It is unfortunate that we do not possess the necessary data

on one single conf1ict to estab1ish the military preparation devised by the

Desertion
leaders. One comes closest to an overview of a martial solution applied to

a political problem in Shamsi-Adad's determined attempt to destroy Sumu-Epug

A few words remain to be said concerning the fate of the defeated
of Yambad.
and incidence of desertion among the troops (cf. VI:30:l4-22). In connection

Sumu-Epuh was an obstacle to Shamsi-Adad's territorial ambitions.

with the latter prob1em, a distinction has to be made first between the terms

With Aleppo as its capital, Yambad nad not yet formed a kingdom: Sumu-Epug 252 - 253 254 ~ 255· - 256
munnabtum, (nabutum ), ~alqum, maqtum, ~ (ZI?), and .2!!.~~
never calls himself its king. The he ir to the throne of Mari escaped there
as they occur in the Mari-texts. The first seems to represent an appelation
awaiting successful comeback. More galling to Shamsi-Adad were the frequent
vague enough to permit the inclusion of a1l those who abandoned their posi-
raids that Sumu-Epuh carried out with impunity in the region of Mari (IV:10),
tions: slaves (who are simply rounded up, XIII:118:3), refugees from for-
and Qatna (V:17).248 To the north v
of Yamhad, the kingdoms of Carchemish,
eign states (who are given food VII:35:2; 33:3 and questioned for military
Ursu, and Ba~~um were allied with Assyria. To the south, the kingdom of
information IV:76:46), accomplished artisans (IV:63 V:61(?», and deserters.
Qatna was probab1y a vassal state: the daughter of its king was wedded to
Some escaped their captors and returned to friendly territory. They were
Yasmab-Adad.249 Its armies were supplemented with troops sent by Shamsi-Adad
given clothing (VI:37:5-l0). It is possib1e that some of these figures were
(11:5) and could be relied upon to harass Yamgad's southern flank. In 1:24:
chased by bounty hunters (VI:42:5-9). There seems to be little distinction
5'-21', Shamsi-Adad unfolds his strategy as he writes to his son: "1 have
between the munnabtum (nabutum) and the salqum, a term which applies equally
already gathered the sheiks of tlas~um, Ursu, and Carchemish and addressed
to persons of all walks of life. Is it likely that in the citations of
them as follows: '1 shall examine the Sumu-Epuh problem and, should there
mltum ~ ealqum (1:6:38; 42:21; V:35:8) a rendering of 'the dead and the
be hostilities, collect your troops and fight •.• ' The sheiks of ~a~tum,
 46 47

missing (?)' might be more app1icab1e?257 On the authority of,Von Soden, equiva1ent to '(politica1) refugee.'

we have it that maqtum, which occurs once on1y in the Mari 1etters, desig- The ~~irum, on the other hand, was a desert·er from the common

nate d e1t
. h er a d eserter or an escapee. 258 ranks of soldiers. It is possib1e that the distinction between the last

Landsberger thinks ~
that "nasihum has perhaps a broader meaning two terms is underscored in 1:79:5. Yasmas-Adad had asked his father that

than ~~Irum, determined as 'deserter' by Von Soden, Oro n.s. XXI 16.,,259 the ~Firu-deserters of the ~-refugees be seized,264 to which his

It is possib1e that the distinction concerns the social position of the father rep1ies that the time was not propitious. From 1:13; 28; and 11:92:

deserter. 14-19, we 1earn that the suqaq~ was responsib1e for preventing desertion among
According to the c1ear contexts in the Mari documents, those

1abe11ed ~rtaslhum are invariab1y treated with more attention. We know, for
his ranks. As might be expected, Benjamanites were wont to desert a cause

examp1e, that the court of Shamsi-Adad, as probab1y others in the Ancient at the 1east provocation (VI:30:15-18). The act was carried out single or

en masse (11:21:19-21), at times even in the midst of a batt1e (11:50:5·'-

Near East, extended refuge to many of noble descent, even of roya1 b1ood,

who sought to escape capture or successfu1 rebe11ion (cf., 11:53:2_25).260 9'(?». Deserters from foreign armies were enticed by promises of reward

There, they awaited the opportunity to return to their abandoned thrones (IV:l), which were apparent1y kept (VI:37:5_11).265 There are indications

(1:76:4_16)261 or their patrimonies (1:76:16-19). Awaiting such deve1op- that quarters, if not a who1e city, were reserved for their habitations

ments,
the ~
naslhum was registered (V:36:5-7), granted rations from the (11:131:33-36;266 V:35:13_23267). For, as it seems from VI:46:3'-6'and

pa1ace (RA, 53(1959), 58:19-32; IX:121:iii:25-26), and a110ted 1arge tracts 64:3'-6', they were not we1come in a11 areas. Fina11y, it shou1d be pointed

of 1and (V:85). A few from among his group were chosen to rep1ace district out that even the king's attendants (girseq~m) sought to escape. Possib1y

because of their value or their inside know1edge, they were energetica11y

governors (V:27:18-21). After a long sojourn at the most hospitable court,

the -----------
naslhum was bound to become restless. Shamsi-Adad attempted to dea1 pursued (II:35).

with the problem in his favorite fashion: "But now, 1 sha11 return so

Defeat
that they shal1 no 10nger think here of the damtum (noble blood) of their

fami1y and boast continua11y (of it). Their fie1d and house someone wi11
Campaigns ended either in a sta1emate, in which case the powers
(sure1y) take away (IV:86:36_41).,,262 To the -----------
nasihum probable utter dis-
took a respite, or in one party submitting, comp1ete1y overwhelmed. Whi1e
268
taste, he was asked to pluck sheep (XIII:30:6). Enough reason, possib1y,
nomadic groups became satisfied in raiding and escaping with some prizes,
to have him involved in attempting escapes (11:18:10-13) and 1eading re-
major states genera11y sought to destroy or occupy the urban centers of a
volts in the cities (11:18:30-34), to which the king reta1iated by order-
foe. Occasiona11y, however, we read of great powers such as Qatna and Mari
ing executions. In addition, the ~
naslhum was threatened with .
deportatíon
joining forces to present the troops with mora1e-boosting conquests:
"To

(VI:71:4),263 which cou1d take place when an a11y demanded his return (IV:~).
Yasmah-Adad
v speak! Thus (says) your brother I~hi-Adad:
v 1 rejoiced great1y
In consideration of the above, it might be that the term naslhum was
~
 48
49

over the good reports you sent me concerning I~me-Dagan. Another matter:
cornrnonprisoner could be ransornned. A Benjamanite was set free upon the
277
Do not be neg1igent concerning the report of your (decision of) coming up payment of 8 sheke1s of si1ver. This compares favorab1y with the price
here. It is a propitious time for your coming up here. 'Fatten' your
of a slave which ranged from 9 (1:29:11-12) to 11 sheke1s (VII:117:7).
troops with spoi1s (so that) they wi11 b1ess you. These 3 cities are not
Hostages (lI:um)278 were a1so taken (1:92:14 (?»,sometimes even
strong; we c&n conquer them in one day. Corneup, quick1y; 1et us take thes
for the purpose of guaranteeing a treaty (IV:22:20-23). Their treatment

eities and 1et your troops capture booty. (V:16).,,269 As indicated above,
depended upon the po1itical circumstances. In 1:8:5-17, Shamsi-Adad orders

such ventures were profitab1e to kings (11:13:6-9) and some officers (11:
hostages to be killed since a projected peace with their tribe was not to

13:25-26, 35-36; lI:60(?». X:134 indicates that shares of the spoi1s

be: "There should be no vigil, kee~ or wake. One should prepare their
d· 'b d .. 270
were ~str~ ute among var~ous part~es.
graves. Let them die and be buried.,,279 Intercession by a concerned third
Cities fe11 when successfu11y assau1ted by siege engines, when
party sometimes succeeded in avoiding this miserable fate (1:27:24-30).

abandoned by a11ied troops (?) (II:62:5~-7~), or when de1ivered by traitors

Possibly as a gesture úf piety, some hostages were freed during the 'puri-
from within. 271
Some conque red cities were kind1y treated, as we 1earn
fication' ceremonies (1:36:29-31).

from Shamsi-Adad's rare acco1ade to his son (1:10:5-9): "You had written

ear1ier" to me that you seized Te1-1~bnim and that you did not ki11 the cit-
End of Campaign

izens of this city, (but that) you ca1med them and (then) freed them. This

deed of yours is very nice; it is worth [x] ta1ents of gold. ,,272 Most,
Winter and victory spelled the end of a campaign. The troops,

which had been a1lowed momentary respites (1: 5:36-38; 39:l0~), were per-
however, were not so spared. They were destroyed and burnt (1:39:7'; X:

mitted to return to their homes. With the following quotation, our survey
80:16), their ancient treasures sacked (X:80:17-19), their bar1ey "even

of Mari's military institutions, probably not radically different from those

the herb, the sma11est one" was ruined (cL 11:8:13; I:103:18~-19~).
•.
of her neighbors, comes to an end. Ib~l-pi-El complains to garnrnurapi (11:
Soldiers in the fie1d of bat t1e (X: 4: 25), in defending the citade1s, ex-

pected no quarter (cf. IV:33; I:69:2~-4~). Prisoners (asirum)273 were 24:9-12):" "Now that the god has destroyed the enemy and cold days have

arrived, why do you retain the servants of your brother [Zimri-Lim]? Give
taken from among the survivors (1:43:3-6; 92:11-15; V:2:10-13; 27:5-13).
me an order so that 1 could leave and in order for the red~-officers to
A certain percentage of those captured (wasitum) was apparent1y de1ivered
reach their homes before the winter season."
to the king (XIII:21:8~). 274 Dossin supposes ARMT:XIII:1, a text contain-

ing a1most 1,000 names, to record the assignrnent of prisoners of war to

the various pa1ace functionaries.275 A few of those were to become

- - 276
eka11anu, pa1ace-serfs (V :27:5-13; XIII:117:14~-15~). Others, appar-

ent1y ab1er, were chosen for higher positions (IV:53). Even the most
 51

*Citation of texts not preceded by an abbreviation refers to the

Archiv~~oyalesde Mari series. Earlier studies on this topic may still be

consulted with profit: Ch. -F. Jean, "L' année du royaume de Mari," RA, 42(1948),
\'

135-148; C. H. Gordon, "§am~i-Adad's Military Texts from Mari," ArOr, 18(1950),

2
199-207; Kupper, CAH , 1I, 1 (No. 14), p. 7, and last1y, E. Salonen, I'Zum

Altbabylonischen Kriegswesen," BiOr, 25(1968), 160-162. The issue of Iraq, 25/2

(1963) contains a number of articles, not strictly dealing with Mari, which can

be found of interest.

lDossin, "archives épistolaires," 117:24-27; CAD~, 149 (7'e).

2A tentative dating based upon synchronising the available date-years

of the rulers mentioned within the texto

3CAD, ~, 36(1,2'); ARMT XV, 241 (parakum). But cf. CAD Q, 40 (b, 2')

where 1ine 7' is translated: "They put to death the slaves who were (marched)

Footnotes for execution." The outbreak of violence, more local in character, is reported

in 11:130. 1V:26, a 1etter from Isme-Dagan to his brother, te11s of a war

narrow1y avoided: "1 had written to you earlier that 1 had gone with the

auxiliary troops to the assistance of Samu-Addu in Karana. The king of Esnunna

had assemb1ed with the main body of his army, with personal attendants and

favorites, and is now staying in Upe. He wrote to th~ king of Baby10n in order

to meet at (?) Mankisu •••• The king of Baby10n did not accept. With the king

of Baby1onnot accepting him, in his brazenness, he left immediately for

Ma§ku11iya. In Ma~ku11iya, he began to dig the canal (to divert it?). Now the

town of Ma~kul1iya is located above Dur-Ipiq-Adad, in the open country, off

the beaten track (or: one doub1e-hour away). As 1 approached Ma~kul1iya.

Samu-Addu wrote to me, and 1 went to (his) aid with troops to the city. 1

arrived near the city. That the matter was quieting down, and that the king

Of E~nunna has decided to commit outrages (elsewhere ?), and to return to his
 52 53

1and, Sam;:;-Adduwrote to me." For this rendition, see CAD Q, 95 (3'); ~, at Mari, see Burke, Syria, 41(1964), 77, n. 2. For kupru at Mari, see ARMT

352; ~, 175; ~/l 387 (4); ~, 245; L. de Meyer, RA, 55(1961), 205; ARMT XV, VII, 29~-300 (~7,8o).

229 (~).
10For the fortresses of MBlla Pa1estine see Yadin, Warfare, 1, 65-69,
3aS
~, . 33(1956), 65. Dossin's trans1ation, pp. 66-67. See a1so CAD G. R. H. Wright, "Tell e1-Yeh;:;diyah and the Glacis," ZDPV, 84 (1968), 1-17,
~/1:, 181 (9,3'); 84 (e).
and P. J. Parr, "The Origin of the Rempart Fortifieations of Midd1e Bronze Age

One eannot be exaet eoneerning the dating of this texto One can on1y Pa1estine and Syria," ZDPV, 84(1968), 18-45. For Mari, see in particular

surmise that it originated not mueh later--written as it seems in the heat of pp. 85-86 of R. Opifieius, "Befestigungen des Zweistrornlandes im Beginn des

anger--than Der's break from the orbit of Yarim-Lim. This would have oeeurred Zweiten Jahrtausends," Baghdader Mitteilungen, 3(1964), 78-90.

at least fifteen years after his aeeess to the throne of Yamhad. Nor does one llCAD~, 386 (4' ,e). The 1ast sentenee follows Dossin, but diffieulties

have any indieation as to why the letter was preserved in the Mari archives. exist, ef. AHw, 655b (l,e).

Was it a eornmunieation whieh was eonfiscated by Mari as a prudent measure to 12Cf. the remarks of Kupper, Syria, 41(1964),114.

avert war, as Dossin suggests (p. 64)? Although sueh a step might have been 13ARMT XV, 279 (wa~am), 128 (~bi~~im); AHw, 417. See also IV:I0:7'-15';

taken (ef., for example, V:20), in this instanee, it seems hardly likel~ for V:1:4'-11'.

Yarím-Lim would no doubt have been advised of this hosti1e aet on the part of 14But see Von Soden suh ARMT XV, 228 (nidum).

a vassal. Perhaps it was no more than a copy of a letter sent to Zimri-Lim, 150n the diffieulties of 1:20, see lastly G. Evans, RA, 56 (1962), 211-21:

who, as an important ally expeeted to provide men and materials, was to be CAD~, 176(2); ~, 261 (1).
kept au eourant.
4
16For Unes 15-16, CAD ~/l 233 (ajis) . For alik ~
harranim, compare the

See further, CAD~, 195 (1,2); AHw, 178; RlA, 111, 50-52. remarks below, note 99.
17
5Studia Mariana, 53, No. 2; 11:88:17-20; 131:33; CAD~, 187-188; AHw, CAD ~/l 86(1,f); 1/1. 34(6,e); ef. also, ARM VI:42:5-10; X:85:6. From
222-223; CAD])1. 34; AHw, 336.,
TCL 18:95:24 (apud CAD~, 86(1,f), we are assured that this was not a p1easant
6
CAD B, 198-199; AHw, 348.
It must be admitted, however, that Von Soden's sojourn. As can be expeeted, there was quite a differenee between eonfinement

rendering (AHw, 45a) 'Wasserdurchlass' for amrummu(m) fits the equations given (abullatim s;:;dOm,ka10m) and emprisonment (neparim ~~~URU~). In prison were to
by the lexieal 1ists better.
be found the plotter (111: 18), the deserter (1:92:25-27; 102:20-24), the insar
7Cf. the Mari liver omen No. 27a:
"If the enemy captures a moat ... ", (11:129), the criminal (11:48), and the disgraeed (?) (1:57) (ef. also X:12:19)
M. Rutten, RA, 35(1938).
Within, life was preearious. At the whim of the ruler, a prisoner might be
8 _
beheaded to instil1 fear in a eontumaeious populaee (11:48, trans1ated in
9 CAD?, 33 (temu); AHw, 45a; ARMT XV, 185 (elo.m), 237 (na~¡Hum).

Cf. Birot, Syria, 41(1964), 34-35 where the tentative rendering 'réservoir' Oppenheim, Letters, No. 36, pp. 97-98). With luek, he might be eompletely

for igum is suggested. For the arehaeo1ogieal evidenee to the use of bitumen
 54 55

forgotten (1:57). It is possible that the neparum was equipped as a work TR. 4015 is a letter from Tell al-Rimah (Karan~ ?) whieh reads

house. XIII:40:41 speaks of one under the direetion of a eertain Etel-pi- partia11y as fol10ws (lines 2-10): "Ca11 up 4000 troops from your midst,"

Sarrim; X:150:5-7 reveals that escapes from prisons were not unheard of, even writes a local ru1er to ~adnu-rapi, king of Rim~?, "Let me ea11 up from here
if not sueeessful.
On ne~rum, see ARMT XV, 233; Oppenheim, JNES, 11(1952), 2,000; The former plus the 1atter 6,000 good troops [~~ba~ damqam, se~ be10w]

between us 1et us ea11 up, that we may send them quiek1y to the aid of Zimri.-
133-134; Birot, Syria 41(1964), 29-31; CAD ~, 115ff. (~~). Also line

iv:16'-17' of the extremely interesting VII:263, eoneerning whieh, see the L·1m. " See S. page, Iraq, 30(1968),90. On the same page, Mi.ss Page remarks:

remarks of Landsberger in ARMT VII, 355-357. Note also the broken passages "The magnitudeof the operation can be judged from the numbers of troops

in VI:31:32; 41:8-9.
invo1ved, for these were auxi1iaries added by on1y two eity states to an unknown

18Les Nomades en Mésopotamie au temps des rois de Mari, (BFPLUL, 142), number of' Zimri-Lim' s troops from Mari."

Paris, 1957. 28J. Laess~e, Festsehrift Landsberger (AS, 16), 191:11-14.

19
Kupper, Nomades, 22. 29 .
CAD~, 6(e,3'), 329 (2); ~, 122(3); ~, 49(2');ARMT XV, 229 (nad~num);

201bid., ehapter 11, 47-81; see a1so RA, 55(1961), 197-200. eomments of G. E. Mendenha11 in JBL, 77(1958), 55-56, 64.

210n the Sim'a1ites and their re1ation to the Habiru,

w see now Finet's 30eb~bum (speeifiea11y in its ~-stem, u}bubum): ARMT XV, 183; CAD~,

'important remarks in Syria, 41(1964), 139-142. 6-7 (e,3'); AHw, 181b.

22 .
Kupper, RA, 41(1947), 168; Syr1a, 41(1964), 107; Jean, RES, 1937, 108. ebbum: ARMT XV, 183; CAD~, 4(a,2'); AHw, 180b; X:7:12; 12:8, 22;
23
See the reading of Kupper, Syria, 41(1964), 107, n. 2. XIII:35:34:96:11; ARMT, IX, p. 317, n. 1; Kupper, Nomades, p. 27, n. l.

24CAD~, 212 (bªru), but see Oppenheim's rendition in Letters, No. 38, mubbibum:· ARMT XV, 183; AHw, 665b.

tebibtum: ARMT XV, 271; X:82:15; Kupper, Nomades, 27, n. 1.

r. 99.25CAD~, 184.
Another group is sent by Meptum to the Tigris region, to the 31J. R. Kupper, "Le Reeensement dans les textes de Mari," Studia Mariana,

~ity of Kakkalatum, X:155:6-7 (ef. a1so 1, 4). 99-110; Nomades, 23-29. E. Speiser, "Census and Ritual Expiation in Mar'i and

I 26 ~- Israel," BASOR, 149, pp. 17-25. See also, Mendenhall, op. cit.
11:88:7 eontains a mention of bazahatum in a bad1y damaged eontext. See
:urther CAD~, 184.
32In making their statements, the CAD and the AHw did not have the
27 2
Contra Gadd, CAH , 11,5., p. 26.
These shou1d not be eonsidered as widely opportunity of consulting Speiser's work but ef. Al! 309, published reeently,
nflated numbers.
Sueeessful warfare demands absolute honesty in the eorrespond- whieh renders t~bibtum by 'release of obligations' and ubbubum by 'clearing of
nee of two allies.
In the annals of kings, however, the matter eould be obligations. '
uite different.
The deities to whom these anna1s were eonseerated were not 33See Kupper's n. 2 in Nomades, p. 26.

onsidered to mind sueh exaggerations. 34See below, diseussion of be>rum and b~)irum.
56
57

35RA, 35(1938), 174-186; see also RA, 35(1938), No. 31, p. 50; CAD, in Mari's roilitary hierarchy: GAL.MAR.TU, 'Oberst,' commanding a batallion
- ",- - ti
AHw, and ARMT XV sub diparum, ~, (gizill0m, ziq(t)um); Salonen, Hausgera~, of 200-600 men; a GAL.KUD, 'Hauptmann,' cornmanding a company of 100-150 soldiers;

1(1965), 138-146; RIA (Fackel, Feuerpost); Hallo, JAOS, 87(1967), 63, 65-66; a NU.BANDA, '(Ober)leutnant,' 1eading a platoon ('Zug') of some 50 men;
Ioffner, JAOS, 87(1967), 184-185.
UGULA.10.LÚ, 'Unterfe1dwebe1,, heading a squad of 10 men.

36See, for examp1e, the p1eas of Abi-Samar, 1:1, 2, in reminding Yabdun- 41There are at 1east two individua1s bearing this name in the Mari texts.

1) One of Zimri-Lim's envoys to Baby10n, 11:23:11; 31:4',7'; 76:7; VI:28:23;

rim of his ob1igations toward a vassa1. On this re1ationship, see J. M.
~unn-Rankin, "Dip10macy in Western Asia ... ,11 1raq, 18(1956), 75fL To her 18 IX:48:5. 2) a bureaucrat at Qattunan, who was under the supervision of

Bagdi-Lim, 11:120:5; 129; VI:37; IX:180:4(?). Other references of persones)

ritations one should now add X111:143 and 145 from the dossier of Yawi-1l~,
oncerning which,see the remarks of Finet, Syria, 41(1964), 130ff. with similar namesakes are too vague to permit proper identification.

37Munn-Rankin, 1raq, 18(1956), 74. Allied troops from Yamgad were 42Cf. further, Kupper, Nomades, 191-193; Edzard, Zweite Zwischenzeit

rartered in Terqa's 'town-ha11' (?) (nab[n~Jt ~lim, ARMT XV, 227 (nabnitum), Baby1oniens, Wiesbaden, 1957, p. 37. Bottéro, ARMT VII, 243 (§56); for the

restoration not acknowledged by AHw, 698b) , 111:13:7-13, and in Terqa's out- 1atter OB period, see Landsberger, JCS, 9(1955), 122, 126. Another reference
~irt, 111:30:20-39.
On the latter text, see the trans1ation of Oppenheim, from Mari in broken context, X:29:23.
rtters, No. 38, p. 99. 43
Kupper, Nom~~~~, 194.
38H• Lewy, Orientalia, 25(1956), 326ff.
44Ibid., pp. 15-19; Bottéro, ARMT VII, pp. 242-243 (~5); X:84:10;

39CAD~,
40 87(a); ~ 119(1,3'); 139(1,b). Cf. 1V:76:40-45. 91:3'.

45
Cf. Kupper, Noma des , p. 91, n. 4; Thureau-Dangin, RA, 38(1941), 41-42; ARMT VII, 331-332 (§109), and p. 332, n. l.
~n, RA,
42(1948), 136; B. Landsberger, JCS, 9(1955), 121-131, especial1y 46IX: 70, 169; Birot, ARMT IX, 296-7 (§83); Bottéro, RA, 52(1958), 164-165,

No. 311, and p. 166, notes on 1ines 16ff. In view of these payments which were

r-128. The hierarchy

Landsberger, of the 1ater
of UGULA.MAR.TU, 01d Babylonian
'general,' Period consisted,
PA.PA, 'captain,' 1aputtum according made to the pa1ace, the sa1ary of 10 sheke1s paid to the suqa~ appears to be

I·BÁNDA), 'sergeant,' redam (AGA.US), 'private,' ~um (DAij), 'substitute symbo1ic.

47
dier,' Landsberger, 1bid., 122. Father Cap1ice has been kind enough to refer Kupper, Nomades, p. 17.

ro Landsberger's 1atest statement on this subject pub1ished in AfO, Beiheft 48Bottéro, ARMT VII, 242 (~5), and 1: 6 :18; II:18:9, 92:12; III:21: 7;
17, p. 58, n. 212.
After adding a few references to the Baby10nian VI:32:16; 38:6; 40:7 •

.tary hierarchy, Landsberger gives the fo110wing as roaking up that of Mari: 49See the case of Bahdi-Addu, 11:25:7'; 118; VII:201:5'; IX:70; 248:

MAR. TU, PA.KUD (= ~ pirsi) (sic!), NU.BANDA (scribe: DUB.SAR MAR.TU). rev.13'.

50
As examp1es, see Code of garnmurapi, the
This study was complete when E. Salonen' article appeared in BiOr, 25(1968), §§26-39 (ANET2, 167-8), and

162. Studying only the material in ARMT 1-VI, he gives the fo110wing order cornmentary in Driver and Miles, The Baby10nian Laws, 1(1952), 111-127; index,
 59
58

p. 515 (re/idO(m). In regard to the later O. B. Period, Landsberger, JCS, 61AHw, 537 which renders 'Leutnant'; Driver and Miles, Laws, 1, 121-123.

62Un1ess the AGA.U~.SI.SÁ is to be considered as holding an even lower

9(1955), 128, comments: "Nothing is disclosed in our documents [the archives

of Ubarum] about the nature of the ilkum of a soldier, but we may assume that position (11:13:23). E. Salonen, BiOr. 25(1968), 160 suggests the equiva1ent

it was purely military, comprising the ~arr~n ~arrim (war service) and the man of 'Gefreiter.' See a1so CAD ~/l, 278 (2',b, ak1u) , where an U GULA , with an

peaceful employrnents of the redO's: as policemen, watchmen of transports, unspecified company size, appears to have he1d a more prestigious position thar

labor companies, etc., as documented by contracts and letters." (But cf., that of the 1aputtnm and the redum. lt might be argued 1egitimate1y, however,

now, AfO Beiheft, 17, p. 58, n. 212). See further, G. Evans, "An 01d that UGULA and UGULA.10.LU are two tit1es, entire1y unre1ated. Be that as it

Babylonian Soldier," JCS, 14(1960), 33-34. The Mari evidence indicates that may, we know of UGULA who were p1aced in charge of forees numbering 1,000 to

the redlim, not a simple soldier, was a leader of groups (VI:28:30-31). It 5 men (~/l,279(3'). As to the UGULA's Akkadian equiva1ent in the OB period,

might be added that such a notion is not in disagreement with the CH citations either (w)ak1um or tapirum can be suggested. Both these terms, it shou1d be

Driver and Miles, Laws, 1, 114. The CAD wavers in its translation of the noted however, oeeur in 1:28:20 whieh wou1d indieate that a distinetion was

termo It offers 'captain' (~, 36), 'police' (Q, 95(3'), ~, 212), and made between the two positions by the aneient seribe.

'soldier' (~, 6); !' 35). lt is un1ike1y that those persons tit1ed s~t SAG (ARMT XV, 266) were

51Late OB income of a rednm is described by Landsberger, JCS, 9(1955), With Birot, ARMT IX, 341 (§l37, 10 e), and 341, n. 4,
mi1itary offieers.
128-131.
it is better to regard them as servants, e1ose1y assoeiated to their masters
52
CAD!, 65(a); !' 401(1,a).
(11:140:22; 111:7:14; lV:2:12; 17:17, and espeeia11y lX:27::iii:15-20.
53 -
CAD~, 63(c); AHw, 573 (madu(m»; ARMT XV, 232 (namattum).
Possib1y add 11:23:10; 24:8'. The CAD trans1ates 'offieers,' (e.g. Q, 95
54 .
Read1ng not very clear, See ARMT VII, 244 (§56), 328-329 (§105).
(b,3'), ~, 212 (2'», a rendering that is probable in 1:31:30, but see the
55See the translation of Dossin, Divination, 83. Note, incidentally, tha
trans1ation of this text above, p. 23-24.
in a ritual for I~tar, it is specified that the king, dressed in a lulumtum-
The aki1 babtim, 'leader of a eity-quarter' of Vl:43:18, was most
gown, sits in a sailor's bench, RA, 35(1938), 2:11:8-10
1ike1y a eivi1ian.
56CAD~, 212(2').
63sumerogram various1y rendered, see ARMT XV, 202, 87 (No. 444, 71, 79*);
57ARMT VII, 243 (§56).
ARMT IX, 341 (§l37, lob); Vl:31:18; X:115:6; 112:1; Xll:747:14; Xlll:14:6, and
58BiOr., 13(1956), 30. It should be pointed out that neither under
p. 160, sub 14, 1ine 4; RA, 52(1958), 170; CAD Q, 95 (b,3), AHw, 285-286
nasiqum (AHw, 754a) , nor under nasirum(AHw, 756b) is the reading listed in
(~s~); X:112 is a 1etter addressed to GIR.SIG5·GA.
the AHw. The latter entry, however, does cite the passage in V:40.
64
As a1ready remarked by H. Lewy, WO, 2(1959), 438, n. 3; see further,
59CAD~, 192 (~).
RA, 35(1938), 6:ii:17. Note that during ritual eeremonies, the king was f1anke(
60Cf. the restoration of Falkenstein, BiOr. 13(1956), 29; Bottéro, ARMT
by sueh attendants, Dossin, RA, 35(1938), 2:ii:17-18.
VII, 202, n. 2.
 60

61
65CAD ~/l 345 (b); AHw, 33a (2' IV, 2 a).

66ARMT XV, 192; CAD~, 27; AHw, 95b. 72when qualifying a single person rather than a group, qa11um designates

a courier or a messenger. See the references in ARMT XV, 245.

67The search for a West-Semitic equiva1ent is summarized in M. Noth,
73For reconstructions of this text, see CAD 2,92 (2'b) (girru A), ARMT
Die UrsprUge des a1ten ~ im ~ ~ Que11en (Ag F-LN-W, 94), 1961,
XV, 219 (~~), 236 (na~am). For its historical setting, see H. Lewy,
34-35. See a1so M. Wagner, Festschrift Baumgartner (VT, Supp1. 16), 1967,
358-359. Orientalia, 25(1956), 333. On the use of spies, see above, pp. 39-40.
74 _
The occurrences of sabam damqam in 111:30:16; 33:11; XIII:132:9 give
68CAD~, 27: "The ~ is in charge of an armed reconnaissance and
the impression that we are not dealing with a grouping. For III:30, see the 1I11

therefore probab1y an officer of mi1itary rank, or an officia1 concerned with

mi1itaryaffairs." translation of Oppenheim, Letters, No. 38, p. 99. For 111:33, see the CAD

rendering, 'good men', in~, 300 (eritu). But cf. VII:191:8', diseussed by

69Dossin, "archives épisto1aires," 125. See G. Evans, JCS, 14 (1960), Bottéro in ARMT VII, 244 (§56).
34-36.

75With Lewy, ¡VO, 2(1959), 446, n. 5. But eL VI:51:4-5; 52:5-6, 18-19;

70sabum is a term wide enough to cover groups assemb1ed for mi1itary ARMT XV, 273, 'troupes auxi1iaires'; CAD ~/l, 268 (2a), 'additional troops'.

Another term for a 'vanguard' is known from 11:21:10': ~ ... , 'head oE ... '
(CAD~, 159 (2».
AD ~, 46ff. (~special1y 49 (2~), 54 (4~». For ummanum, see ARMT XV, 191,
furposes as we11 as civi1ian ones. For ~abum, see ~' XV, 267-268,_ 338;
nd the remarks of the CAD in S, 54 (4~). For em~qum, see ARMT XV, 185; 76Since the contingent offered to l~me-Dagan is said to have originated
fAD~, 159 (2); AHw, 216 (3).
Note sabum emuqatum, 11:33:8, rendered by the in E~nunna, it is possib1e that we are dea1ing with mercenaries. H. Lewy,

rAD,~, 160 (2~), by

Streitkraft. '
'a contingent of troops' and the AHw, 216 (3,c), by Orienta1ia, 15(1956), 330; n. l., considers the ~ab ~O purattim, e.g., 11:25:4

It may, however, refer to an 'experienced contingent,' cf. as "mercenaries reeruited among the trlbesmen who roamed about the banks of
~ XV, 185, 'troupes d'é1ites.'
For Ejmirtum, see ARMT XV, 201; CAD 2' 76 the Euphrates." Cf~ for additiona1 references, X:155:12, 16; 178:11-12.

77ARMT XV, 251.

2); AHw, 289a; X:178:14. Note al so urnmatum, especia11y in VI:77:18, which

epresents another mi1itary termo Cf. ARMT XV, 191; ARMT VI, p. 123 (letter 78Simi1ar1y, XIII:103:5-9. See also the remarks of Kupper ARMT XIII, 167,
7, 1. 18).
1etter 102, 1, 15, 21, and Syria, 41(1964), 107.

The term 2i/uhrum

- seems to be especially employed to refer to the
79
ARMT XV, 213; AHw, 458b,
..
'fest gefugt'. Note
_
the sab bab eka11im of

lining together of two independent corps, and may thus be considered a VI:13:6. In this citation, however, they seem to be invo1ved in civi1ian

chnical
71 appellativeJ 11:75:6; V:23:5-10; RA, 35(1938), 181-182. enterprises. See a1so sabum ~?srum in 11:23:11'.

80The reference to sab til1ati~u in 11:21:29 (broken context) may be for

ARMT XV, 207, 'contingent important;' AHw, 417 'Hauptmacht, Hauptkorps; ,
, 35(1938), 182:20.
the combined eontingents from Yamoad and Za1maqum. See a1so VI:16:8'.
The rendering 'heavi1y armed' seems to fit al1 contexts,
:h the Possible exception of 11:3:12. 81Dossin, "Benjaminites," 990:20'-25'. CAD!, 171 (a) trans1ates the

1ast 1ine as "1 am too weak to interfere." CL a1so VI:27:17'-22'; X:4:23.

 63
62

82ARMT XV, 231; RA, 35(1938), 181:11; 182:7; Dossin, "Benjaminites,"

99CAD __ ~ 128 (hasa~u
A/l 346(2); H, v--- C). It is not certain whether the

988:7. In some cases, as in 111:2:7; 7:10,11, the reinforcements are for

related a1ik KASKAL (CAD ~/l 342 (1) shou1d be considered a mi1itary termo

work detai1s. The context in which it occurs (V:36:28, 11~ 23) a110ws a rendering of

'caravan' .
83The restoration [~arrim(?)] of Dossin in 1ine 23 wou1d not be appropriat
~a, 25(1956),
1000,r~enta l' 351, n. l. J.-R. Kupper writes (15 mai, 1968):
then.

84 "un corps de cava1erie est totalement exc1u al' époque de Mari". Cf., the
See ARMT XV, 223 (mara~um).
LU ra-ak-bu-ú of Vl:63:4-5; ARMT XV, 249. These functioned as couriers.
85ARMT VII, 244, interprets the terro to u1timate1y mean 'lieutenants';

AHw, 518a (7), 'Ersatzmann'. Although 11:45:6 and 72:6-7 shows them tohave specifica11y ridden donkeys,

it is not impossib1e that horses were at times a1so sadd1ed.

86ARMT XV, 252. See the discussions of Dossin in ARMT V, 123 (letter 1,
" 101But cf., the rendering of the CAD~, 211 which agrees with ARMT XV,
1ine 12'), Huffmon, Amorites, 244-245, Noth Ursprunge, 38, and M. Wagner,
193. Further, AHw, 122b (be/frum), 'Soldaten' and Huffmon, Amorites, 146.
Festschrift Baumgartner, 364, and 364, n. 5. The CAD usua11y 1eaves the terro
In Xlll:43:13 LÚ.MES bi-ir-hu is probab1y an error for LU.MES bi-ih-ru. M.
unspecified and norma1ized in a number of ways (sakbu, sagbu, sakbu). In ~/l,
242 Noth, UrsprUn~, 35, compares with Hebrew ba~nr; see a1so, M. Wagner,
(a1ik harrani) it renders 'vanguards', an un1ike1y trans1ation.
87 - - Festschrift Baumga~tner, 358-359. It is difficult to differentiate, in many
CAD ~/l, 170 (a~aratu); ~, 335 (l,a) (burtu).
instances, between those be'ru-so1diers involved in military and civilian duties.
88See the note of Dossin in ARMT V, 123 (letter 1, 1ine 12').
102VII:185:5', 8', 17'; 198:ii:4 are inventories and registers in which
89ARMT XV, 272; Munn-Rankin, Irag, 18(1956), 105-106.
90 be~r~ are inscribed. It is probable, however, that these were manual workers,
On E/lmar, see ARMT XV, 128; ARMT XII, 251; XIII:35:4,18; 126:5, and

1astly Goetze, JCS, 18(1964), 114, n. 4. cf., ARMT VII, 245 (§56), 325 (§102), 'travailleur qua1ifié'. Simi1ar1y VI:

v ' 77. ARM X:82:5-17 speaks of "opening of the house of cab1ets that are sealed
91They are known to have aocompanied the DUMU.MES.LU.DU.E, 'diplomats(?),

of high position, Dossin, "archives épisto1aires," 119. by your [Kakkabiya or Zimri-Lim] sea1 ..•and the 'tota1ity of the census'

92
Cf., CAD~, 419 (2), and 11:95:15. (napharat tebibtim) were removed." See a1so X:12:26-29.

103V1:40 does imply conscription and this essay has assumed its existence.
93ARMT XV, 178-179 (idum)j CAD ~/l, 343 (1); AHw, 32a.
94 But see Landsberger's statement in JCS, 9(1955), 124, n. 20:b "The idea of
lrag, 18(1956), 106-107.

95CAD~, 198-199. conscription for mi1itary service is a1ien to the 01d Baby10nian age." ~,

96 Evans, JCS, 14(1960), 35, n. 11.

ARMT XV, 172; CAD ~/1346; AHw, 36a.
97 104The 1ast two citations carne from Jean's trans1iterations in RA, 36(1939),
ARMT XV, 152, 154.

112. Cf., CAD~, 211 (b).

98possib1y the same person, despite the time 1apse, who appears in

lV:1:16. 105ARMT XV, 193; ARMT VII, 245 (§56); CAD B, 33 (b,2'); AHw, 96a.
 -------------------------- •••.• -------------------- UlI'l

64 65

106Driver and Miles, Laws, 1, 115-116, and index p. 513.

114ARMT VII, 305 (§91, 50). CL the messenger known as --...,..-.. -
rab hattim, lit.,

107
See further Koschaker, ZA, 47(1942), 147ff. 'possessor of the staff' (11:74:4), CAD ti, 156, AHw, 337b (3,c). We now know

108For pa~tum, 'axe' , see E. Salonen, Waffen, 19-21; CAD~, 33(b,2');

from X:lO:14 that at Mari the w--
hattum
•• - was a symbol of royal power.

ARMT XV, 242; ARMT VII, 307 (§91, 200). 115E• Salonen, Waffen, 147-151, argues, not unpersuasively, that the

109
The fragmentary letter 1:114 may have been a response to 1:31. tilpanum was a kind of a thrown weapon, perhaps a throwstick, rather than a

bow. Prof. J. Van Dijk was kind enough to inform me that the reading SUB, not
Yasmab-Adad dispatched 40 such soldiers "according to the message .•• I have

sent to Daddy." RU, has been established by a phonetically written text giving gi~.pu (= giS.

In his recent article in BiOr, 25(1968), 161-162, E. Salonen studies (su)p/bu). See also ARMT VII, 289 (§83); Hoffner, RHA, 80(1967), p. 97,

1:31 and wonders whether the use ofaxes might indicate the ba'irum was sent n. 171; CAD~, 359(12). 10 GIS.SUB are possibly listed in the fragmentary

on 'important missions': "Die ba'irum-soldaten waren wahrscheinlich eine X:169:9,40 in X:172:13. Cf., also, X:161:7.
116
Art Kommandosoldaten, die mit bestimmten Sonderkommandos, wie z.B. mit For the qattum, see E. Salonen, Waffen, 40-42.
»
l17Yadin, Warfare, 1, 62-63. No representation of the bow from Mari is
Striefen, Uberrumpelungen und Zerstorungswerken mit den besagten Waffen

beauftragt wurden. known to me.

Sie waren darum keinem Orstkommandanten untergeordnet,
118
For other appellations, see E. Salonen, Waffen, 109-125.
sondern sie gehorten zu ihren eigenen Truppenabteilungen, die ihre Befehle

und Auftrage von den hoheren Personen erhielten." 119parrot, Le Palais, 11, 72-73; plates XVI, 2; XX; colored plate B, b.
This seems to go far
beyond the evidence. l20Note that the facial features of all the protagonists painted into
(Salonen's translation of line 5-15, by the way, does

not give full credit to Shamsi-Adad). the investiture scene have been mutilated. This act can be accredited to

110CAD -
E, 408 -
(2); D, 70-71 (3); Oppenheim, ----
Letters, No. 49, p. 107; ~ammurapi of Babylon after his conquest of Mari, Parrot, Le palais, 11, 54ff.

ARMT VII, 245 (§56). Wel1-to-do men were paid a salary for their efforts as A. Moortgat, "Die Wandgemalde im Palaste zu Mari und Ihre Historische Einordnung,"

is revealed by the following from a district governor: "Since the BenjamaniteS Baghdader,Mitteilungen, 3(1964), 68-74, thinks the Mari paintings to have

originated in three separate periods, stretching fron the ~ate Ur 111 era to
are continually seeking to pillage, let my lord chose 10 well-to-do men, pay
that of Zimri-Lim. The investiture scene is ascribed to the latter's. While
them 2 shekels (each?), and let them stay in Tuttul by Lanas;:;'.",Dossin, "Ben-

jaminites," 987: 20'-24'. this study attempts to limits itself ~

to the Yahdun-Lim-Zimri-Lim epochs,

11lARMT, 235 (§52). For the LU ra-ak-bu-ú, see above, n. 100. Moortgat's conclusions, even if proven correct, will not appreciably alter
112
ARMT XV, 195 (bas~rum); AHw, 665b. the suggestions presented within.

113It l21But for their base and the thinness of their shaft, one might even
is unlikely that an 'ear-ring' is meant (ARMT VII, 185, §17, 20),
since, ;in think these to have been javelins rather than arrows. Compare the Beni-Hassan
XIII:6:5, we read of such creations weighing one kilo.

representations conveniently reproduced in Yadin, Warfar.a, 1, 63.

 66
67

1~
122Louvre AO 19494, reproduced ín Yadín, Warfare, 1, 164. For the quíver, Sa10nen, Waffen, 90-92. Cf., a1so, note 123, above.
see Sa10nen, Waffen, 76-80.
135ARMT XV, 270; Sa10nen, Waffen, 89-90; CAD ~, 201, the interpretatíon of

123GIS.~I.DU (?), GIS.IGI.KAK (?) wíth many Akkadian equíva1ents known, whích ís now strong1y questíoned by an unpub1íshed cítatíon, see ARMT XIII,
11

e.g., gubrum, da~ímum, ~i11um, which may, however, refer to lance and jave1ín 156-157 (letter 56, 1íne 4), 172 (letter 144, 1íne 32). On the spears of

heads (see ~ukkurum, be10w), cf., Sa10nen,~, 85-86, 122-125. MB IIa, see Yadín, Warfare, 1, 60-62, 156-157.
124See ARMT XIII, 157 (letter 4, line 7).
136Father Cap1ice has been kínd enough to refer me to G. R. Dríver, WO, 2
125 4 é o
ARMT XV, 25 ; Bott ro, ARMT VII, 307 (§91, 19 ). The renderíng 'naí1' (1954), 20, where the renderíng 'large shíe1d .••made of wíckerwork' has

usua11y fo11owed by a questíon mark occurs most common1y. Indeed, metal maí1s a1ready been proposed. He trans1ates 11:50:9': "ít cast down ••• its shíe1ds".

are known from Mari where they were emp10yed ín the cu1t, see J. Berno11es,
Parrot, e a a1S, In other 73
words,
1316,
768, he thínks
(and 69-70;
1073;
p1.
noteXXXIII.
pp.
p1. 78
3), that
XXIX.
IlI, pp.
111, No.
Nos. n,
(andthe army4);
note waspl.routed,
XVII; íbíd.

RA, 57(1963), 5ff.; Parrot, Syría, 44(1967), 22-23. LeThePa1ais,

139parrot, mí1itary contexts 137 Le Pa1aís,
138parrot, L P 1 .

ín whích this term occurs shou1d be agaín emphasízed. Both 'naíl' and 'arrow-

head', ít may be added, may have ultímate1y been deríved from a ~oromon root,

s~, whích connotes the 'drívíng ín' of an object. See, wíth due apo10gies, D color pl. E.
of Arabíc ~.
140parrot, Le Pa1ais, lI, 54-55 (and 55, notes 4,5); pl. XI; color pl. A.
126See a1so 1:62:21'-23'
It ís ínterestíng that 11:1:7 has GIS On this scene, see M-Th. Barre1et and G. Dossin Studía Maríana, 9-35, 36-40;

sa-am-ra-tum, a1though the product was to be manufactured out of copper. Thís Moortgat, Baghdader Míttei1ungen, 3(1964), 68-74. What Parrot descríbes as

ís to be compared wíth GIS.SI.DU (IGI.KAK). So a1so in VI:69:6'. On the "deux masses f1euríes" (.2.E.'
cit., 55) ín Ishtar's quiver seem to me to be a

(mís)use of the determínatíve at Marí, see the remarks of Bottéro, VII, 283, mace and 2 bí11-hooks. See Le Pa1aís, 111, No. M 1410, pp. 67-68 p1. XXVIII.
note l.

141See the bíb1íography co11ected by Bottéro, ARMT VII, 305 (§91, 5°).
127B.
Landsberger, AfO, 18(1957-58), 378; Sa1onen, Waffen, 135-136.
128J•
142CAD ~/l, 179 (8) which trans1ates simí1ar1y.

ARMT
Laess~e,
IX, 355 (k).
The Shemshara Tab1ets, Copenhagen, 1959, 80. See al so 143Dossin, "archives économíques," 112; CAD --
I/J, 239 (2'); Sa10nen, ---
Waffen,

154-155.

129 _ v ~/l,
130 Landsberger, AfO, 19(1959-60), 66; CAD~, 245 (epísu), 57(2,c). 1440ther citatíons of maces símí1ar1y dedicated to divinitíes are to be foti

131
Sa1onen, ~, Chapter 9, 81-93.
in Dossin, "archives économiques,", 107 (CAD l, 47); VII:240:i:1, 276:xííí',

Sa1onen, Waffen, 86-87, 'Lanze mít Htiftsttitze'; CAD l/l, 126(b); 290:6; X:96:9-10 (?); XIII:2:5,7 (?).
AHw, 377b.
132 145Yadín, Warfare, 1, 59-60, 166-170.
ARMT XV, 263; Sa10nen, ~, 90. 146
133 ARMT XV, 205; CAD g, 133; AHw, 332; Sa1onen, Waffen, 14-16; ARMT VII;
CAD.Q, 84(1,a).
304-305 (~1, 20); IX, 322 (§119, 20).
 r ()

i7Oppenheim, Catalogue of the Eames Collection, 1948, pp. 138-139 But the phrase ki~idam nakasum may mean to 'cut the jugular vein.' cf.
~; ARMT VII, 332-333 (§111); CAD ti, 134 (d).
48 - CAD~, 410 (3~). See a1so Finet, Annuaire, Inst. Phil. Hist. Oro SI. -
See above, note 108.
Univ. Bruxel1es, 14(1954-57), 127, note 2. According to Dossin, La Divination,
i9written AGA-sa-li-ki GAL. CAD ~/l. 148; AHw, 16a; Salonen, ~, 13-14.
p. 85, the unpublished A. 4260 contains a command to Zirnri-Lim from the god
rOparrot, Le Palais, 11, 73, pl. SVII; color pl. E.
Sama~ to forge a large sword of bronze so. that it can be presented to Nerga1
r1Yadin, Warfare, 1, 59-60.
It is possib1e that we are dea1ing with the
of Ne~alim. Until publication of the text, it cannot be determined whether
Ixe', better known than the 'epsilon-type' in Mesopotamia of the ME IIa,
the sickle-sword or the dagger is the weapon referred to.

159A bronze blade was found at Mari, Le Palais, 111, M 1397, p. 86, XXXIII.

2pa~rot, ,Le Pa1ais, 111, Nos. M 685, 733, 933; pp. 84-85; p1. XXXIII. 160Le Pa1ais, 11, 42-43 (No. 53).
f60'
~, No. M 1507,
168-171. 1508, p. 67, p1. XXVIII; M 768, 1073, pp. 69-70,
161AHw, 698a; Sa10nen, Waffen, 114-115. 15 the riksum, mentioned in
~X. On this type ofaxe-blade, see Yadin, Warfare, 1, 59.
VI: 69: 4 ~, to be considered a weap-on?
4Le Palais, 111, M 994, p. 85, pl. 33 (mistakenly labeled No. 999).
162Le Palais, 11, p. 100, pl. XXIII, 1,2, Color pl. C.
rParrot, Le Palais, 11, p. 55; p1. Xa, XI; color pl. A. Yadin, Warfare,
163Le Pa1ais, 11, 72-73, pl. XVI, 2; XX, color p1. B,b. See also the scene
"The goddess Ishtar holds a weapon in her left hand which exemplifies
in room 132, which depicts soldiers (?) (according to Parrot, pp. 81-82, 'fish-
lnsition from
I shal10w crescent axe to sickle sword." See also pp. 60-61,
ermen') dressed simi1arly, p1. XIX and co10~ p1. E. A sensitively shaped head

of alabas ter wears a gear indentica1 to that of the wounded soldier, Le Pa1ais,
Le Palais, 11, p. 75, pl. XVII, color p1. E.
111, M 1371, pp. 11-14, fig. 9, pl. VII-VIII. Hisham B. Safadi, however, dates
Le ~, 111, pp. 189-190, pl. XLI-XLII; pp. 169-185, fig. 104-106.
this artifact to the Agade Period, "Zur Datierung des 'Kriegerkopfes' ausMari,"
111, Nos. 71-73, 81. On these cy1inders see the discussion of Amiet,
Anna1es Arch~ologiques Arabes Syriennes, 16(1966), 63-73 (=*5-*14).
Dire iconographique de Mari," Syria, 37(1960), 229-232. An example of
164Le Pa1ais, 111, pp. 69-70, p1. XXIX, fig. 55. cf. M 1073, p. 70, XXIX.
~le sword, also depicted he1d by Ishtar, can be noticed on the sealing
165Le Pa1ais, 111, 267, sub 'polos'. For the he1met, see Sa10nen, Waffen,
:lay bulla, A. Parrot, Mission archéologique de Mari, 11l, les Temples
67-68; -
CAD E, 149 --
(el~); H, 228b v---
(huliam); ARw, 353-354.
~ ~ de Ninni-zaza (BAR, 86) Paris, 1967, 274 and pl. LXXVI, No. 2768.
166Yadin, Warfare, 1, 11-12, 14-15, 59-60 •
•RMT XV, 244; Salonen, ~, 49-55. Following Von Soden who reads
167CAD~, 139 (a~,2~); Sa10nen. Waffen, 101-104; ARMT VII, 292-293 (§86);
ather than patrum. However, he, apud ARM XV, 244, thinks that the GIR
285 (§80, 70). See a150 I:19:1~.
e trans1ated 'sabre' in 11:129:16-18 on the ground that aman cannot
168~n this subject, see Yadin, Warfare, 1, 37-40.
ugh the neck with a dagger. Salonen,~, 49-52 apparently agrees.
169ARMT XV, 187; CAD E. 296 (3'); AHw, 238; A. Salonen, Die Landfahrzeuge des

The Sumerogram can also

.-- ,
Alten Mesopotamien (A.A.S.F., Series B, 72/3), 28ff.
 70
71

183
be read sumbu, on whieh see CAD S, 244; A. Sa10nen, Landfahrzeuge, 62ff., ARMT XV, 206; AHw, 412b; add X:171:9; Sa10nen, Waffen, 29-31;

109ff.; ARMT VII, 291-292 (!liS), IX, 325 (§122, 10).

Kupper, RA, 45(1951), 125-128.
170
ARMT XV, 200; A. Sa10nen, Landfahrzeuge, 40ff.; ARMT VI, 122 (letter 184
ARMT XV, 240; Sa10nen, Waffen, 36-37.
, ARMT
20 IX,
325 (§l22,
76, line 12);
30); VII,
XIII, 161(§SS);
291 (letter
AHw,18,575;
1ineX:123:20.
S).
185 ARMT VII, 201 (§26, 80).
172In other eitations, XIII:5:7; 6:17; 8:17, Yasub-A~ar is a1ways
186Yadin, Warfare, 1, 17.
187 -
Huffmon, Amorites, pp. 36, 152, 204; CAD tl, 88 (~A); but notl
eonneeted with metal workings.
173 Von Soden's reading ha-ra-di~-im~, AHw, 322b (~aradu(m) 111).
ARMT VII, 291 (§SS); CAD ~, 75; AHw, 319b. But ef. Landsberger, apud
188phrase appropriated from Saggs, Iraq, 25(1963),148. On the subje(
ARMT VII, 358 (h).
provision in the Mari tab1ets, see the interesting remarks of H.Lewy,
174For the prob1em, see Dossin ARMT V, 137 (letter, 66, 1ine S); Birot,
Orienta1ia, 27(1958), 55-58. On the "Mesopotamian Rátion System," see 1.
ARMT IX, 301 (§90, 10).
Ge1b, JNES, 24(1955), 230-243.
175See Birot, RA, 49(1955), 16ff.; Kupper, Nomades, 226, n. l.

176CAD A, 267 (a); !, 312 (e'); Q, 64; Oppenheim's trans1ation is in

189ARMT XV, 269; CAD S, 172b, XIII:33:13, passim.

1905ee Burke, ARMT XI, 135-140 (§§14-17) who a1so gives a bib1iograph:
Letters, No. 55, p. 105.
177 this subjeet's treatment; AHw, 741-742; X:16:23, and Hallo and Levine, HUI
See also the fragment quoted by Dossin from the unpub1ished A.727:
38(1967), 46. On the kispum, 'funerary mea1', see further Birot, ARMT XI
"1 have 'embarked Yawl-Addu with al1 his men, together with !!ammi-naqemum,
23. It is apparent that the mea1s of roya1ties were quite e1aborate, pos:
and have dispatehed them today to my lord." RA, 61(1967), 20. In III:56, a
a1so designed to win friends and inf1uenee peop1e. In 1:52:31-35, Shamsi'
eertain Larim-Bab1i appears to have eommanded (?) a flotilla of ships. Note,

a1so, Syria, 33(1956), 65:22-23. Adad responds to his son's request to 'open the jars' of the pa1aee, i.e.

to 'throw a party' (H. Lewy, Orieg~ªliª, 27(1958), 57). Frowning at os te

17:8ARMT VII, 291-292 (§85) and the eontributions of Landsberger, apud
Shamsi-Adad paints a b1aek pieture of the situation at Mari and adds: "T"
addenda f', g, h, k, pp. 358-359; AHw, 312b, 432b, 594b. CL, a1so, Hoffner,

RHA, 80(1967), 97, n. 170. administration of Mari (however) is we11 organized. Give the men regular
179 o
ARMT VII', 283 (§80, 2 ); CAD~, 1. mea1s at your tab1e, (but) do not give them a faney mea1. They shou1d al,

180Dossin, "L'lnseription de foundation de labdun-Lim, roi de Mari," eat p1ain1y." (CAD S, 235, l, 237 (2,b,2'».
191 .
Syria, 32(1955), 7:iii:4-25. Note the unpub1~shed tab1et to whieh Birot refers, ARMT IX, 276, n

181E. Unger, "Belagerungmaehinen," R1A, l, pp. 471-472; Salonen, Waffen, A1so Birot, RA, 52(1958), 179-180; Burke, ARMT XI, 135, note 2.

25-38; Yadin, Warfare, l, 69-71. 192Despite his assertion in 1ine 13 that "1 am ready", Yasim-Sumu was

182~RMT XV, 198; AHw, 171a (l,e); CAD Q, 145 O',e); Kupper, RA, 45(1951)', apparent1y quite unsueeessfu1 as we 1earn from XIII:57; ef. Syria, 41(196

126; Sa10nen, Waffen, pp. 26-27.

 72
73

36. But it is possible that the latter text deals with artisans rather than
210CAD E, 208-209; 1/~,321; S, 237 (1), 208; ~, 11 (3'); ARMT XV, 258
military personnel.
(~abrum), and the recent trans1ation of Oppenheim, Lettars, No. 47, p. 106.

1935ee also H. Lewy, Orientalia, 25(1956), 332.

21~ut sea the CAD's awkward rendering in~, 26 (9, 2,2',a').
194
But see Kupper, Nomades, 24, note 2.
212CAD~, 372(1).

1955ee the numerous references in ARMT XV, 328 ('Rassia-rezzou'). 213For translation sea Dossin Divination, 77-86.

1965ee the remarks of H. Lewy, Orientalia, 27(1958), 55. On supplying 2140n the symbolism associated with hair, fringes of garments, and nail

the cities during peacetime, see Birot, Syria, 41(1964), pp. 40-44.
clippings, Finet announces an article to be published in the Annale~ du
,
197CAD l, 115. H. Lewy comes to a similar conclusion by analysing a Centre d'Etudes des Religions (Institut de Sociologie de l'Université Libre

V:28:16ff., Qrientali~, 27(1958), 55, note 2. See al so her remarks in JAOS, Bruxelles). These objects were probably considered as substitutes for an

69(1947), 7, those of Bottéro in ARMT VII, 272 (§74), and of Kupper in individual who may be far away. It is possib1e that as soon as such object

Nomades, 6. In non-military expeditions, the rationing was more liberal, were received by the king, they were p1aced in the hand of a priest who the
1:117.
questioned the gods and determined the re1iabi1ity of the prophet or seer.
198
ARMT XV, 211; AHw, 513a; cf. CAD ~, 74 (~allu); ~, 125 (2,b); ARMT Compare the tamttu ritual texts as presented by Lamberc, Divination, 119-12
VII, 326-327 (§103, 10).
especially 120-121. See al so Malamat, Supplement to VT, 15(1965), 207-227,

199ARMT XV, 181; CAD l/~, 166 (3',d); ARMT VII, 326-327 (§103, 10); which a number of additional references can now be added from ARM X: 7:23-2

IX, 343 (§140). Add, now, X:36:19.

8:21-28, 50:29-33; 81:20-21, A. 455 (unpublished), Dossin, Divination, 79-8
200
ARMT XV, 256; cf. CAD ti, 93 (l,c). 215See also, G. Dossin, "Une révélation du Dieu Dagan a Terqa," RA,
201ARMT XV, 241.
42(1948), 125-134.
202Birot, Syria, 41(1964), 30.
216ARMT XV, 195; CAD!, 121 (a,c'), 123 (b,b'), 124(3' ,b'); AHw, 109-1
203 o o
ARMT, XV, 272; ARMT VII, 263 (§71, 9 ); XII, 11 (B, 4 ).
ARMT VII, 345 (§l26); Oppenheim, Letters, translation No. 39, pp. 99-100; ~

204ARMT XV, 181; AHw 387-388; CAD l/~, 193 (b, 2').
Syria, 41(1964), 111. On the art of the diviner, sea Oppenheim, Ancient
205CAD l/~, 193.
Mesopotamia, 1964, pp. 206-227. For his presence at Mari, see Jean, Six
206
ARMT XV, 252; AHw, 561a; ARMT VII, 328-329 (§l05).
campagnes de foui11es a Mari, 1952, pp. 49-50, the remarks of Finet in RA,

207ARMT XV, 242; XIIl:57:14; ARMT VII; 327-328 (§104), 190-192 (§22). 53(1959), pp. 67-69 and the latter's article in Divination, 87-93.

208CAD S, 49(2'); ARMT VII, 190-192 (§22); Birot, Syria, 41(1964), 217M• Rutten, RA, 35(1938), pp. 36-70 (Nos. 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 27
54, note 2.
(A, B), 30, 31 (B, D), 32, and A.O. 8894 (p. 51». See further Gelb, RA,

209J• Bottéro, Le Probleme des Habiru (C.S.A., 12), No. 35, pp. 24-25, 50(1956), 4.
and p. 25, note 4.
 74
75

218
See also the case of Akba-tlarnmu, a contemporary of Yasmab-Adad, and 232Thureau-Dangin, RA(1936), 172:48-51.

barQ-priest at Tel1 a1-Rimah (Karana ?). Re was also known to have 1ed 233 ' -
Jean, RES, 1937, 110:9ff.; CAD Q, 16 (dabibu). But see the last linE
military expeditions, S. Page, lraq, 30(1968), 91. At Mari of Zimri-Lim's
of this unnumbered fragmento According to the broken passage in X:155:4-5.
period, an Il~u-nasir is cal1ed a barnm in two instances, 11:22:23; 139:8.
Meptum, a pa1ace functionary, dispatchs members of his outpost (bazahatum) t
In XIII:41:20, 24, an l1~u-nasir, probab1y the same person, \.as p1aced as head
act as spies.
of a contingent of saRbu-sentinels. 234
Rutten, RA, 35(1938), No. 32; Ge1b, RA, 50(1956), 4-5; CAD!J:!,22 (i~)
219ARMT VII, 201-203 (§27); AfO, 2(1938), 141ff.
235 ARMT XV, .)
328 (rébe11~on , 331 (')
Revolte; CAD E, 20 4 (bartu -
epetu);
220Literari1y 'to eat the asakkum' which may have been a sort of herb.
-ª., 130 (baru, and re1ated terms: baran~, bartu, ~a barti); Q (gabarahg.!!)
Compare VIII:16:6'- 7' with VIII:11:29-30. See also AR}1T XV, 176; ARMT 11,
X: 6: 3'.
235 (letter 13); Thureau-Dangín, RA, 38(1941), 41-43; ARMT VII, 342 (~24, 10);
236Von Soden, however, translates: "our lord is in charge of our ••.•••
VIII, 66-68 (§§12-13), 173-177 (§§19-22); CAD~/.b255 (l,a); AHw, 73 (asakku(m),
apud ARMT XV, 251 (ra~um).
11). But note Dossín's relilarksin Divinatíon, 85.
237 -
ARMT XV, 271; Kupper, RA, 45(1951), 120-125; CAD~, 223 (temu).
221See líver omen No. 24:2, RA, 35(1938); CAD S, 49 (d,2').
238Note that the word tukkum occurs in Mari a1ways in military contexto
222Thureau-Dangin, "Textes de Mari," RA, 33(1936), 172:37-44.
223 . 239CAD~, 321(b); Kupper, "L'Opinion publique a Mari," RA, 58(1964). 8l.
Munn-Rank~n, Iraq, 18(1956), 103.
224
240CAD Q, 40 (b,2').
Huffmon, Amorites, 28; X:158:2; CAD!, 323; AHw, 105a; ARMT XV, 153

(Puqaqu). 241CAD I/J, 220

___ (2'); B, 42(1,g); H,
>J 63 (b); __A/l, 223 (d); -E, 270 (4.b).

The Mari texts repeatedly contain admonitions to the king to protect himse1f
225Kupper, Syria, 41(1964), 115-116; RA, 41(1947), 181-182.
242
See also Kupper, RA, 58(1964), 79-82.
226ARMT XV, 170, 'voisínage, entourage'; AHw 20b (2), 'umgebung'; CAD
~/!,190 (2).
243
CAD !/~, 231 (4); cf. EA 162:31.

227See --
the entry ittu (A), CAD --
I/J, 308 (3,b), 'inside ínformatíon'. 244CAD~, 42 (2', 3); ~/1 204 (2'); ~, 13 (14), ti, 240; Lambert. BWL.

280.
Cf., Laess¡6e, Shemshara, 32, SR 920, r. 20: "1 asked him and he gave me

inside informatíon from the circles of royal friends." (apud CAD). 245Dossin, "Benjaminites," 992; CAD~, 159 (2); Q, 30 (3,c).
228 246 -
CAD Q, 48(3,2,d). CAD~, 202 (alu).

229ARMT XIII, 168 (letter 107, 1ine 12). 247Ibid.

230See also VI:18:9'-18'.

248Smith, "Yarim-Lim of Yamhad,"
"' RSO, 32(1957), 167, n. l.
249
231ARMT XV, 217; AHw, 556a (4,b); X:155:5;~hureau-Dangin, RA, 33(1936), 1:77:24; Dossin, BARB, 40(1954), 421-422.

175, note 10; Jean, RES, 1937, p. 110. The term may have been broad enough tO
include spíes and informers.
 76
77

250CAD S, 39(3');!/~14(3'); Munn-Rankin, Iraq, 18(1956), 86; S. Smith, 269See a1so Dossin, "archives épisto1aires," 121. Note further TR. 401

Anato1ian Studies, 6(1956), 37. a tab1et froID contemporaneous Te11-a1-Rima~, which speaks of goods taken fr

~ubat-En1i1 and distributed among a number of kings. Zimri-Lim's name

251For a plausible reconstruction of mi1itary events during Uarnmurapi's

war with E~nunna and E1am, in which he was a11ied with Mari, See H. Lewy, occurs among those sharing in the spoi1s, S. Page, Iraq, 30(1968), 89.

Orienta1ia, 25(1956), 342-352. 2700n Bunuma-Addu, see Finet, Syria, 41(1964), 137-139.

252ARMT XV, 198 (aMtum); CAD ~/l. 46(2, 2',b); AHw, 673; ARMT VII, 193 271Dossin, "archives épisto1aires," 1'21; "Benjaminites," 987-988;

(§23); Bottero, ~, 127, note 5; Kupper, Syria, 41(1964), 108. 1:97:16-20. 111:16:22-23 indicates that enemies tried to sneak, under the
253 _
II:131:33!; XIII:108:6'; AHw, 700b (nabutu 1). cover of darkness, within a fortified city.
254
ARMT XV, 203; CAD ti, 50, 38(2,a,c); AHw, 313b, 310b; ARMT XV, 192 272CAD A/l., 20 (b,b'). Restore (courtesy Kupper, 1etter of 15 mai,

(BA.gA), 227-228. 1968) in 1ine 6 in fine: la ta-[du-k]u.

273 -
255ARMT XV, 235; AHw, 754a; ARMT XIII, 164 (letter 30, 1ine 6), 165 AHw, 74a; W. F. Leemans, "The Asiru," RA, 55(1961),74-75 (§18);

X:4:41.
(letter 44, 1ine 8); IX, 287 (§69,3° d), 287, note 1; Landsberger, JCS,

274See the remarks of Bottéro, ARMT XIII, p. 162 (letter 21, l. 8').
9(1955),124-125; Kupper, RA, 53(1959), 64 (line22); Von Soden, Orienta1ia,

17(1948), 363; 21(1952), 16. 275ARMT XIII, Introduction; Dossin, Syria, 41(1964), 21-24. V:27:5-13

256ARMT XV, 244; VI:64:3'. speaks of 1030 prisoners taken. X: 125 and XIII: 21: 3'- 9' indicates that fen

257See a1ready Gordon, Arch. Orient., 18(1950), 206. captives were assigned to weaving duties.
258
AHw, 608b (l,b). 276CAD~, 52.
259
JCS, 9(1955), 125, note 21. 277Dossin, "Benjaminites," 993-994. Compare the 10 sheke1s ransom prie
260 "~
Note LU.LU.MES na-sa-~i-im in RA, 53(1959), 58:22, 23ff. at Baby1on, E. Szlechter, RA, 58(1964), 27-29; Oppenheim, Letters, No. 29,

261CAD 1./~, 223 (1'); ~/l. 86 (O; Dossin, "archives épisto1aires," 113. p. 93.
262 278
CAD.Q, 74( 2); ~, 65 (a). ARMT XV, 217; AHw, 558a.
263 -
On the term alanO, 'exi1e', cad CAD ~/l. 334; X:74:15. 279CAD.!?, 11 (3'); ~, 249 (1'). The consequence of this act may perhar

264 o be ref1ected in a 1etter from Shemshara, Laess~e, Landsberger Festschrift,

Von Soden's restoration, apud ARMT XV, 254 (san~qum, 2 ).
265
CAD~, 320 (1) (era). 191: 28ff.

266Dea1ing with nabutum, cf., CAD~, 146(c); ARMT XV, 227-228.

267Dea1ing with ~a1qum (BA.tlA).

268Bottéro, ~, 22-23 (No. 28); IV:24:12-13; various texts assemb1ed

by Dossin in "Benjaminites,".
 7

lndíces

Numerals followíng In. refer to footnote numb.ers. For conveníenCE

as much as for economy of space, two or more secondary references are unj

ínto one. Underlíned numerals refer to translatíon of cíted passages.

(A) Akkadían terms:

abullatím ~ud~ (kal;); In.17. bel rum; 22-23, 35, In. 34, 101,_

abu11um; 4. belim (~a); 21.

v
agasalakkum; 29. cf. In.149. LU'MES bí-ír-9u; In.lOl.

agitu; 38.
da1ímum; In.123.
ahízu;
'"
15.
damtum; 46.
~la1ll7; In.263.
dímtum; 33.
alik ídím; 21.
lndíces díparum; In. 35.
alík vharraním; 6, In.17.
durum; 4.
alík KASKAL; In.99 .
-" ..
dusu; 32.
alík pan (~abím); 16.

aliktum; 21. ebbum; 9, In. 30.

amrí/ummum; 4, In.6. ebebum; 4, 42, In.30.

CAL a-mu-rí-ím; 11. eka11anu; 48.

asakkum; In.220. emuqum; 17, In.70.

asirum; 48. eríqqum; 31.

baddum; 16-17, In.68. gab(a)gallum; 32.

ba1aru; 23. gímírtum; 17, In.70.

ba1írum; 23-24, In.34, 109. gírsequm; 16, 47.

bar~m; 37, In.218. gízíll~m; In.35.

baz(a)batum; 7, In.26, 233. gubrum; In.123.

 80

8]
gurpisum/gursipum; 31.
1itanim (ana, ~a); 39, 40. pa§um; 29.
gurpisum SAG; 30.
.
sab GI~'TUKUL'HI'A;
.., 17 .
1i~um; 49. pa0rum; 30, In.158. ~abam darnqarn; In.17, 74.
1ubuiltum; 36. pa~irum; 45, 46-47.
~allurn; 32. sabum emuqatum; In.70.

ua1qum; 45, In.267. pi/ugrum; In.70.

magarrum; 31. ka/ibittum; 17-18.
.¡
pil~um; 33 •
GIS'GIGGIR ~a Damuttirn; 31. kutallum; 20.
mala11um; 32.
piqittum; 35.
ha-ra-di! -im!; In.187. madatum; 19.
maqtum; 45, 46.
pH~atum; 36.
~arran ~arrirn; In. 50. mu~a11imum; 21.
mar ~iprim; 24.

})a~~innum; 28. na~ irum; 21.

mitum ~ Dalqum; 45. qallum; In.72.

eaHum; /n.1l4. nibrarum; 19-20.

mubassirum; 24. qaqqad .•• ; In.75.

~
hiritum; 4.
mubbibum; 9, In.30. qa~tum; 25, In.116.
qal1atum; 17-18.

!;umus~m; 32. " rasum; 18.

munnabtum; 45. qu; 35.
ruddum; 19.
igum; 4, In. 9. quppu U~; 31.
nab1um; 30.
In.169.
sag/kbum; 20.
ilkurn; In. 50.
nabnat alim; In.37. rab !Ja~~im; In.1l4. ~i11um;
~ibittu; In.17.In.123.
tarditum;
sumbu;
~iditum;
~/sinnatum;
ti11atum; 18.27,
34,
19, 35. 31.
In.80.
irnittum; 26, 27.
n;;jbutum; 45. rab pirsim; 15.
iprurn; 35.
narkabtum; 31. LÚ ra-ak-bu-~; In. 100, 111.
isirnmanum; 35.
LÚ·LÚ·ME~ na-sa-9i-im; In. 260. red~m; 11, 12, 13-14, 16, 32,
i~atum; In.35. 49, In. 40, 50, 51, 62.
nasinum; 45-47.
riksum; In.161.
nasiqum; 15, In.58.
kakkum; 25, 28.
rudd~m; 19.
karnmakkum; 32. na~irum; 15, In.58.

kispum; In.190. neparum; In.17. sadaru; 11.

neparim ~urubu; In.17. sa/ulgum; 4.

ki~ir ~arrim; 19. sag/kbum; 27, In.86, 218.
~apirum; In.62.
kiFum; 18-19. ni-~[i]-ir-tim; 39. samratum; 26, In.126.
sinnum; 27.
nubalum; 31. sattukum; 35.
ki~adarn nakasum; In.158.
~ukkurum; 27, In.123.
kupru; In.9. LÚ ~a nuba1im; 31. suqaqum; 11, 13, 47, In.46.
~ut SAG; In.62.
kururnmatum; 35.
pasru; 32. sab a9 Purattim; In.76.

pa~tum; In.l08. taeeum; In.40.

1aputt~m; 15, In.40, 62. sab báb ekallim; In.79.
 82
83

tamitu; In.214.
DUMU'ME~'É'DUB'BI; 9. SUK; 35. 19:1'; In.167.
tappinnum; 35 . .., ,
DUMU·MES·LU.DU·E; In.91. 20: In.15.
UGULA; In.62.
t~bibtum; 9, In.30, 32.
20:4'-10'; 5.
GA1'KUD; 11, 15. UGULA.MAR.TU; In.40.
ti1p~num; 25, In. 115.
20:11 '-15'; 5.
v UGULA.10.LÚ; 15-16, In.40.
GAL'MAR'TU; 12, 14, 20, In.40.
tukkum (LU'MES tukkim); 41, In.238.
22:8-15; 9.
Gl; 31.
V'
ZI; 45. 23; 9.
ubbubum; 9, In.30, 32.
GI quppu US; 31.
zÍD. SE; 35. 23: 26-29; 21.
ummm~num; 17, In.70.
GIR; 30.
24; In.249.
ummatum; In.70.
GIR'SI1SiGA; 16, In.63. (C) fassages cited 24:5'-21'; 44--45.
u:;>~um; 25.
GIS'GAG'TI; 25. ARM 1:
v ' 27:11; 38.

(w)akil b~btim; In.62. GIS'GIGGIR (GIGGIR); 31. 1; In.36. 27:22-24; 14.

waki1 pirsi; In.40. GIS'GIGGIR ~a ..,hamuttim; 31. 2; In.36. 27:24-30; l.9.

.., '"
(w)aklum; In.62. GIS'IGI'KAK (SI'KAK; SI'DU); 3; 36. 28:46.
26, 27, In.123, 126.
v 4:9-16; 33. 28: 7; 16.
wa~itum; 48.
GIS'MAR'GID'DA; .31.
(w)a~pu; 26. 5:4-13; 43. 28:20; In.62.
GIS' SUB; 25, In.11S.
5: 36-38; 49. 29:5-24; 27. 39, 40, 49.
y~tibum; 33. GIS'TUKUL; 28.
6:16-19; 10, In.48. 31:9.11. In.62. 109.

ziq(t)um; In.3S. !!ÚB'TI'LA; 24. 6: 38; 45. 31:37; 29.

7:37; 9. 35:20-22; 34, 35-36.

LU'EGIR; 23.
(B) Sumerian Terms: 8:5-17; ~. 36:23-29; 9, 49.

NINDA' KASKAL[LA]; 34. 10:5-9; 48. 38:26.

AGA-sa-1i-ki; In.149.
~ 10:16-25; 40-!t!. 39:4-12; 2'
AGA'US; 13, In.40. NU'BANDA (BANDA, BANDA); 15, In.40.
~
AGA'US'SI'SA; In.62.
10:13'-14'; 36. 41. 39: r, 9', 10'; 34, 48, 49.
PA'KUD; In.40.
v V' 12: 5-6; 36. 42:8-9.
ANSE'GIS'GIGGIR; 32.
PA'PA; In.40.
13; 37, 47. 42:21; 45.

BA'gA; In.267. 13:8; 13. 42:34; 16.

SA'DUG4; 35.
SIG'BA; 36.
13:23; In.62. 42.: 38; 17.
DA~; In.40.
16:11-15; 35. 43:7; 34. 48.
DUB'SAR'MAR'TU; 12, In.40 • .r
SE'BA; 35.
84 85

43:6'-8'; 41. 97:16-20 In.271. 7:11-19; 3l. 33:5'; 42.

50; 32. 103:18'-19'; 48. 8:5-10; 35. 35:16, 47.
50:14; 32. 103:21'-23'; 38. 13:15, 37. 39:8-9; 16.
52:31-35; 41, In.190. 108:5-10; 11. 13:9; 14, 48. 39:32-33; 11.
53:4'-7'; 41. 111; 38. 13:23, 29; 11, 15, 48, In.62. 39:47; 2l.
57; In.l7. 113:6-9; n. 13:35-36; 14, 48. 39:68; 16.
60:6; 12. 114; In.109. 15:30-36; 33. 40:12-13; 18.
60:11-15; 34. 116:2'-6'; 24, 41, 23. 18:9; 46, In.48. 44:14-15; 20.
60:16; 17. 119; 13. 18:28; 15. 45:6; In.100.
62:16'-18', 20'; 27. 123:3-10; 44. 18:30-34; 41, 46. 48; 10.

62:21'-23'; In.126. 123:14; 2l. 20:5-9; 38. 50:7; 20.

66:5-12; 11:. 127; 4. 21:19-21; 10, 47. 50:9'; 27, 46, In.136.
66:4'; 34. 131:11, 14; 33. 21:10'-14'; 44. 51:10-11; 36.
69:2'-4'; 48. 135:6-9, 11; 33. 22:5-15; 17, 18, 40, 43. 52:1'-12'; 35.
73:42-47; 11. 138:33. 22:22-24; 37 In.218. 53:2-25; 46.
76:4-19; 46. 23:10, 11; In.41, 62. 60; 48.
ARM II:
77; In.249. 23:13-14; 38. 62: 5'- l' ;48.
1:4-9; 26.
79:5; 47. 23:26; 19. 62:18'-21': 44.
1:7; In.126.
82; 9. 24:8'; In.62. 67:1'-8'; 2.
1:10-23; 24.
83:31-39; 43. 24:9-12; 14, 17, 49. 67:12'; 8.
1:26-28; 35.
85:10'-14'; 37. 25:4-8; 10, 38, In.49. 72:6-7; 16
3; 2.
88:12; 21. 27:3-5; 20. 72:8; 38
3:12; In.7l.
90:4-14; 44, 14. 30:5-12; !!.. 75:4, 20; 20.
5; 44.
90:20; 4. 30:1'-9'; 11.. 88:7-8; 7, In.26.
6:18-21; 14.
91:5; 45. 30:10'-11'; 16. 88:17; 4, In.5.
6:20; 11, 16.
91:6; 45. 31:5-12; ]2.. 92; 7.
7; 33.
12:11-15; 48, 49. 31:4', 6'-14'; 41, In.4l. 92:12; 47, In.48.
7: 8; 33.
33:8; In.70. 92:25-27; In.17.
86
81
96:15; 15, In.92. ARM III

97; S. 2:7; In.82. ARM IV 74:20; U, 15.

98:4'-l'; 20. 7:10, 11; In.82. 1; 47. 76:40-45, 46; 40, 45, In.39.

101:10-12; 4. 7:14; In.62. 10:44.

1:16;
2:12;
5;14, In.98.
2:16; 46.
16.
In.62. 79; 31.
102; 7. 8:13; 48. 81; 32, 35.

102:20-24; In.17. 10:7-U; 4. 81:28-36; 38.

103; 7. U: 7-8; 4. 86:9; 19.

103:12-13; 11, 13, 15. 12:6, 7. 86: 36-41; 46.

105; 7. 13:7-10; 6, In.37. 10:7'-15'; In.13. 88:5; 18.

107:16-19; 33. 14:18. 17:17; In.62.

ARM V
UO; 33. 15:6. 22:20-23; 49.
1:4'-U'; In.13.
116: 11; 25. 16:40. 23; 43.
2:10-13; 48, 33.
118; ~, In.49. 16:22-23; In.271. 24; lO-U, 43.
2:4'-5', 5'-7'; 13, 42.
120; S. 17: 21-24; 7. 24:12-13; In.268.
2:1l'; 16.
121; 39. 18:42, In.17. 26; In.J...
3:15
122:5-7; 16. 19:23; 9. 26:10; 16.
3:7, 14; 11, 15.
127:3-10; 26, 4. 19:10-33; 9. 29:34-39; lQ.
16; 47-48.
129:3; In.41. 21:7; In.48. 32:28; 20.
17; 44.
129:16-18; 30, In.158. 21:13; 9. 33; 48.
18:5; 19.
130;26; 36. 26:23; 14. 43; 43.
18: 7; 12.
131; 13, 20. 27; 32. 44:12-16; S.
21:20-21; 42.
131:10-32; 44, 47, In.5, 253.
30:16-18; 2, In.74. 53; 48.
22; 35.
134:9-16; 21. 30:20-39; In.37. 57:U-12; 9.
23:5-10; In.70.
135:12; 12. 33:U; In.74. 63; 45.
139:8; In.218. 35:7-12; 20. 66:5; 27.
24; ll.
27:5-13; 46, 48, In.275.
139:15-16, 17; 28, 29, 30.
37:16-23; ~. 67; 16.
28:15-20; 16.
140:22; In.62. 38; 6. 68:14-25; 36.
31; 6.
141; 38. 74:15.
73:U-15;42.
33; 38.
74: 6; 18.
 88

89
35:8; 45.
19:12-22; 39.
55; 21-22. 49:6-8; 14.
35:13-23; 47.
20:21-24; 38.
57:9; 15. 63; 33
36:15-16:2., 46, /n.99.
27:15'-22'; 11, 35, 38, /n.8l. 58; 40.
69; 33.
37:1'-r; 2.. 28:22-23.
63:4-5; /n.100. 75: 3; 24.
40:10-11; 11, 15, /n.58. 28:14-15; 12. 63:6'-8'; 34. 84; 37.
43:17-19; 12, 20.
28:17-25; 12, 14, /n.41. 64; 7.
49:13; 19. 84:9'; 15.
28:17-31; 14. 64:3'; 47, /n.256. 117:7; 49.
52:18-21; 34.
29:15-21; 3-4. 64:7'-8'; 11, 12, 15. 119:3-4; 28.
58:9; 2l.
29:18; 4. 68; 32.
147:2; 14.
58:17; 32.
30:15-18; 6, 45, 47, /n.62. 69:4'; 34, /n.16l. 150:1-7; io.
61; 45.
30:27-32; 6. 69: S'; 11, 15. 161; 32.
61:5', 8'; 35.
31; 6, /n.17. 69: 6'; 26, /n.126. 161:16; 31.
62:5-7; 10.
. 32:16; /n.48. 69:8'-9'; 30. 180:iii:7; 23.
66; 32.
32:21; 25, 34. 71:4; 46.
180:iv:21; 23, /n.74.
69: 7; 35. 65:1; 37.
33; 38. 185: S', 8', Ir; /n.l02.
70:25-29; 19. 76:20-22; 22; 32.
36: 5; 36. 191; 8'; /n.74.
72:13. 77; /n.l02.
37:5-10; 45, 47. 191:9'; 3l.
72:11; 11, 15. 77:18; /n.70.
37:2'; /n.41. 198:ii:4; /n.l02.
72:12-15,20'-24'; 37. 38:6; /n.48. ARM VII 199:14'; 31.
74; 24.
40; ~, /n.48, 103. 13: 7; 36. 201:5'; 49.
77:8; 27.
41:8-9; /n.17. 14:8; 36. 215; 11, 15.
85; 46.
42:5-10; 45, /n.17. 16; 33. 215:1-2; 12.

43:18; /n.62. 17; 37. 215:3-14; 13.

~
46:3'-6'; 47. 21:2-6; 25. 215:31-33; 13, 15.
13:6; /n.79.
51; 44. 27:15, 37. 215:35; 15.
15: 16-17; 5.
51:4-5; /n.75. 33:2; 45. 240:i:l; /n.144.
16:8'; /n.80.
35:2; 45. 240:i:3'; 30.
18:9'-18'; /n.230. 52:5-6, 18-19; 45, /n.75.
49:2; n, 15, 37. 240:i:4'; 31.
 90

9
243: 3'; 25. 248:rev. 13'; In.49.
89: 7; 35. ARMT XIII
244:4'; 32.
ARM X 91:3'; In.44. 1; 48.
249: 2', 4', 6', 8', 10'; 29.
4:1-12; 38. 96:9-10; In.144. 2:5, 7; In.144.
249:rev. 12'; 29.
255:1-2; 3l. 4:23, 25; 48, In.81. H2:1; In.63. 4; 26.

263:iv:16'-17'; In.17 .
4:41; In.273. 113:17; 32. 5:7; In.l72.

276:xiii'; In.144.
. 6:3'-8'; 36, In.23S. 115:6; In.63. 6:17; In.172.

277:iii; 7:3-10; 36, 42. 122:1'-5'; 12.

In.144. 7:15-17; 4.
290:6; In.144.
7:23-27; 36, 42. 123:20; In.17l. 8:17; In.172.
8:21-28; 36, In.214.
125; In.27S. 14:4-6; 22 In.63.
ARM VIII
10; li, 32. 134; 48. 21: 8' :48
1: 30; 37. 10:14; In.114.
134:10; 32. 21:3'-9'; In.275.
11:29-30; In.220.
12:19; In.17.
150:5-7; In.17. 23; 37.
16:6'-7'; In.220.
12:26-29; n.102.
152: S, 13'; 20. 23:8-15; 36.
86:1-2; 27. 19:9; 25.
155: S; In.23l. 26:10; 4.
29:23; In.42.
ARM IX

36:19; In.199.
155:4, 6-7; In.2S, 235. 27: 7-10; i-i.
20:25; 29. 155: 12, 16; In.76. 30:6; 46.
SO; 37.
27:iii:lS-20; In.62.
158:2; In.224. 31:8; 4.
50:13; 36.
46:1-5,1-7; 12. 161:7; In.H6. 33; 34.
50:29-33; In.214.
48:5; In.4l.
165; 38. 34: 8-13; 34.
60:15-20; 12.
70; In.46, 49
169:9; In.H6. 35:41'8; In.90.
74:15; In.263.
80:5; 29.
171:9; In.183. 40:13-14; 31, 32.
102:15; 25. 80:11-19; 37, 48.
172:13; In.116. 40:41; In.17.
80:22-24; 42.
102:18; 26.
81:20-21; In.214.
178:11-12; In.76. 40:42; 4.
121:iii:2S-26; 46.
82:15; In.30.
178:14; In.70. 41:5; 32.
127:6; 32.
82:5-17; In.102. 41:19-23; 20, 27 In~218.
149:6; 32. ARMT XII
84:10; In.44. 43:13; In.10l.
169; In.46. 747:14; n.63.
85:6; In.17.
180:4; In.4l.
 92

51:4; 35. A. 727 /n.l77. RA, 35(1938): RES 1937:

54:9; 29. A. 4260; 36, /n.158. 2:ii:8-10; /n.55.
110:9ff; 40, /n.231, 233.
56:4; 27. AO. 8894; /n.217. 2:ii:17-18; /n.64.
Shernshara:
56: 11; 31. ARMT IX, 276, n. 1; /n.191. 6:ii:17; /n.64.

56:12; 26. SR 812; 26.

Dossin, "Benjarninites,": RA, 35(1938), 36-70: SR 920, rey. 20 /n.227.

57; 34, /n.l92.
987-988; /n.271. No. 24:2; /n.221.
57:13; 34.
Studia Mariana:
987:20'-24'; /n.110. No. 27a; /n.l.
102: 14-17; 18.
53; /n.5.
988:7; /n.82. No. 17, 19, etc.; /n.217.
102:21-22; 18.

990:20'-25'; 1:2., /n.81. No. 32; 40, /n.234. Syria, 19(1938):

104:6; 7.
993-994; /n.277.
107:10-19; 42. 113; /n.261.
RA, 35(1938):

108:6'; /n.253.
Festschrift Landsberger: 181; 20, /n.70, 82.
117:24-27; l.
108:1)'-16'; 7. 119; /n.91.
191:28ff: /n.279. 182:20; /n.71.

113; 37. 121; /n.269, 271.

191:11-14; /n.28. 182:7; /n.82.

114; 37. 125; 17.

!jabiru: RA, 36( 19 39) :

114:11-16; 36.
Syria, 20(1939):
21(No 26:24); 4. 112; 23.
117:14'-15'; 48.
107; /n.144.
24-25(No. 35); /n.209.
118: 12- 28; 7.
RA, 52(1958): 112; 28, /n.143.
126: 5; /n.90. HSS XV: 170; /n.63.

132:9; /n.74. Syria, 32(1955):

84; 31. 175; 20.

143; /n.36. 7:iii:4-25:33, /n.180.

Iraq, 30(1968): RA, 53(1959):

144:7-8; 4.
Syria, 33(1956):
90; In. 27. 58:19-22; 46.
144:32-34; 27.
65:2-3.
58:22; /n.260.
145; /n.36.
RA, 33(1936): 65:22-23; /n.177.
1 64:22; /n.255.
146:15-17; 33. ¡I
172:37-44; 38, /n.222. 65:31; 4.

172:48-51; /n.232. RA, 61(1967):

Unpublished texts:
Syria, 41(1964):
20, /n.I77.
A. 455 /n.214.
54, n. 2; 14.
 Bib1iography of Works Cited.

Abbreviations of journa1s and series fo11ows the sty1e recornmended

Orienta1ia, NS, 37(1968), l*ff.

Amiet, Pierre. "Notes sur le répertoire iconographique de Mari a l'époqu

Du Pa1ais," Syria, 215-232.

Berno11es, J. "Que1ques considérations anthropomorphiques sur les "clous

et les anneaux de 'fondation," RA,57(1963), 1-20.

Birot, Maurice (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari, IX: Textes administratif

de la salle 2 (TCL, XXX), Paris, 1960.

Archives roya1es de Mari, IX: Textes administratifs de la

sa11e 2, Paris, 1960.

Archives royales de Mari, XII: Textes admi~istratifs de 1

salle 2 du Pa1ais (2e Partie), Paris, 1964.

"Les lettres de Iastm-Suma," Syria, 41(1964), 25-65.

Bottéro, Jean. Le Probleme des ijabiru

internationale.
!
la 4e rencontre assyriologique
("Cahiers de la Société Asiatique," XII.) Paris,
1954.
Biblíography

______ (ed.) Archives roya les de Mari, VII: Textes administratifs

la salle llO. (TCL, XXVIII.) Paris, 1956.

Archives roya1es de Mari, VII: Textes économiques et ad-

ministratifs. Paris, 1957.

and Finet, André. Archives roya1es de Mari, XV: Répertoire

ana1ytique des ~.!! '1-. París, 1954.

Boyer, Georges (ed.) Archives Roya1es de Mari, VIII: Textes juridiques

et administratifs. (TCL, XXIX.) Paris, 1957.

Archives royales de Mari, VIII: Textes juricli<Lues. Paris

1958.

Burke, Made1eine Lurton. Archives royales de Mari, XI: ~ administr

de la salle III du Palais. Paris, 1963.

"Ganibatum, ville de Moyen Euphrate," RA, 55(1961), 147-15

"Lettres de Numullda-Nahrari et de trois autres corresponda

a Idiniatum," Syria, 41 (1964) ,v 67-103.

Dossin, Georges. Archives rovales de Mari. 1.: Lettres. (TCL, XXII.)

Paris, 1951.
96
9

Paris,
Archives
1950.
roya1es de Mari, 1: Correspondance de Samsi-Addu.
"Sur le prophétisme a Mari," La Divination en Mésopotamie
ancienne et dans les régions voisines. Paris, 1966, 77-86.

____________
1951. (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari, IV: Lettres. (TCL, XXV) Paris, "La va1eur sy11abique am du signe PI," RA, 61(1967), 19-22.

Driver, G. R. "Baby1onian and Hebrew Notes," WO, 2(1954-59), 19-26.

Archives roya1es de Mari, IV: Correspondance de Samsi-Addu
Paris, 1951. -
Driver, G. R. and Miles, J. C. The Baby10nian Laws. Oxford, 1952-55.

Archives roya1es de Mari,!: Lettres. (TCL, XXVI) Paris, 1951. Edzard, Dietz Otto. Die "Zweite Zwischenzeit" Baby1oniens. Wiesbaden, 19~

Archives roya1es de Mari,!: Correspondance de ~-Addu. Evans, Geoffrey. "An 01d Baby10nian Soldier," JCS, 14(1960), 34-46.
Paris, 1952.

Finet, André. "Yawi-IHI, roi de Ta1!:¡ayum," Syria, 41(1964), 117-142.

_____________ (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari,~: La correspondance féminine.
(TCL, XXXI.) Paris, 1967.
"Les médecins au royaurne de Mari," Annuaire de l'Institut dE
Phi101ogie et d'Histoire Orientales ~ Slaves, 14(1954-57), 123-14~
________ 1964. (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari, XIII: Textes diverso Paris,
"Une affaire de disette dans un district du royaume de Mari,
RA, 53(1959), 57-69.
"Les archives épisto1aires du Pa1ais de Mari," Syria, 19
(1938), 105-126.
"La place du divin dans la société de Mari," La Divination
~ Mésopotamie ancienne et dans les régions voisines. Paris, 1966,
87-93.
"Un rituel d'un culte d'I~tar provenant de Mari," RA, 35
(1938), 1-13.
"Adal~enni, roi de Burundum," RA, 60(1966), 17-28.
"Signaux 1umineux au pays de Mari," RA, 35(1938), 174-186.
Falkenstein, Adam, Review of ARM IV-VI, Bibiotheca Orientalis, 13(1956),
26-32.
97-113. "Les archives économiques du Palais de Mari," Syria, 20(1939),

Gadd, Cyril J. "Harnrnurabi and the End of His Dynasty," CAR2, volume 11,
chapter V. Cambridge, 1965.
offerts !~.
"Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari," Mélanges syriens
René Dussaud (BAH, XXX) Paris, 1939, 11, 981-996.
Gelb, Ignace J. "On the Mesopotamian Ration System," JNES, 24(1955), 230-2
"Un cas d'ordalie par le dieu fleuve d'apres une lettre de
Mari," Symbo1ae ad iura orientis antiqui pertinentes R.. Koschaker "On the Recently Published Economic Texts from Mari," RA,
dedicatae. Leiden, 1939, 112-118. 50(1956), 1-10.

"Une révelation du dieu Dagan a Terqa," RA, 42(1948), 125-134. Gordon, Cyrus H. "Samsi-Adad's Mi1itary Texts from Mari," ArOr, 18(1950),
199-207
"Les noms d'années et d'éponymes dans les Archives de Mari,"
Studia Mariana, A. Parrot (ed.), 51-61. Hallo, W. W. and Levine, B. "Offerings to the Temple Gates at Ur," HUCA,
38(1967), 17-58.
"Le royaurne de Qatna au XVllIe sH~cle avant notre ere d' apr~s
les "Archives royales de Mari", BARB, Series 5, 40(1954), 417-421. Hoffner, Jr., Harry A. "An English-Hittite Glossary," RHA, 25(1967).

"L'inscription de fondation de 1a!¡.dun-Lim, roi de Mari," Review of Von Schu1er's Die Kaskaer, JAOS, 87(1967), 179-185
Syria, 32(1955), 1-28.
Huffmon, Herbert B. Arnorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts. Baltimore,
1965. -- - - -- ---
"Une lettre de Iartm-Lim, roi d'A1ep, a Yal!;ub-YalJad,roi de
D1r," Syria, 33(1956), 63-69.
Jean, Charles F. (ed.) Archives royales de Mari, 11: Lettres (TCL, XXIII.)
"A propos de la tablette administrative de A.R.M.T. XIII, Paris, 1941.
NO 1," Syria, 41(1964), 21-24.
9F "~9

"L' opinion publique a Mari," RA, 58(1964), 79-82.

Archives roya1es de Mari, 11: 1ettres diverses. Paris, 1950.
Laess~e, J~rgen. The Shemshara Tab1ets: ~ Pre1iminary Report. Copenhagen,
Six campagnes de foui11es ~ Mari. (Cahiers de la Nouve11e 1959.
Revue Théo1ogique, IX.) Paris, 1952.
"1M 62100: A Letter from Te11 Shemshara," Studies in Honor
"La 1angue des 1ettres de Mari," Revue des Etudes~~mitj,~s of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Bi.rthday, April 21:" 1965.
(1937), 97-112. (-Assyrio1ogica1 Studies, 16.) Chicago, 1965, 189-196. ------

"Métaphonie "I'AM>I'EM" dans les 1ettres de Mari," RA, 24(1937), Lambert, Wi1fred G. Baby10nian Wisdom Literature. Oxford, 1960.
169-171.
Landsberger, Benno. The Date Pa1m and its By-products According ~ the Cune
"Excerpta de la correspondance de Mari," RES (1938),128-132. Sources. AfO, Beiheft 17, Graz, 1967. ----

"Bi!}rum dans les 1ettres de Mari," RA, 36(1939), 112. "Remarks on the Archive of the Soldier Ubarum," JCS, 9(1955),
121-131.
"Lettres de Mari, IV, transcrites et traduites," RA, 42(1948),
53-78. "Akkadisch aspu = "Sch1euder", Assukku "Scheuderstein","
AfO, 18(1957-58), 378-379.
"L'armée du royaume de Mari," RA, 42(1948), 135-148.
"Nachtrag zu aspu = "Sch1euder"," AfO 19(1959-60),66.
"Pharmacopée et parfumerie dans que1ques 1ettres de Mari," AROr,
17(1949), 320-329. Levy, Hi1degard. "Origin and deve10pment of the Sexagesima1 system of
Numerotation," JAOS, 69(1949), 1-11.
Koschaker, Pau1, "Zur Staat1ichen Wirtschaftsverwa1tung in a1tbaby1onischer
Zeit," ZA, 47(1942), 135-180. "The Historica1 Background of the Correspondence of Ba\}di-Lj
Orienta1ia, 25(1956), 324-352.
Kupper, Jean-Robert (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari, .!D.: . Lettres. (TCL,
XXIV.) Paris, 1948. "The meaning of NIG.DU in the Mari Texts," Orienta1ia, 25(19:
55-58.
Archives roya1es de Mari, 111: Correspondance de Kibri-
Dagan. Paris, 1950. Ma1amat, Abraham. "Prophetic Reve1ation in New Documents from Mari and the
Bib1e," Supp1ement to yetus Testamentum, 15 (Congress Vo1ume, Geneve,
____________ (ed.) Archives roya1es de Mari, VI: Lettres. (TCL, XXVII.) 1965.) Leiden, 1966, 207-227.
Paris, 1953.
Mendenha11, George E. "The Census Lists of Numbers 1 and 26," JBL, 77(19:
Archives roya les de Mari, VI: Correspondance de ~-Lim. 52-66.
Paris, 1954.
Moortgat, Anton. "Die Wandgem1i1de im Palaste zu Mari und Ihre Historische
Les nomades en Mésopotamie ~ temps des rois de Mari. Einordnung," Baghdader Mittei1ungen, 3(1964), 68-74.
(BFPL-UL, CXLII.) Paris, 1957.
Munn-Rankin, J. J. "Dip1omacy in Western Asia in the Ear1y Second Mi11ennil
"Un gouvernement provincial dans le royaume de Mari," RA, 41 B. C.," Iraq, 18(1956), 68-110.
(1947), 149-183.
Noth, Martin. Die Urspriínge des a1ten Israel im Lichte ~ Que11en.
"Le recensement dans les textes de Mari," Studia Mariana, (Arbeitsgemeinschaft fiír Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westafe1n,
98-110. --- --.- Geisteswissenschaften, 94.) Ko1n and Op1aden, 1961.

"Notes 1éxicographiques," RA, 45(1951), 120-128. Opificius, Ruth. "Befestigungen des Zweistrom1andes im Beginn des Zweiten
Jahrtausends," Baghdader Mittei1ungen, 3(1964), 78-90.
"Sceaux-cy1indres du temps de Zimri-Lim," RA, 53(1959), 97-100.
Oppenheim, A. Leo (ed.) The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute
"Suteens et ~apiru," RA, 55(1961), 197-200. of the University oi Chicago (Chicago, 1956).

"Correspondance de Kibri-Dagan," Syria, 41(1964), 105-116.

100 le

Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tab1ets of the Wi1berforce Eames Speiser, Ephraim A. "Census and Ritual Expiation in Mari and Israel,"
Baby10nian Co11ection in the New York Pub1ic Library. New Haven, 1948. BASOR, 149(1958), 17-25.

Ancient Mesopotamia: .2i .!! _D_e_a_d

_P_o_r_t_r_a_i_t Civilization. Thureau-Dangin, Fran~ois. "Textes de MAri," RA, 33(1936),169-179.
Chicago, 1964.
"Asakku," RA, 38(1941), 41-43.
Letters from Mesopotamia. Chicago, 1967.
Von Soden, Wo1fram (ed.) Akkadisches Handworterbuch, Unter Benutzung des
"The Archives of the Pa1ace of Mari, A Review Artic1e," 1exica1ischen Nach1asses von Bruno Meissner (1868-1947). (Wiesbader
JNES 11(1952), 129-139. 1959).

page, Stephanie. "The Tab1ets from Te11 Al-Rimah 1967: A Pre1iminary Report," Wagner, Max. "Beitrage zur Aramaismenfrage im A1ttestament1ichen Hebraiscl
Iraq, 30(1968), 87-97. Hebraische Wortforschung: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Wa1te
Baumgartner. (Vetus Testamentum, Supp1emen~ 16, Leiden, 1967.-)----
Parr, PeterJ. "The Origin of the Rempart Fortifications of Midd1e Bronze 355-371.
Age Pa1estine and Syria," ZDPV, 84(1968), 18-45.
Wright, G. R. H. "Tell e1-Yehudiyah and the Glacis," ZDPV, 84(1968), 1-17.
Parrot, André. Mission archéo1ogique de Mari, 11, Le Pa1ais, vol. l;
Peintures mura1es. (BAH, 69.) Paris, 1958. Yadin, Yigael. The Art .2i Warfare in Biblica1 Lands, 1. New York, 1963.

Mission archéo1ogique de Mari, 11, Le Pa1ais, vol. 13

Documents et Monuments.

Mission archéo1ogique de Mari, 111, Les Temples d'Ishtarat et

de Ninni-Zaza. (BAR, 86.) Paris, 1967.

_______ (ed.) Studia Mariana (Documenta et Monumenta Ori.entis antiqui, 4.)

Leiden, 1950.

"Les fouil1es de Mari. Seizieme campagne (Printemp s 1966),"

Syria, 44(1967), 1-26.

Rutten, Marguerite. "Trente-deux modeles de foies en argi1es inscrits provenant

de Tell-Hariri (Mari)," RA, 35(1938), 36-70.

Saggs, Henri Wi11iam Frederick, "Assyrian Warfare in the Sargonic Period,"

Iraq, 25(1963), 145-154.

Sa1onen, Armas. Die Hausgerate der A1ten Mesopotamier nach sumerisch-

akkadischen Que11en. Tei1 l. (BSOAS, 30.) He1sinki, 1967.

Die Landfahrzeuge des Alten Mesopotamien. (AASF, B 72/3.)

He1sinki, 1951.

Sa1onen, Erkki, Die Waffen der A1ten Mesopotamier. (Studia Orienta1ia, 33.)
He1sinki, 1965.

"Zum A1tbaby1onischen Kriegswesen," BiOr, 25(1968), 160-162.

Smith, Sidney. "Yarim-Lim of Yam!}ad," RSO, 32(1957), 155-184.

"Ursu and Ha~~um," Anato1ian Studies, 32(1956), 35-43.