SOLIDARITY

Solidarity means to take sides with group of people who are oppressed and exploited by power.

CONCEPT TU AND VOUS

which they try to fight.Many languages have a different relationship to the concept of
Tu-Vous (T / V) in French, which is grammatically your 'you' (T) and a form you are plural (v)
(v) but its use demands that 'you' use 'vous' with individuals in certain circumstances. The T
shape is sometimes described as a form of 'familiar' and V shape as a 'polite' form. Other
languages with the same T / V differences are Latin (tu / vos), Russian (ty / vy), Italian (tu / Lei),
German (du / Sie), Swedish (du / ni), and Dutch (esi / esis). English itself occasionally has these
differences, namely the difference thou / you.
The consequence of this use is in the middle ages when the upper classes seemed to
begin to use V-shapes to show mutual respect and courtesy. However, T's form persists, so that
upper-class people use the V-shaped relationships, the lower classes use each other's T-shapes,
and the upper classes appoint people in the lower classes with T but receive V .Because of this
asymmetric form of use, then T / V comes to symbolize a power of brotherly / friendship. It is
extended to certain situations such as people to animals, masters or ladies to servants, parents to
their children, pastors or priests to sinners, employees to servants, and even God to angels, with,
to every case, the first mentioned is giving T but receiving V.
The symmetrical form of V usage becomes a 'polite' use. This polite use then spreads
among the people, but not all layers, so only in certain classes, but never reaches the lowest
class, it is meant between husband and wife, parents and children, and lovers . Symmetrical use
of T always tries to show a relationship of intimacy, and therefore its use also refers to situations
in which the two parties agree that they have strong general interests, such as a sense of
solidarity. The T relationship for solidarity is gradually present to put back the V-shaped
relationship that shows politeness, since solidarity tends to be more important than a courtesy in
a personal relationship. In fact, the use of the inequality of the T / V relationship is to express the
diminished power and the more commonly used T equations in its own place, such as between
employees (employees) and servants. Now we still find the inequality in the use of the T / V
form, but solidarity has been used as a means to re-establish a force, so nowadays the similarities
of T have been too often found in relationships that have previously inequality of use, male,
employee and employee. Because solidarity is very important, sometimes prioritizing a party to
initiate the use of T.
Lambert and Tucker (1976) assume that all communities of Frenchmen and all groups
before a community are not the same in their use of T / V. For example, children in Montreal and
the suburban communities of Quebec City, in a small town in Laval, in Mayenne, France, and
separate communities in France on the small island of Saint-Pierre in Miquelon there is a beach
in the southern part of a newly discovered island, Canada, shows the different uses of T / V. At
two at the end of different places children use tu with all the families and Mafia, but in Quebec,
especially in the periphery, they still use what is still considered vous before a family, especially

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as the distance of age increases. The children themselves receive the tu in all three places: in
Quebec this use is more universal for teenagers against young children and young children,
depicting a less respectful atmosphere. In the area of Saint-Pierre and Laval, however, whether
some kinship or some familiarity is considered important before it is used in agreement in most
family settings. Quebec appears to be the most conservative party in the use of T / V, with vous
expected by foreigners and older people. When a young person uses tu to someone who should
be considered vous the specificity is recorded, although there is no need to comment once.
A book published in France entitled Savoir-vivre en France (Vigner, 1978) provides the
following advice to immigrants about the recent use of tu and vous there, Tu should be used
among the relatives, among the brothers and sisters regardless of age, between parents and
children, between closest colleagues, between young people living or working closely together or
older people at certain moments that are considered public, and between teenagers who have a
distant kinship relationship, especially teenagers of the same sex. Vous should be used among
strangers, between those who have no relationship of any interest, between the weak and the
strong. According to Vigner, tu is usually used in relation to certain types of work and between
youths, but there are no specific rules in the context of their use.
You do not need, however, the use of tu without discrimination, since certain deeds
will appear familiar and will not be appreciated. Since the absence of special rules for the
transfer from vous to tu, it would be better to wait until someone else uses it to call him or her.
The last part of this advice has a logical connection: if you can not blame or appoint a person of
power, use it and set it for politeness and wait until others indicate a solidarity. However,
linguistic reality can not be denied that tu continues to put vous anywhere; historical
developments have clearly led to 'égalité and fraternité and away from the pouvoir.

ADDRES TERM
Greeting or calling is a separate issue that needs to be studied in language politeness.
For example, how do we get called or greeted by others with a title, first name, last name,
nickname, or combination in between. In English there is a greeting like Dr. Smith, John Smith,
John, Smith, Johnie, Doc, Sir, Mack and others. Maybe Dr. Smith was expecting a doctor by his
patient, addressed to him by his son, being addressed by his sister, dear by his wife, and by
police officers who stopped him for driving too fast. Perhaps he was surprised when addressed:
"Excuse me, dear, can I see your license?
According to Evan-Pritchard (1948) in Nuer, the people of Sudan have a different way
than we are more familiar. Every Nuer community has a birth name, the name given by its
parents shortly after birth and lasts a lifetime. Their naming construction is 'son of (personal
name)' and their unique personal name is like reath 'drought' Nhial 'rain' Pun 'wild rice' Cuol 'to
campensate' Mun 'earth' and Met 'to deceice'. Sometimes their grandparents also give a second
personal name. As a consequence their vocation differs from the grandfather's family line and the
grandmother's family. There is also a special name for those born twins and children born after
twins. In addition, every Nuer child also has a surname but this name is widely used only in

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ceremonies such as weddings and for the first time only. Besides having a personal name, and a
clan, Nuer also has the names of the bulls that are the names of the famous bulls. A Nuer man
may choose his own ox name while the ladies have the ox name of a bull that is born of a cow
feeding it. According to Evan-Prtchard is complicated in terms of naming and calling in Nuer
society because of Nuer's socially complex social order.
Unlike in English, according to Brown and Ford's (1961) study the naming in English
is based on a modern game analysis, the observed naming of a business activity in Boston, and
reportedly used by business executives and children in mid-western United States and at
Yoredale 'in the UK. Their report indicates that the asymmetric usage of the title (T), last name
(L), and first name (F) (TLN / FN) indicated inequality within the power, that TLN is indicated
inequality and impartiality, that FN is indicated equality and imperfection. The change from
TLN to FN is also usually preceded by strong community members. Other calls are: a degree like
a professor or doctor, a final name like Smith, or other variations like Mr. Smith and Fred. The
titles like Sir and Madam are considered variants of the title category as well as the general
degree, and forms like Mack, Buddy, Jack, or Mate as a common first name.
Calls with titles alone have a degree of familiarity that is different from the title call
followed by the first name. So, Doctor Smith's call is more familiar than his doctoral course, in
which case knowing first name shows intimacy or at least hope to become familiar. When
someone uses your first name when you are naughty, it may be that you sometimes feel the
person thinks you do not know him intimately. Regarding the possible dangers of intercultural
communication in this system of calling has been said by Ervin-Trip (1972).
Wardhaugh adds that the use of a first name in North America does not merely show
friendship or respect. The first name is needed between the closeness of the people who work
together. The first name is more used for public figures, but by degrading as worshiping it.
The asymmetrical use of names and calls often has indicators of power differences. Classes in
school are a good example of this, for example John and Sally are showing as students and Miss
or Mr. Smith points out as his teacher. In the southern part of the United States now used Boy to
call the negro men. White people call blacks with their first names in situations that require them
to use titles, or titles and final names. The subject of this white and native call has been
expressed by Johnson (1943).
Another experiment has been conducted by Dickey (1996,1997) against 11,891 calls by
Greek prose writers for more than six centuries. The conclusion that can be drawn from Dickey's
research is that for all intents and purposes, there is only one way to call a man by his name in
Athens.
In English, we have the possibility of avoiding the call, the use of zeros, or the choice
between familiarity and politeness. An example to distinguish in English to distinguish familiar,
unofficial calls for politeness, with the formal one is to pay attention to conjunctions with official
or unofficial sayings eg Hi. Bye, and So Long compared to Good Morning and Good bye.
As changes in age and family relationships, naming and calling problems can also increase. For
example a call to the father-in-law and mother-in-law could be a problem many people. Mr. Call.

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Smith sometimes feels too formal, calling Bill too familiar, Dad's call looks like nonsense or
unnatural. Grandchild's call on grandfather looks simpler because they are easier to call the
grandad than dad and grandma rather than mom.
In Vietnamese, it is used more broadly in terms of kinship terms, such as chau
'granddaughter' ba 'grandmother' bac 'uncle / aunt'. According to Luong (1990) the linguistic
form plays an important instrumental role in building social reality. As for Pam (2002) said that
among married couples, Minh 'agency' is used to call the husband or wife. If the calling husband
is used anh 'old brother' for himself. If the speaker is a wife he uses the younger brother 'em' for
himself.
In other cases, sometimes naming and calling pets is just the same as naming and
calling to humans. We can learn a lot from how other people with their pets, such as horses, cats,
and all animals are treated linguistically. We should not be surprised at those who give different
treatment to their pets, not as we see the pets.
Wardaugh says that many social factors are developed to determine a call: a certain job, social
status, or rank with another, gender, age, familial relations, hierarchy in work, transactional
status, or degree of familiarity. Dickey (1997) notes that the call to others is not entirely the same
as the calling of the person we are talking about. When A talks with B about C there is often a
relationship between A and C and C is a reference to C. Dickey also adds an example of
accommodation that is specifically as a convergence behavior, such as a desire for social
acceptability.

POLITENESS
Politeness, in an interaction, can be defined as the means employed to show awareness of
another person's face or the way that people choose to speak and how their listener react to what
they sayIn discussing ‘politeness, Brown and Levinson (1987, p. 61) define face as ‘the public
self-image that every member wants to claim for himself.’ They also distinguish between
positive face and negative face.
Positive face is the desire to gain the approval of others, ‘the positive consistent self-
image or “personality” . . . claimed by interactants’. Negative face is the desire to be unimpeded
by others in one’s actions, ‘the basic claim to territories, personal preserves, rights to non-
distraction . . . freedom of action and freedom from imposition. Positive face looks for solidarity;
negative face, however, is more problematic for it requires interactants to recognize each other’s
negative face, i.e., the need to act without giving offenseWhen we interact with others we must
be aware of both kinds of face and therefore have a choice of two kinds of politeness.
Positive politeness leads to moves to achieve solidarity through offers of friendship, the
use of compliments, and informal language use: we treat others as friends and allies, do not
impose on them, and never threaten their face. On the other hand, negative politeness leads to
deference, apologizing, indirectness, and formality in language use: we adopt a variety of
strategies so as to avoid any threats to the face others are presenting to us.

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 Level in Javanese
Speech Level Eat Dahar
3a high style, high honorifics Dahar Samenika
3 high style Neda Samenika
2 middle style Neda saniki
1b low style Dahar saiki
1a low style Neda saiki
1 low style Mangan saiki
Level names: 3a krama inggil (high style, high honorifics)
3 krama biasa (high style, no honorifics)
2 krama madya (middle style, no honorifics)
1b ngoko sae (low style, high honorifics)
1a ngoko madya (low style, low honorifics)
1 ngoko biasa (low style, no honorifics)

Geertz’s caveat still applies: there are many personal and local variations so that the total
system is extremely complex and the possibilities for making wrong choices abound. As Java has
modernized, certain changes have occurred. One important change has been the spread of the
national language, Bahasa Indonesia, a more ‘democratic’ language. Bahasa Indonesia already
dominates the political life of Java because it enables people to talk about issues without having
to choose a particular level of speech which necessarily conveys attitudes they might not want to
convey. However, there is no reason to assume that Javanese itself will change and that the
various levels will disappear. Rather, the spread of Bahasa Indonesia in Java may best be seen as
offering a choice to those who know both Javanese and Bahasa Indonesia.
The Japanese are also always described as being an extremely polite people. Martin
(1964) has summarized some of the ways in which the Japanese use language to show this
politeness: honorific forms incorporating negatives (ana- logous to English ‘Wouldn’t you like to
. . . ?’) are more polite than those without negatives; the longer the utterance the more polite it is
felt to be; utterances with local dialect in them are less polite and those with a few Chinese loan
words in them are more polite; you are more polite to strangers than to acquaintances;
For example, a recent study (Sreetharan, 2004) of the use of a nonstandard variety of
Japanese by men in the Kansai (western) region of Japan revealed that in all-male situations
while young men between the ages of 19 and 23 preferred to use forms of speech that are
stereotypically masculine, older men between 24 and 68 tended to avoid such language. Indeed,
the older they were, the greater the preference for polite, traditionally feminine forms. They
thereby cultivated a polite image, no longer needing to project their masculinity (and the power
associated with that) through their language.