Contemporary Sport Psychology PDF

SPORTS AND ATHLETICS PREPARATION, PERFORMANCE,
AND PSYCHOLOGY SERIES
CONTEMPORARY SPORT PSYCHOLOGY
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SPORTS AND ATHLETICS PREPARATION,
PERFORMANCE, AND PSYCHOLOGY SERIES
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and Professional Concerns for Exercise Directions in Sport Psychology Research
Physiologists Stephen D. Mellalieu, Sheldon Hanton
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(Online book)
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Samuel R. Bakere (Editor) (Online Book)
2008. ISBN: 978-1-60456-077-0
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Sports Injuries and Their Effects on Benefits, and Related Issues
Health Thomas P. Wasser (Editor)
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2009. ISBN 978-1-60741-507-7 (Softcover)
Thoroughbred Horseracing and the
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Directions in Sport Psychology Research Cameron L. Stratton (Editor)
Stephen D. Mellalieu, Sheldon Hanton and 2009. ISBN: 978-1-60692-724-3
David Fletcher
2009. ISBN: 978-1-60692-248-4 (Softcover) Contemporary Sport Psychology
Robert Schinke (Editor)
2009. ISBN: 978-1-60876-150-0
SPORTS AND ATHLETICS PREPARATION, PERFORMANCE,
AND PSYCHOLOGY SERIES
CONTEMPORARY SPORT PSYCHOLOGY
ROBERT SCHINKE
EDITOR
Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

New York
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Contemporary sport psychology / editor, Robert Schinke.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 978-1-61324-124-0 (eBook)
1. Sports--Psychological aspects. 2. Sports--Social aspects. I. Schinke, Robert, 1966-
GV706.4.C658 2009
796'.01--dc22
2009028878
Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.  New York

This book is dedicated to my wife Erin and new son “Harrison”. I love them
both very much. Many thanks also to my family of origin and also the family I
married into.
I would also like to thank Mr. Frank Columbus for his support of the present
compilation from the very beginning.
RS
CONTENTS
Introduction to the Compilation ix

Chapter 1 The Contextual Side of Professional Boxing Re-Visited 1
Robert J. Schinke
Chapter 2 Preparing Professional Hockey Players for Playoff Performance 11
Wayne Halliwell
Chapter 3 A Case for a New Sport Psychology: Applied Psychophysiology
and Fmri Neuroscience 21
Leonard Zaichkowsky
Chapter 4 The Psychology of Being an Olympic Favorite 33
Peter Haberl
Chapter 5 Psychological Preparation of Athletes for the Olympic Context:
Team Culture and Team-Building 55
Ken Hodge and Gary Hermansson
Chapter 6 From one Olympics to the Next: A Four-Year Psychological
Preparation Program 71
Ronnie Lidor and Boris Blumenstein
Chapter 7 Introduction to Cultural Sport Psychology Revisited 89
Amy T. Blodgett, Hope E. Yungblut, Robert J. Schinke,
and Stephanie J. Hanrahan
Chapter 8 Revisiting Diversity and Politics in Sport Psychology Through
Cultural Studies: Where are we Five Years Later? 105
Leslee A. Fisher, Emily A. Roperand Ted Butryn
Chapter 9 Sport Psychology as Cultural Praxis 121
Tatiana V. Ryba
Chapter 10 Theoretical Approaches to Cultural Sport Psychology 137
Peter Catina
viii Contents
Chapter 11 Through the Funhouse Mirror: Understanding Access

and (Un)Expected Selves Through Confessional Tales 153
Kerry R. McGannon and Jennifer L Metz
Chapter 12 Using Psychological Skills Training from Sport Psychology
to Enhance the Life Satisfaction of Adolescent Mexican Orphans 171
Stephanie J. Hanrahan
Chapter 13 Sport Psychology Consulting with Latin American Athletes 181
Anthony P. Kontos and Erick Arguello
Chapter 14 A Model for Supervision of Applied Sport Psychology
Consultations in Division I College Sports 197
Linda A. Keeler and Sam Zizzi
Chapter 15 Ethical Decision-Making in Sport Psychology:
Issues and Implications for Professional Practice 217
Brandonn S. Harris, Amanda J. Visek and Jack C. Watson
Chapter 16 Sport Psychology Consulting with Canadian Olympic Athletes
and Coaches: Values and Ethical Considerations 233
Penny Werthner and John Coleman
Chapter 17 A Profession of Violence or a High Contact Sport?
Ethical Issues Working in Professional Boxing 253
Andrew M. Lane
Chapter 18 Commentary 263
Mary Pritchard and Sandy Kimbrough
Biographies 271
Authors’ Addresses 279
Index 285
INTRODUCTION TO THE COMPILATION
The development of this book began late in 2003. At the time I was co-editing Athletic
Insight with my colleague and friend Miguel Humara. Miguel had conceived of Athletic
Insight in 1998 and by 1999 the journal was being offered as a free access journal for sport
psychology enthusiasts. The readership was comprised of developing academics, applied
practitioners, and also coaches and athletes. Five years into the journal’s existence we thought
it time to push the journal forward through the creation of an annual special edition. The
intent was to make space each year for one entire installment as a devoted special topics
release. When I approached the first list of authors in 2004 they were enthusiastic. Each year
that followed we made space for a new topic. The intent was to encourage discussion either in
relation to applied practice or a conceptual topic that was timelyfor the field (at least in our
views). Some of the years were devoted to applied practice such as 2004 when professional
sport practice was considered and 2007 when the focus was placed on working with Olympic
athletes from different countries in preparation for Beijing. Other installments were intended
as catalysts to further discussions among academics and practitioners alike, such as in 2005
when the installment pertained to Cultural Sport Psychology and in 2008 with a focus on the
intersection ofsport psychology and ethics. The 2009 special edition of Athletic Insight is
already solidified, and rest assured the topic matter will berelevant among our international
readership.
In retrospect, Miguel and I had little understanding where the development of an annual
special edition would take us. With each year’s installment we were able to secure strong
contributors, which in turn has leveraged the quality of the journal upward to its present status
as a hard copy release published by Nova Science. Through our new partnership with Nova
Science the intent is now to have three releases each year in place of the original four, with
one devoted entirely to special topics. The chapters that follow are a compilation of invited
papers, building on earlier special topics compilations. Many of the papers are original works
that are heavily modified from earlier special edition releases. Others reflect new work that
has been invited on as part of the installment. The chapters forthcoming are unique
contributions and they are original work. The goal was not to provide a slightly re-drafted
version of earlier submissions. Rather, in the academy people’s thoughts change and evolve
with time as does the literature meant to inform our thinking. The intent then is for the present
work to provide current thoughts and ideas pertaining to research and / or practice, authored
x Robert Schinke
by well-respected members of the sport psychology field.What follows is a description of the

book’s structure.
The present book is divided into three general sections. Section one has been titled Sport
Psychology in Practice. Chapter One provides an overview of work done with professional
boxing. Within, I share my experiences working with highly successful professional boxers
and their support systems over the course of 10 years amassed experience. Chapter Two is
authored by Wayne Halliwell an eminent practitioner with extensive background experience
working in the National Hockey League. Wayne was asked to unpack how to effectively
prepare NHL athletes for a successful playoff run. Next, in Chapter Three Len Zaichkowsky
was asked to consider based on his work with professional soccer (European football) some
of the technological techniques he employs. Len has worked for several years with Spanish
athletes through the World Cup series and also through affiliation with a professional soccer
team in the same country. Adding to the section, Peter Haberl (Chapter Four) works with
American Olympians through his appointment to the United States Olympic Committee. He
considered work on-site with Olympic favorites. Ken Hodge and Gary Hermansson have
worked with Winter and Summer Olympians for their home nation of New Zealand. For
Chapter Five they were asked to consider how they motivate athletes from their country.
Finally, RoniLidor and Boris Blumenstein from Israel work with Israeli Olympians through a
systematic quadrennial plan that they describe in great detail in Chapter Six. Combined, the
authors have provided a wonderful cross-section of applied practice with elite populations.
Section Two is devoted to Cultural Sport Psychology. The term CSP was first used in the
Autumn, 2005 Athletic Insight Special Edition. Since then, CSP has gained considerable
credence in the scholarly literature. For example, this Autumn there will be an entire
installment of the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology devoted to the
topic, where I have co-edited with one of the invited authors in the present book, Tatiana
Ryba. Within Section Two of the present book, there are seven contributions that address
aspects of CSP. In Chapter Seven Amy Blodgett and her colleagues provide an overview of
the field. The intent is to provide a road map for the chapters that follow in the same section.
Chapter Eight features the work of Leslee Fisher, Emily Roper and Ted Butryn. Leslee and
her colleagues are among the pioneers in the field, and their initial work was among the first
to forefront culture and raise questions pertaining to whiteness among other possible spaces in
the literature. In Chapter Nine Tatiana Ryba was asked to provide her most current thoughts
on the intersection of CSP and cultural praxis. The intent is to convey how research and
culturally informed practices can spur effective and meaningful engagement in the field.
Within Chapter Ten Peter Catinahas provided a cross-cultural overview of CSP. His intent is
to convey how constructs from social cognition might also intersect with CSP. Chapter
Eleven features the work of Kerry McGannon and Jennifer Metz, two researchers who
employ cultural studies perspectives in their own research. Kerry and Jennifer provide a few
examples of how one might proceed with culturally sensitive and reflexive research methods.
In Chapter Twelve, Stephanie Hanrahan was asked to update research she has been engaged
in with Mexican Orphans over the course of 6-7 years, and in so doing provide one example
of cross-cultural research. Her work shifts the focus from conceptual and aspects of CSP
toward research. Finally,Chapter Thirteen was authored by Anthony Kontos and Eric
Arguello. The focus of their work is on CSP practice with Latin American athletes. Anthony
provides a fine example how application in the field canbe modified in relation to the
Introduction to the Compilation xi
intended client. It is hoped that several of these contributions will be of interest, thus pushing
forward CSP as a trajectory.
Section Three is comprised of Fourpapers pertaining to sport psychology and ethics.
Chapter Fourteen is co-authored by Linda Keeler and Samuel Zizzi. Within the chapter, the
authors were asked to consider many of the ethical challenges associated with graduate
student supervision.Chapter Fifteen is authored by Brandon Harris, Amanda Visek and Jack
Watson II. Within their contribution, Harris and colleagues looked closely at the intersection
between the conceptual tenets of ethics and sport psychology practice, framing their
discussion in relation to AASP’s Ethics Guidelines, presently in revision.For Chapter Sixteen
Penny Werthner and John Coleman unpack the ethical challenges they have encountered
when working with Canadian Olympic athletes. The installment ends with work from Andy
Lane, a researcher and applied practitioner with background in professional boxing working
with World Champions. Andy illustrates in Chapter Seventeen the ethical dilemma working
with professional boxing when one knows that injury to the athlete / client and his opponent
are a part of sport pursuit.
The book is concluded with a commentary chapter, Chapter Eighteen, authored by Mary
Pritchard and Sandy Kimbrough. Mary and Sandy are Associate Editors for Athletic Insight,
each having worked as part of the AI staff from the point of the earliest special edition
onward to the present. As such, their views of the chapters and book provide closure to the
compilation.
In closing, it is my hope that the present book is resourced by those interested in learning
more about with special topics in sport psychology. Each section contains chapters that are
theoretical, research-oriented, and applied, providing a balance to the compilation. Finally,
many thanks to the authors of the present installment for their patience throughout the project.
Robert Schinke, EdD, CSPA - Editor

In: Contemporary Sport Psychology ISBN: 978-1-60876-150-0
Editor: Robert Schinke ©2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
THE CONTEXTUAL SIDE OF

PROFESSIONAL BOXING RE-VISITED
Robert J. Schinke*
Laurentian University, Canada
CHAPTER SUMMARY
Five years ago, an installment of Athletic Insight was devoted to applied practice in
professional sport contexts. One of the manuscripts published as part of the installment
pertained to professional boxing practice. The work reflected five years of contextual
experience in the field, and the experiences conveyed were those of the mental training
consultant. The present chapter is a re-visiting of the earlier work in several ways. First, five
additional years in the field have been garnered by the sport practitioner. Also, the present
work speaks toa collaboration with an elite professional boxing coach. The coach, though not
directly part of this chapter, has been a highly successful professional boxing coach for more
than a decade, and his accomplishments have included working with world championship
athletes in various weight divisions of the World Boxing Council, the World Boxing
Association, and the International Boxing Federation. His athletes have also been ranked
overall among the most successful in the world by Ring Magazine, a high impact professional
resource to boxing practitioners. Within the chapter, the author will re-visit the process of
working with professional boxersand their coaching staff as the athletes progress in careers.
In addition, several of the contextual challenges posed through high profile applied work will
be considered.
Five years ago, the author considered his experiences working with professional boxers,
over the course of five years. The focal point through the contribution was the contextual side
of boxing (see Schinke, 2004). Included within the writing was an overview of the following:
initial meetings and barriers to athlete – practitioner rapport, the achievement of solid
*
Robert J. Schinke, EdD, CSPA, B-241 Ben Avery Building, School of Human Kinetics, 935 Ramsey Lake Rd.,
Laurentian University, Sudbury, Ontario, Canada, P3E 2C6, Email: rschinke@laurentian.ca, Telephone: (705)
675-1151 ext. 1045, Fax: (705) 675-4845
2 Robert J. Schinke
relational footing (i.e., interpersonal relations), preparing athletes for critical bouts, the bi-
directional relationship between the media and athlete performance, and the chronology of
athlete achievement throughout a successful sport career. Herein, the very same aspects of
applied practice are considered, though after five additional years of experience within the
same context. The author has considered his experiences working with professional athletes.
Narrowing the discussion, the paper is focused solely on our work with athletes ranked within
the top 15 of world ranking systems. Myauthor’s is that there are many approaches to elite
professional boxing within management teams. The present work only reflects one such view.
Forthcoming, the author considers his experiences working in professional boxing.
SETTING THE STAGE

Ten years ago, the author began working with professional boxers. At the time, he was
the sport psychology consultant (SPC) to the Canadian National Boxing Team. During a
training camp where the coach was working with two of the athletes, the two began to speak.
The coach was intrigued by the tangible nature of sport psychology, and how matters
pertaining to control and the monitoring of effective explanatory patterns could intersect with
pre-competition and competition planning. At the time, the SPC was engaged in post-doctoral
studies, and the option that arose was whether to remain in formal studies or to begin applied
practice as a full-time staff member in the management team. Though the initial invite was
rescinded because the management group and student resided several thousand miles apart,
the discussions from that weekend continued sporadically as the first author was completing
his studies.
Two years later, the first author began working formally as part of the management team,
after relocating to the same general region. The management group was in its third year of
existence, and several athletes were becoming well known internationally due to their world
rankings. The athletes and staff had over the three-year span enlisted the work (albeit in short
durations) of a few SPC’s, though the fit was not correct. The athletes did not feel a
connection with the consultants, and the lack of connection manifested in distrust, a lack of
athlete SPC rapport, and consequently, ineffective work. Consequently, when the author re-
approached the head coach with a proposal to begin work, there was some initial concern
regarding the viability of services, meaning whether the services would meet the expectations
of the athletes and staff alike. Through several phone calls and some persistence on the part of
the SPC, the head coach agreed to meet with the author, and to subsequently introduce him to
a few athletes. The ongoing experience resembles at least in terms of rapport building,
encounters with the Canadian National Boxing Team (See Schinke, 2007). Precisely, early
mistrust evolved into a long-term relationship that continues to present day. What follows is
the chronology of experiences working with professional boxers from first encounters,
onward to (and through) ongoing world titles.
The Contextual Side of Professional Boxing Re-Visited 3
INITIAL MEETINGS = INITIAL BARRIERS

Boxing is a fascinating context in which to do work. For a layperson, the sport of boxing
might conjure up a context where the athletes are poorly educated, from the street, difficult to
gain the trust of, and perhaps closed to the concept of sport psychology. From the author’s
vantage, there is only some truth to boxing stereotypes. Granted there is often some
trepidation among the athletes to speak openly with a SPC. To be a professional boxer, one
must be mentally and physically tough, and disclosing one’s thoughts and feelings to a SPC
can be misconstrued among some athletes as being soft (instead of hardened and mentally
tough). Compounding the challenges he encountered in employing effective sport psychology
work are the negative experiences several of the athletes recounted to the author prior to their
decisions to engage. Negative initial experiences included several foreign athletes confiding
personal experiences about a SPC, who breached confidentially and disclosed personal
information to the coaching staff. Among other athletes were initial observations during their
amateur careers of one particular SPC who spent an entire training camp taking the sun at
poolside, without a single athlete meeting. Finally, there were others who viewed the domain
as esoteric, intangible, and therefore its services as a waste of time. The author’s view is that
athletes have many reasons when they are initially guarded, and a good starting point is to
identify and understand where trepidations originate. It would be a mistake to assume when
an athlete is initially closed off from the consultant, that the athlete will never engage in
collaboration. With patience and a willingness to allow the athlete – SPC relationship to
develop naturally, there will be ample opportunity for work.
First appointments with athletes always seem to resemble a bout, believe it or not. There
is a short feeling out process, followed by a first blink impression, and then a decision of how
to engage. From his experiences the author recognizes that for the first meeting to happen, the
athlete and SPC require support from the coach. The head coach is the gatekeeper to his
athletes, though one might propose that he is also the gatekeeper to the SPC. To facilitate the
SPC athlete relationship, the head coach proposes the idea to the athlete and then supports the
suggestion with some effective support so that the athlete engages in the first meeting.
Concurrently, by providing positive ongoing support to the SPC regarding how best to
proceed with each athlete, the head coach serves to present the SPC in a manner that is
enticing, and hopefully promising of further athlete development. When the author and coach
began to work together, the two leading athletes they spent much of their time working with
were prospective world champions. One of the athletes was Canadian by nationality, and his
skepticism of sport psychology was based upon earlier encounters as a professional athlete
with other consultants. The second athlete held an illustrious amateur career before he
embarked on his professional career. His initial encounters with SPC’s were instances when
he chose not to answer truthfully, and so he told the SPC what he thought was being hoped
for as an answer (i.e., that everything was always fine). Both athletes were the first high
standard professional boxing clients the SPC worked with, and both became world champions
in short order, mostly because of the high quality coaching and management they received,
which complimented their desire to succeed.
First encounters felt stilted, undoubtedly to the athletes and SPC alike. One of the athletes
was slightly more receptive than the other, primarily because by the time work began, he had
challenged for a world title three times, always unsuccessfully. Consequently, that client was
4 Robert J. Schinke
looking for any additional edge he could gain, and perhaps a last ditch effort at sport
psychology was worth the risk. The second athlete was encouraged a little more actively by
the second author to meet with the SPC. He at first spoke of his family during meetings, and
there was very little said pertaining to sport, other than his initial negative encounter with a
SPC, while he was a national team athlete. Within a short time, both athletes were engaged in
the process, and the overarching ambition in the partnership was to debrief previous
performances, glean a better understanding of why performances unfolded as they did, and
subsequently from increased understanding, the goal was to enhance performance through
knowledge of what does and does not work. It should be noted that since the initial
contribution by Schinke (2004), the author with academic and applied colleagues has
developed a theoretical framework upon which to expedite elite amateur and professional
athlete adaptation (see Schinke, Battochio, Dubuc, Swords, Apolloni, &Tenenbaum, 2008;
Schinke, Gauthier, Dubuc, & Crowder, 2007). Interestingly, the theoretical framework
delineated through systematic research uncovered athlete understanding as the most critical
step, contributing to effective athlete adaptation (as opposed to athlete mal-adaptation,
leading to stagnation). Consequently, though athlete understanding is a topic matter pursued
with the boxers from the outset, it is also an ongoing pursuit throughout relations, leading to
athlete evolution throughout the span of a career.
ACHIEVING SOLID RELATIONAL FOOTING

The author found that relations with athletes tend to develop quickly when the focus is
placed squarely on athlete evolution. Every athlete seeks to understand what works well for
him in performance, and therefore what to systematize as part of a bout (competition) plan.
Debriefings of previous bouts are a critical part of what we do, and sometimes those
debriefings must be used to track experiences as far in the past as 7-8 years ago. One of the
athletes he worked with in the past viewed himself as someone who always underachieved in
critical bouts. When the coach insisted that the athlete meet with the SPC, it was found inside
the first meeting that such concerns stemmed from two consecutive amateur tournaments
when the athlete was expected to win, and in thecrucial bouts, he was unable to execute his
plan. The deeply held belief by the athlete was that he “choked” during the tournaments to the
point where his talents could not be employed. Consequently, during the critical first meeting,
discussions began with trepidations working with SPCs (based on negative formative
experiences in an amateur career). Once the SPC was made aware by the athlete of his
concerns with SPCs, the discussion turned to fears that he would underachieve during a
forthcoming world title bout. Through discussions, earlier amateur experiences were
recounted and thoroughly debriefed. Precisely, the question became what decisions the athlete
made during his first negative amateur experience (followed by the second) that manifested in
each of the subpar tournament outcomes. When the athlete became aware of omissions in his
bout plans, hisemotional response was immediate. The pessimistic attribution of being
someone who can choke was re-conceptualized into poor organizational decisions. Re-
attributing mistakes from uncontrollable to controllable fostered a level of understanding that
in turn contributed to better planning decisions and subsequently, a dramatic world
championship success. From the aforementioned story, the athlete became immediately
receptive to sport psychology services as part of his training. Consequently, with the initial
support from the coach and a subsequent effective intervention, the SPC and athlete were on
solid relational footing. Though manifestations of trust have varied with every athlete based
on his individual personality, experiences, and cultural background, each athlete in his own
way articulated when he trusted the services. The SPC’s task was to listen carefully and to
know when the relationship was forged, and also in a few cases, when more patience was
(and in a few cases still is) required.
WORKING WITH ATHLETES THROUGHOUT THEIR CAREERS

Every professional boxer has a lifespan for his career. We have found that the length of
an athlete’s career varies with each athlete. Part of what accounts for the discrepancies in
career spans from one athlete to the next is a matter of athlete resilience. Additionally, though
equally salient is the matter of effective athlete management. Each aspect unto itself is
necessary though insufficient if the goal is to retain professional boxers in successful careers
over the long-term. The starting point is to work with athletes who are resilient. Athlete
resilience does not just happen (see Retew&Reivich, 1995). Rather, there are indications of
athlete resilience that stem from earlier amateur careers. Precisely, several of the athletes the
author has worked with did not have illustrious amateur careers, though earlier careers were
marked with instances where the athletes responded adaptively to setbacks, including de-
selection from a national team or from skills that did not fully match with amateur boxing.
However, what was consistent among the most resilient athletes worked with is their ongoing
choice to persist after setbacks immediately as opposed to months of inactivity and
rumination (e.g., negative reflection, externalizing negative outcomes, holding negative and
distrusting thoughts of coaching staff) (for a review see Schinke &da Costa, 2001, Seligman,
1991).
Though resilience for the highprofile professional boxer is an innate characteristic, it
must also be monitored throughout his athletic career. The intent is to ensure that after
successes, lessons are gleaned in terms of why successes are successes. Also, even when the
athlete wins a critical bout, the athlete and his coaching staff must always seek out aspects to
improve forthcoming. The objective, even one working with world champions, is to ensure
that there is always a sense of forward progression. Successful boxers are not only meant to
maintain unblemished records. They are also supposed to grow within their success to the
point where successful outcomes are also opportunities for learning. When setbacks are
encountered, within such outcomes again there are lessons to learn, and such lessons are
meant to be addressed sooner instead of later. The author has found that his athletes replay
negative outcomes time and again in their minds. The re-visiting of such experiences is the
consequence of a search for understanding on the part of the athlete. So long as the athlete
does not fully understand why the performance manifested in a negative outcome, the
experience will be considered unaddressed. The longer the span of time from the experience
to the debriefing, the more times the athlete re-visits the negative outcome without a full
appreciation of how behaviors / decisions connected with the outcome. The goal is to
expedite the debriefing process so as to decrease the number of times that the athlete re-visits
negative experiences, and thus the possibility of negative rumination as a habit.
6 Robert J. Schinke
Consequently, the goal is to be efficient, and also to debrief performances quickly, always
ensuring that the debriefing process is extensive, and sufficient in the mind of the athlete and
his coaching staff. In so doing, each experience becomes a learning opportunity, one that is
understood, facilitative of future plans, and then put to rest. Therein, through effective
debriefings, the coaching staff plays their part ensuring that the athlete recovers mentally
from each bout, thus re-affirming and building upon the athlete’s resilience with each bout.
Finally, a caveat must be made in terms of athlete resilience. The reader might anticipate
from what has been written thus far that resilience is in part intertwined with outcome.
Precisely, it might be assumed that from successes, enhanced resilience is a foregone
conclusion. However, the author hasobserved bouts second hand where successes have
eroded at resilience, and also examples when negative outcomes have enhanced the same
skill. Taking the example of positive outcomes undermining resilience, recently he witnessed
bouts where athletes at the highest level won their bouts, though experienced a loss in positive
mindedness. During one example, the athlete won 11 of 12 rounds of a critical bout, though
barely managed to escape a knockout in the final round. The second athlete also won his
critical bout, though in the bout, the win was not as definitely in terms of point differentials as
compared to the firstcase. What both athletes shared was an emotional response post-bout that
indicated relief in place of joy and excitement. The critical aspect in the effective tracking of
professional boxing post-bout is their immediate post-bout emotional response. In keeping
with well-documented literature on attributions such as the seminal work of Weiner (1985,
1986) and then transferred into a resilience framework through the work of Rettew and
Reivich (1995), emotional responses are critical. Only some emotional responses are
facilitative of resilience such as happiness and guilt, though not relief.
THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA

Within the earlier work of Schinke (2004) there was a section devoted to the relationship
between (and sometimes amongst) the media and athletes and their respective management
groups. We have both found that athletes tend to track the information about them in
newspapers, on web sites, and in daily blogs. One athlete that the SPC recently worked with
spent much of his time prior to a critical bout tracking the commentary made by his opponent.
In addition, the athlete was aware of and concerned by the predictions for the fight made by
the pundits. There is an extensive body of literature pertaining to social support and also self-
confidence where there is strong indication that athletes do not prepare nor perform in a
vacuum. Rather, they are influenced by the feedback and words provided by others, in some
cases through media outlets. Some athletes are less concerned about the views of others, and
some track and pay credence to external feedback. Consequently, the role of media is a matter
of more and less, though media does play a role in boxer performance.
Within professional sport, you will find that athletes are sometimes trained regarding how
to conduct themselves with the media. There are patent responses that some athletes learn to
provide during interviews. Examples might include a focus on personal performance and how
coaching staff and family have been supportive in preparation for the bout. Though responses
are typically attempts at professionalism, regardless of what response is provided, it is
constructed in language. The moment athletes are asked to consider their performances, and
they respond, the words they select conjure up images. Each year, the author delivers a day’s
workshop to Canadian elite coaches on the effect of language use when working with aspiring
athletes. The moment an athlete is asked any question, and it is often hard to predict what
questions might be asked by a reporter, the athlete must reflect over his response. The critical
point is that thoughts constructed in language are thoughts nonetheless. From a press
columnist’s questions, the athlete can embark on a trajectory of thinking that is either
facilitative or debilitative of his performance. Further, when the words of the athlete are
served up in printed form, they might range from a correct depiction of the athlete’s thoughts
to a complete misinterpretation. If the athlete then reads the column out of curiosity prior to
the bout, the words fed back to him can be a cause of positive or negative emotions.
Consequently, when coaches and sport science staff are asked to provide interviews, our
thought is to remain mindful that our athletes might be part of the readership. Hence, the
media can be an opportunity for staff to deliver an effective message to the athlete, assuming
that the responses we provide are resilience producing or affirming.
In addition, the author has worked positively with a few athletes in the past regarding
how best to employ the media as a performance enhancement strategy. For example, with one
athlete recently, short sport psychology sessions were held before critical media interviews
and press conferences. The athlete was an aficionado of the media. He loves the media, and
he follows media releases closely. Hence, the question has become how to respond to the
media so as to enhance resilience while also potentially parting messages to the opponent.
Some opponents also track the media, and one particular opponent the consultant helped an
athlete prepare for, seemed to download the most recent news / information about my client
daily onto his website. Through simple observation it became evident that we could deliver
messages to the opponent through the media, and the question became what messages might
be effective for both parties? Any source of information that reflects back to the athlete can be
employed as an effective way to send a message, and hopefully that message will be a
positive and effective one for the intended client.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The present work is not intended is a definitive guide of how one might work with
successful professional boxers, successfully. Further, it should be noted that there is
considerably more to working with professional boxers and their management groups than
has been considered herein. For example, there is pre-bout management, matters of travel
away from home, how to work effectively with sport agents, how to support athletes before
and during press conferences, and also how to work with boxers onsite. Such topics are
matters for another submission, and were not discussed as part of the present contribution.
Herein, the author provided a few considerations that we believe can enhance athlete
performance through a systematic approach to athlete management. He considered what was
discussed within the present installment as part of the contextual side of what we do with the
boxers we work with effectively. The SPC does not do all of the strategies with every athlete,
and so the headings reflect a composite of parts, written together as part of an overarching
approach. Within the present chapter he has considered some of the initial challenges an SPC
might encounter when working with aspiring boxers. Afterward, considerations included how
8 Robert J. Schinke
an SPC might forge a relationship with an athlete, how one might work with athletes
throughout their careers, and also how we at times have worked effectively with the media. It
is hoped that our words encourage others to also contribute in print, aspects to their respective
approaches as consultants in professional sport. Forthcoming are a few suggestions we
propose for those interested in working with professional boxers.
• Relationships with athletes take some time to develop. An effective strategy toward
the beginning of the relationship is to focus (should the athlete be comfortable) on
debriefings of previous amateur and professional bouts. From such discussions that
consultant will learn some of the patterns of the athlete, thus familiarizing
him/herself with the individual case. As well, debriefings are a good opportunity for
athletes to learn about their previous performances, and employ such lessons in their
future strategies.
• There are cases when boxers are reluctant initially to engage in work with a SPC.
Trepidation might be a matter of previous negative experiences or a lack of belief in
sport psychology / mental training service provisions. Our suggestion is to gain an
initial understanding of how the athlete regards such services, and then to approach
the athlete as the athlete is ready, not before.
• Boxers learn their varying amounts of resilience directly through past encounters,
though also from the supportive resources that surround them. We have proposed
that the very best of athletes from those we have worked with were naturally
resilient. Precisely, the resilient athletes were resilient long before we ever began
working with them. A strong base line of resilience is necessary for world-class
athletes to become and remain successful over the long-term. We seek out such
athletes, and then subsequently try as best we can to track their resilience through
their explanations and emotional responses within and shortly after crucial bouts. We
propose that the more efficient the debriefing process after bouts, the better when the
objective is to push athletes in their ongoing evolution.
REFERENCES
Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: W.H. Freeman.
Lane, A.M. (2006) Reflections of professional boxing consultancy: A response to Schinke
(2004). Athletic Insight, 6. Retrieved December 20, 2006, from URL: http://
www.athleticinsight.com/Vol8Iss3/Reflections.htm
Rettew, D.,&Reivich, K. (1995) Sports explanatory style. In G. McClellan Buchanan &
M.E.P. Seligman (Eds.),Explanatory style (pp. 173-186). NJ: Erlbaum.
Schinke, R.J. (2007). A four-year chronology with national team boxing in Canada.Journal of
Sport Science and Medicine, 6 (CSSI – 2), 1-5.
Schinke, R.J. (September, 2004). The contextual side of professional sport.Athletic Insight,
6.Retrieved December 20, 2006, from URL: http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol6Iss2
/ProfessionalBoxing.htm
Schinke, R.J., Battochio, R.C., Dubuc, N.G., Swords, S., Appoloni, G., &Tennenbaum, G.
(2008). Adaptation attempts of Canadian Olympians using archival data.Journal of
Clinical Sport Psychology, 2, 1-21.
Schinke, R.J., &da Costa, J. (2001). Understanding the development of major-games
competitors' explanations and behaviors from a contextual viewpoint. Athletic Insight,
Available on the World Wide Web: http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol3Iss3
/ExplanationDevelopment.htm
Schinke, R.J., Gauthier, A.P., Dubuc, N.G., & Crowder, T. (2007). Understanding athlete
adaptation in the National Hockey League through an archival data source. The
SportPsychologist,21, 277–287.
Schinke, R.J., Peltier, D., Hanrahan, S.J., Eys, M.A., Yungblut, H., Ritchie, S., et al (in press).
The progressive move toward indigenous strategies among a Canadian multicultural
research team.International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 5.
Seligman, M.E.P. (1991).Learned optimism: How to change your mind and your life. NY:
Pocket Books.
Skinner, E.A. (1995). Perceived control, motivation, and coping. London, UK: Sage.
Weiner, B. (1985). An attribution theory of achievement motivation and emotion.
Psychological Review,92, 548-573.
Weiner, B. (1986). Attribution, emotion, and action.In R. M. Sorrentino& E. T. Higgins
(Eds.), Handbook of motivation and cognition Vol. #1 (pp. 281-311). NJ: Erlbaum.
Chapter 2
PREPARING PROFESSIONAL HOCKEY

PLAYERS FOR PLAYOFF PERFORMANCE
Wayne Halliwell*
University of Montreal, Canada
CHAPTER SUMMARY
Working with professional hockey teams in the playoffs is a unique consulting
experience. I have been privileged to work “behind the scenes” on a number of occasions
with both National Hockey League (NHL) and American Hockey League (AHL) teams
during their long, intense playoff runs. In this chapter I will describe some of the strategies
that we have used to help the players, the coaches and the teams get mentally and emotionally
ready for the challenges of playoff hockey. I will also discuss the differences that I have
observed between providing sport psychology consulting services to professional hockey
teams in the playoffs and working with our Canadian national hockey teams in short-term
events such as the Winter Olympics and the World Hockey Championships.
THE CONSULTING APPROACH

I use an “interactionist” approach (Miner, 2005 ) when consulting with both the Canadian
national hockey teams and the professional hockey teams. In this regard, my interventions can
be categorized as being player-related (Person), or related to the surrounding social and
physical environments (Situation). It should be noted, however, that “interactionism” is a
word that never comes up in my conversations with professional hockey players and their
coaches. In addition to considering social and physical environmental factors which affect the
players, it is also important as a consultant to be aware of the unique “hockey culture” which
*
Wayne Halliwell, Ph.D., CSPA, Department of Kinesiology, University of Montreal, 2100 Edouard Montpetit.
Montreal, Quebec H9W3N9, e-mail address wayne.r.halliwell@umontreal.ca, Phone : 514-343-7008, Fax :
514-343-2181
12 Wayne Halliwell
exists in professional hockey (Botterill, 2004; Halliwell, 1990, 2004). Throughout the chapter
I will discuss the role of the interaction between certain personal factors and a number of
physical, social and cultural factors.
In addition to having a sound conceptual framework to guide the delivery of sport
psychology consulting services to professional hockey teams, I feel that it is very important to
adopt a low profile. By maintaining a low- key, “behind the scenes” approach, especially
when dealing with the increased media presence during the playoffs, both players and coaches
will respect your professionalism (Halliwell, Orlick, Ravizza & Rotella, 1999). The last thing
they want to see is the sport psychology consultant doing a lot of television, radio or
newspaper interviews. I like to follow the motto “high input – low profile.”
THE UNIQUE TASK DEMANDS OF PROFESSIONAL HOCKEY PLAYOFFS

As a consultant working with professional hockey teams during various playoff series,
what have really struck me are the length and the intensity of the playoff competition. In
contrast to the Winter Olympics or the World Hockey Championships which last two weeks
and have teams playing seven or eight games (including preliminary and medal round games),
professional hockey playoffs in North America begin during the second week in April and
don’t end until the second week in June. The drained and battle-scarred faces of the players
during television interviews in the NHL playoffs is a testament to the gruelling nature of the
Stanley Cup journey with teams playing two months of extremely intense, emotional, and
physically draining hockey. The Stanley Cup Champion may be required to play as many as
28 games during four seven games series. In addition, the teams travel across several time
zones in short periods of time and the players may have to cope with playing at a high altitude
in cities like Denver and Calgary. Some players can be seen getting supplementary oxygen on
the bench between shifts during games which are played at altitude. Given the special task
demands of professional hockey playoffs (see also Battochio, Schinke, Battochio, Eys,
Halliwell & Tenenbaum, submitted for publication), there are a number of areas where the
sport psychology consultant can help the players and the coaches cope with the mental and
emotional demands of this two month marathon of games. In the next section I will identify
some of the areas that we focus on to help these professional athletes master the mental and
emotional side of their game.
MENTAL AND EMOTIONAL SKILLS FOR

PROFESSIONAL HOCKEY PLAYERS
Whenever I talk to professional hockey players about mental and emotional skills I
always remind them that what we are talking about is not exactly “rocket science”.
I like to keep things simple and emphasize a lot of “C” words such as control, composure,
concentration, commitment, confidence and consistency. Specific examples of areas that we
work on include:
Preparing Professional Hockey Players for Playoff Performance 13
• helping players get focused and stay focused so they can “stay in the moment” and
focus on playing “one shift at a time” for the entire length of the game. In the
playoffs, some games can last over 120 minutes with 60 minutes of regulation time
and another two or three periods of sudden-death overtime hockey.
• helping players regroup and refocus if they get distracted and frustrated during the
• game because of missed scoring opportunities, bad plays, bad bounces, questionable
• calls by the officials
• helping players control their emotions and not get frustrated by things like:
• opponents’ stifling, close-checking defensive tactics
• opposition goalies playing “out of their minds”
• inconsistent refereeing decisions
• helping players control their emotions, maintain their composure and not retaliate to
• opponents’ aggressive, intimidating actions and verbal comments – also known as
• “chirping”
• helping players develop the resiliency and mental toughness to bounce back and
• re-energize themselves after tough losses
• helping players deal with playoff pressure and media and fans’ expectations
• helping players stay loose and play with intensity
• helping players cope with the mental, emotional and physical fatigue of the long
• playoff grind
• helping players play with a high level of confidence and consistency
• helping players develop a selfless “team first” attitude with a total commitment
• to doing “whatever it takes” to win (e.g., blocking shots, playing through nagging
• injuries, playing fewer minutes per game)
DELIVERING THE MENTAL AND EMOTIONAL SKILLS INFORMATION

Having identified some of the mental and emotional challenges of playoff hockey at the
professional level, we can now take a look at some of the strategies that have proven to be
effective in delivering the mental and emotional skills information. However, before we
examine the what and the how of the delivery of this information, it is important to consider
who we are delivering this information to. On every professional hockey team there is a mix
of young players, mid-career players and older experienced veteran players. The players on
an NHL team could range in age from 18 to over 40 years old. The veteran players prefer to
be called “40 years young”!
In terms of their ability to deal with the mental and emotional aspects of playoff hockey
at the professional level I like to classify the players in three groups based on their years of
playoff experience:
14 Wayne Halliwell
Inexperienced Players
These are players who have no NHL playoff experience so they “Don’t know what to
expect and Don’t know how to respond”.
Players with Some Playoff Experience
These are players who have limited playoff experience and they “Know what to expect
but still Don’t know how to respond”
Experienced, Veteran Players
These players have years of playoff experience so they “Know what to expect and Know
how to respond”. Players in this category include Steve Yzerman, captain of the Detroit Red
Wings, Scott Stevens, captain of the New Jersey Devils and Joe Sakic, captain of the
Colorado Avalanche. Each one of these players has won multiple Stanley Cups and they have
“figured out” how to get focused, stay focused and if needed - refocus. They also know how
to control their thoughts and their emotions and create a mindset which enables them to
elevate their games and play with both confidence and consistency in pressure-filled playoff
games. These players truly enjoy the challenge of competing and playing hard every second
night for two months and getting the opportunity to lead their teammates to victory.
In an interview late in his illustrious 22 year, three Stanley Cup career with the Detroit
Red Wings, captain Steve Yzerman said “I really enjoy the atmosphere now, the emotional
highs and lows of the playoffs. That’s the thing that, ironically, as you get older, you get more
comfortable with. You get less scared of it.” (Detroit Free Press, 2006. p.88).
KNOWLEDGE AND EXPERIENCE

In this broad classification of playoff performers it is clear that knowledge and
experience are two key factors which enable the top players to perform to their potential.
From a conceptual perspective, it can be said that this knowledge consists of what a player
knows about himself and what he knows about dealing with various situations (Interactionism
once again jumps into the picture). Veteran players, with their years of experience, have
acquired this knowledge and as a result they know what to expect in the playoffs and they
know how to respond. In their words, they have “figured things out”.
To help younger players acquire this knowledge and figure out the mental and emotional
side of playoff hockey, I like to show them video clips of experienced playoff performers and
top athletes from other sports discussing topics such as focusing, visualizing, breathing,
dealing with pressure, and dealing with frustration.
Professional hockey players do not like to sit through long meetings with a sport
psychology consultant discussing mental training techniques, however they love to watch
short video clips of other world-class athletes talking about their experiences and their mental
approach to major competitions. As Malcolm Gladwell (2002) vividly states in his brilliant
book “The Tipping Point”, packaging information in the right way is the key to “getting it to
stick” in people’s minds.
A recent television interview with one of the world’s top golfers, Tiger Woods, provides
a good example of an effective video clip which can help hockey players grasp the concept of
“staying in the present” and “playing one shift at a time”. In this interview, when asked a
question about his mental approach to each shot, Tiger Woods states “You have to make a
commitment to each shot. At that moment in time, that shot is the most important thing in
your life. You have to stay in the moment and be totally focused”. This is exactly what
coaches want their players to do every shift during the game and because NHL players have
such great respect for Tiger Woods they will listen to his words and apply them to their sport.
On the topic of dealing with frustration, during the 2003 Stanley Cup playoffs there was a
great interview after the first period of the seventh game final with New Jersey Devils
forward John Madden. His team was completely outplaying their opponent, the Anaheim
Mighty Ducks, but the game was still tied 0-0 because of the terrific goaltending of the
Mighty Ducks goalie Jean- Sebastien Giguere. When asked if it was frustrating to be totally
outplaying and outshooting the opposition and not being able to score, Madden replied “No,
it’s not frustrating. It would be frustrating if we weren’t getting scoring chances. The second
period is always our best period and I’m sure we’ll be okay”.
In discussing this interview with players I like to point out that John Madden never
mentioned the opposing goalie and he focused on three positives. His team was dominating
the game, they were getting scoring chances, and they always play well in the second period.
History will note that John Madden’s team, the New Jersey Devils, went on to win that game
and win the Stanley Cup. It should also be noted that the opposition goalie, Jean-Sebastien
Giguere, won the trophy for the Most Valuable Player in the playoffs. During the same
intermission of this game another veteran player Steve Thomas was interviewed and when
asked how that he dealt with the pressure of playing in a seventh game Stanley Cup Final, he
replied “We just try to keep things simple - get pucks in, get pucks out, and take deep
breaths”. These short video clips from experienced professional athletes provide a nice way of
communicating information on topics such as focusing, motivation, dealing with frustration
and dealing with pressure.
On the subject of dealing with pressure, during the 2004 NHL playoff finals the players
on the Stanley Cup Champion Tampa Bay Lightning received some unexpected and highly
appreciated advice from a former Stanley Cup winner and Hall of Fame player Raymond
Bourque. Before game five of the finals one of the Tampa Bay players Tim Taylor received a
telephone message from his former teammate Raymond Bourque with a reminder to “enjoy
this great opportunity” to be battling for the Stanley Cup. Taylor played this voice message
for his teammates on the speaker system in the Lightning locker room. In television
interviews a number of the players talked about how much they appreciated this great former
player taking the time to share his experiences and how the words “ enjoy” and “opportunity”
really helped them approach the final games with a healthy, positive perspective.
The experienced, respected professional athletes that I have mentioned in the
aforementioned examples all have years of experience playing in pressure-filled situations
and they all know how to embrace the pressure and “let their training and talent come out”.
Quotes from these athletes are readily available in television interviews and in the sports
pages of newspapers, magazines, and books. By preparing video clips and posting the
16 Wayne Halliwell
comments of high profile professional athletes in the locker room we can help young
professional athletes access this “timeless wisdom” and they can use this information to
improve their mental and emotional skills.
One of the excerpts that I like to share with teams in playoff situations is the following
observation from Wayne Gretzky after his young talented Edmonton Oilers team was
defeated by the three-time defending champion New York Islanders in the Stanley Cup final.
He relates an unforgettable experience that he and his teammate Kevin Lowe had to endure
after their losing to the Islanders:
Kevin and I loaded up our troubles and our junk and made our way to the bus. We both
knew that we were going to have to walk by the Islanders’ locker room and we were dreading
it: having to see all the happy faces, the champagne shampoos, the girlfriends’ kisses, the
whole scene we both wanted so much. But as we walked by, we didn’t see any of that. The
girlfriends and the coaches and the staff people were living it up, but the players weren’t.
Trottier was icing what looked like a painful knee. Potvin was getting stuff rubbed on his
shoulder. Guys were limping around with black eyes and bloody mouths. It looked more like
a morgue than a locker room. And we were perfectly fine and healthy. That’s why they won
and we lost. They took more punishment than we did. They dove into more boards, stuck
their faces in front of more pucks, threw their bodies into more pileups. They sacrificed
everything they had. And that’s when Kevin said something that I’ll never forget. He said:
‘That’s how you win championships’ (Gretzky & Reilly, 1990, p.69).
PROCESS – ORIENTED FOCUS THOUGHTS

Due to the importance of each playoff game, players have a natural tendency to focus on
the outcome of the games instead of focusing on the process of winning. To get players
focused on doing what it takes to win, instead of focusing on having to win, I like to get
players forwards and defencemen to use action-oriented key words which we also refer to as “
trigger words”: “Move your feet”, “Drive the net”, “Speed wide”, “Win the battles”, “Track
back hard”, “Finish your checks”, and “Head on a swivel”. For goalies I like to use key words
such as: “ alert”, “big”, “calm”, “square”, “challenge”, “solid” and “fluid”. Players have
found that these process-oriented key words help them focus on things that they can control
and when combined with visualization techniques in their pre-game routine, players are able
to create a confident mindset which enables to see and feel themselves playing with
confidence and consistency. Experienced players have already figured out how to “program
their computers” with positive images and words, so in sport psych terminology they know
how to combine positive self-talk with visualization.
PLAYOFF TEAM THEMES

Another area where I have really enjoyed contributing to professional hockey teams in
their playoff preparation is the development of specific team themes and slogans. These
themes evolve from discussions with the coaching staff and with input from the players. Once
a playoff theme has been identified we print up T-shirts for all the players, coaches and
support staff and these T-shirts are handed out at the first team playoff meeting. Examples of
themes that we have used include: “Pay the Price”, “Discipline Over Emotion”, “Whatever it
Takes”, “Short Shift Hockey”, “Will Beats Skill”, “Push the Pace”, “No Regrets”, “Each
Other” and “Team First”.
When the Colorado Avalanche won the Stanley Cup in 2001 their playoff theme was “It’s
All About Commitment”. This reminder was painted in big letters on the dressing room wall
and it appeared in the team’s playoff motivational videos. Working with the team video
coordinator to produce highlight videos is an enjoyable project and we get the players
involved by asking them to supply suggestions for the music they like. A pre-playoff
motivational video is prepared and then follow-up videos are produced with highlights from
each playoff round that we win. One of the keys in preparing these videos is to ensure every
player appears in the video so it is not just a series of highlights of a few of the more high-
profile players on the team. Also, these videos should not just show great plays by individual
players. Instead, they should also show little things like players displaying discipline, winning
loose puck battles, blocking shots, back checking hard, and showing extra effort in skating
hard to the net and getting to rebounds.
In the 2004 NHL playoffs, the eventual Stanley Cup champion Tampa Bay Lightning
team used an interesting theme - “Safe Is Death”. One of the assistant coaches came up with
this team theme because the coaches did not want the team to sit back and play too safely
when they had a lead in a game. The theme apparently had an effect on the Tampa Bay
players as they often extended the lead by continuing to “push the pace” instead of playing
cautiously and trying to protect the lead. Boston Bruins coach Claude Julien also uses the
team theme “Push the Pace” as he finds that it helps his players focus on “applying the
pressure” instead of “feeling the pressure” and squeezing their sticks. Players like this
aggressive, pursuit approach as it helps them get up their toes, get pucks deep, and take the
play to the opposition by applying puck pressure both all over the ice. From these examples it
can be seen how playoff themes can influence a player’s mindset and it is an area where a
consultant can provide creative input by developing team themes which stick with the players
and provide a constant reminder for the way they want to think and play.
PLAYOFF SITUATIONAL FACTORS

During a two month playoff journey there are many situational factors that can be
potential distractions to players. The coaches and team management of NHL teams do a great
job of organizing travel, lodging and meals. Teams travel on charter flights, stay in first class
hotels, and have team meals at excellent restaurants. However, due to the magnitude of the
Stanley Cup playoffs, more demands are placed on the players as media coverage increases
and players’ families and friends fly in to visit and share the Stanley Cup experience. Thus,
players find themselves doing things such as scrambling to find extra tickets for games and
making sure that their families and friends are looked after. These extra social demands can
affect the players’ normal game day routine, as a result, many teams have their players check
into hotels the night before home games. This allows the coaches to organize a team meal and
a team meeting and it is a great time for the sport psychology consultant to find time for
informal “consulting moments” with players. When working with hockey teams at the
18 Wayne Halliwell
Olympic Games or at World Championships, players and coaches do not have these
distractions as they are living in the Olympic Village or in a hotel. At these major
international competitions it is much easier to put a family plan and a media plan in place and
to develop distraction control and focus plans such as those described in Terry Orlick’s
excellent book “In Pursuit of Excellence” (Orlick, 2000).
Another unique social factor in the playoffs is the increased number of players on the
team as NHL teams call up extra players from their farm team and there can be as many as 30
players available to play. Since only 20 players dress for each game, the extra players have to
do extra on-ice and off-ice training to stay in shape and be ready to play in case of injuries.
This group of reserve players develops an identity and they are referred to as the “Black
Aces” because they wear black jerseys in practice. As the legendary UCLA basketball coach
John Wooden points out in his wonderful memoirs (Wooden & Jamieson, 1997), spending
time with the reserve players and recognizing their efforts is one of the keys to any team’s
playoff success as these players must have a positive influence on the team and be ready to
contribute. The coaches that I have worked with have taken the time to build a positive
attitude in the reserve group and the regular players also take time to mention the importance
of the depth of their team when talking to the media. Spending time with these players is also
an important role for the sport psychology consultant and I have thoroughly enjoyed chatting
with these reserve players and helping them stay mentally and emotionally fit.
SUMMARY
Professional hockey players face many mental, emotional and physical challenges during
the long, gruelling playoff journeys. Working with these world-class athletes and seeing the
passion they demonstrate in working together, growing together and winning together is a
very rewarding consulting experience. Hopefully the experiences that I have shared in this
chapter provide some insight into the uniqueness of the professional hockey playoffs and shed
light on ways that consultants can deliver sport psychology services to professional hockey
players and coaches in the playoffs.
REFERENCES
Battochio, R. C., Schinke, R. J., Battochio, D., Eys, M. A., Halliwell, W., & Tenenbaum, G.
The contextual challenges of ice-hockey players in the National Hockey League.
Submitted for publication.
Botterill, C. (2004). The psychology of professional hockey. Retrieved January 15th, 2009,
from http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol6Iss2/ProfessionalHockey.htm
Gladwell, M. (2002). The tipping point. New York, NY: Little, Brown & Company.
Gretzky, W., & Reilly, R. (1990). Gretzky : An Autobiography. Toronto: Harper Collins.
Halliwell, W. (1990). Delivering sport psychology services in professional hockey. The Sport
Psychologist, 4, 369-377.
Halliwell, W. (2004). Preparing professional hockey players for playoff performance,

Retrieved December 10th, 2008 from http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol6Iss2
/ProfessionalHockeyPlayoffPerformance.htm
Halliwell, W., Orlick, T., Ravizza K., & Rotella, R. (1999 ) Consultant’s guide to excellence.
Chelsea, CAN: Baird, O’Keefe Publishing.
Miner, J.B. ( 2005 ). Organizational behaviour 1 Essential theories of motivation and
leadership. Armonk.NY: M.E.Sharpe
Orlick, T. In pursuit of excellence. (2000) Champaign. IL: Human Kinetics.
Wooden, J., & Jamieson, S. (1997). Wooden: A lifetime of observations and reflections on
and off the court. Lincolnwood, ILL: Contemporary Books.
Yzerman, S. (2006). The Captain: 22 Seasons, 3 Cups, 1 Team. Detroit: Detroit Free Press.
Chapter 3
A CASE FOR A NEW SPORT PSYCHOLOGY: APPLIED

PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGY AND FMRI NEUROSCIENCE
Leonard Zaichkowsky
Boston University, Massachusetts,USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
In this chapter I present the argument that the profession of sport psychology has failed to
convince coaches, athletes and sport governing body administrators that sport psychology is a
critical and essential sport science. A number of reasons contribute to this skepticism,
however the major reason, in my opinion, is our inability to quantify changes in human
performance that is a result of specific mental skill training. The neuroscience techniques of
biofeedback, neurofeedback and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) provide sport
psychologists with a methodology to quantify baseline abilities in mental skills, monitor
changes, and enable sport psychologists to train athletes to self-regulate their thoughts,
feelings and actions. Biofeedback, neurofeedback and fMRI methodology are briefly
explained along with evidence suggesting applied psychophysiology and neuroscience serve
as the foundation for research and practice in sport psychology.
Four decades of scientific research and practical use of psychological intervention with
athletes still has many coaches and athletes skeptical about the value of sport
psychology/mental training even though they readily acknowledge the importance of the
mind in performance. There are three major reasons for this skepticism: First, there is the
misguided belief by coaches that champion athletes are born with talent and athletes either
“have it or don’t have it” when a championship is on the line. Apparently the decade old
research by eminent psychologist Anders Ericsson (1993) and sport psychology researchers
(e.g., Durand-Bush & Salmela, 1996; Starkes 1996) has not reached or convinced the
coaching population. It is quite clear from this research that “deliberate” and continued
practice is what explains championship behavior and not “talent” or genetics. The second
reason coaches have not embraced the profession of sport psychology is that many coaches
believe the mental preparation of athletes is their responsibility. Having consulting sport
psychologists intervening is something many coaches are not comfortable with, although they
22 Leonard Zaichkowsky
are quite comfortable with nutrition and strength and conditioning consultants. The third
reason for skepticism on the part of coaches, is not knowing whether psychological training
makes a difference in the development of optimal performance because, unlike physiological
training, it is difficult to see or measure quantitative differences in psychological
development. However, the good news is that now we have sophisticated technology enabling
us to determine what happens in the central nervous system (including the brain) and the
autonomic nervous system during training and high level performance. This helps us better
understand how athletes think, feel, and react prior to and during competition. These
technological advances, based on neuroscience, include biofeedback / neurofeedback, and
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). In my opinion these two areas are the next
frontier for sport science and sport psychology in particular. In this chapter, I will first
describe biofeedback / neurofeedback methodology and its potential for being the foundation
of sport psychology practice in the future. Specifically, I will provide a brief history of
biofeedback and applied psychophysiology, followed by a description of the different
modalities and protocols used in sport for assessment and training, and finally evidence of
recent successful application of biofeedback to sport. In the last section of the paper I will
discuss the exciting new method for scientifically investigating what happens in the brain of
athletes during performance-the method of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).
A BRIEF HISTORY OF BIOFEEDBACK AND

APPLIED PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGY
The field of biofeedback first appeared in the literature in the 1960s when biofeedback
pioneers such as John Basmajian, Barbara Brown, Elmer Green, Joe Kamiya, and Neal Miller
published studies that demonstrated humans could self regulate physiological functions that
were long thought to be under the control of the autonomic nervous system and as such not
“controllable” by thought processes. Basmajian (1972) demonstrated, using an operant
conditioning paradigm that subjects could learn to control single-motor units and thus
electromyography (EMG) biofeedback was born. Around the same time, and working
independently, Barbara Brown (1970) and Joe Kamiya (1968) demonstrated that brainwaves
could be regulated by subjects if they were given brainwave feedback in real time. Elmer
Green (1973) demonstrated that peripheral skin temperature could be controlled with
temperature feedback and Miller demonstrated that rats could self-regulate heart rate and
blood pressure, again using an operant conditioning paradigm. Barbara Brown (1977) is
credited with coining the term “biofeedback”. For an excellent review of this early research
refer to Brown (1977), and Shapiro et al. (1973). These early findings resulted in the
formation of The Biofeedback Research Society, which later became the Biofeedback Society
of America. More recently another name change took place and the current professional
society for biofeedback is called the Association for Applied Psychophysiology and
Biofeedback (AAPB).
I first proposed the use of biofeedback in sport in 1975 (Zaichkowsky, 1975) and two
years later presented a research paper on the topic at the Fourth Congress of the International
Society of Sport Psychology in Prague (Zaichkowsky, Dorsey & Mulholland, 1977). A third
paper was published a year later (Zaichkowsky & Kamen, 1978). Since that time I have used
A Case for a New Sport Psychology 23
biofeedback technology to help athletes learn self-regulation of their thoughts, emotions, and
action. Unfortunately, biofeedback gained little traction in sport science over the past 30
years, in part because the hardware and technology was bulky and not well developed, the
equipment was expensive, and few practitioners were trained in the theory and practice of
biofeedback. It is true that studies examining the efficacy of biofeedback were published in
the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s (e.g., Peper & Schmid, 1983) and several reviews of this
work were also published (e.g., Leonards, 2003; Zaichkowsky, 1994; Zaichkowsky & Fuchs,
1988), but they were few in number. It would be accurate to say that although the techniques
of biofeedback have been around since the late 1960s, the application of biofeedback to sport
has been minimal.
However, a dramatic change occurred in 2006 when Italy defeated France in the World
Cup of Soccer. The press reported that several Italian players who played for AC Milan used
biofeedback to help them with their mental preparation. AC Milan Team psychologist Dr.
Bruno DeMichelis used biofeedback equipment manufactured by Montreal-based Thought
Technology Ltd., and created what he called the “MindRoom”. In the AC Milan
“MindRoom”, football players were taught to relax and recover from fatigue as well as
control physiological reactions to pressure situations. In order to control physiological
reactions under pressure the football players viewed short video clips of successful and
unsuccessful performance while receiving feedback about brainwaves, cardiovascular, and
electrodermal activity. The success of AC Milan and Italian football in general resulted in
much of the sporting world wanting to know how to develop their own version of the
“MindRoom” for teaching athlete’s mental self-regulation.
WHAT IS BIOFEEDBACK?
Both beginning and experienced athletes often fail to perform optimally or be in “the
zone”, because of self-induced pressure. As such, their minds and bodies are in a state of
disequilibrium, and at critical moments an athlete may not know how to self-regulate his/her
thoughts, feelings/emotions, physiological reactions, and motor responses. Biofeedback
technology is the single most efficient way to teach self-regulation. Perhaps the greatest
feature of biofeedback instrumentation is that in recent years most manufacturing companies
have developed software that allows for two separate operations: (1) assessment and (2)
training. First, we can measure, assess, and profile baseline psycho-physiological activity in
athletes under conditions of rest, competition, and recovery. Secondly, the technology allows
us to train athletes using software screens to self-regulate specific biological functions (e.g.,
excessive muscle tension) that tend to interfere with performance.
Through Biofeedback one uses sophisticated electrodes and sensors as well as computer
driven encoders to measure the mind-body activity of an athlete. Today it is possible to
measure modalities such as skin temperature, heart rate, sweat gland activity, respiration, and
brainwave activity (now called neurofeedback). What is important is that sensors “feedback”
information to the subject in real time so that the feedback is rapid, meaningful, precise, and
consistent. With feedback and the other essential ingredient for learning, “practice”, athletes
can learn to control or self-regulate biological functions that are related to essential mental
skills such as muscle tension, heart rate, respiration rate, skin conductance, and brain activity-
all factors that impact on human performance. Mental skills crucial to successful performance
such as self-regulating stress reactions, controlling fear, relaxation, maintaining activation,
focus, imagery and performance planning can be accurately quantified and useful for rapidly
training athletes.
THE MODALITIES OF BIOFEEDBACK

What follows in the present section are the modalities of biofeedback. Forthcoming each
modality is described through a working definition.
[1] Electroencephalography (EEG), also recently known as Neurofeedback (NF): EEG

measurement and training is one of the original biofeedback modalities and has been
a primary treatment for ADHD; however, its application to sport has been quite
recent. Technological advances have resulted in its application to archery (Landers
et al, 1991), golf and equestrian (Sime et al, 2001), and is a central modality in the
AC Milan “MindRoom”. EEG is used to measure brain activity and it can be used to
determine if appropriate parts of the brain (those regulating coordination, or spatial
awareness, for example) are active during peak performance or inappropriate parts
are active such as language production, and negative self-talk. Multi-channel
recording can be used to determine what brain activity is associated with successful
performance and what brain activity is associated with unsuccessful performance.
Also, EEG or Neurofeedback enables researchers to examine the athlete’s attentional
abilities, problem-solving abilities, and imagery abilities.
[2] Electromyography (sEMG): sEMG refers to surface electromyography and measures
specific muscle activity in microvolts. This form of feedback allows us to determine
if muscles not involved in a particular skill need to be relaxed, and those muscles
involved in a skill need to fire (i.e., respond) in the right sequence and with the right
amplitude. In addition to using sEMG feedback for training specific skills such as the
golf swing, EMG information can also provide insight into the athlete’s strength and
conditioning or effects of an injury rehabilitation program.
[3] Heart Rate (HR): HR is typically measured by standard EKG electrodes or a
photoelectric plethysmography (PPG) sensor attached to a finger. Usually heart rate
is a measure of exercise demands, however it can also reflect mental load as well as
emotions. Heart rate and a more recent measure, heart rate variability, play a large
role in the psychophysiological training of athletes.
[4] Heart Rate Variability (HRV): Heart Rate Variability or HRV is the most recent form
of cardiovascular feedback. HRV looks at the interbeat interval (IBI) which is the
time between one heart beat and the next in milliseconds. It is currently being applied
to a number of medical conditions including: anger management, anxiety disorders,
asthma, cardiovascular conditions, chronic fatigue, and chronic pain. Through HRV
training the patient is taught to increase the percentage of HRV to specific frequency
ranges. Golf professionals Lynn Marriott and Pia Nilsson popularized the use of
HRV for teaching emotional self-regulation among golfers using instrumentation
developed by Heart Math, now called em-Wave (HeartMath, 2003). Marriott and
Nilsson claim HRV training improves concentration and motor coordination,

maximizes emotional calmness and mental focus, and prevents anxiety
(www.coachingforthefuture.com).
[5] Respiration: Respiration rate and amplitude is usually measured by a strain gauge
placed in the thoracic or abdominal region (or both). Respiration rate and amplitude
reflects response to the stress of exercise, psychological distress, or poorly learned
breathing mechanics.
[6] Respiratory Sinus Arrhythmia (RSA): RSA is a measure of the synchrony between
heart rate and respiration. When an athlete is in a calm and alert state, the heart-rate
rises and falls with each inhalation and expiration.
[7] Skin Conductance (SC): Skin conductance is measured by placing electrodes on the
fingertips and measuring sweat gland activity. In the literature it is also referred to as
either electrodermal response (EDR), skin conductance (SC), or galvanic skin
response (GSR). Low stable skin conductivity is an indicator of strong autonomic
nervous system function.
[8] Skin Temperature (Temp): Skin temperature is another measure of autonomic
nervous system function and reflects athlete somatic relaxation (warmth of blood
flow and hence vasodilation) or stress (vasoconstriction and cold hands). Electrodes
are typically placed on the fingers or toes to measure the temperature of the skin.
PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGICAL ASSESSMENT AND

TRAINING PROTOCOLS USED IN SPORT
Sport scientists and sport psychologists using biofeedback assessment and training
typically start by getting baseline measures of the athlete using a standard protocol of: rest (2
minutes), psychological stress (2 minutes), and recovery (2 minutes). The stressor usually
involves the use of a standardized test such as the Wisconsin Card Sort Test, Stroop Test,
serial 7’s, or a sport video of performance stress. These measures create a
psychophysiological profile that enables the sport scientist to design a training program that
helps the athlete to cope with pressure and maintain an optimal psychophysiological state.
Should lack of attention, or cognitive disruption manifest in incorrect decision-making,
leading to disregulation, then the focus of training might be on neurofeedback (EEG). EEG
assessment usually involves conditions of “eyes closed”, and “eyes open” during responses to
stressful stimuli. In many cases however, lack of self-regulation skills is demonstrated in all
the modalities, thus training will be necessary for all modalities such as EDR, HRV, and
EMG.
Training self-regulation using neurofeedback or biofeedback usually begins in the
laboratory in a reclining chair. Here assessment/profiling is the essential first step prior to
training self-regulation. After obtaining baseline information the process of training begins.
The athlete attempts to self-regulate specific physiological functions either by using
animation software provided by the biofeedback manufacturer or by reviewing DVDs of
successful and unsuccessful performance. The goal is to become aware of specific biological
reactivity to pressure and learn what optimal values are when the mind and body are in the
“zone”. For example, athletes quickly learn about what happens to their physiology when
they slow their respiration to 6-8 respirations per minute. They can also become aware of
what happens when they view “anger” being displayed in a DVD video clip, or when they
simply image an emotional/traumatic reaction. In all cases, each modality is quantified using
statistical values. After training in the laboratory or clinic, the athlete attempts to replicate
these ideal performance states on the playing field while executing specific motor skills.
Wireless technology enables psychophysiological signals to be monitored and presented as
feedback to both the athlete and sport scientist. Self-regulation training is learned through this
real-time feedback and continued “deliberate” or intentional practice as well as through
coaching from the sport psychologist/scientist. With quality deliberate practice in self-
regulation training the athlete will be better able to perform under pressure, thus maintaining
composure and staying focused.
RECENT EVIDENCE OF BIOFEEDBACK /

NEUROFEEDBACK APPLICATIONS IN SPORT
Scholarly reviews of the efficacy of biofeedback applications in sport and exercise have
been published (Aubert, Seps & Beckers, 2003; Zaichkowsky & Fuchs, 1988; Zaichkowsky
& Fuchs, 1989; Zaichkowsky, 1995, and Leonards, 2003). Additionally, empirical
investigations have also been published in the last decade (e.g. Blumenstein & Bar-Eli, 1998;
Bar-Eli, Dreshman, Blumenstein, & Weinstein, 2002; Lagos, Vaschillo, Vaschillo, Lehrer,
Bates & Pandina, 2008). However it is the reporting of successful clinical applications in
recent years that have propelled biofeedback and neurofeedback back in the headlines of
applied sport science. It is unfortunate that quantitative sport psychology/science does not
always allow rigorous scientific examination in elite sport. For example, Olympic and
professional teams have as their primary goal the winning of championships. Scientific
validation of sport science interventions is rarely a goal; however changes are currently taking
place such as the recent research collaboration between Real Madrid football, Boston
University, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (http://www.soccer-new-
england.com/Real-Madrid-BU-MIT-Join-Forces.html.
As mentioned earlier, the renewed interest in biofeedback and neurofeedback probably
started with media reports coming from AC Milan football, however AC Milan sport
psychologist Bruno DeMichelis later made a scientific presentation on the “MindRoom” at
the 11th annual meeting of the Biofeedback Foundation of Europe in Berlin in 2007.
DeMichelis (2007) articulated the protocol he used in training the AC Milan football club.
Vietta Wilson, one of the sport and biofeedback pioneers also shared her work with elite
athletes in Canada. Since that time other sport scientists have utilized biofeedback in applied
sport settings with considerable success. Pierre Beauchamp, a sport scientist for the Canadian
Speedskating Federation, has successfully used biofeedback and neurofeedback in the
training of national level speedskaters in Canada (P. Beauchamp,personal communication,
April 2, 2009). At the 40th Annual Conference of the Association for Applied
Psychophysiology and Biofeedback in April, 2009 several papers were presented that featured
applications of biofeedback / neurofeedback to sport. Louis Czoka (2009) reported successful
implementation of a biofeedback program with a National Football League team and Harry
van der Lei reported on successful use of heart rate variability training with Division I golfers.
The feature address however was a paper by South African sport psychologist, Timothy
Harkness, credited with successfully training Abhinav Bindra, India’s first individual
Olympic gold medal at the Beijing Olympics in air rifle shooting (Figure 1). Harkness (2009)
described in detail the 150 plus hours of training Bindra received in neurofeedback, HRV,
EMG, and EDR. He noted that three modalities of biofeedback had the greatest effect on
training. Neurofeedback enabled Bindra to learn when he was calm, relaxed, focused, and in
emotional control before a shot. The goal of neurofeedback training for Bindra was to
decrease theta production and increase a range of beta frequencies at Cz and to uptrain 8-10
Hz at T3 (Broca’s area), which reduced internal dialogue. Cz and T3 are specific standardized
scalp electrode placement sites based on what is known as the International 10-20 System of
Electrode Placement. Each electrode site has a letter to identify the lobe, along with a number
or another letter to identify the hemispheric location. EMG feedback enabled Bindra to be
aware of the activity of his major stability muscles and also maintain a relaxed state.
EKG/respiration feedback enabled the shooter to recognized high respiratory sinus arrhythmia
(RSA). In fact, the best predictor of a bad shot was heart rate and breathing being out of phase
(Figure 2).
Heart Rate (Beats/Minute) Heart Rate Variability SDRR
1.Eyes Closed BL 2. Eyes Open BL 3. Stroop Test 4. Recovery 1 1.Eyes Closed BL 2. Eyes Open BL 3. Stroop Test 4. Recovery 1
5. Math 6. Recovery 2 7. Game 8. Recovery 3 5. Math 6. Recovery 2 7. Game 8. Recovery 3
9. Positive Image 10. Recovery 4 11. Mouse Walk 12. Recovery 5 9. Positive Image 10. Recovery 4 11. Mouse Walk 12. Recovery 5
13. Anticipation 14. Brief Stressor 15. Recover 6 16. Biofeedback 13. Anticipation 14. Brief Stressor 15. Recover 6 16. Biofeedback
Respiration Rate (Breaths/Minute) BVP Amplitudes
1.Eyes Closed BL 2. Eyes Open BL 3. Stroop Test 4. Recovery 1 1.Eyes Closed BL 2. Eyes Open BL 3. Stroop Test 4. Recovery 1
5. Math 6. Recovery 2 7. Game 8. Recovery 3 5. Math 6. Recovery 2 7. Game 8. Recovery 3
9. Positive Image 10. Recovery 4 11. Mouse Walk 12. Recovery 5 9. Positive Image 10. Recovery 4 11. Mouse Walk 12. Recovery 5
13. Anticipation 14. Brief Stressor 15. Recover 6 16. Biofeedback 13. Anticipation 14. Brief Stressor 15. Recover 6 16. Biofeedback
Skin Conductance (Micro-Siemens) Temperature (Degrees Fahrenheit)
Figure 1. Sample Biofeedback Report.
A combination of recent clinical applications to high performance sport and evidence-

based research provide a compelling argument for the use of applied psychophysiology in
sport. Assessment and behavior change interventions, whether they are “educational” in
nature or “therapeutic”, need to move beyond self-report and qualitative assessment.
Biofeedback and neurofeedback methods need to be mastered by sport psychologists
practicing in this era, which emphasizes the pursuit of excellence and evidence that
psychological interventions are making the athlete perform better.
Figure 2. Sample EEG Report.
CONFIRMING BRAIN ACTIVITY: THE METHOD OF FUNCTIONAL

MAGNETIC RESONANCE IMAGING (FMRI)
Brain imaging is a relatively new science first developed in the 1980s that used magnetic
fields and radio waves to produce high quality images of brain structures. Scientists learned
that blood flow changes in the brain could be measured by a technique called Functional
Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), initially referred to as BOLD fMRI (meaning Blood-
Oxygen-Level-Dependent fMRI). Since the 1990s, fMRI has become the dominant method of
brain mapping replacing PET and SPECT scans in part because of its low invasiveness and
lack of radiation exposure. FMRI uses the properties of oxygenated and deoxygeneated
hemoglobin to see blood flow changes in the brain that are associated with specific neural
activity and as such it enables researchers to clearly view changes in small brain structures
such as the amygdela.
FMRI provides both structural and functional information about the brain as the subject /
athlete is asked to engage in specific thoughts, feelings, and action. Although fMRI
methodology is exploding in nearly every discipline that seeks to understand the brain and
human behavior, sport scientists have been slow to move into this area of research, in part
because of their lack of familiarity with the technique and the related expense associated with
fMRI scanning methodology. One exception is the work of Dr. Hap Davis, a clinical sport
psychologist in Calgary, Alberta, who for many years has been the sport psychologist for
Swim Canada.
Davis and colleagues (2007) published what may be the first study using fMRI
methodology to better understand elite athlete performance. As a psychologist who had
worked with many sports, Davis observed that numerous athletes “quit”, after underachieving
and experiencing the disappointment of failure. They simply could not bounce back. Because
Davis had expertise in human depression he hypothesized that this poor performance
following disappointment might be caused by negative emotions that impacted the motor
system. After consulting with neuroscientists such as Helen Mayberg at Emory University
and Mario Liotti at Simon Fraser University, experts on the neuroscience of depression, Davis
et al. studied 13 Canadian Olympic level swimmers, some of whom were successful and some
of whom experienced disappointment in their performance. The researchers looked at brain
activity elicited by two video clips: one where the swimmer failed and a control video of a
different swimmer. When the swimmers viewed their own failed performance, the emotional
centers in the brain resembled subjects experiencing “clinical” depression, a rather startling
finding. Negative emotions correlated with fMRI activity in the anterior cingulate and
parahippocampal gyrus. Negative affect also resulted in reduced activity in the medial frontal
cortex, parietal, sensori-motor, and primary motor cortices - areas that plan essential body
movements needed to swim. When Davis intervened with a twenty minute cognitive
behavioral intervention program where athletes reflected on what they would modify in future
performances, there was a significant reversal of negative affect and corresponding BOLD
signals. Davis et al. hypothesized that negative emotions associated with failure may inhibit
the motor cortex and subsequently have an impact on performance. For the past two years
Davis has teamed up with me at the Boston University Imaging Center to conduct a series of
studies using fMRI methodology on elite athletes (e.g., Davis, Zaichkowsky & Kim, 2007).
This research has also added diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) in order to investigate the
connections between the emotional system of the brain and the motor-planning regions. It is
also possible that this research will enable us to determine whether specific short-term
interventions at the playing venue can “jump start” the prefrontal and motor cortex of the
brain. These interventions need not be traditional cognitive behavioral intervention, rather it is
possible that intense physical activity may also bring about a positive result.
Although our fMRI studies are on-going, several findings to date as well as the research
from related neuroscience areas offer the following insight relevant to applied sport
psychology: The frontal lobe of the brain and the amygdale make an impact on quickness of
response. As such, athletes need to engage in competition preparation that “primes” the motor
cortex in the brain. This “priming” should include mind engaging activities such as reading
aloud, doing puzzles, crosswords, and related critical thinking activity. The anterior
cingulated cortex is associated with emotional reactions so athletes need to suppress negative
emotions, and focus on full enjoyment of the moment, staying positive even under adversity.
We know that negative thinking, fear, and self-doubt inhibits the motor system and
subsequently, skilled performance. Athletes need to develop and practice a discipline of the
mind that gives them freedom from expectations of others-family, friends, and in the case of
the Olympics, their country. They must focus solely on the task at hand and lose themselves
in the task.
In conclusion, functional magnetic resonance imaging has exciting potential application
for sport psychology researchers and practitioners. The brain and central nervous system has
long been known as the “black box”, because scientists could not look inside the brain. fMRI
methodology now allows scientists to look at brain activity during thinking, feeling and
acting in “real time”. The mystery surrounding human performance may slowly disappear
with future researchers using this methodology. Information gained from brain scanning
research should enable researchers to develop biofeedback and neurofeedback training
programs that will serve as strength and conditioning programs for the mind. The technology
of biofeedback and neurofeedback enables sport scientists to utilize the two essential
conditions necessary for athletes to acquire skill through feedback and practice. Further,
biofeedback enables sport scientists to quantify developmental changes in self-regulation
skills. It is this information that should convince coaches, athletes and sport administrators
that sport psychology is an essential sport science.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICE

[1] Sport psychologists need to learn biofeedback and neurofeedback and general
neuroscience methodology as part of their training in sport psychology.
[2] Biofeedback measures should be used to obtain quantitative baseline levels of
psychophysiological reactivity.
[3] Biofeedback and neurofeedback should be used to teach athletes self-regulation skills
such as anxiety control, attention control, and anger management.
[4] Sport psychologists should publish research that provides “evidence-based” practice.
[5] Sport psychologists should consider using fMRI as a research tool to better
understand the workings of the athlete’s brain in sport performance.
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sports: research evidence and practical application. In S. Tsutsui & M. Kodama (Eds.),
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Zaichkowsky, L. Dorsey, J. & Mulholland, T. (1977). The effects of biofeedback assisted
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Zaichkowsky, L. D., & Kamen, R. (1978). Biofeedback and meditation: Effects on muscle
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AAHPERD.
Chapter 4
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING AN OLYMPIC FAVORITE
Peter Haberl
United States Olympic Committee1,USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
In order to add to the current body of knowledge of Olympic sport psychology service
provision, this chapter will focus on a specific situation an athlete or team might find itself in
at the Olympic Games, namely that of being the Olympic favorite. Sport psychology service
provision to Olympic athletes prior to and at the Olympic Games has a relatively long history
in the field of applied sport psychology, perhaps starting with Richard Suinn’s accreditation
as a press photographer so he could continue to provide services to athletes at the Games (see
Suinn, 1985). In 1989 The Sport Psychologist (Roberts, 1989 as editor) published a special
issue dedicated solely to sport psychology service provision to Olympic athletes prior to and
at the Olympic Games. In recent years, a number of consultants have further discussed their
work with Olympic athletes, addressing such issues as long-term relationships (Haberl, 2003),
ethical issues (Haberl & Peterson 2006), emotions at the Games (Fink-Sisniega & Haberl,
2005; Pensgaard & Duda, 2003) service delivery at the Games with individual (Gould, 2001;
McCann, 2000) and team sports (Haberl 2001, 2006a), and service effectiveness (Haberl,
2005, 2006b; Orlick & Partington, 1987; Partington & Orlick, 1987).
Based on personal observation from six Olympic Games, athletes can take on various
roles during the Olympic Games, such as being the favorite, the underdog, the tourist or the
surprise. The role of the favorite is quite different psychologically, than the other roles at the
Olympic Games. As a sport psychologist who has the privilege to work with U.S. athletes, I
often find myself in a situation where my athletes need to prepare for their role as the favorite.
Irrespective of where the Games are held, whether on home soil or abroad, the role of the
favorite will be unavoidable for many U.S. athletes. This is partly because the U.S. won the
overall medal count in the last few Olympic Summer Games, and partly because of the
1
Peter Haberl, Ed. D., Performance Services Division, United States Olympic Committee, 1 Olympic Plaza,
Colorado Springs, CO 80909. Tel: 719 866 4956, Fax: 719 866 4850, Email: peter.haberl@usoc.org
34 Peter Haberl
increased media attention that US Olympians receive prior to the Games, media attention that
invariably focuses on the expectations of success at the Games.
Thus, in this chapter I will address the role of the favorite, its challenges, benefits and
pitfalls in the prism of the Olympic Games and at the Olympic trials and how to
psychologically prepare for this role. While the Olympic Games is a unique environment, the
psychology of the favorite obviously also might manifest itself in other major competitions,
such as the World Cup Soccer, Track & Field World Championships, so perhaps some of the
thoughts expressed in this chapter will also be of interest to sport psychologists working with
favorites in other major sporting events. Furthermore, I will briefly address how my training
and service philosophy guides and determines my consulting approach in working with an
athlete and/or team who find themselves in this role in the unique Olympic environment. In
order to protect the confidentiality of athletes I have worked with at the Games, I will rely on
using examples that have been discussed in the popular press and books, making extensive
use of quotes by Olympic athletes. Using the quote of an athlete does in no way infer that I
know or worked with the athlete in a sport psychology context but the quote will be used to
illustrate and augment my thoughts about the experience of the Olympic favorite. I will begin
with the challenge of Olympic Trials for the favorite and then provide an overview of the
Olympic Games, and the Olympic environment to set the stage for the experience of pressure
the Olympic favorite might encounter. Then I move into a brief outline of my service
philosophy followed by the sections on the tools and methods I use with athletes in the
situation of the favorite. Awareness, mindfulness, and cognitive behavioral techniques geared
towards effective thinking, combined with some of the standard sport psychology
interventions (imagery, goal-setting) now comprise the tool box that I utilize in working with
Olympic favorites. I should also state at this point that I look at my tool box as a work in
progress. The tool box is a work in progress shaped by the experience of working successfully
and unsuccessfully with Olympic favorites over six Olympic Games. Assuming that I will
continue to have the privilege to work with Olympic athletes, I foresee the tool box to
continue to evolve in the years to come as I continue to learn from both success and failure in
the highly unpredictable world of Olympic performance.
OLYMPIC TRIALS AND THE FAVORITE

A special competitive scenario for American athletes who are the favorites is Olympic
Trials. Most American athletes have to go through an Olympic Trials process to qualify for
the Olympic Games (there are some exceptions, where athletes can qualify on the world cup
circuit). In some sports, such as swimming and track & field, winning trials can be more
difficult than winning an Olympic Gold Medal, simply because of the depth of the
competition at the national scene and the fact that countries are limited in the number of
athletes that they can bring to the Games. So, for example, in swimming, the US can only
bring two athletes per discipline, yet for many swimming disciplines there are four or more
athletes that could contend for medals internationally. Such a scenario often puts the favorite
in a challenging position, and the experience of pressure at trials can be greater than at the
Games themselves. The following quote by three time Olympian and 2004 Olympic shot put
silver medalist Adam Nelson attests to this pressure:
The Psychology of Being an Olympic Favorite 35
“The Olympic Trials are sometimes even more stressful than the Olympics themselves.
It’s brutal. The only thing I can say, that the depth we have in this country in most events,
there’s no other fair way to do it.” (Patrick, 2008, p. 2 B) Psychologically preparing for the
role of the favorite begins well before the Games often at Olympic Trials. The pressure of the
Olympic Games, and the uniqueness of the Olympic environment will almost always test the
favorite and his or her preparation. Let’s turn now to a description of the unique environment
of the Games before discussing my service philosophy and the specific tools I use to address
the psychology of the favorite.
THE OLYMPIC GAMES AND THE OLYMPIC ENVIRONMENT

The Olympic Games are frequently the pinnacle of an athlete’s career. The chance to
compete and excel at the Games comes around only every four years. Often much is riding on
this one performance. It can be a chance of a lifetime in an athlete’s career, a chance to excel
at the highest level. It can be an opportunity to justify years of hard work for one moment of
glory in the international spot-light, an opportunity to get lots of media attention, and a
chance to perhaps reap big financial rewards in Olympic sports, which, at least in the U.S.,
often get little to no recognition and media exposure in the years preceding the Olympic
Games. In short, the Games are a chance for fame, fortune and great personal achievement
and satisfaction. However, while much is a stake, competing your best at the Games is by no
means a given. While athletes do achieve personal best performances at the Games (Haberl,
2001) it can be nevertheless quite challenging (Gould, Eklund, & Jackson 1992a, 1992b) to
be at your best at the right time. In the late 1990’s the USOC commissioned a series of studies
looking at the differences between Olympic athletes who meet expectations successfully and
the ones who did not. Successful athletes and teams attributed their performances to mental
preparation, team cohesion, distraction control, and sophisticated planning and optimal
physical preparation (Gould et al. 1998, 1999, 2002). Athletes and teams who failed to meet
expectations attributed their performance to a lack of team cohesion, departure from routines,
media distractions, coach issues, and lack of mental preparation (Gould et al. 1998, 1999,
2002). Thus, optimal preparation at the Games is not a given, and as Gould et al. (1998, 2002)
stated, preparation is complex, multifaceted, requires careful planning and great attention to
detail. For example, at the Olympic Games, support personnel, such as personal coaches,
medical providers (e.g. massage therapists, chiropractors, etc.) and sport psychologists, often,
due to the limited number of official accreditations for each sport and governing body have
limited access to their athletes. This is in stark contrast to World Championships where access
is usually not a problem. Therefore, gaining access to the athlete at the right time requires
advance planning. Another example for the need for attention to detail in planning is housing.
At the Games, most athletes stay in the Olympic village. Depending on the location of the
village, it can be a considerable distance from the competition venue to the village. So the
athletes and their coaches need to plan accordingly, by factoring in driving times, avoiding
boredom, tardiness, and meeting nutritional needs pre- and post-practice and competition and
doping control requirements. As Gould et al. (1998, 2002) stated, psychological preparation is
very crucial, and one important area to plan for as a US athlete is the role of being a favorite
at the Games. American athletes are expected to win, whether they like it or not. The US is a
36 Peter Haberl
perennial summer sport powerhouse. The media hype surrounding Olympic super star
Michael Phelps at the Beijing Games was a wonderful example of being given the stamp of
the favorite, in his case, not just for one event, but rather for eight. While some “favorites”
handle the role expectations that come with being the favorite easily, for others it can put
considerable pressure on performance. In the lead up to the Beijing Olympic Games, the
coach of Chinese 110 meter hurdles track star Liu Xiang was quoted as saying that the
Chinese sports officials said unless Liu defended his gold medal from Athens in Bejing, all
his other accomplishments were meaningless (Farber, 2008). This is mere speculation, but
perhaps it is not totally surprising that the Chinese athlete pulled out of the Games due to
injury. Winter Olympic Gold Medalist Nikki Stone, described the role of being the favorite as
“nerve-racking” (Stone, 2003). Certainly it is possible for the favorite to be completely
unaffected by the role perception, or even benefit from it. That said, the emotional experience
of being the favorite can be persistent in the lead up to the Games, or surprise the athlete
immediately prior and during competition and can potentially be performance impairing. The
following comment from snowboarding gold medalist and Olympic favorite Shaun White
illustrates how the role expectations of being the favorite at the Olympic Games can sneak up
on an Olympian in a surprising way, even though the athlete may be generally comfortable in
this role: "I think we all could sense the pressure. I'm just dropping in, and it hit me: I'm at the
Olympics. I wasn't even looking at the half-pipe. I was looking at the crowd, going, 'Wow.'”
(Zeigler, 2006, p. 1).
The role expectations, mixed with the Olympic environment contributed to White
struggling in his first run. Fortunately, he was able to refocus, regroup and come back to win
the gold medal. As these anecdotal examples illustrate, it is important for the Olympic
favorite to prepare for the added pressure that may come with the role of being the favorite at
the Games. The psychological definition of pressure in the dictionary is “a constraining
influence upon the mind or will” (American Heritage College Dictionary, 1993, p. 1083).
This “constraining influence on the mind” has the potential to impact performance in a rather
negative way. When athletes perform at their best, there is no “constraining influence on the
mind” because the mind is so focused on the task at hand that there is no room for self-
consciousness, no room left in the field of attention for self-criticism and judgment
(Csikszentmihaly, 1990; Jackson, 1992). The experience of pressure as the Olympic favorite
can make it challenging to achieve such an ideal performance state at the Games. My service
philosophy guides my approach in working with the favorite at the Olympics, and it is to this
service philosophy that I address briefly below.
SERVICE PHILOSOPHY
I am trained as a counseling psychologist and I work within a cognitive-behavioral
framework. Within this framework, I am strongly influenced by the notion of psychological
barriers and their impact on performance (Giges, 2000). Also, the 2500 year old Buddhist
concept of mindfulness which has received a lot of scientific attention in psychology in the
last 15 years (see Brown, Ryan & Creswell, 2007) strongly guides my work. Hence I am very
concerned with how athletes think, feel and act in the here and now during competition.
Thoughts, emotions and behavior can have a negative impact on the athlete’s performance
and very often athletes are unaware of the impact their thinking has on performance. I am
very concerned with where the athlete’s mind is during competition and how aware the
athlete is of where the mind is. The overall objective is to equip the athletes with the
psychological tools to maximize their chances to perform as close as possible to their
potential in the Olympic Games. Achieving this objective requires being focused on the
process, having the ability to recognize both internal and external distractions as they arise,
and being able to refocus on the process of competing. All the psychological work with the
athlete has a performance focus, since almost everything in the life of the athletes has the
potential to impact their performance at the Games in a positive or negative manner. In my
applied work I do not make a distinction between educational and counseling matters. Simply
put, as McCann (2008) states clearly, everything is a performance issue at the Olympics. A
case in point here would be the sad, and tragic murder of the father-in-law of the US Men’s
Volleyball coach at the 2008 Olympics, a tragedy that impacted the performance of the men’s
and women’s indoor and beach volleyball teams. Trauma and grief reactions generally fall
under the umbrella of clinical or counseling work, whereas the work of focusing and
refocusing would be considered more educational in nature from a traditional perspective.
Yet, as the Volleyball example shows, both grief and focus may need to be addressed in the
Olympic environment.
Thus, the goal of sport psychology at the Games is to give the athletes as many tools as
possible, so they can be as close as possible to an ideal performance state, despite being in
this challenging environment. This does not mean an athlete needs to be “in the zone” to
perform well at the Olympics. As Ken Ravizza has pointed out frequently, more often than
not, it will be a question of compensating and adjusting, while perhaps still striving for that
elusive state (Ravizza & Hanson, 1995). To help the athletes get as close as possible to an
optimal performance state and successfully focus on the task at hand, I rely on a number of
tools and approaches firmly rooted within a cognitive behavioral framework with an emphasis
on building skills. In this following section I will address these tools, starting with the
importance of awareness, followed by the skill of thinking effectively and the training of
mindfulness to maintain and/or regain optimal focus while performing.
THE IMPORTANCE OF AWARENESS

Working from a cognitive-behavioral service philosophy, I view awareness as the key
meta-skill for performance. Nothing effective happens without awareness. For an athlete, it is
very important to be aware of where the mind is: Is it focused on the process of competing, on
task execution? Or is the mind beginning to wander off into the future (“What if I don’t win
the gold medal?”) or the past (“I lost four years ago in this situation”)? Perhaps the athlete is
lost in judgment (“This shouldn’t happen!”), evaluation (“It’s not going well”) or planning (“I
need to get ready for the next opponent”). Ideally, the athlete is focused on the performance.
Attention is completely directed towards skill execution. However the ideal situation often
does not happen at the Olympics, and in my opinion the athlete’s mind goes back and forth
between being task or process focused and outcome focused. The mentally skilled athlete is
aware of this oscillation and can bring attention back to the task whenever necessary. The
mentally unskilled athlete can lack this awareness at which point the unnoticed change in
38 Peter Haberl
focus becomes a problem. Once the focus is moved away from the process and the athlete is
not aware of where the mind is at, he or she is much more likely to be locked into an
automatic, absentminded reaction that can be detrimental to performance. If the athlete is not
familiar with experiencing pressure as the favorite at the Olympics he or she cannot do
anything about it. If the athlete isn’t aware of being overcome by nerves or performance-
irrelevant thoughts, the athlete can’t work effectively with these emotions and thoughts and
refocus. The lack of awareness will lead to an automatic reaction, rather than a mindful
response. At the 2004 Olymic Games in Athens I had the opportunity to observe a fascinating
competition in men’s synchronized 3 meter springboard diving where some of the athletes
perhaps become locked into such an automatic, absentminded response. Half way through the
competition, there was a major distraction when a spectator, dressed in rather silly looking
outfit ran onto the diving board to advertise for a casino. It took about 15 minutes for security
to eventually remove this person from the pool. Despite this disruption, not one of the teams
seemed to be affected by it in a negative manner as all the teams continued to dive strongly.
With one dive to go, the three favorite teams, the Chinese, the USA and the Russians were in
the lead, as expected. All three favorite teams were stacked with experienced athletes who
were by all accounts, confident, composed and intensely focused. Yet, to everyone’s surprise,
one favorite team after the other faltered on their last dive. The Chinese got the ball rolling
when one of their divers got lost in the dive, landing flat on his back. Not only must this have
been painful, it also meant that the Chinese would finish last. The dive order had the Russians
follow the Chinese. The individual three meter gold medalist from Sydney, Sautin hit his toes
on the board during this last dive. Again painful, and at the cost of a great reduction in points,
the Russians finish in seventh place, second to last. With tension rising in the arena, next up
was the American team, the sole remaining favorite in the competition. The door to the gold
medal seemed wide open. Alas, their dive was not synchronized, placing the Americans in
sixth place, out of medal contention. The Greek team, the perfect underdog, ended up winning
the competition, sending the audience in a frenzy of joy and jubilation. This is mere
speculation on my part but there is a good chance that as the Chinese finished last in the
competition, the other favorites experienced a plethora of thoughts unrelated to task
execution, making it challenging to maintain focus on the task at hand. It is in precisely such
a situation where awareness is crucial for the athlete. If the athlete is aware of how thinking
has occupied attention and how attention is no longer task focused, the athlete can take steps
to refocus. If not, there is great potential for being less than optimally focused. The three
favorite teams in this example, experienced and confident, in perfect position with one dive to
go, ended up in seventh and sixth place (out of eight teams) (the three favorite teams cannot
end up in only two places). Ever since the Athens Olympics I consider the ability to recognize
and correct a shift in focus to be crucial for the favorite. Hence I consider awareness a key
still to be developed by the favorite in preparing for the Games. Awareness begins with
understanding how the role of the favorite might impact attention. Open-ended questions,
such as “How do you see your role?” and “What do you think the psychological impact that
role has on your performance?” are an excellent way to begin to canvas the role perception
and its impact for the favorite. Such open-ended questioning provides a great starting point to
see where the athletes are and how well they understand the potential ramification of their
role perceptions. People in general often are not very good predictors of how they will feel in
the future (Gilbert, 2006). Assuming that athletes are no different in this regard, it is
important to raise awareness to the potential emotional roller coaster ride that awaits them at
the Olympics. Athletes often fail to take the possibility of experiencing unpleasant emotions
at the Games into account (partly because they believe the myth that mentally tough athletes
don’t have any negative emotions). Examples of other athletes, in the form of stories, videos
and quotes, are excellent tools in beginning the process of normalizing the experience and
preparing the athlete for the full spectrum of emotions and thoughts that might arise.
Forthcoming is an example from Olympic Champion Maurice Greene that nicely illustrates
the strong and unexpected emotions that an athlete can experience prior to his performance at
the Games:
“As the 100 drew nearer, Greene grew tighter. He has won back-to-back world titles,
holds the world record (9.79 seconds) and has broken 10 seconds 31 times, more than any
other man in history. But these were his first Olympics, and last Friday night, after the
quarterfinals, he stayed at the stadium much too long, talking and strutting, keeping up the
image of confidence. "Olympic rookie," said Greene's agent, Emanuel Hudson. "He doesn't
realize he hasn't won anything yet." On Saturday morning he realized it. "I was messed up,
man," Greene said. "My nerves were all over the place. I tried to drink a glass of water, and
my hand was shaking." (Layden, 2000, p. 46).
And mind you, this comes from an athlete who generally is portrayed as being supremely
confident. Normalizing such emotional reactions and being willing to accept the potential
roller coaster as opposed to falling either into the trap of experiential avoidance, or panicking
about the negative thoughts and emotions, will go a long way in preparing the athlete to cope
effectively with such negative emotions at the Games. Experiential avoidance, such as not
wanting to have negative emotions, or not wanting to have negative thoughts (e.g., “what if I
won’t do well at the Games?”) can easily lead to having exactly these emotional experiences
at the most inopportune time, and affect performance in a detrimental way (see Eifert &
Forseyth, 2005; Gardner & Moore, 2006 for an in-depth discussion of experiential
avoidance).
Another useful awareness exercise is asking the athlete to think about the advantages and
disadvantages of being the favorite as opposed to being the underdog by using the cognitive-
behavioral technique of doing a cost-benefit analysis (Burns, 2006). Advantages of being the
favorite may be being more confident, feeling that you have a psychological edge, a sense of
being able to break other teams/athletes psychologically, getting them to give up, or having
the referee(s) and judge(s) in your corner. Disadvantages may be that ‘you think you have a
target on your back, you play with something to lose, you are crippled by the pressure you
experience, the other team is free to play their best, they have nothing to lose, the other team
will bring their A-Game and be extra motivated to knock you off your pedestal, you may also
get lazy and complacent, not give 100 %, be unfocused, or the referees might not cut you any
slack, and everybody expects you to come out on top.’ Awareness of the thoughts that fall
under the “disadvantage” column is particularly helpful, because it is often these thoughts that
trigger a shift from task focused attention to outcome focused attention. Once the athlete is
aware of such thoughts, he or she can learn to work with them in the most useful way, either
by training to think more effectively or by skillfully employing mindfulness and refocus on
the task at hand. Employing mindfulness and thinking effectively are the next two tools I
want to discuss.
40 Peter Haberl
THINKING EFFECTIVELY IN THE ROLE OF THE FAVORITE

A major disadvantage for the favorite is often the perception of increased pressure due to
heightened outcome expectations. Increased expectations are sometimes a disadvantage, and
bring up the fundamental question when working from a cognitive-behavioral framework that
I want to address with the athletes: What causes pressure of Olympic proportion? What
causes pressure that impairs performance? What causes pressure that makes the athlete to go
all “Olympicky” as Shaun White put it while describing his first run at the 2006 Games in the
halfpipe (Willoughby, 2006, p. D-01)? What is it that “constrains the mind”? Is it the
situation, being in the role of the favorite? Or is it the thoughts and the beliefs about being in
the role of the favorite? Certainly from a cognitive perspective the answer is clear: Almost
always, it is not the fact that the team, or the athletes might be the favorite, but rather it is the
beliefs, the thoughts and the inferences about that role that lead to the experience of pressure.
In the experience of track and field athlete Suzy Favor Hamilton, described below, we can see
the “constraining influence” of the perceived pressure of the favorite at work in a very
negative way. Favor Hamilton was one of the favorites to win the 1500 meter race at the
Sydney Olympics, only to mysteriously fall in the last 200 meters. Journalist Melanie Conklin
(2008) captured Favor Hamilton’s recollection of the last part of the race before her fall:
"With 200 yards to go, I hit empty on my gas tank," she begins. "At that point I started to
have a panic attack. In my mind, I knew winning was the option, only winning could be a
success." With the finish line in sight, another runner passed her and she thought, "OK,
silver." Then two more women passed and with them her chance at a medal. "In fourth place I
decided fourth was not good enough and I somehow needed to vanish," she says. "But how do
you vanish when the whole world is watching?" She recalls the flurry of thoughts that
followed. "I thought of my best friend who was dying of cancer and was watching the race. I
thought of my family, and my brother had passed away a year before, and thought if I could
win they would be happy. I was thinking about my husband and my coach. And people had
told me, ‘If you can win the gold just think about the impact that would have on the sport.' "
Then comes what she calls the toughest admission of her life: "I was thinking about everyone,
how happy they would be. And at that moment I had let them all down, so falling was the
option. And I fell." (Conklin, 2008, p. 1)
As painful as this experience must have been for Favor Hamilton, it is a perfect example
of how thinking can shift from a task focus to a self-referenced one, and how thoughts can
figuratively “explode” in the head of the athlete, completely taking attention away from task
execution, and in this case literally lead to the downfall of the athlete. It is not the fact that the
athlete was in the role of the favorite, but rather the thoughts, perceptions and beliefs that
arose once the reality of the situation no longer matched the performance expectations of the
favorite that led to the athlete’s downfall. As the leading cognitive-behavioral psychologists
such as Burns and Beck postulate, drawing on the wisdom of the ancient Greeks, it is not the
situation that makes us upset, but rather our thoughts about it (Beck 1995, Burns 2006). And
transferred to the Olympic arena, it is not being in the role of the favorite that is distracting,
but rather the thoughts about being in the role of the favorite that distract the mind of the
athlete and then potentially impact performance in a negative way. The thoughts about being
the favorite and the interpretation of that role can lead to behavioral and emotional responses
that can range from cocky, complacent and unfocused at one end of the spectrum to overly
nervous, timid, too narrowly focused, inhibited, and perhaps exhausted, on the other hand of
the spectrum. And in that broad spectrum of behavioral and emotional experiences we can
also find a confident, optimistic, composed, optimally focused, flexible and highly
determined athlete that can excel in the role of the favorite, with attention completely on the
task at hand. Relishing the role of the favorite, maximizing its advantages and minimizing the
disadvantages is intricately linked to being aware of and to a certain extent in charge of one’s
own thinking, beliefs, interpretations and evaluations of the role of the favorite. Using a
standard cognitive-behavioral technique of doing an A-B-C sheet (e.g. Whalen, DiGuiseppe,
Dryden 1992; Beck 1995) can be helpful in raising the awareness of the athletes to the
powerful role that thinking plays in performance. Thus, thinking will also play a key role in
effectively managing the role perception of the favorite. What thoughts, what beliefs and
inferences will lead to the experience of pressure, what thoughts lead to losing focus,
experiencing debilitating emotions and as was the case for Suzy Favor Hamilton “falling on
the track”? Two categories of thoughts are of relevance while working from a cognitive
perspective: Automatic thoughts and then more firmly entrenched beliefs (Burns, 2006). Both
can be catalysts in the athlete experiencing unhelpful pressure. Speed skater Chad Hedricks, a
multiple medal favorite at the 2006 Winter Olympic Games in Torino provided a wonderful
example of random automatic thoughts that the favorite can experience:
We've been here too long. You come here 12 days (before the competition) and now you
start to think about things you don't need to think about. It was a battle before the race. All
(kinds of) thoughts going through my head. I was thinking about things I'd never thought
about, like, `Is my skate sharp enough?' Just dumb stuff.' (Hedrick, in Reid, February 12,
2006)
While Hedricks’ distracting thoughts are an example of random automatic thoughts,

Favor Hamilton’s disruptive internal dialogue reveals a number of more deeply entrenched
beliefs, such as winning being the only option, having to make everybody happy and letting
everybody down. Thoughts of not living up to expectations (one’s own, one’s coaches, one’s
country, etc.), thoughts of being a failure in the absence of success on the playing field, and
thoughts of having to perform are examples of beliefs that most likely will get in the way of
an adaptive performance focus. Such troubling beliefs for the favorite often fall in a number
of categories, such as perfectionism, achievement addiction, low frustration tolerance and the
superman/superwoman syndrome. Perfectionism – the belief that you can’t make any
mistakes --is a particularly dangerous territory for the Olympic favorite. Perfectionism when
looked at as a multidimensional construct (Flett & Hewitt, 2002) is a double-edged sword for
Olympic athletes. The side that cuts the athletes is when they feel that they cannot make
mistakes. The athletes are overly concerned with worrying about screwing up and becoming a
failure. The side of perfectionism that drives the athletes is when the athletes set high
standards, are organized and highly conscientious, and not overly concerned about making
mistakes. So perfectionism is not good or bad when it comes to performance but rather has
good and bad components. And perfectionism researchers make a distinction between
adaptive and maladaptive perfectionism (Flett & Hewitt, 2002) as well as by looking at
perfectionism as a multidimensional construct (Frost et al. 1990). Olympic gold medalists
often score high in adaptive perfectionism and low in the maladaptive sides (Gould,
Dieffenbach & Moffet, 2002). That said, the Olympic environment of being the favorite, with
42 Peter Haberl
the tempting promise of fame and fortune, can easily trigger a tendency to worry about
making mistakes, which can become a slippery performance slope. Achievement addiction,
the belief that your worth as a person depends on how successful you are, is another belief
that can entrap Olympic favorites. When your whole sense of self is on the line in front of
global media coverage, it can become very difficult to perform your best.
Low frustration tolerance, not being able to tolerate discomfort, uncertainty and changing
conditions with a measure of equanimity, is another belief system that easily can get the
Olympic favorite into trouble. The Olympic environment, almost invariably, will present the
athletes with all kinds of discomforts. Discomforts can run the gamut from bad calls from
referees, changing wind and light conditions, noisy, disrespectful spectators, crowded
conditions in the village, stressed out support staff, and the media, always looking for the next
scandal. Transportation to and from venues to and from the village deserves particular
mention here. The un-official motto for the Olympic experience may well be “hurry up and
wait,” whether it is for buses, in traffic, or making it through security lines. Having low
frustration tolerance in such situations is an unnecessary waste of energy and often disrupts
focus and undermines team cohesion. The Superman/superwoman syndrome, the belief that
you always have to be on top of things, that you should show and experience no negative
emotions can get athletes in trouble, when they are in an environment that often acts as a
catalyst for a roller coaster of emotions. Chad Hedrick, the speedskater quoted above is a
wonderful example of an athlete who managed to avoid falling prey to being an emotional
Superman at the Olympics. Although a self-described supremely confident athlete, he found
himself being overcome by emotions right before his first race in Torino (Reid, 2006).
Working with his sport psychology consultant and spending time in the supportive,
unconditional embrace of his family allowed him to process and experience negative
emotions, let them run their course and successfully refocus on competing. Gardner and
Moore (2007) defined poise as the ability to perform “while experiencing whatever thoughts
or emotions are triggered by any given situation” (p. 131). Certainly, Hedrick, as the favorite,
with the presence of negative emotions, showed great poise in his first Olympic race by
winning the gold medal in the 5000 meter race.
A belief closely related to achievement addiction and the Superman/woman syndrome
that often puts undue pressure on the favorite is the notion of “defending the title.” A
returning gold medalist is frequently asked by the media about the notion of defending the
gold medal from four years ago. From my perspective, this potentially puts the athlete into a
defensive frame of mind that is not conducive to performance. Thinking “I need to defend my
title” can quickly lead to playing not to lose, rather than playing to win. Simply asking the
athlete if he or she finds this thought helpful is a great starting point. If the athlete doesn’t
find the thought helpful then the cognitive approach offers an excellent way to work with
such a belief by checking for the logic in the belief. I make the case with the athlete that
believing “I need to defend the title” is not logical. It implies that the athlete already has won
the gold medal, “owns” the gold medal and now it can be taken away (and hence the “need to
defend”). However, nobody has won the gold medal prior to the actual start of the Games.
You can’t lose something you don’t have, such as a projected Olympic Gold medal. But you
can certainly gain it. And it is much more conducive to performance to focus on “gaining” vs.
“losing” something. For those who have won medals in prior Olympics, those medals are
theirs for the rest of their lives. Once you are an Olympic Champion, you always will be an
Olympic Champion. Shifting perspective from having something to lose to having something
to gain can make a big difference. In order to work effectively with such automatic thoughts
and potentially entrenched and distracting beliefs, athletes need to be aware of these beliefs
and thoughts. Again, awareness is such a key skill and an integral part of the cognitive
approach. Preferably, an awareness of thoughts and emotions happens in the moment of their
arising in the mind. This is not an easy task, and requires the deliberate practice and
cultivation of awareness and attention. An excellent, but thoroughly underutilized way to
formerly practice awareness and attention is mindfulness (Gardner & Moore, 2007; Kabat-
Zinn, 1990, 1994, 2005).
MINDFULNESS
Mindfulness, generally defined in the western psychological literature as “paying
attention in a particular way: on purpose, in the present moment, and non-judgmentally”
(Kabat-Zinn, 1994, p. 4) is an excellent training tool for awareness and attention. Mindfulness
is both a set of techniques and a way of being (Kabat-Zinn, 1994, 2005). Mindfulness trains
the ability to aim, sustain and regain attention in a formal way (Siegel, 2007). Knowing where
your mind is and having the ability to put it where you want it to be, is a crucial skill when it
comes to performing well as the favorite at the Olympics. There are many distractions at the
Games that can disrupt focus. They run the gamut from external distractions such as the
media (e. g. at least twice as many journalists as athletes attended the Beijing Games), the
excitement of the Olympic Village and opening ceremonies, agents and sponsors who want to
capitalize on the economic and marketing opportunities, fabulous sponsor parties (e.g. a
perennial favorite is the Sports Illustrated Party with Swimsuit models), to extended families
and friends wanting to spend time with the athletes. Then, of course, there are the internal
distractions, thoughts and beliefs already mentioned. All of these can easily lead to the athlete
being drowned in distractions that the pageantry and the hype of the Games create,
particularly for the favorite. Even an athlete not easily prey to internal distractions will still
have to cope with this potentially distracting environment and plan for it. Clearly, having
detailed distraction plans, expecting the unexpected, sticking to routines and controlling what
one can control are key elements of an athlete’s preparation for the Olympics (Gould et al.
1998, 1999, 2002). All of these steps to manage distractions require awareness and benefit
from mindfulness. Thinking, in the form of “I need to win the gold medal, and if I don’t do it
now the last four years have been a waste” present an internal distraction for the athlete.
Often the athlete is not aware of such thinking, and gets literally carried away in a stream of
thoughts. With mindfulness the athlete not only develops awareness of thinking but also the
skill to step away from thinking, and refocus on the task at hand in the present moment. Favor
Hamilton’s experience of the last 200 meters, discussed earlier, is a vivid example of how
thinking can take attention away from a process focus and derail performance. From my
perspective, traditional distraction plans often don’t take enough account of thoughts as
internal distractions. We have the illusion that we control our thinking, which is partly
reflected in the saying “control what you can control,” namely yourself. But thinking is often
automatic, unscripted and immensely distracting. What we can potentially control is our
attention, through awareness and mindfulness. Mindfulness can be trained formally, through
such activities as sitting meditation, walking meditation, yoga, and mindful eating, and also
44 Peter Haberl
informally in everyday activities (Kabat-Zinn, 1994, 2005; Parent 2002). Besides the formal
practice, I strongly emphasize the informal practice, encouraging athletes to extend the formal
practice into their everyday practice and competition. I regard mindfulness as the key ‘utensil’
in my tool-box and I combine mindfulness with other ‘utensils’ drawn from the cognitive-
behavioral perspective to help the favorite prepare for the Olympics. In this approach I stray
from current thinking in sport psychology where it is proposed that cognitive-behavioral
interventions focused on changing thoughts are irreconcilable with mindfulness (Gardner &
Moore, 2007). Mindfulness and the cognitive-behavioral toolbox offer two different, and in
my mind complimentary, technologies to work with the distracted, pressured Olympic
favorites onsite. With mindfulness the athlete works on changing the relationship to thoughts
(Kabat-Zinn, 2005), rather than the thoughts themselves. With the cognitive-behavioral
approach the athlete works on changing thinking (Burns, 2006). Both approaches allow the
athlete to detect and remove internal barriers to optimal performance. Both approaches are
very effective in providing the athlete with the tools to effectively self-regulate the roller
coaster of competitive emotions the favorite can experience at the Olympics. Both require
practice and effort ahead of the Games and the Olympic Trials. In the next couple of sections
I will discuss a few more examples of how I combine mindfulness with cognitive-behavioral
techniques in my work with Olympic favorites. The first example is the tyranny of the
‘shoulds’, followed by goal setting, imagery and perspective taking.
THE TYRANNY OF THE SHOULDS

I addressed earlier how Olympic favorites can approach Olympic competition thinking “I
have something to lose” and how distracting such thinking can be. There is another set of
thoughts, to which I pay particular attention when working with the favorite. These types of
thoughts are appropriately labeled by Karen Horney (1950) as the “Tyranny of the Shoulds”:
“I am number one in the world, I am the world record holder, I am the favorite to win Gold at
the Games, therefore I should win the Olympic Games.” The tyranny of the shoulds is often
detrimental to performance. It represents a self-imposed rule, a self-imposed demand of how
the world should work, which clashes frequently with the actual reality of the situation. It
leads the athletes to an almost constant evaluation to see if the rule is being met in reality. If
this reality checking fails to satisfy the demand of how the world should be (and it almost
always does), it disrupts the athletes concentration and greatly challenges the ability to
refocus and return to staying in the moment. “Should” paints the perception of a natural law.
But there are no natural laws in the psychological realm of competition. There is no law that
says that the favorite “should” win, the referee “shouldn’t have made that call,” “the crowd
should be quiet,” the weather “shouldn’t be this windy” and so forth. Yet, I often see athletes,
and particularly favorites fall prey to the ‘Tyranny of the Shoulds’ at the Olympics.
Awareness, mindfulness and effective thinking are the key skills. Once the athlete becomes
aware of his or her mind being distracted by “shoulds”, the athlete can begin the process of
distancing from the thought and letting the judgmental thought go by refocusing on the task at
hand. This is mindfulness at work. Prior to the in-the-moment use of mindfulness, the athlete
can take steps to see through the illusion of the should by drawing on a variety of cognitive
techniques. Simply asking the question “Does it help me to think this way?” can go a long
way in allowing the athlete to let go of the pressure inducing “should.” Recognizing the
inherent cognitive distortion in the “should” statement is another effective technique. Actively
changing the “should” to a “want to” is another technique Burns (2006) referred to as the
semantic technique. So changing the demand, the self-imposed rule into a preference can
make a big difference: “I am the favorite, I am in great position to do well and win trials, and
I really want to win it. In order to do that I will focus on the process and adjust flexibly to
anything that comes up”; “I would prefer for the referee not to have made that call, but he did.
I will stay focused on the game”; “I would prefer to have calmer conditions, but all
competitors have to deal with the wind. I am actually quite good at competing in the wind.”
From my perspective mindfulness and cognitive-behavioral interventions work very well in
combination. Another way for me to combine the two approaches is in goal-setting.
GOAL-SETTING AND THE OLYMPIC FAVORITE

I encourage the Olympic favorite to make a clear distinction between outcome,
performance and process goals, a standard sport psychology technique (for a more detailed
description of the three types of goals see Hardy, Jones & Gould, 1996). Gardner and Moore
(2006) have questioned the effectiveness of goal-setting in sport psychology (and imagery as
well). Yet athletes do set outcome goals. I doubt there are many Olympic medalists that
haven’t clearly stated the goal of winning a medal before they actually achieve it. So it
becomes important for me to effectively work with these goals. From my perspective,
outcome and performance goals have great motivational value. They facilitate and guide hard
training and sacrifice. I ask my athletes to set all three types of goals. Yet the closer the
athlete gets to Olympic competition the more I want the outcome and performance goals to
recede into the background, because they can become a distraction, and the process goals to
be in the foreground. As I discussed during the philosophy of service provision section,
focusing on the task at hand and becoming immersed in the process is the goal through the
sport psychology intervention. The athlete can use process goals to anchor attention in the
present. However, at the Olympics achieving and maintaining such a process focus during the
crucial stages of the competition can be a major challenge as I highlight through the example
of Suzy Favor Hamilton. For me in my work with Olympic favorites, it is not enough to just
set the process goals, I want the athlete to also train to bring focus back to this process goal,
once attention has wavered. When the athlete’s attention switches from a task-focus to a self-
referenced focus, as it did for Favor Hamilton, and as it often does for many athletes,
mindfulness can be the tool to allow the athlete to quickly refocus. So mindfulness allows the
athlete to refocus on the process goal once attention has wavered and the process goal
becomes an anchor of attention in the present. I also believe that mindfulness aids the practice
of imagery, another standard sport psychology technique that I may use in my work with
Olympic favorites.
46 Peter Haberl
IMAGERY AND THE OLYMPIC FAVORITE

Imagery, practiced in the coping and mastery version (Hardy, Jones, & Gould, 1996), can
help the Olympic favorite as well in his or her preparation. Staying with the above example of
the “tyranny of the shoulds” the athlete can use coping imagery to rehearse becoming aware
of the “tyranny of the should,” then work on letting go, and changing the demand of the
should to a “want to” and conclude by seeing himself/herself compete effectively at the
Games. A number of Olympic medalists have told me that mindfulness work has augmented
their imagery practice by allowing them to recognize quicker when they drift into
daydreaming and come back to focused imagery practice. It is easy, and to a certain extent
normal to become distracted, as anybody that practices mindfulness meditation will quickly
notice. Imagery practice will be more effective and beneficial if the athlete’s attention is on
the actual desired image, rather than a daydream. Maintaining and regaining attention requires
discipline. Mindfulness requires work, and the work of mindfulness hones the discipline it
takes to understand and realize when attention has wavered and then to refocus on the task at
hand, whether this is the present centered focus of the competing athlete, or the focus on the
image with which the athlete is working.
An athlete trained in mindfulness and in the cognitive techniques mentioned above, in my
opinion, gives himself/herself the best chance to perform not with a quiet mind, but with a
mind where the “ego” is quiet, and where all attention is focused on the task at hand. This
notion of a quiet ego yet focused attention is a crucial component of Csikszentmihalyi’s
(1990) flow model. Flow is characterized by an ‘absence of self-consciousness’ and a
‘merging of action and awareness’. Dietrich (2003, 2004) from the perspective of
neuroscience thinks of the flow state and meditation as states of ‘transient hypofrontality’. In
this state of transient hypofrontality the “higher cognitive abilities of the prefrontal cortex”
(the ego) are selectively disengaged while “executive attention” is fully engaged (Dietrich
2004, p. 757)
Keeping higher cognitive abilities of the prefrontal cortex quiet at the Olympics can be a
major challenge at the Games, particularly for the favorite, who can get caught up thinking
about how much is at stake. Along with mindfulness and the other techniques discussed,
maintaining perspective is one more cognitive technique the athlete can use to keep the “ego”
quiet.
PERSPECTIVE
Few athletes respond well to being put in a do-or-die situation. Unfortunately, the
Olympics can be a once in a lifetime opportunity. The media, agents, coaches, and National
Governing Bodies (as we saw with the Chinese hurdler discussed above) will often do their
part to paint such a scenario. Again, it is helpful to prepare the athlete for this Olympic
reality. From a cognitive perspective, putting a “perspective kit” together can be quite helpful.
A “perspective kit” consists of anything that provides a balanced point of view. This can
include perhaps family photos, letters, poetry, other personal items, or items that capture
spirituality and remind the individuals of their religious values. NBA champion Robert Horry,
after hitting the game winning three point shot for San Antonio in the 2005 NBA finals
provided a wonderful example of perspective and how it can help free up the mind to focus
on the task at hand (for Horry didn’t score until a minute left in the third quarter, eventually
finishing with 21 points) and not be consumed by the outcome: “You have to have the
attitude that, ‘It’s only a game, you take a shot and you either make it or miss it. So what? It
isn’t life or death. It doesn’t mean my kids won’t love me when I get home if I didn’t make
it.” (Smith, 2005, p. 3)
Although Horry’s quote is not an Olympic example it illustrates the helpfulness of
perspective. From a mindfulness point of view, the “do-or-die” mentality athletes sometimes
adopt at the Olympics can again be approached as “more thinking.” If the athlete can hold
such thoughts mindfully in awareness and look at them non-judgmentally from the
perspective of “here I go thinking ‘do-or-die’,” and refocus on the process of execution the
athlete changes the relationship to his thinking. With the practice of mindfulness the athlete
begins to understand that he is not his thoughts, but that thoughts are often random
occurrences in the mind that come and go. The athlete doesn’t have to buy into the thoughts
by believing them (Kabat-Zinn, 2005). This distancing from the content of thinking in
mindfulness allows the athlete to let go of the thoughts and refocus on the task at hand.
Mindfulness work further allows the athlete to look at this “do-or-die scenario” through the
lens of non-attachment and non-striving. Mindfulness is about being present in this moment,
knowing that each moment is unique. It is not about getting somewhere (such as to a gold
medal), or feeling something special (such as the excitement that comes with winning), but
feeling this moment, knowing that it will be a transitory state, regardless of whether it is
pleasant, unpleasant or neutral (Kabat-Zinn, 2005). And since it is a transitory state, there is
no need to cling to it too much. “Clinging to the outcome” can easily manifest when the
athlete thinks that winning the gold medal will be a life-changing event leading to perpetual
happiness. Suffice it to say that getting lost in such a state of mind is not conducive to
performance. Mindfulness and the ‘perspective kit’ can provide a useful antidote to such an
illusion of the mind. Angela Ruggerio (2007), in her description of the mindset of the
women’s ice hockey team in the Gold medal Game at the 2002 Winter Olympics provided a
compelling example of how difficult it can be for the favorite (who won all eight prior games
against Canada during the pre-Olympic tour), to stay immersed in the process at the Olympics
and not cling to the outcome in the final game:
We had focused on the end goal (winning) as opposed to the experience and the process.
Instead of letting the game come to us, we played on our heels and never applied the pressure
or had the same confidence that we had in our undefeated pre-Olympic tour. No matter how
many excuses we might try to muster, we did not gel as a team that night. Losing is part of
sports. Losing is part of life. That still didn’t stop our tears from flowing. We had won a silver
medal but it was an enormous failure in our own minds and those of many who had invested
so heavily in us. (Ruggiero, 2006, p. 143)
As I mentioned in the beginning, as painful as it is, much can be learned from an

unsuccessful performance. As the sport psychologist who had the privilege of working with
the US Women’s Ice Hockey Team for 10 years it is indeed a painful lesson. The lesson
learned for myself from this defeat is to take the preparation of the favorite very seriously by
bringing a big toolbox consisting of mindfulness and a host of cognitive-behavioral
techniques to the table. The difference between winning a game 3:2 and losing it 2:3 is very
48 Peter Haberl
small. The favorite’s mindset is one of those small factors that should be carefully attended
to. With this attention to detail in mind, I conclude with a brief summary and
recommendations for sport psychologists working with Olympic athletes who find themselves
in the role of the favorite.
SUMMARY
When returning Olympians are asked what they would do differently in their preparation
if they would have a second chance at the Games, they mention doing more sport psychology,
more mental preparation, planning better (particularly for the distractions), resting more,
spending more time on stress management, working more on being a cohesive team and not
overtraining (Gould et al. 1998, 1999, 2002). Many Olympians do not get a second chance to
prepare optimally for the Games and certainly they don’t often get a second chance to be the
favorite. Since there might only be one chance for the athlete to compete at the Games,
detailed planning and optimal preparation, physiologically and psychologically, matter for
aspiring Olympians, specifically if they find themselves in the role of the favorite. In this
chapter, I’ve tried to outline how mindfulness and cognitive-behavioral interventions offer a
rich toolbox that the athletes and the sport psychology consultants can utilize in their
preparation for the Games.
Recommendations for Practitioners
Following below are a number of recommendations for practitioners working with

Olympic favorites:
Step 1: Assessment of role perceptions – raising awareness.
(a) Assess how the athlete perceives his or her role at the Olympics by asking a number
of open-ended questions, such as “How do you see your role at the Games? What do
you think the psychological impact of that role is on your performance? How do you
think the favorite will feel? What about the underdog?”
(b) Have the athlete do a cost-benefit analysis: What are the advantages of the favorite?
What are the disadvantages? Ask the athlete to assign a percentage rank to each side
and get an indication which side the athlete prefers.
Step 2: Continue to raise awareness and normalize emotional reaction to being the
favorite:
(a) Educate the athlete about the Olympics by providing him/her with stories, quotes,
and video examples of Olympic favorites who dealt with the role of the favorite
successfully and unsuccessfully.
Step 3: Help the athlete understand the crucial role the mind plays in adjusting effectively
to the role of the favorite
(a) Return to the cost-benefit analysis and take a close look at the disadvantages
mentioned. Use this list to uncover unhelpful thoughts and beliefs that will distract
the athlete from staying focused on the process. Work with an A-B-C sheet, where
“A” stands for activating event, in our case being in the role of the favorite, “B”
stands for beliefs and thoughts the athlete has about the situation of being the
favorite, and “C” captures the emotional and behavioral consequences of those
thoughts about being the favorite. These thoughts can be performance facilitating or
debilitating. Ask a series of questions about the thoughts (about the B’s): “Is it
helpful to think this way? Is it logical to think this way? Are there other ways to
think about it? If your best friend is in the same situation would you tell him/her the
same thing you are telling yourself? If the answer is no, why not? Are there any
shoulds present in your thoughts? What would happened if you change them into a
‘want to, prefer to’?”
(b) Come back to the example in the form of, quotes, stories, videos and look at the
thoughts of the athletes in the role of the favorite and see if the athlete understands
how those thoughts impacted performance
Step 4: Training in Mindfulness.
a. Train the athlete in formal mindfulness meditation practice, using such

techniques as sitting meditation, walking meditation, yoga and mindful
eating.
b. Encourage the athlete to train mindfulness informally as well by taking the
practice of mindfulness to the practice field.
c. Debrief competition and practice from the perspective of mindfulness by
using journaling or talking about the competition/practice. When was it
difficult to stay focused on the task at hand? What came up? When did the
athletes notice their internal dialogue and the distraction it presented? Were
they successful at refocusing back to the task at hand?
Step 5: Planning for distractions
(a) Begin planning for distractions at the Olympic Games. Brainstorm about various
external (media, friends and family, etc.) and internal distractions that might arise at
the Games.
(b) Come up with contingency plans for handling those distractions. Work on active
problem-solving, but also on more emotion based coping.
(c) Pay specific attention to the internal distractions (using the thoughts and beliefs
uncovered as material for this part, along with the A-B-C form to work on effective
thinking and the mindfulness work).
Step 6: Goal-setting.
a. Ask your athlete to set outcome, performance and process goals for all
competitions leading up to the Olympics.
50 Peter Haberl
b. Encourage the athlete to practice moving attention from outcome to process

goals the closer it gets to the competition.
Step 7: Use mastery and coping imagery to prepare for the emotional experience of the
Games
Step 8: Ask the athlete to put a perspective “kit” together.
The “kit” can consist of anything that gives the athlete perspective in life. Make sure it is
transportable and small enough to bring to competitions and the Olympic Games.
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Chapter 5
PSYCHOLOGICAL PREPARATION OF ATHLETES FOR

THE OLYMPIC CONTEXT:
TEAM CULTURE AND TEAM-BUILDING
Ken Hodge1 and Gary Hermansson2

Mental Skills Trainer for NZ Winter Olympic Team,
University of Otago, New Zealand1
Team Psychologist for NZ Summer Olympic Team,
NZ Olympic Committee, New Zealand2
Key words: Olympics, mental skills training, team cohesion, team-building
CHAPTER SUMMARY
Team-building and team culture for the whole Olympic team? Why? Why bother? What
is the value of such an exercise for a multidisciplinary Olympic team? The answer (we
believe) is that the Olympics present ‘unusual’ challenges for athletes and coaches;
consequently there is a clear need for different measures to cope with these different
circumstances.
The Olympic Games (both Summer & Winter) are an atypical sporting experience for
most athletes and an alien competition context for some (Greenleaf, Gould & Diefenbach,
2001; Hodge, 1993; Hodge & Hermansson, 2007). The Olympics are atypical and unusual
because (i) they only occur every four years and (ii) they are a ‘multisport’ event. Most elite
athletes quickly become familiar with the annual schedule of international events in their
particular sport (e.g., rowing world cup regattas, skiing FIS World Cup race circuit) and
adjust to the mental demands of such regular elite competition within their sporting discipline,
but the multisport Olympics held only every four years present particular challenges and
difficulties.
The four-year cycle offers few opportunities for most athletes to gain experience and
‘acclimatise’ to the unique mental challenges of the Olympic environment (Gould, 2001;
McCann, 2000). Perhaps the key mental challenge is the ‘multisport’ (almost festival/circus)
56 Ken Hodge and Gary Hermansson
aspect of the Olympics which can be a distraction as well as serving to dilute the normal
exclusive focus on the athlete’s own sport. The multisport Olympic environment also
generates a greater public profile, media coverage, sponsor expectations, and public
expectation. For many so-called minor sports, the Olympics generate a substantially higher
public profile and media coverage than these athletes are accustomed to (sentence ending in
preposition). Because of these kinds of factors, the global profile of the Olympics is
somewhat unique and the pressures associated with performing under such an intense ‘gaze’
become a burden for many.
In our view, developing a strong overall team culture, along with the more regular efforts
to create unity and strength within the sub-units (e.g., swimming, sailing teams/groups), can
be a powerful method to counter the pressures that are unique to the Olympics. Consequently
the purpose of this chapter is to outline the overall team-building approach and the methods
we have been part of with recent New Zealand Olympic Teams. However, before we describe
the elements involved, we will outline what we see as some of the common mental challenges
associated with the Olympics. We do not propose to detail the specific mental skills training
we provide for Olympic athletes in New Zealand (NZ) as we know from discussions with
colleagues from other nations that there is little fundamental variation in the ‘basic’ mental
skills training offered around the world for Olympic athletes (Hodge, McKenzie &
Hermansson, 2001).
Excellent descriptions of Olympic mental skills training programs can be found in book
chapters by Gould (2001) and McCann (2000). Rather than focusing on our version of an
Olympic mental skills training program we will outline the common mental challenges that
we have identified with NZ athletes and then outline the overall team-building strategy (a
‘One Team-One Spirit’ vision/philosophy) that NZ Olympic Teams have employed over
recent Games to help build a strong performance platform and within which we operate to
serve these typical mental skills challenges. Also, we will consider specific strategies we have
used to help build strength and unity within the separate sub-units of the overall team,
working on the premise that attention to both dimensions (overall team and separate sub-
units) will combine to bring about something that goes beyond the sum of its parts.
COMMON MENTAL SKILLS CHALLENGES AT THE OLYMPICS

The authors have both been involved in several Olympic Games campaigns. The first
author (Ken Hodge) went to the Barcelona Summer Games in 1992 and the Torino Winter
Games in 2006. The second author (Gary Hermansson) has been the NZ Team Psychologist
at the last three Olympic Games in Sydney, Athens and Beijing. Both authors have also
worked separately with many elite athletes both pre- and post-Olympic campaigns. In our
experience, beyond the mental skills needs that most elite athletes typically work on (e.g.,
confidence, motivation, concentration, controlling arousal/activation, coping with adversity),
there are a number of mental challenges more specific to the Olympic environment.
Pre-event mental preparation. Many athletes need to take ‘ownership’ of their
performance by working hard to fine-tune their ‘mental prep’ to suit the requirements and
special demands of the Games environment. Much of our work in this regard revolves around
helping athletes modify existing ‘pre-race/event routines/plans’ that are created by them to
Psychological Preparation of Athletes for the Olympic Context… 57
provide a feeling of control over the situation, deal with stress, and give them confidence that
they will perform up to their personal best (Hodge, 2004a). The most common difficulty
regarding pre-race/event routines/plans at the Olympics is managing the shift that almost
inevitably goes towards focussing intently on outcome/results thinking (Gould, 2001).
Because the event is a culmination of years of training and because there is intense interest in
results by everybody, athletes often struggle to stay focussed on performance objectives, even
more so than usual. Whilst they often have some understanding of the shift that occurs within
them, they typically find it hard to discipline their thinking towards essential and more
controllable performance issues.
‘Games wobbles.’ Despite the added focus on fine-tuning their mental preparation
mentioned above, some athletes start waivering and decide to radically change their routines
and Pre-Event Mental Preparation because they are at the ‘Games’. Somehow the usual often
becomes doubted and there can be a loss of trust in the familiar (Gould, 2001). Athletes need
to trust themselves and their routines, back their confidence, and stick to their normal training
and competition procedures (Clarke, 2004; Gould, Eklund, & Jackson, 1993; Greenleaf et al.,
2001), but for many, the Games environment severely challenges that sense of trust.
Stress management. A common psychological issue at the Olympics is stress/anxiety
management (Dugdale, Eklund, & Grove, 2002; Gould et al., 1993; Hodge, 1993). Managing
stress primarily focuses on the use of mental skills such as relaxation, centering, imagery, and
positive self-talk. Performing at the Games can be a particularly stressful experience for a
number of reasons:
• the time, effort, and money required to compete at the Olympic level can become a
source of stress when the athlete begins to wonder if it is ‘all going to pay off’; (this
bullet is a sentence; none of the other bullets are)
• worry about ‘life-after-sport’, win or lose at these Games what will I do next?;
• the incredible media coverage at the Games, compared to the level of coverage that
their sport may usually receive (Greenleaf et al., 2001);
• the ‘atmosphere’ of the Games -- representing their country, competing against the
world’s best with the spotlight on their performance;
• living in the village and dealing with the ‘artificial’ surroundings, organisation,
transport and security hassles;
• dealing with injury, health, or fitness problems;
• dealing with the disappointment of a ‘poor’ performance in the first race/heat/event;
• coping with the disappointment of a ‘poor’ overall performance;
• interpersonal conflict with teammates, coaches or managers.
Any one or a combination of the above sources of stress can interfere with the athlete’s
mental preparation and responses, cause stress/anxiety, and undermine her/his confidence.
Particular issues of stress relate to living circumstances, with this being an overarching
stressor for most. Village accommodation invariably requires several athletes to share the
same room in relatively cramped conditions. These living arrangements can make for
difficulties with sleeping, personal space, a lack of privacy, and noise control; especially as
the Games progress and some athletes finish their competitions.
Public expectations, increased media attention, and funding pressures place some
Olympic athletes under enormous stress. For many, funding is strictly tied to their Games
performance - if they succeed at the Games they are likely to secure funding for the future; if
not, their funding is likely to be cut or withdrawn. This type of pressure is a ‘double-edged
sword’; it can provide motivation for training and competition, but it can also generate
enormous pressure, stress and anxiety that, in turn, can hinder performance.
Interpersonal conflict. At every Olympics there are a number of issues related to conflict
arising between athletes and their teammates, coaches and managers (Gould, 2001). The
intensity of the occasion can bring this about, or heighten existing rifts, and the kinds of
pressures already identified for athletes can have similar impact on coaches and support staff
leading to the potential for relationship problems. In any issue of conflict there are always two
sides and typically mistakes made by both parties. Often these conflicts develop from or are
exacerbated by a lack of communication, lack of tolerance, and lack of empathy (Clarke,
2004). Coaches and managers need to be appointed early in the Olympic cycle by each sport
so that they have time before the Games to ‘get to know’ their athletes (and the athletes to get
to know the coaches/managers), establish lines of communication, and develop working
relationships.
More time should also be devoted to communication skills training for managers and
coaches - some managers and coaches are lacking in some aspects of effective
communication with elite/international athletes and this can lead to mis-communication, mis-
interpretation and inevitable conflict among the parties. An important feature of NZ Games
Team appointments of management and support staff over recent years has been a focus on
‘adding value.’ Whereas in the past such personnel might have been appointed for reasons
associated with being a good servant to their sport, the emphasis now has shifted onto
performance outcomes for management and support staff as well. There have been occasions
where the NZ Olympic organisation has turned down a management staff appointment
proposed by the sport because it was considered that the individual concerned was judged not
to be up to the performance demands. Everyone has to be able to make a positive impact.
‘Psych’ aspects of injury rehabilitation. Injury also has clear psychological aspects
(Williams & Scherzer, 2006), especially in the Olympic context when the four-year cycle
offers a small window for participation opportunities. Athletes carrying or acquiring injuries
will typically have to cope with the emotions and stress that accompany the worry that an
injury may hinder a top performance or worse still prevent them from competing at the
biggest event of their sporting career - one that they have trained and made sacrifices for over
a number of years (Greenleaf et al., 2001).
In regard to dealing with the psychological aspects of injury rehabilitation in the Games
environment, a feature of the work that helps athletes is the immediate presence of a multi-
disciplinary health team involving medical staff, physiotherapists, massage therapists and
chiropractors (Reid, Stewart, & Thorne, 2004). When such teams work well, the opportunity
is there for athletes to benefit from an (should this be “a”?) holistic and unified orientation
and this can markedly ease the stress for them. For us, also, the experience of working within
such a team of providers has been a valuable addition to the effectiveness of our own work
and ultimately to the benefit of those personnel (athletes, coaches and support staff) who we
strive to assist.
Second Week ‘Blues.’ Many members of a Games ‘Team’ (athletes, coaches, managers,
health team personnel) will suffer to some extent from a phenomenon we have
euphemistically labelled as 2nd Week Blues. In our experience it is normal at most Olympics
for everyone (including ourselves) to get a little stressed and irritable after the first week of
living in the claustrophobic Games environment. A range of issues related to living inside the
‘Games Bubble’ can start to irritate people, especially the athletes; for example, the cramped
Village, bland bedrooms, lack of privacy, lack of spare/private time, monotonous food, and
the tedious and intrusive security checkpoints......need a verb here to make it a sentence. Such
relatively minor issues tend to become amplified as the lead-up to competition occurs,
especially among those who are at the village for the entire Games. There is usually a period
of heightened tension as the competition gets closer and athletes taper and/or intensify
towards ‘the big moment.’ Such issues can be especially frustrating for athletes who do not
compete until the second competition week of the Games.
Helping to address the aforementioned unique challenges, in addition to the regular elite
sport stressors (e.g., managing performance anxiety, staying focussed), tend to make up the
essentials of Games work for Mental Skills Trainers/Sport Psychologists, with this certainly
being the case for us with various NZ Games Teams. Much of our mental skills work is
performance-focussed, but a lot can be regarded as performance-related; that is, work
peripheral to the actual event but having a potential impact on it.
Our presence within Teams over the years has also meant that we have been able to both
assess and contribute to the collective Team cultures as they have been developed and played
out. For us, this is a significant proactive engagement as it helps set the conditions both for
support and for constructive challenge of all within the Team, and potentially makes our work
more impactful and widespread. In our experience, many of the common mental challenges
identified above for ‘Games’ athletes can be prevented, or at least managed better, if the
overall Games Team has a strong team culture (i.e., teamwork and team spirit).
TEAM DYNAMICS AND TEAM BUILDING

The matter of team culture has received particular attention for NZ Olympic Teams over
recent years and will continue to be a feature of the lead-up to the Vancouver Winter
Olympics (2010) and beyond. There had been concern around the time of the Sydney
Olympics in 2000 that a considerable degree of fragmentation within the “Games” Team was
becoming evident and that this fragmentation was having a profound effect on levels of
motivation, satisfaction and performance. In earlier times, the total NZ Olympic Team,
usually relatively small in number, was announced at the same time; then the Team gathered
together at a single location within the country for outfitting and a farewell function before
travelling as a single unit to the Games city. However, more recently, selections of separate
sporting teams are announced progressively in the months leading up to the Games, athletes
are scattered around the world training and competing, they are outfitted from afar, and they
arrive at the Games venue from different directions at differing times (sometimes just
immediately before their event). The prospect of athletes experiencing the Games as ‘just
another event’ in the calendar of their own sporting code was seen as increasingly likely, as
was the loss of the impact of being a part of a powerful single team entity - with its own
social support, enjoyment, motivational and performance potential.
Whilst recognising the realities involved in changing circumstances, it was considered by

those recently responsible for building, shaping and managing the culture (Chef de Mission,
management personnel and ourselves) that important elements were being lost. Consequently,
some opportunities were not even tapped into that could help to provide a powerful
foundation of identity, belonging, cohesion and meaning. It was thought that these elements
and opportunities would in and of themselves provide a solid inspirational platform for all
concerned that would both greatly enhance levels of satisfaction and, most importantly,
performance. The Chef de Mission appointed following Sydney (Dave Currie) championed
the notion of explicit team-building for the whole Olympic team, and was instrumental in
building an organisational team with a shared vision for developing and taking the explicit
team-building philosophy forward. This philosophy has been captured in the concept of ‘One
Team-One Spirit,’ which has become the guiding orientation both for preparation and
application.
From a psychological perspective, this philosophy has been helpful in creating a valuable
support network as well as an environment where the challenge to perform remains strong. It
also provides a more settled atmosphere within which our individual and team psychological
work can take place. The greatly enhanced social-psychological conditions have been
important in themselves (Amorose & Anderson-Butcher, 2007; Bloom, Stevens & Wickwire,
2003), but they have also helped to better underpin our work in relation to the kinds of
psychological challenges previously identified.
PURSUING A ‘ONE TEAM-ONE SPIRIT’ ORIENTATION

Whilst the national team is the unifying structure within which a country’s separate
sporting teams gather and perform, the group dynamics seen as crucial for athletes performing
to the best of their abilities have typically been left totally in the hands of the separate
sporting teams (sub-units) themselves. As we shall indicate later in the chapter, we have
played our role in helping in the development of such separate teams towards building their
own strong performance and support cultures.
Such features as team unity and cohesion, motivation, goal setting and managing the
pressures of competition (see, for example, Hodge, 2004a; Murphy, 1996; Orlick, 2000) have
typically be seen as the responsibility of the coach(es), section manager(s) and athletes in the
various sports, with assistance at times from people such as ourselves. Any sense of overall
national team unity and cohesion has been usually regarded as an informal bi-product of the
various sports coming together wearing a common uniform and performing under a nation’s
flag, along with the experiences of living closely together in the Olympic Village as a distinct
entity for the period of the Games.
The concept of cohesion is recognised as an important dynamic for any sporting team
(cf., Carron, Bray & Eys, 2002, Carron & Hausenblas, 1998, Carron, Coleman, Wheeler &
Stevens, 2002, Carron & Spinks, 1993; Hodge, 2004b; Hodge, McKenzie, & Lonsdale, 2005;
Syer, 1986). For example, Carron and Spinks (1993) stated that:
cohesion has been associated with a number of positive individual and group
consequences. For example, with higher levels of cohesiveness, group performance is
superior, task and social interactions and communication are enhanced, the group is more
stable, and role acceptance and conformity to group norms increase. In addition, individual
members experience less anxiety and greater self-esteem; show greater trust, feelings of
security, and willingness to change; and more readily share responsibilities for group
outcomes. (p. 8)
Even though circumstances increasingly seem to conspire to make the main focus of
involvement on the separate sporting teams (e.g., cycling, hockey, skiing, bobsleigh), the
organisational requirements of participating at the Olympics, the common uniform and flag,
the living arrangements and the efforts made to distinguish the residential quarters by their
national character means that being part of a national ‘team’ is very much a feature of the
experience of all who are involved regardless of where their point of departure is when
travelling to the Games.
Given that this overall team membership will inevitably be part of the consciousness of
all athletes and support staff, the degree to which it is a positive, unifying and inspirational
experience is crucial for individual and overall team success. It could be argued that the same
aspirations for cohesion (cf., Bloom et al., 2003; Carron & Spinks, 1993; Carron &
Hausenblas, 1998; Hodge, 2004b), is as much a need in the overall team as it will be for each
of its separate units (i.e., different sporting teams and support groups).
Consequently, the development of overall national team cohesion could be seen as a
valuable objective for any country participating in the Olympic Games, with the purpose of
enhancing team members’ satisfaction and performance. It was with this intention that the
management personnel of the NZ Olympic Games Team (NZOC) made preparations for
Athens 2004, Torino 2006, Beijing 2008 and will be maintaining the emphasis for Vancouver
2010 and London 2012.
THE NEW ZEALAND TEAM EXPERIENCE:

‘ONE TEAM-ONE SPIRIT’ VISION
The One Team–One Spirit vision developed progressively from the Sydney Olympics
and to date has been most fully articulated and implemented for the Torino and Beijing
Games. One of the cornerstones was in relation to national identity – drawing strength and
meaning from knowing who we are as people from a particular nation and having a firm sense
of belonging and communal strength. New Zealand is essentially a bicultural nation built on a
Treaty between the indigenous Maori and European settlers (see King, 2003) and, even
though the relationship between the peoples has not always been straightforward, by
international comparisons there is a solid sense of partnership and unity. This bicultural
relationship means that any Team culture based on strengths of NZ national identity needs to
genuinely reflect bicultural dimensions, and in a way that is not tokenism. To do this
sincerely meant bringing into the planning team cultural advisors from within Maoridom and
sharing leadership in working on the Games planning and Team development. Following
extensive consultations within Maoridom and within the NZOC organisation, this step was
taken and a commitment was made to work in partnership from Athens 2004 onward.
A number of tangible actions in terms of Team development (the ‘One Team’
component) were taken, in general and in regard to biculturalism, which will be outlined, but
all the way along the emphasis has been on the underpinning values and ethos (the ‘One
Spirit’ component) that such actions reflect. The Beijing Games Handbook (NZOC, 2008) for
Team members set out the vision [both in English, as shown here, and in Maori translation] –
the One Team–One Spirit vision (below) was also used with the Torino Winter Olympic
Team:
One Team – One Spirit

Being part of the New Zealand Olympic Games Team is a commitment
by everyone to create an environment that inspires, empowers,
supports and recognises achievements, an environment that is enjoyable,
where everyone wears the silver fern [national emblem] with pride.
An environment where athletes can excel.
The cloak (Kakahu): The Maori tribal groups within New Zealand/Aotearoa [Maori
name] collaborated to weave a feather cloak (a Kakahu) for the NZ Olympic Team in 2004,
“To highlight the uniqueness of New Zealand, Maori culture has been woven into the core of
our Olympic Games Team” (NZOC, 2008, p. 16). The cloak is only ever to be worn by the
Team Flag bearer at each Olympics “[The] team kakahu is an exquisite work of art and will
be seen as a mantle of leadership and spiritual protection. The cloak itself becomes
empowered by the status and mana [standing] of the wearer, and as a result the cloak’s mana
will increase with each successive flag bearer” (p. 16). Once the kakau/cloak was created,
efforts were made to have each living NZ Team Flag bearer from prior Olympics wear it,
prior to it being placed on the shoulders of the chosen Flag bearer in Athens. The chosen flag
bearer, starting with Athens, now wears the kakahu into the Stadium for the Opening
Ceremony: Beatrice Faumuina (Athens 2004 - Polynesian-descent Discus Thrower), Sean
Becker (Torino 2006 - European-descent curler), and Mahe Drysdale (Beijing 2008 -
European-descent rower).
Greenstone (Pounamu) Pendant: Pounamu is a jade-like stone found in certain parts of
the country’s South Island, is a recognised treasure (a toanga) for Maori and for New
Zealanders as a whole. It is regarded as precious – “It is... a stone with mana [status &
standing]” and those who see it and wear it receive honor. Again, the Maori tribes provided a
large piece of Pounamu for the Games Team as a ‘touchstone’ for connection, strength and
individual/collective mana, and each team member was given an individually carved
Pounamu pendant, which was personally presented to them at a ceremony upon their arrival
into the Village in Athens, Torino, and Beijing.
The Village: The Team location in the Village, as with other nations, has always
displayed the national flag, but now there are also large banner hangings from apartment
balconies with stylised ferns, and in Athens and Beijing a traditionally carved wooden
gateway (Waharoa) framed the entrance down to the Athletes’ Lounge (in Athens known as
‘Middle Earth’ in recognition of the country’s association with the filming of the Lord of the
Rings film trilogy). Several other artefacts – cultural and kitch – are located around the Team
location to create a sense of connection with home and a bond with each other.
The Haka: New Zealand sporting teams have often been known internationally for
performing the Haka – a Maori dance/chant that the nation’s ‘All Blacks’ Rugby Team
performs before international games, and most New Zealand young people travelling together
in foreign countries finish up doing it (not always very well) as a kind of party item to signify
that they are New Zealanders. Done well it is a dramatic collective statement of challenge,
respect and honor. The Haka is also often performed as part of a greeting for people coming
home and as such is a strong and moving experience of bonding and belonging.
Following on from the learning and practice of the Haka that teams had experienced
separately in the lead-up period to the Games, it formed a distinctive statement of welcome
and union for the Team in Athens, Torino, and Beijing. As each unit arrived at the Village –
no matter when they arrived (the Curling Team arrived in Torino at 1:30am) or how many
people in the unit – they were greeted by those already in residence by a Haka followed in
traditional fashion by every person arriving being greeted individually by each Team member
already there (by handshake, kiss on the cheek, or hongi – a nose-nose press favoured by
Maori as a symbol of unity). A snowball dynamic occurred, with those who arrived then
becoming part of the greeting party when new arrivals came. This ritual was a very symbolic
statement of identity, support and unity – both for those arriving and reinforced each time for
those doing the greeting. Towards the end this ritual (haka and individual greetings) involved
approximately 150 people in Beijing, and it also attracted large crowds of people from other
teams who got used to seeing NZ Team members gathering to greet and typically came
running to watch and take photographs.
The particular actions outlined above were experienced as meaningful in themselves;
they were bicultural in nature, in that the strategies involved forefronted Maori culture where,
usually, European organisational, communication and procedural activities typically
dominated. For the authors as (social/individual) psychologists, the greeting rituals in
particular represented dynamics that contributed substantially to community strength and
cohesion and as such helped to deal with some of the tensions that go with being at a pinnacle
high profile event. In addition, this cohesion helped to ease the way for us to be accessible to
athletes and to work more effectively within and drawing on the Team culture.
NOTABLE LOGISTICAL STRATEGIES

Underpinning these more obvious and distinctive activities towards ‘One Team-One
Spirit,’ there were a number of other actions deliberately taken to cement the vision being
forged. The following (also) contributed to the emerging ethos:
Section manager meetings. Major gatherings of section managers are conducted in the
lead-up period to each Games. Whilst the focus of the meetings is on information sharing and
organisational preparations, considerable emphasis is now given to processes designed to
enhance a One Team-One Spirit experience. The sessions have been typically facilitated by
the Team Psychologist/Mental Skills Trainer and include structured activities designed to
encourage participants to mix and get to know each other more fully by sharing details of
their personal and sporting interests and involvements.
As well, at the first gathering, deliberate attention is given to the ‘One Team-One Spirit’
vision, and a discussion of the benefits and possible resistances to this pursued. Initially there
was some concern expressed about the overarching aim possibly detracting from individual
team objectives and interests, but there has been an increasing acceptance of the value of the
concept with each successive Games and a commitment to getting the best from the unified
orientation.
Team briefings. Throughout the 6-9 month period leading up to each Games athletes in
their various sports teams are briefed on planning and procedures. At these gatherings there is
a similar emphasis on processes designed to promote a one-team culture. This emphasis
includes participants getting to know each other beyond their narrow roles as athletes, with
attention given to mixing ages and experience. Also, deliberate discussion is initiated about
team unity and likely implications. In regard to the latter, special attention is given to the need
for and value in people taking the initiative at the Games in meeting and getting to know
other team members in situations where they might not actually know each other, and for
experienced and well known athletes in particular to take the lead in this regard.
Web-based on-line community. In keeping with the principles underpinning a One Team-
One Spirit philosophy, as well as recognising the realities of modern sporting involvement
where athletes are often scattered around the world and where global technology is evolving,
an initiative has been undertaken to create and operate a web-based on-line virtual community
(called ‘Zeus’) for NZ Games Teams. This virtual community is seen as an innovative idea
with far-reaching potential. Since the first incarnation of this strategy in 2000, this initiative
has grown steadily in status and use by athletes, coaches and team personnel. Zeus is now the
main format used for communicating detailed organisational material, as well as for providing
resources to athletes and management staff – including material on mental skills issues and
strategies. The web component has been franchised on to several other nations to assist in
their organisational and preparation activities. The website, which can be accessed from
anywhere in the world (internet cafes as well as personal and office computers), has within it
a number of tools that not only provide for information sharing, but also promote
community/team development through active dialogue and ready contact for those registered
as users of the site (password encrypted).
Other initiatives. A number of other minor initiatives are also pursued for promoting the
cohesive orientation. In the regular NZOC newsletter, which runs through the lead-up period
and during the Games, periodic attention is given to the vision and related practices. This
attention is also an aspect of orientation sessions conducted as athletes arrived in the Village.
A reminder is also given at these times for individuals to take the initiative in meeting and get
to know athletes in other sports in the team and an area of the main dining room is
demarcated as a place for team members to eat with and meet others as part of the ‘One
Team-One Spirit’ concept. In the lead-up to competition, several social events are organised
with an emphasis on getting to know athletes and support staff from other sports. The team
motto, which appears on various signs around the NZ quarters in the Village is ‘One-Team,
Our-Team.’
TEAM BUILDING EXERCISES FOR SEPARATE TEAMS

As previously indicated, whilst there has been a notable shift to addressing the overall
Team culture and cohesion, there is also ongoing recognition of the value in similarly
addressing matters of group culture within the separate units that make up the Games Team.
Effective work in this domain means that the various sub-components will be strong and will
contribute exponentially to the overall collective. Working with the sub-groups also helps to
identify and address issues that might become amplified and potentially detrimental to the
desired culture of the overall team.
In this section we outline interventions that we have found to be especially useful with
specific or separate teams (e.g., snowboarding, curling, basketball, hockey) within the overall
Olympic team. Successful teams have athletes who work toward common goals (Carron &
Hausenblas, 1998). The culture of the team will dictate these goals and whether or not they
are accepted by all members (Bloom et al., 2003; Holt & Dunn, 2006). Therefore, the team
vision and values must be carefully molded. Many methods can be used, however, any
session designed to establish a team’s vision and values should include (i) the opportunity for
all members of the group to contribute to the process and (ii) concrete examples and strategies
that ensure that the vision and values will manifest themselves in the day-to-day operations of
the team. We have developed a number of workshops/exercises that can be used to shape a
team’s vision and values. Examples of some of these workshops/exercises are described
below. The first author (Ken Hodge) used the exercises below to help the separate teams (e.g.,
curling, snowboarding teams) within the 2006 NZ Winter Olympic team to define their own
unique vision and values.
The first exercise was termed the “Team Legacy Speech.” The team was divided into
groups of four to five athletes. Each group was pre-selected so that senior team members were
mixed with newcomers. Each group was then required to write a “team legacy speech.” The
athletes were told that their speech should be the one they might give at the end of the
upcoming Games. After “writing” and “practise” periods, one member of each group
delivered the 2-minute speech to the whole team. Each speech had to include
acknowledgement of (only) four important people and had to focus on “how” and “why” the
team accomplished its ultimate goal of winning medals. The purpose of this exercise was to
encourage the group to define success for themselves (vision) and examine the ways in which
they could ensure success (values). Many of these speeches were humorous as well, but the
key benefit was the group’s efforts to identify ‘how’ and ‘why’ the team, and the individual
team members, succeeded at the Games.
The team then participated in an exercise called “Team Destruction.” New groups were
formed and each was given the following instructions:
• Imagine you are part of the management team for our main opponents – your mission
is to send a saboteur or spy into our Team in order to sabotage and destroy our
campaign.
• What would your instructions be? What would you get the spy to sabotage?
• What would you get the spy to do in order to destroy our team and stop us achieving
our goal(s)?
The sabotage plans of each group were pooled together and the entire team decided on
the most “destructive schemes” (some were quite innovative and many were humorous!; e.g.,
laxatives in drink bottles, starting rumours about teammates, always being late for
meetings/transport). The point of this exercise was for the team members to realise that the
‘spy’ could not succeed if the team had a strong set of values, because any negative actions
(subtle or otherwise) would stand out as not being consistent with the team’s values (i.e.,
‘how we do things around here’). Each group was then encouraged to devise ways to “spy-
proof” our team against the best efforts of the saboteur.
• What plans can be put into place to prevent the spy/saboteur from being successful or
cope with problems if they arise? Agreeing on a solid set of team ‘values’ became an
obvious solution for ‘spy-proofing’. So how do you develop a set of team values?
The final exercise was termed “Build the Ideal Teammate.” New groups were formed and
instructed to design the “ideal” teammate for the team. Athletes were asked to brainstorm
about the behaviors / actions / values that they wanted this teammate to demonstrate. The
‘actions / values’ were outlined for each of the following team situations:
1. At fitness / individual skill training sessions.

2. At team / squad training sessions.
3. Before competition.
4. During competition.
5. After competition (social activities).
6. When we are “Off-Duty” together as a Team (away from competition).
7. Away from the ‘Team.’
The “Team Legacy Speeches,” “Team Destruction” and “Ideal Teammate” exercises
resulted in a variety of ideas concerning the team’s vision and values. Overnight, the first
author in his role as Mental Skills Trainer met with the management team to summarize the
athletes’ responses on the above exercises, and to write a ‘draft’ Vision & Values statement
for the team to consider. The next day the team discussed the draft statement as one large
group – suggested revisions were debated and agreed upon. The purpose of the exercise was
not only to establish the team’s vision and values, but to also encourage the athletes to
identify concrete situations in which the team’s values were likely to be most important.
The Team’s vision was defined as the “why” of the team and questions such as “Why are
we together?” and “What sort of team do we want to be?” were used as prompts. The Team’s
values were defined as “how we do things around here” and the athletes were encouraged to
think of their team values as a set of philosophies that could be used to help guide their
behavior and decision making in the team environment.
For example, one team’s draft Values statement contained a list of 18 values so the
athletes were then asked to prioritise this extensive list by identifying only four ‘core’ values
as the most important. After some time, a list of the four core values emerged (e.g., Honesty,
Trust & Respect; Positivity & Passion; Balanced Lifestyle; Commitment & Sacrifice).
Groups were formed again and the athletes were asked to describe concrete examples of
behaviors that exemplified each of the four core values (i.e., what does each value actually
‘mean’ in behavioral terms?; what behavior[s] does each value represent?). The seven broad
categories from the “ideal team-mate” exercise described above were used as cues for
identifying potential behavioral examples. The final version of the team’s ‘Vision & Values’
statement was signed by each athlete and a copy was then supplied for each team member’s
training diary/logbook. In addition these values were referred to at numerous times
throughout the Games by the coaches and management team.
OUTCOMES
The main obvious effect for NZ Olympic teams from the team-building focus, overall and
in the various sub-units, outlined above has been in terms of a clear and solid sense of team
unity and togetherness. In terms of Carron and Spinks’ (1993) cohesiveness indicators, there
has been a substantial increase in positive social interaction and communication, obvious
team stability and acceptance of role responsibilities and a commitment to shared group
norms.
A heightened sense of trust and security with each other has developed in our Games’
Teams, and athletes display a commitment to and enjoyment from being part of a unified
team. In 2004, 2006 and 2008 those athletes and support personnel who had been to other
Olympics commented very favourably on these features in contrast to their experience at
previous Games. The Athens and Beijing Games were very successful for the NZ Team, both
in terms of medal count and quality performances, but also in terms of satisfaction and
enjoyment. Several athletes at both the Athens and Beijing Games publicly acknowledged the
power of the One Team-One Spirit philosophy and experience in terms of their performance,
but also in terms of having a greater understanding of what being a New Zealander actually
means.
The vision is dynamic and evolving and at present planning is proceeding for Vancouver
2010 and beyond (London 2012) with the same fundamental principles driving things
forward. The challenge now is to remain committed to this unifying orientation for future
Games Teams. The groundwork has been laid and the challenge before us is to grow and
develop this orientation, and seek the desired benefits both in terms of results (task) and social
(people) processes.
For us as the Mental Skills Trainer/Sport Psychologist, the philosophy is very compatible
with support and with the challenges of performance, and our involvement with the vision in
proactive ways has paid a substantial dividend within the Games context itself. The skill
needs outlined earlier remain as challenges, but the One Team - One Spirit environment
within which these challenges are met is one that assists the work that we do.
RECOMMENDATIONS FROM OUR VIEWPOINT AS MENTAL SKILLS

TRAINER/SPORT PSYCHOLOGIST
• recognize the power of the overall collective (Bloom et al., 2003; Clarke, 2004).
• provide a positive, unifying and inspirational motivational climate that is crucial for
individual and overall Team success (Amorose & Anderson-Butcher, 2007).
• make sure that everyone (athletes, coaches, managers, medics) adds value (Reid et
al., 2004).
• value national identity and draw from it, taking care not to become overly
nationalistic in regard to other national teams in the process.
• give support to multicultural make up of modern teams and respect and value
differences.
• realize the powerful interactions between individual contributions and collective
dynamics.
• work in a focussed way at both ends of the continuum – individuals and total
collective - as well as with meaningful groupings along the way
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Bloom, G. A., Stevens, D. E., & Wickwire, T. L. (2003). Expert coaches' perceptions of team
building. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 15, 129-143.
Carron, A. V., & Hausenblas, H. (1998). Group dynamics in sport (Second Edition).
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Carron, A. V., & Spinks, K. S. (1993). Team building in an exercise setting. The Sport
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Edition). Auckland, Reed Books.
Hodge, K. P. (2004b). Team Dynamics. In T. Morris & J. Summers (Eds.), Sport psychology:
Theory, application, and current issues (2nd Edition; pp. 210-233). Sydney, Aust.:
Jacandra Wiley.
Hodge, K. P., & Hermansson, G. (2007). Psychological preparation of athletes for the
Olympic context: The New Zealand Summer and Winter Olympic Teams. Athletic Insight:
The Online Journal of Sport Psychology, 9 (4). http://www.athleticinsight.com/ (2007).
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Chapter 6
FROM ONE OLYMPICS TO THE NEXT: A FOUR-YEAR

PSYCHOLOGICAL PREPARATION PROGRAM
Ronnie Lidor*1 and Boris Blumenstein2

The Zinman College of Physical Education and Sport Sciences, Wingate Institute, and
Faculty of Education, University of Haifa, Israel1
Ribstein Center for Sport Medicine Sciences and Research, Wingate Institute for Physical
Education and Sport, and The Ohalo College of Education and Sport, Israel2
CHAPTER SUMMARY
The purpose of this chapter is to describe the four-year psychological program provided
to Israeli elite athletes whose goal was to participate in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. The
chapter provides a brief explanation of the criteria that elite athletes in Israel are required to
meet in order to be included in the category of "Olympic athletes", and describes the
professional support (e.g., medical and psychological) made available to these athletes. The
five main foundations of the psychological program for elite and Olympic athletes are also
briefly presented. The chapter introduces the general psychological framework used in each
of the four years of preparation: Year 1 – analysis, orientation, and basic foundations, Years 2
and 3 – international experience and advanced practice, and Year 4 – the Olympic year. The
objectives of the three psychological interventions used during the four-year psychological
preparation – the Five-Step Approach, the specific psychological training program, and the
response training program – are discussed. The designated psychological preparation program
that was provided to the athletes during their stay in the Olympic Village is also presented.
More specifically, the four phases of the onsite psychological preparation are described: the
habituation phase, the psychological routine phase, the specific psychological preparation
phase, and the recovery phase. Five psychological tips for sport psychology consultants who
engage in multi-year preparation of elite athletes for the Olympic Games are suggested.
*
Dr. Ronnie Lidor, Associate Professor, The Zinman College of Physical Education and Sport Sciences, Wingate
Institute, Netanya 42902, Israel, Fax: +972-9-8650960, E-mail: lidor@wincol.ac.il
72 Ronnie Lidor and Boris Blumenstein
The Olympic Games are perceived by elite athletes, both in individual and team sports, as
probably the most glorious sporting event in which they could participate (Gould, Tammen,
Murphy, & May, 1989; Hemery, 1986). Although financial awards are not given to winners
in the Olympics as they are in other numerous international sporting competitions, athletes
still endeavor to be part of the Games – in most cases primarily for the sake of participation
and not only for winning a medal. Elite athletes from all over the world are required to spend
several years preparing themselves for the Games. Many of them see participation in the
Games as the peak of their sporting career (Gould, 2001; Hemery, 1986), and therefore they
are willing to devote themselves to any and all preparations necessary for this event.
It has been documented in the literature on methodology of training that effective
preparation for an international sporting event such as the Olympics can take six to eight
years (Bompa, 1999; Matveyev, 1981; Zatsiorsky, 1995). Elite athletes and their coaches are
required to carefully plan this preparation so that the athletes' peak will be reached at these
events. The purpose of this chapter is to describe how sport psychology interventions were
provided to Israeli elite athletes whose aim was to participate in the 2008 Beijing Olympic
Games. The chapter focuses on a four-year psychological preparation program given by one
sport psychology consultant (the second author – male, approximately 30 years of experience
in applied sport psychology, including extensive consultation to elite and Olympic athletes;
the first author contributed conceptually to the development of the foundations, principles,
and philosophy of the four-year psychological preparation program) to Olympic athletes from
one individual sport – judo. It was our intention to present the main principles of the
psychological preparation given to the athletes in each of the four years, as well as to describe
the frameworks in which the interventions were given. We also present the phases of the
psychological preparation program given to the elite athletes at the Games themselves,
namely during their stay in the Olympic Village.
Since we are presenting the general framework of a multi-year psychological preparation
in this chapter, we have not described in detail the psychological interventions used each year
and the rationales for using them. Precise information on our psychological approach to
Olympic athletes and the specific psychological interventions we used in each phase of the
training program can be found in Blumenstein, Lidor, and Tenenbaum (2005), Lidor and
Blumenstein (2009) and Lidor, Blumenstein, and Tenenbaum (2007a, 2007b). Relevant and
specific information on the psychological preparation program provided to athletes during
their stay in the Olympic Village can be found in Blumenstein and Lidor (2008).
The chapter is composed of five parts. The first part explains the criteria that elite athletes
in Israel are required to meet in order to be included in the category of "Olympic athletes," as
well as describing the professional support provided to these athletes. The second part
presents a short overview of our psychological approach to Olympic athletes, and the third
introduces the main principles of the interventions given to aspiring Olympic athletes during
their four-year psychological preparation. The fourth part focuses on the psychological
program provided to the athletes during their stay in the Olympic Village. The fifth part offers
a number of tips for sport psychology consultants who work with Olympic athletes.
From one Olympics to the Next: A Four-Year Psychological Preparation Program 73
BECOMING AN OLYMPIC ATHLETE: CRITERIA AND SUPPORT

Olympic sports in Israel have been supervised by the Elite Sport Department since its
establishment in 1984, and are sponsored both financially and ideologically by two bodies:
the Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture and the Israel Olympic Committee. The main
objective of this Department is to provide elite athletes, and particularly Olympic athletes,
with the optimal physical and psychological conditions required to attain a high level of
athletic excellence. Elite athletes in individual sports such as fencing, judo, kayaking, sailing,
surfing, swimming, and wrestling are the main beneficiaries of the Department. The
professional services of the Department, including psychological consultations, are offered
not only to the athletes but also to their coaching staff.
The Elite Sport Department has established several performance criteria for elite athletes
whose aim is to participate in the Olympic Games and who seek the necessary support for
attaining the high level of proficiency required to achieve this goal. Two types of criteria have
been set by the Department: the Elite Sport Department's criteria and the Olympic criteria.
The Elite Sport Department's criteria were established for the first two years of the four-year
preparation for the Beijing Olympic Games – Year 1 (2004-2005) and Year 2 (2005-2006). In
order to meet the Department's criteria and obtain its financial and professional support for
Years 1 and 2, the athletes were required to take between the first and the tenth place in a
world championship according to the type of sport, or between the first and fifth place in a
European championship. Winning the top medals (two to three each year) in major
international tournaments was a criterion as well.
Olympic criteria were set for the third and fourth years within the four-year preparation
program – Year 3 (2006-2007) and Year 4 (2007-2008). In essence, these criteria were similar
to the Elite Sport Department's criteria (e.g., taking between the first and the tenth place in a
judo competition in a world championship). However, these criteria had to be met during a
time period closer to the Olympics. From a practical perspective, the level of competition
demonstrated in international sporting events during Years 3 and 4 of the athletes' preparation
was considerably higher than the level demonstrated during Years 1 and 2, because Years 3
and 4 were closer to the Olympic Games, and therefore athletes from other countries were
also preparing themselves for the Games. Although the criteria were similar to the ones set for
Years 1 and 2, it was more difficult for the athletes to meet them as they progressed in their
preparation.
In addition, the achievements obtained by the athletes during Year 3 and particularly
Year 4 reflected their current athletic ability as well as their physical and mental readiness for
the upcoming Games. The financial support given to the athletes who met these criteria, and
whose participation in the Olympic Games was thus ensured, was higher than the support
they received during Years 1 and 2. Those athletes who would be competing at the 2008
Olympics were members of what the Elite Sport Department termed "The Golden Group" –
the official Israeli Olympic athletes.
In addition to the financial support given to each athlete and his or her coach, the Elite
Sport Department provided the athletes and their coaches with the services of a large team of
professionals, including a physician, a physical therapist, a nutritionist, an orthopedic
surgeon, an athletic trainer, a strength and conditioning coach, and a sport psychology
consultant. The qualifying athletes and their coaches had regular access to the aforementioned
sport science resources.
PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACH TO OLYMPIC ATHLETES

The present work addresses the sport psychology services available to Olympic athletes
in Israel during a set period of time. The following are the five main foundations of our
psychological program for elite and Olympic athletes (see also Lidor et al., 2007a):
[1] The sport psychology consultant should be one of the members of the professional
staff that works on a regular basis with the individual athlete or the team;
[2] The sport psychology consultant should discuss his or her psychological plan with
the coaching staff;
[3] The sport psychology consultant should meet on a weekly basis with the coaching
staff in order to exchange ideas on how the psychological program can contribute to
the athlete's or the team's success;
[4] The psychological consultation should take place in three settings: (a) laboratory
settings (controlled and sterile conditions), (b) practice settings (authentic and real
conditions), and (c) home settings (quiet environment);
[5] The sport psychology consultant should be willing to consider any request coming
from the coaching staff, the individual athlete, or the team during the time he or she
provides the consultations.
Further details on the philosophy and professional foundations of our psychological

program for elite individual sports can be found in Blumenstein et al. (2005; judo) and for
elite team sports in Lidor et al. (2007b; basketball).
In our program, mental skill techniques such as imagery, focusing attention, relaxation,
and self-talk are regularly used to help the athletes overcome psychological barriers. Among
the barriers are a low level of motivation, lack of concentration, mental fatigue, and the
necessity of overcoming injury. The psychological program reflects the objectives of each
phase of the annual training program – preparation, competition, and transition (Blumenstein
et al., 2005; Bompa, 1999). During the preparation phase, the athlete and his or her coach
develop a general framework of the physical, technical, tactical, and psychological
preparations for the upcoming season. Throughout the competition phase the athlete has to
reach his or her peak, both physically and psychologically. Finally, during the transition
phase, the athlete relaxes physically and psychologically, however he or she should attempt to
maintain an acceptable level of physical activity.
A FOUR-YEAR PSYCHOLOGICAL PREPARATION

PROGRAM TOWARDS THE OLYMPIC GAMES
In this part we describe how our psychological program was implemented over a four-
year period, taking into account two parameters – time and content. The program is presented
on a yearly basis – Year 1, Year 2, Year 3, and Year 4 – and the specific psychological
emphases are described for each year. We also describe the psychological program provided
to our athletes during their stay in the Olympic Village. The sport psychology program
available to the athletes during the Olympics is an integral part of our four-year psychological
preparation program towards the Olympic Games.
One individual sport was selected to demonstrate the use of the psychological program:
judo. This sport is among many others in which the sport psychology consultant has worked;
however, his work in judo best reflected the scientific and practical foundations of the four-
year psychological program given to Olympic athletes. Judo has become one of the most
popular individual sports in Israel (Blumenstein et al., 2005). Israeli judokas won two medals
in the Olympic Games in Barcelona (1992) and one in Athens (2004). In addition, a number
of medals have been earned by Israeli judokas in World and European championships in the
present decade. At the Beijing (2008) Games, one of Israel's male judokas took fifth place in
his weight category.
Year 1 – Analysis, Orientation, and Basic Foundations
The psychological preparation for the 2008 Olympic Games started about two months
after the conclusion of the Athens 2004 Games, when the sport psychologist began working
with several elite athletes and their coaches. The athletes were classified into one of the
following three categories: new athletes (NA), continuing athletes (CA), and returning
athletes (RA). The NA category was composed of athletes who had met the Elite Sport
Department's criteria for the first time, and therefore were not familiar with the foundations of
the psychological preparation. In Israel, athletes practicing in their local sport clubs in both
individual and team sports do not usually consult sport psychology consultants. Only in a few
clubs, mainly leading basketball and soccer clubs, are sport psychology consultants an
integral part of the team which provides scientific services to the athlete/team. When the
athlete makes the national team, he or she begins to be regularly provided with sport
psychology consultations and starts using psychological interventions. The CA category
included those athletes who took part in the 2004 Olympic Games and had also met the Elite
Sport Department's criteria for 2005. These athletes were familiar with the general
psychological program as well as with the interventional techniques, since they had devoted a
considerable amount of time practicing them during their preparation for the 2004 Games.
The RA group consisted of athletes who had participated in the 2000 Games but not in the
2004 Games. However, during 2005 – Year 1 of their preparation for the 2008 Games – they
had achieved the Elite Sport Department's criteria, and therefore were eligible for the
Department's support. These RAs had gained some experience with several of the
psychological interventions during their preparation for the 2000 Games; however they
required some time to readjust to the protocols of the psychological program.
The psychological preparation in Year 1 had two objectives. The first objective was to
evaluate the contribution of the psychological preparation given to CAs and RAs during the
previous year (i.e., the Olympic Year of the previous four-year cycle of preparation). This
assessment was undertaken through deep and repeated discussions between the athlete and the
sport psychology consultant. It was the aim of the sport psychology consultant to understand
how the athletes perceived the contribution of various psychological interventions, such as
imagery and focusing attention, to their actual performance. The information gleaned was
used by the sport psychology consultant to develop a psychological program for Year 1 in the
new cycle. The second objective was to provide the athletes with the psychological
preparation they needed to achieve their athletic goals. For the NAs, the objective was to
explain the program's psychological orientation, and to teach them the basic foundations of
some of the interventional techniques. For the CAs and RAs, the objective was to refine the
psychological skills they had already practiced, and to teach them new techniques.
Three main psychological interventions were used in the psychological program: the
Five-Step Approach (Blumenstein & Bar-Eli, 2005), the specific psychological training
program (Blumenstein et al., 2005), and the response training program (Blumenstein et al.,
2005; Lidor et al., 2007a). Table 1 presents the general framework of the four-year
psychological preparation program given to each category of athletes.
Table 1. General Framework of the Four-year Psychological Program
Four-year Preparation
Psychological Interventions Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4
2004-2005 2005-2006 2006-2007 2007-2008
5-SA
a) Introduction
NA, RA NA
b) Identification
NA, CA, RA NA, RA
c) Simulation CA, RA
NA, CA, RA NA, CA, RA CA, RA
d) Transformation CA, RA
e) Realization CA, RA
Self-regulation test CA, RA
SPTP CA, RA
RTP CA, RA
NA – new athletes 5-SA – Five-Step Approach

CA – continuing athletes SPTP – specific psychological training program
RA – returning athletes RTP – response training program
During the initial steps of the psychological program, namely during Year 1 of the four-
year psychological preparation period, the Five-Step Approach played a major role, and a
considerable amount of time was devoted to the acquisition of this technique's basic
principles. However, for most of the program – Years 2, 3, and 4, as well as during the
athletes' stay in the Olympic Village – the three sub-programs were given an almost equal
amount of time.
The Five-Step Approach. The Five-Step Approach is a self-regulation technique
incorporating biofeedback (BFB) training. The technique enables athletes to transfer the
psycho-regulative skills performed in sterile laboratory settings to real practice and
competition settings, using testing and different simulative materials (Blumenstein & Bar-Eli,
2005). The Five-Step Approach is composed of the following stages: (a) introduction –
learning various self-regulation techniques (e.g., imagery, focusing attention, and self-talk),
(b) identification (identifying and strengthening the most efficient BFB response modality),
(c) simulation (BFB training with simulated competitive stress), (d) transformation (bringing
mental preparation from the laboratory to the field), and (e) realization (achieving optimal
regulation in competition).
There were three reasons for the selection of the Five-Step Approach as the basic
technique of our psychological program. First, this technique was scrutinized in a few
empirical investigations (e.g., Bar-Eli & Blumenstein, 2004; see also a review of a series of
studies examining the use of the Five-Step Approach in different sports in Blumenstein &
Bar-Eli, 2005), and was found to be effective. Second, the application of the program was
based on accumulated practical experience by elite Israeli athletes in various top-level events,
such as the Olympic Games and European and world championships (Blumenstein, 2001).
Third, according to the principles of the Five-Step Approach, it is not always necessary to
start with the first step in every psychological session. The athlete, together with his or her
sport psychology consultant, defines his or her current psychological state and selects the
most appropriate step with which to begin.
The specific psychological training program. The specific psychological training program
was composed of mental skill techniques – focusing attention, imagery, self-talk, and
relaxation – that had been used by the sport psychology consultant throughout many years of
professional practice. Similar techniques have also been used by other sport psychology
consultants who work with top-level athletes (e.g., Henschen, 2005; Moran, 2005), and they
have been given with empirical support (see Abma, Fry, Yuhua, & Relyea, 2002; Short et al.,
2002). When performing focusing attention, imagery, self-talk, and relaxation, the current
physical and psychological states of the athlete and the specific phase of the training program
were taken into account. For example, at initial parts of the program the techniques were
performed in laboratory sessions, namely in controlled and sterile conditions, in order to
enable the athletes to acquire the basic foundations of each technique. When progress was
made in the laboratory, the techniques were then applied in actual practice sessions where the
athletes were exposed to authentic situations, with real-life distractions. In another example,
relaxation was performed first for short periods of time (e.g., intervals of 1 to 3 min) to help
the athletes recover after early-season practices, and then imagery and focusing attention were
used to help the athletes cope with the specific tactical demands of their training program.
The response training program. The main objective of the response training program was
to enhance the athletes' (e.g., judokas) responses under real-life settings (e.g., a combat). The
program consisted of several reaction-time tasks (Blumenstein et al., 2005). A computer-
simulated setting was used and several methods were adopted during training to expose the
athletes to competitive situations that better reflected real life. Among these were a video
demonstration of actual combats, external distractions such as noise recordings, and
competitions between two judokas performing reaction-time tasks at the same time (see
Blumenstein et al., 2005 for a description of specific protocols of the response training
program as used by Olympic judokas).
Table 2 presents the four-year general psychological preparation for male judokas, and
Table 3 presents the specific psychological interventions given to them in Year 1. The
psychological preparation started in October 2004, about two months after the end of the
2004 (Athens) Olympics. As can be seen in Table 2, different emphases were made in the
NA, CA, and RA categories. For example, in Year 1 the NA began to acquire the
fundamentals of basic psychological techniques such as focusing attention and self-talk.
Table 2. Four-Year General Psychological Preparation for Male Judokas
Preparation Phase
NA – learn basic techniques (4) CA – improve techniques (2)
October, 2004 NA (4) CA (2)
November, 2004 NA (2) CA (2) (two-week training camp abroad)
December, 2004 NA (4) CA (4) RA – improve techniques (3)
January, 2005 NA (4) CA – improve techniques in special situations (7) RA (4)
February, 2005
Competition Phase
NA (2) CA (4) RA (2) (international competition)
March, 2005 NA (6) CA (6) RA (6) (international competition) – develop individual competition mental
April, 2005 plan
May, 2005 NA (3) CA (3) RA (3) (training camp, European Championship, 2005)
Transition Phase
June, 2005 NA, CA, RA (2)
Preparation Phase
July, 2005 NA, CA, RA (5) (training camp abroad)
Competition Phase
August, 2005 NA (4) CA (7) RA (7) (international competition) – improve individual competition mental
September, 2005 plan
NA (6) CA (6) RA (7) (World Championship, 2005)
Preparation Phase
improve psychological techniques (2)
October, 2006
November, 2006
December, 2006
improve techniques under different conditions (4) (training camp abroad)
January, 2007
(7) (international competitions)
February, 2007
Competition Phase
(7) (training camp abroad)
March, 2007
April, 2007
(7) (training camp abroad; European Championship, 2007)
May, 2007
Transition Phase
(2)
June, 2007
(5) (training camp abroad)
July, 2007
Preparation Phase
August, 2007
Competition Phase
(7) (World Championship, 2007)
September, 2007
(#) – psychological session

(NA) – new athletes
(CA) – continuing athletes
(RA) – returning athletes
Table 3. Specific Psychological Interventions for Male Judokas in Year 1
Main Psychological
Month Procedure Competition Event
Intervention
October,
Psychological analysis + 1-2 times (30-40 min each);
2004
relaxation Laboratory sessions
November, 5-SA 4-6 times (50-60 min each);

2004 (steps a-c) Laboratory sessions
December, 5-SA 4-6 times (50-60 min each); Practice

2004 (steps c-e) sessions
Self-regulation techniques:
4-5 times (50-60 min each);
January, 2005 imagery, self-talk, focusing
Laboratory sessions
attention
February, 4-8 times (50-60 min each); International

SPTP
2005 Laboratory sessions tournaments

International
March, 2005 RTP Laboratory sessions + practice
tournaments
sessions + home assignments

Self-regulation techniques + International
April, 2005 Laboratory sessions + practice
RTP tournaments
sessions + home assignments
Self-regulation techniques + 3-4 times (50-60 min each); Practice European championship
May, 2005
RTP sessions + home assignments

International
June, 2005 RTP, 5-SA (steps b-c), SPTP Laboratory sessions + home
tournaments
assignments
Self-regulation techniques + 4-6 times (50-60 min each);

July, 2005 RTP Laboratory sessions + home
assignments
6-8 times (50-60 min each); Practice International

August, 2005 RTP
sessions tournaments
7-8 times (50-60 min each); Practice

September, World championship
SPTP sessions
2005
5-SA – Five-Step Approach

SPTP – specific psychological training program
RTP – response training program
These techniques were practiced in sterile settings, mainly in the office of the sport
psychology consultant. Detailed information was given to the athletes about the objectives of
each technique. In addition, the techniques were associated with sport-specific activities. For
example, the judokas were taught to focus attention while imagining themselves practicing
combat maneuvers. The CAs, who had already performed the aforementioned formative
techniques, were not required to re-learn the psychological training. They performed the
interventional techniques in special situations such as competition-simulated conditions. For

example, one judoka selected combats, or parts of one combat, in which he had been defeated
because of ineffective focus (e.g., thinking about the outcome of the combat and not what he
should be doing during the combat). An appropriate focusing-attention technique was
established which the judoka practiced for a few minutes.
Years 2 And 3 – International Experience and Advanced Practice
During Years 2 and 3 of the preparation for the Olympics, the athletes spent a
considerable amount of time taking part in training camps abroad as well as participating in
international competitions, in order to gain international experience. The athletes practiced
with world-class international athletes and competed against the best in the world. The main
objective of the psychological preparation in both Years 2 and 3 was to teach the athletes
intervention techniques that could be used in practice sessions, multi-day competitions, and
tournaments. During Years 2 and 3 of the psychological preparation, each athlete developed
his or her repertoire of psychological techniques, and began using it regularly. All three sub-
programs of the psychological preparation – the Five-Step Approach, the specific
psychological training program, and the response training program – were used as well, but
with a heavy orientation towards the competitive events. For example, our elite judokas
practiced a relaxation procedure for about 3 to 5 min while imagining themselves performing
in an actual combat, in order to approximate the 5-min length of combat (Blumenstein et al.,
2005). Techniques such as imagery and self-talk were performed during warm-up sessions
before the beginning of official competitions, to help the judokas prepare themselves
tactically for the upcoming combats. In particular, the judokas were reminded to verbalize
those words/sentences of self-talk they had previously used before successful combats. In
addition, the athletes were provided with home assignments for practicing their psychological
techniques during their free time (e.g., imagery and focusing attention).
According to the foundations of our consultation program, the sport psychologist traveled
with the athletes quite often during Years 2 and 3 of the psychological program, not only to
international competitions but also to the training camps. Daily psychological sessions were
conducted during the training camps. Both individual and group sessions were held,
depending upon the requests made by the coaching staff.
Year 4 –The Olympic Year
The final year of the four-year preparation was the most crucial for the athletes, since it
was their last opportunity to meet the Olympic criteria. The athletes had to cope with a great
deal of stress, due to the fact that their coaches and the entire professional staff, and often also
the public at large, expected them to qualify for the Olympics. The psychological preparation
provided to the athletes during Year 4 had three objectives. The first objective was to help the
athletes ready themselves for several key competitions in which they had to "bring it all
together" and perform at the height of their abilities to meet the Olympic criteria. The second
objective was to continue the psychological preparation of those athletes who had already met
the criteria and whose participation in the Olympics was assured. The third objective was to
help those athletes who failed to meet the Olympic criteria, and therefore would not
participate in the Olympic Games, to effectively cope with their feelings of deep
disappointment and failure.
As in Years 2 and 3, the sport psychology consultant traveled to the key competitions
with the athletes, so as to be in close proximity to them during their final qualification year.
The psychological interventions were given mainly in individual sessions so the sport
psychology consultant could focus solely on one athlete at a time. According to our
consultation strategy, individual psychological sessions were considered to be a major vehicle
of communication between the sport psychology consultant and the athlete (Lidor et al.,
2005). We felt that individual sessions should be held regularly to mentally prepare each
athlete according to personal psychological needs. In addition, during key competitions daily
meetings were conducted between the sport psychology consultant and the entire professional
staff, particularly with the coaching staff, in order to obtain updated, relevant information on
the current physical, technical, and tactical preparations of the athlete, and to select the most
appropriate psychological intervention for the athlete during onsite competitive events. The
competition phase was a long one since the judokas participated in many international
competitions in order to provide them with enough opportunities to meet the Olympic criteria.
During this phase, almost every athlete received daily psychological sessions. Home
assignments were provided as well, to help the athletes make it their own responsibility for
mastering the psychological techniques.
A specific psychological program was developed for the athletes who had already met the
Olympic criteria during the early months of Year 4. Since no additional international
competitions were required for those who already achieved the Olympic criteria, the main
objective of the psychological preparation during the final qualifications was to prepare
coping strategies for the forthcoming Olympics. Examples of these are coping strategies
pertaining to living in the Olympic Village, being interviewed by national and international
press, and being exposed to a high level of stress. The sport psychology consultant showed
the athletes videos of the facilities at the Olympic Village of the 2004 Games, and described a
number of social events that had been organized for the athletes during their stay in the
Village in Athens. He was thus conveying to them a similar atmosphere to the one they would
be experiencing during their stay at the Olympic Village in Beijing. While the athletes were
watching the videos, the sport psychology consultant also described the security arrangements
that had been undertaken by the organizers of the upcoming Games to ensure the safety of all
participants. During Year 4, some of the athletes met with the sport psychology consultant
only a few times a week, while others preferred consulting with him daily. In most of these
sessions the sport psychology consultant reminded the athletes what would be expected of
them at the upcoming Olympics – during the competitions as well as in the Village.
WORKING WITH ATHLETES WHO DID

NOT MEET THE OLYMPIC CRITERIA
During Year 4 of the psychological program, special attention was given to a number of
athletes who did not meet the Olympic criteria during that year, and therefore could not
participate in the Games. Some of them were young prospects, and according to their coaches
they had the potential to meet the Olympic criteria for the next Olympics. Therefore, the Elite
Sport Department continued to support these athletes throughout Year 4, although they were
not part of the Olympic team. The sport psychology consultant met with these athletes twice a
week in his office. During these meetings he continued to practice the Five-Step Approach
and the specific psychological training program. He discussed with them the contribution of
the psychological preparation to their athletic performance during Year 4, and what could be
done to improve this preparation during the next year of practice. In these sessions, a
relaxation technique was also used to help the athletes cope with their disappointment in not
meeting their Olympic goals.
PSYCHOLOGICAL PREPARATION IN THE OLYMPIC VILLAGE

The main objective of the psychological preparation given to the athletes during their stay
in the Village was to help them cope with a number of psychological barriers that could
negatively influence their readiness for the competitive events. Three psychological barriers
are discussed, followed by the four-phase psychological preparation program performed by
the athletes in the Village.
Psychological Barriers
During their stay in the Olympic Village, athletes have to cope with three main
psychological barriers that can potentially interfere with their preparation for the Olympic
competition (Blumenstein & Lidor, 2008): internal stress, external distractions, and the lack
of privacy. Athletes and coaches are exposed to different sources of internal stress, such as
the pressures involved in winning a medal and achieving the best results in the Olympic
competition, in representing their country and its citizens, and in helping their national
delegation to be ranked higher on the final medal roster. Athletes and coaches are also
exposed to various external distractions. Among them are coping with the electronic and
written media, meeting mega-star athletes from different sports, countries, and continents, and
noise or disturbances generated by the other residents of the Village. Athletes and coaches are
assigned to their rooms by the officials, and they usually have to share a room with another
athlete or coach. They have meals with athletes and coaches from their own country as well
as from other countries. They are constantly in the company of a large number of people;
from the moment they arrive at the Village, they have no privacy. An additional external
distraction that can negatively influence the preparation of the athletes staying in the Olympic
Village is the fear of a terror attack. During the last two decades of the 20th century and the
first decade of the 21st century, the organization committees of the Games have had to cope
with threats of terror attacks made by radical political groups acting in various countries
around the globe. Intensive efforts have been made by the organizers of the Games to ensure
the security of the athletes. Despite these efforts, the fear of a terror attack may occupy the
athletes' thoughts during their stay in the Village.
The Onsite Psychological Preparation
To help the athletes effectively cope with the psychological barriers mentioned above as
well as with various other problems, appropriate psychological preparation was provided to
them during their stay in the Village. The psychological preparation given during the
Olympics was conceptually connected to the psychological preparation given to the athletes
before the Games, and in our program these barriers were also dealt with in pre-Olympic
sessions with the consultant.
The psychological preparation given to athletes during their stay at the Olympic Village
was comprised of four phases – the habituation phase, the psychological routine phase, the
specific psychological preparation phase, and the recovery phase (Blumenstein & Lidor,
2008). Each section will be considered below.
The habituation phase. The athletes' first three days in the Olympic Village enabled them
to become oriented to life in the Village. There were three objectives to the habitation phase:
(1) to help the athletes overcome jet lag, particularly since the location of the Games was far
from Israel, and therefore a long flight was required, (2) to help them get used to the unique
psychological atmosphere of the Village, and (3) to help them become familiar with the
training and social facilities at the Village. In the habituation phase, the sport psychology
consultant used the Five-Step Approach and the specific psychological training program in
his meetings with the athletes. The individual sessions were held only in a designated
consultation room, either before or after practices. The consultant continued his work with the
athletes on those techniques they practiced in Israel during Year 4 of the psychological
preparation. For example, each athlete carried out the Five-Step Approach according to the
step that had been practiced during the last week of preparation in Israel. In addition, each
athlete continued with his or her specific psychological training program, such as focusing
attention, imagery, and self-talk.
The psychological routine phase. The second period of the athletes' stay in the Village
lasted six to eight days, depending upon the total number of days each athlete stayed in the
Village. The main objective of the psychological routine phase was to help the athletes
remain in their routines, from both the physical and psychological perspective. In this phase,
individual sessions were conducted not only in the consultation room, but also at the training
facilities before and after practices. The sport psychology consultant practiced the already-
established protocols of the psychological programs that the athletes had practiced during
Year 4 of the four-year psychological preparation for the Olympic Games, specifically the
Five-Step Approach, the specific psychological training program, and the response training
program. In addition, in this phase the athletes were also provided with home assignments.
They were asked to conduct a psychological session for twenty minutes every evening while
they were alone in their room. They were mainly instructed to perform imagery and self-talk,
and to think about what they had to do in their upcoming practice sessions. For example, one
male judoka who was participating in the Games for the first time was asked to perform
imagery sessions focusing on the arsenal of escapes, holds, and throws he had specifically
developed for the Games. He was asked to feel each maneuver while imagining it as well as
to verbalize to himself how it should be performed as accurately and rapidly as possible. He
was told that while performing the imagery session in his room, he should try to feel as if he
were in a real combat against one of his potential rivals in the judo competition in the Games.
The specific psychological preparation phase. The immediate phase prior to

competition/s was the third period of the athletes' stay in the Village and lasted two to four
days. The objective of the specific psychological preparation phase was to prepare each
athlete for his or her competitive events in the Games. Emphasis was placed on psychological
preparation for the first round of the competition. A number of real environmental factors
relating to competitive situations were taken into account in the individual sessions. The
individual sessions were undertaken in the consultation room as well as on site, before or after
practice sessions. The specific psychological training program was practiced within the time
limitations of the competitive event. For example, in judo, imagery was performed for a time
period of 5 min (the length of a combat). Imagery was used for developing a competition plan
to be used in the first round of competition. The Five-Step Approach and the response
training program were used for preparing the judokas to stay calm and relaxed between
rounds, if more than one was scheduled for the same day. They were instructed to use
attention focusing, imagery, and self-talk after the competitive events as well.
The recovery phase. The post-competition phase was the last period of the athletes' stay
in the Village and lasted one to two days. The objective of the recovery phase was to help the
athletes start recovering from the extreme efforts in which they had invested during the
Olympics. After the athletes finished competing, and regardless of the final place they took in
the Olympics or their satisfaction/dissatisfaction with their final results/place, the sport
psychology consultant proposed that they attend psychological recovery sessions. Relaxation
techniques were used in the recovery sessions while listening to music. There was no
discussion of the athletes' performance at the Olympics during these sessions. In addition, the
athletes were told that after their return to Israel the sport psychology consultant would meet
them for a number of sessions. The main objective of these sessions was to follow-up with a
post-Olympic debriefing a number of weeks after the Games, when emotions had subsided. In
these sessions, the sport psychology consultant used an analytical approach when working
with the athletes.
PRACTICAL TIPS FOR THE SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTANT

Working with elite and Olympic athletes for a four-year period of time is a complex and
demanding process, requiring that the sport psychology consultants plan their psychological
preparation effectively, exhibit a high level of commitment, and create a positive and trustful
climate between themselves and the elite athletes and their coaches. Based on the experience
of the sport psychology consultant who provided psychological interventions to our elite
athletes, five practical tips for sport psychology consultants who work with top-level athletes
are offered.
(a) Sport psychology consultants should focus on their capabilities. Sport psychology
consultants should focus on what they are capable of doing best (Lidor et al., 2007b).
These professionals have a variety of psychological interventions available to them
in the literature on sport and exercise psychology, and they can adopt various
methods of consultation. However, we suggest that sport psychology consultants
develop their own approach based on their individual experience, expertise, and
professional knowledge. The psychological preparation given to our elite athletes

was composed of three main programs – the Five-Step Approach, the specific
psychological training program, and the response training program – which were
developed throughout many years of experience and empirical inquiries. These
psychological programs were consistently used by the sport psychology consultant
during the four-year period of preparation, taking into account the specific needs of
the athletes in each phase of the training program. After preparing Israeli elite
athletes for the past four Olympic Games, it is clear to the sport psychology
consultant that consistency is an essential aspect of a successful sport psychology
consultation program. In order for the athletes to benefit from the use of
psychological techniques, the sport psychology consultant should repeatedly practice
these techniques with his or her athletes for a long period of time. Only then can an
effective assessment be made of the contribution of the psychological program to the
athletes' success.
(b) Coordinate regularly with the professional staff. The sport psychology consultants
should coordinate regularly with the rest of the professional staff working with the
elite athletes. Psychological preparation is only one type of preparation in the domain
of sport. Therefore, sport psychology consultants should cooperate with the other
professionals, such as the coaches, athletic trainers, physicians, and strength and
conditioning coaches, who are working with the elite athlete. They have to
understand the objectives of each of the other preparations and listen carefully to any
requests made by the other professionals. This cooperation should be maintained
throughout the entire preparation period, and be evaluated every several months by
those involved in the preparation process.
(c) Develop effective paths of communication with the coaches. Among the
professionals who regularly work with Olympic athletes, the coaches are considered
to be the ones who lead the organizational efforts, namely, planning the training
programs, selecting the competitive events in which their athletes take part, and
setting the professional and social atmosphere for the players and the entire staff
working with them. Therefore, sport psychology consultants should develop effective
paths of communication with the coaching staff, particularly with the head coaches,
concerning the best interests of the athletes. Sport psychology consultants should
share their intervention plans with the coaches, as well as all consultation issues that
are performed while working with the individual athlete or the team. In addition,
sport psychology consultants should carefully listen to the coaches' requests,
critiques, and opinions about the training program in general and the psychological
program in particular. The coaches should be integrated into the psychological
sessions and be part of the discussion as to the objectives and procedures of the
psychological interventions performed. Sport psychology consultants should attend
practice sessions as well, and receive information from the coaches concerning the
current physical state of the individual athlete or the team.
(d) Create a continuation of the psychological program. The psychological preparation
given to the athletes in the Olympic Village should be a continuation of the
psychological preparation provided to them during their four-year preparation for the
Olympics (Blumenstein & Lidor, 2008; Lidor et al., 2007). In the four-year program
the sport psychology consultant used three interventional programs: the Five-Step
Approach, the specific psychological training program, and the response training
program. These programs comprised the psychological preparation given to the
athletes and coaches in the Olympic Village as well. We strongly recommend that the
sport psychology techniques practiced by the athletes before the Games during
training and qualification should also be used during the Games. During their stay in
the Village, the athletes should feel in control about what they are doing, and they
can increase their self-confidence through the use of mental skills techniques, such as
the ones described in this chapter.
(e) Maintain a professional role. Sport psychology consultants should consistently
maintain their professional role during the Olympics. The long stay in the Village
together with their elite athletes – some of whom will be disappointed with their
athletic performance while others will be overwhelmed by their achievements – may
possibly disturb the professional relationship that should exist between the sport
psychology consultant and the athlete. The professional relationship between the
sport psychology consultant – as an individual who provides professional services,
and his or her athletes – who are on the receiving end of these services, is essential
for enabling the athlete to attain a high level of proficiency. For example, sport
psychology consultants can cross boundaries and become personally invested in their
athletes, which can be undesirable. It is our contention that sport psychology
consultants should use a positive and supportive approach in their practice and
services; however a professional stance should be maintained regardless of the level
or final outcome of their athletes' performances.
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Chapter 7
INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY REVISITED
Amy T. Blodgett1, Hope E. Yungblut1,

Robert J. Schinke*1, and Stephanie J. Hanrahan2
Laurentian University, Canada1
University of Queensland, Australia2
CHAPTER SUMMARY
The purpose of the present chapter is to introduce the domain of cultural sport
psychology (CSP) and delineate the relevance of CSP within an increasingly multi-cultural
sport setting. The chapter is organized into six sections. The origins of CSP will be delineated
first, followed by the development and emergence of the field as a critical form of inquiry.
Third, the integration of praxis will be discussed as an adjunct to a CSP approach. Fourth, a
brief overview of research and practice that has been conducted on a cultural basis will be
highlighted. The chapter will then conclude with some recommendations for individuals
interested in engaging in CSP and some final closing remarks. It is hoped that our chapter will
spur critical thinking regarding culture and its influence within sport psychology research and
practice.
Cultural sport psychology is a relatively new term within the sport psychology domain.
With roots in psychology and anthropology, cultural psychology examines “the process of the
social or cultural construction of the person – including thoughts, emotions, motivation,
development, identity, and other psychological constructs” (Kral, Burkhardt, & Kidd, 2002, p.
154). Culture is much more than the colours of a people’s skin, the countries in which they
live, the traditions they practice, or any other outwardly visible aspects. It is more of an
internal process. Culture encompasses the ways in which people collectively produce
meaning in their social and physical environments. Identities, beliefs, traditions, and
*
Forward all correspondences to: Robert J. Schinke, B-241 Ben Avery Building, School of Human Kinetics, 935
Ramsey Lake Rd., Laurentian University, Sudbury, Ontario, Canada, P3E 2C6, Email:
rschinke@laurentian.ca, Telephone: (705) 675-1151 ext. 1045, Fax: (705) 675-4845
90 Amy T. Blodgett, Hope E. Yungblut, Robert J. Schinke et al.
experiences are described in relation to collective categories such as age cohort, gender,
ethnic identity, sexual orientation, and race (Kral et al., 2002). Although the consideration of
such cultural influences in sport psychology research and practice has only begun to surface,
the need has existed for a long time. As early as 1990, Duda and Allison called for the
systematic incorporation of racial and ethnic factors (as two aspects of culture) to be
examined in relation to sport and exercise behaviour. The authors noted that although the
United States population was becoming increasingly pluralistic in terms of ethnic / racial
variation, the failure to consider cultural influences on sport participation diminished the
importance of minority groups’ experiences. In turn, the authors noted that the theoretical
domain would be left with a biased and distorted understanding of athletes’ experiences,
reflective of only mainstream sport participants.
Traditional sport psychology was founded upon the ways of thinking of White European
scholars. Consequently, the language, values, and beliefs inherent in the domain today are
reflective of mainstream society (Ryba & Wright, 2005). Consider, for example, the emphasis
on self theories within North America and Europe, such as self-determination, self-efficacy,
and self-concept (see Schinke, Hanrahan, & Catina, 2009). The underlying value in
mainstream theoretical frameworks is an individualistic orientation and the promotion of the
self over another, an inherently individual focus. Nevertheless, it has been recognized that not
all cultures are inspired through self-determined and intrinsic motives (Baron, Byrne, &
Watson, 2005); some cultures are motivated through group processes and shared achievement
(Ryba, 2009). Shared achievement can be evidenced in the Canadian (Blodgett et al., 2008)
and Australian (Hanrahan, 2004) Aboriginal populations, where collectivism is promoted
over individualism and the self theories are not deemed culturally relevant among traditional
clients. Similarly, Latin Americans place a high value on family, and therefore a family
systems approach to sport psychology, though not commonly used within Western tradition,
may be necessary when working with some Latino athletes (Kontos & Arguello, in press).
The diverging values that belie individualism and collectivism are among the myriad of
potential differences that result in either shared perceptions or misunderstandings. Other
differences may manifest in perceptions of time, use of space, goal-directed behaviour, and
views of masculinity and femininity (see Schinke, Hanrahan, & Catina, 2009). Consider the
idea of ‘machismo’ that underlies much of the Latin American belief system. Kontos and
Arguello (in press) noted how the male-dominated culture of Latin Americans can bring a
host of challenges and a general resistance toward female sport psychologists attempting to
work with male athletes, while older male consultants may initially be paid more respect. In
Korean culture, ideas of traditional femininity often restrict sport participation for women
because physical activity may be viewed as ‘unladylike’ (Lee, 2005). Lee described how the
possibility of attaining physical injuries and darker-toned skin (from being outdoors in the
sun) are not consistent with the notion of feminine beauty, and instead symbolize tomboy
status. Each view of masculinity and femininity (among the other aforementioned
considerations) speaks to the cultural nuances that exist and intersect within sport. It therefore
becomes important to consider culture and its role in relation to who athletes are, why they
pursue sport, and how they are motivated, for sport psychologists to work effectively within
the client’s parameters (assuming they can work effectively given the client’s cultural
background, see Schinke et al., 2007).
Butryn (2002) further suggested that sport psychology professionals shift their gaze
inward and examine their own cultural influences in relation to who they are. This idea of
Introduction to Cultural Sport Psychology Revisited 91
engaging in reflexive practice involves self-questioning and self-understanding, denoting an

awareness of the researcher’s / practitioner’s own contribution to the construction of meaning
(Patton, 2002; Sparkes, 2002). Particularly when practitioners come from the dominant
culture, they often overlook that they are themselves culturally situated and carry with them a
host of unacknowledged biases and privileges that affect communication exchanges. For
example, mainstream practitioners generally do not have to worry about athletes questioning
their qualifications based solely on their race. When they are taking up issues with a coach or
administrator, mainstream practitioners will most likely be meeting an individual who is from
the mainstream culture. Mainstream practitioners may also feel comfortable advocating a
color-blind sport environment, subverting cultural differences (Butryn, 2002; Lee & Rotella,
1991). Critical introspection helps to de-center such biases and the dominant taken-for-
granted perspective (e.g., Whiteness) by recognizing that everyone is a cultural being
operating under a set of norms and values (Butryn). Therefore, rather than being confined to
the identification of distant ‘exotic others’ (see Butryn; Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003; Kral
et al., 2002), the term culture is broadened and localized to reflect many different groups of
people who may share the same physical location.
There are multiple aspects that comprise culture, including geographic location, race,
ethnicity, and religion (Kontos & Breland-Noble, 2002; Martens, Mobley, & Zizzi, 2000;
Schinke et al., 2009). Although there is often considerable overlap and even controversy
pertaining to the definitions of these cultural influences, they are differentiated for the
purposes of the present chapter. Geographical location refers to physical regions where a
particular culture is prevalent, such as the high population of Chinese athletes in Singapore
(Schinke et al., 2009). Race identifies biological attributes such as skin colour, facial features,
or hair texture, although it does not necessarily constitute culture on its own (Duda & Allison,
1990; Schinke et al., 2009). African Americans, for example, are often identified by dark skin
colouring and coarse hair, while Japanese are recognized by their distinct eye shape. Ethnicity
pertains to a perceived membership or sense of belonging to a group that is either self-
ascribed or ascribed by others, based on common practices and a shared sense of identity
(Duda & Allison, 1990; Schinke et al., 2009). For example, Pacific Islanders in Australia and
Aborigines in Canada are cultural communities that share unique practices and would be
classified as ethnic groups. Religion refers to traditionally defined patterns and ceremonies
that are tied to beliefs related to one or more supreme beings, worshipping, and moral
guidelines (Schinke et al., 2009). For example, Christianity (the dominant religion in North
America) is a monotheistic religion that is centered upon the belief that Jesus Christ suffered,
died, and was resurrected to bring salvation to mankind from sin. Christian practices include
attending churches for communal worship on Sunday and reading scripture from the Holy
Bible.
Any combination of the aforementioned aspects can influence the way a group of people
live and how they produce meaning through their experiences. For example, in examining the
cultural meanings that Korean American women associate with participating in sports, Lee
(2005) noted that it is important to recognize that Asian Americans are both racial minorities
and ethnic Americans, and that “as part of a broader Asian American community, Korean
Americans’ lives are heavily influenced by how the dominant culture perceives them to be
‘people of Asian descent’” (p. 483). In this sense, Korean Americans experience dual
identities: one relating to race, and the other relating to ethnicity and nationality. The facets of
identity (above) produce stress and a sense of ambiguity within the lives of Korean American
women who struggle to integrate two perspectives. Furthermore, they have to deal with
challenges such as competing ideas about gender roles in relation to their sport involvement,
and are put in the unsettling position of being “a part yet apart” (Lee, 2005, p. 486) from both
the dominant American culture and traditional Korean culture. Consultants need to consider
the multiple facets of culture to fully understand who people (or athletes) are, why they act
the way they do, and what motives underlie their actions.
CONSIDERATIONS FROM SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY: A STARTING POINT

There are certain global similarities and common human experiences that span across
people (including athletes) such as commonly interpreted facial expressions reflecting
universal emotions (Myers & Spencer, 2003). For example, it has been well-established
within the social psychology literature that there are at least six global basic emotions with
facial expressions that are reliably recognized across cultures, including happiness, sadness,
anger, fear, disgust, and surprise (Ekman & Friesen, 1971; Haidt & Keltner, 1999). Despite
commonalities, however, there are also clear differences in expressions and interpretations
when people are compared across cultures. Ekman and Friesen suggested that even amongst
the aforementioned six universal emotions, cultural differences manifest in the circumstances
that elicit an emotion, the action consequences that follow an emotion, and in the display
rules that govern the management of facial behaviour in particular social contexts. For
example, Matsumoto (1990) suggested that cultures, such as the Japanese, that maintain
power differentials among their members and promote a collectivist orientation, allow greater
expression of negative emotions (e.g., anger, fear, sadness) toward out-group members and
lower-status others. These negative emotional displays serve to preserve in-group cohesion /
harmony and maintain power distances, which are the social norms of the culture. These
cultural differences can have important implications within the sport domain, where athletes,
coaches, and consultants from varying cultural backgrounds must work closely together and,
at times, read one another’s responses. Consider the hypothetical situation where a Japanese
soccer player lashes out in anger toward a referee after a red card was given to a teammate for
a reckless slide-tackle. Although the rest of the team and coaching staff may not agree with
the referee’s call, they remain calm and express only slight unhappiness in the call. However,
the Japanese player, who is scowling and shaking his fists at the referee, has learned to
maintain in-group cohesion amongst his teammates by standing up against out-group
members (in this case, the referee) and expressing his anger. Coaches and consultants who
work with this athlete would need to be aware of this cultural norm so as not to misinterpret
his behaviour as being irrational or disrespectful.
Beyond the area of facial expressions and emotions, cultural nuances can also be
evidenced in different customs, beliefs, and languages / communication (Myers & Spencer,
2003; Schinke et al., 2009). Any of the aforementioned nuances provides pause when the
intention is to gain an understanding of a unique standpoint and empower non-mainstream
community members. Bartlett, Iwasaki, Gottlieb, Hall, and Mannell (2007), for example,
were forced to consider their use of Western terminology in examining the lived experiences
of Canadian Métis and First Nations peoples with diabetes, when they were instructed not to
use the words stress/trauma, coping/healing, or diabetes with their participants. Aboriginal co-
researchers indicated that the use of such terms would increase the likelihood of eliciting
responses congruent with the Western culture from which the terms originate, rather than
encouraging Indigenous perspectives. In applied work with Nigerian athletes, Ikulayo and
Semidara (2009) indicated that strong traditional beliefs are evident in juju, which is the
practice of invoking spirits to assist a person. Athletes who practice juju believe that the
spirits can act negatively on opponents causing them to make mistakes on the field, therefore
giving the advantage to the athletes who called forth the spirits. Ikulayo and Semidara noted
that although Western sport professionals are not traditionally equipped to deal with this
belief in juju, they must garner an understanding of such culturally relevant strategies when
working with Nigerian athletes. Failure to consider cultural nuances such as language and
beliefs when working with athletes from diverse cultures would be to misunderstand and
misrepresent their experiences, therein overlooking traditional practices that may garner
motivation or confidence.
Cultural sport psychology, then, has developed out of its predecessors, social psychology
and cognitive anthropology, and emerged to the fore as an interdisciplinary domain. Though
it would be easy to assume that mental skills are transferable across all regions and people
and that effective service provision constitutes universal strategies, such assumptions are not
always correct. It is far too simplistic to assume that in sport, what works for one person’s
standpoint will necessarily work for another. Culture inevitably plays a role in what is
regarded as meaningful to a particular individual, and accordingly, professionals must
consider numerous influences and perspectives when working with diverse athletes.
THE EMERGENCE OF CULTURAL SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Sport is a multi-cultural domain, comprised of athletes, coaches, and practitioners from a
myriad of cultural backgrounds. Moreover, as noted by Kontos and Breland-Noble (2002),
cultural minorities are often represented in greater proportions within sport than in the general
population. For example, although African Americans only comprised 12% of the United
States population in 1991, they represented 75% of players in the National Basketball
Association (NBA) and 60% of National Football League (NFL) players (Lapchick, 1991).
Consider also that approximately 25% of the players in Major League Baseball (MLB) are
Latin American, coming from countries such as the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and
Venezuela (Kontos & Arguello, 2005). In Canada, members of the national boxing team have
come from diverse geographical locations, including Barbados, Jamaica, Nigeria, Kenya,
Afghanistan, Guatemala, and Iran (Schinke, 2007). Individuals bring with them unique
experiences, values, beliefs, and attitudes. It becomes important, then, to consider why
athletes from diverse cultural backgrounds choose to pursue sport and what meanings they
associate with participation, so that professionals in the field can effectively support each
individual and address unique needs / challenges.
With the increasing globalization of society, sport environments are undoubtedly going to
increase in multi-cultural make-up in the future. Although sport has long been a culturally
diverse domain, the sport psychology profession has been slow to adopt practices that are
culturally sensitive to clients. This slow transition toward cultural inclusion is most likely due
to the fact that when it comes to positions of power pertaining to sport, diversity is almost
non-existent. White males are largely over-represented in positions of power such as

coaching, administration, and academia (Gill & Kamphoff, 2009; Roper, 2001). The over-
representation of mostly White men creates an environment where there is little awareness of
varied cultural standpoints. Such exclusive (and excluding) practices have in turn contributed
to the pervasiveness of a mono-cultural sport psychology approach that has trickled down
through the social hierarchy and been reinforced in both research and practice contexts. The
mono-cultural approach, which is strictly reflective of White male values, has been applied to
multi-cultural populations with little consideration of the consequences (Fisher et al., 2003).
Practitioners educated within culturally-bound institutions have naively enforced narrow sets
of (White European) cultural norms and values onto people who may be uncomfortable and
resistant to them.
Two cultural communities heavily influenced by such insensitive approaches as
evidenced through sport and activity are Australian (Hanrahan, 2009) and Canadian (Schinke
et al., 2008) Aborigines. These indigenous populations have struggled to retain their cultural
identities throughout histories of being researched and practiced upon from a mono-cultural
standpoint. Moving toward cultural inclusion and social reform, Hanrahan (2004; 2009) has
worked with Australian Aboriginal performing artists and athletes and has provided
recommendations for effective practice within their cultural parameters. Schinke and
colleagues (2008) have further delineated the process of developing cross-cultural relations
with a Canadian Aboriginal community through a research partnership aimed at creating
positive social transformation within a Reserve. The developmental process progressed
through time and the building of trust into a community-driven project has (a) fostered a
genuine friendship amongst the bicultural research team members, (b) contributed to the
empowerment of community members who guide the research process, and (c) provided the
mainstream researchers with a deeper understanding of and appreciation for indigenous
cultures. Each outcome has contributed to meaningful research strategies being employed that
reflect the minority client and give leverage to their voices amongst the dominant culture.
As awareness has grown in relation to the need for multi-cultural practice, scholars have
criticized the mainstream sport psychology framework and expressed numerous
consequences, including offering insensitive and ineffective services (Hanrahan, 2009;
Kontos & Arguello, in press), silencing or misrepresenting the voices of the minority clients/
participants (Fisher et al., 2003), and reinforcing power and privilege differentials (Butryn,
2002). There has been a push to consider the existence of many sport psychologies on the
basis of culture rather than one monolithic domain (c.f. Fisher et al., 2003; Ryba & Wright,
2005). Schinke, Peltier, and Yungblut (in press) recommended that CSP be developed in a
manner that fosters the experiences of athletes in relation to their cultural backgrounds in
order to contribute to a sport environment that reflects its culturally diverse composition. This
acknowledgement comes more than 20 years after Martens (1987) teased at the ongoing need
for researchers to leave the isolated conditions of the laboratory in exchange for complex real
life applied settings to reconcile different voices, beliefs, standpoints, and ontology within the
domain.
INTEGRATION OF CSP AND PRAXIS

Building on the movement away from a mono-cultural domain, sport psychology as
cultural praxis has recently been proposed as a new trajectory for research and practice (see
Ryba & Wright, 2005). The term praxis refers to the cyclical relationship between practice
and theory, or academic and applied work, which is rooted in a fundamental commitment to
creating positive social change (Bredemeier, 2001). Therefore, the intent through sport
psychology grounded in cultural praxis is to gain deeper understandings of marginalized
cultural communities to inform strategies and processes for personal and social change
(Bredemeier, 2001; Ryba & Wright, 2005). Efforts are aimed at dismantling the power and
privilege differentials that have long been perpetuated and normalized within the institution of
sport. By integrating praxis into sport psychology, the field of CSP is extended to not only
consider cultural influences in research and practice, but to actually empower cultural
communities to share their stories and engage in a socially transformative process.
The praxis movement in sport psychology has stemmed from feminist sport research
wherein feminist praxis has been integrated to dismantle matters of gender inequity (see
Bredemeier, 2001; Bredemeier, Carlton, Hills, & Oglesby, 1999). Bredemeier and colleagues
discussed the need to bring about greater understanding and responsiveness to the interests
and needs of marginalized groups (i.e., lesbians in physical education), particularly as they
relate to power and privilege differentials. By encouraging female co-participants to share
their stories and insights, recommendations were derived for coaches, educators, and athletes
that could be used to facilitate social change. The female co-participants were viewed as
having contextual knowledge of equal worth to the mainstream academic researchers in terms
of their lived experiences, and in that sense the co-participants’ insights informed both the
research process and outcomes. Through the use of a consensus decision-making model the
researchers and the co-participants were able to understand and appreciate one another’s ways
of knowing. Hence, praxis offers an enhanced sense of connection among researchers and co-
participants (Bredemeier, 2001; Fisher et al., 2003).
Integrating praxis and CSP forms a way of “doing” sport psychology that pushes the field
toward a comprehensive approach (Ryba & Wright, 2005). Research as praxis invites
academics to consider the ways in which they produce knowledge that is deemed valuable in
the theoretical realm, dismantling the politics behind traditionally accepted and reinforced
forms of knowledge (see Fisher et al., 2003). For example, in flipping through introductory
sport psychology textbooks (please note that we have not pointed fingers at any specific
authors, but rather at a general trend), it becomes evident that certain constructs (such as
motivation and aggression) are designated as primary topics, while others (such as race and
sexual orientation) are treated as special topics at the margins of the text (typically found at
the back of a text) (see Fisher, Butryn, & Roper 2005). Through CSP as one praxis trajectory,
mainstream practitioners and researchers are encouraged to consider from whose standpoint
the textbooks (and other scholarly material) are being written, whose standpoints are not
included, as well as what types of knowledge are being reinforced and why. Ryba (2005)
framed the need for cultural praxis:
Instead of approaching the psychology of sport in its totality using historical examples to
legitimize the existing practices, sport psychology as cultural praxis rejects origin stories or
essences and disrupts the traditional linear historical narrative by putting forward multiple,
competing and shifting narratives and interpretations.
Through research as praxis, co-participants (beyond academic authors) propose the
amelioration of power and privilege imbalances through collaboration and negotiation among
cultures (Butryn, 2002), leading to practical solutions for social problems. Consequently,
athletes from marginalized cultures are encouraged to step into the light and share their stories
in an effort to instigate social transformation that challenges existing power structures. Yet
despite the socially transformative power of sport psychology research conducted as praxis,
Blodgett and colleagues (2008) have provided one of the only examples where such applied
research has been undertaken. In their work in a Canadian Aboriginal Reserve, community
members took on leadership roles in all aspects of the research, from proposing and guiding
the project to disseminating the results in both Aboriginal and mainstream research forums
and implementing the applied community outcomes. Blodgett et al. encouraged more research
as praxis to be conducted from a cultural standpoint and provided recommendations for
researchers who feel compelled to address issues of social justice by engaging in such
meaningful work.
A BRIEF SUMMARY OF CULTURAL RESEARCH

Because CSP is a trajectory in its infancy, contributions are scant. A few researchers have
engaged in cross-cultural research with the intent of comparing participants from various
cultures in relation to pre-conceived variables. These cross-cultural efforts, which are largely
(though not necessarily) quantitative in nature, have been crucial in identifying commonalities
and differences across cultures in terms of sport related behaviours and motivations. For
example, Alfermann, Stambulova, and Zemaityte (2004) looked at the effects of athletic
career termination on German, Lithuanian, and Russian athletes, and Weinberg et al. (2000)
examined the participation motives of American, Australian, and New Zealand youth in
competitive sport versus physical activity. Such cross-cultural research provides the
opportunity for sport participants to be considered using the same research instrument /
approach to make comparisons across the same variables and dimensions (Hanrahan &
Schinke, in press). These efforts provide insight into some of the general strategies that may
be effective when engaging in service provision within a diverse population. It must be noted,
however, that general grouping strategies need to be applied cautiously so as not to perpetuate
stereotypes, as discussed by Andersen (1993) in relation to African American athletes.
Information based upon generalities and reductionism should be applied on a case-by-case
basis in a flexible and adaptable manner rather than being assumed to be applicable to all
athletes in all situations. Furthermore, reflexivity must be accounted for in cross-cultural
research, in terms of considering the influence of the researcher’s background in the research
process and how it may affect the data collection, interpretation, and writing up of results
(McGannon & Johnson, 2009; Sparkes, 2002).
Some practitioners have described their practical experiences working with clients within
a particular cultural context. These efforts have shifted from an emphasis on general grouping
strategies and cross-cultural comparisons to a focus on understanding another’s culture in and
of itself (Hanrahan & Schinke, in press). Examples include work with African American
student athletes (Lee & Rotella, 1991), Australian Aboriginal performing artists (Hanrahan,
2004), Latin American athletes (Kontos & Arguello, 2005; in press), and Asian Americans
and Native Americans (Kontos & Breland-Noble, 2002). Although these efforts are anecdotal,
they each contribute to the movement toward cultural inclusivity at an applied level and
provide some initial recommendations for future researchers interested in pursuing CSP.
Kontos and Arguello (in press) for example, cautioned against using a universal approach
when working with Latin American athletes, and suggested that practitioners consider the
unique influences of socio-economic status, geography, gender, and levels of enculturation/
acculturation on a case-by-case basis. The authors further recommended that sport
psychology consultants working with Latin American athletes consider expanding their
repertoire to include Spanish language skills to help built rapport and trust.
The earliest examples of cultural psychology research in sport have come from Schinke
and colleagues, who spent multiple years collaborating with community members from a
Canadian Aboriginal Reserve to understand their sporting experiences. Although the earlier
work (see Schinke et al., 2007) incorporated community consultation and the use of some
culturally sensitive practices, such as community verification of the data analysis and co-
authoring / co-presenting, numerous culturally-insensitive errors were made in the research
process For example, semi-structured one-on-one interviewing, hierarchical content analyses,
and data matrices were used, though these methods were not particularly meaningful or
relevant to the Aboriginal community members. More recently, Schinke and colleagues (e.g.,
Schinke et al., 2008; Schinke, Peltier, Hanrahan, et al., in press) have questioned their
mainstream research approaches and worked to establish a process that is more reflective of
the local Aboriginal culture. For example, the use of one-on-one interviews was abandoned in
favour of talking circles, because talking circles were identified to be a traditional community
practice that promoted the sharing of ideas and experiences in a more comfortable,
meaningful context. Furthermore, recent projects have been proposed and led by the
community, and consensus decision-making models have been employed. Each of these
recent efforts is rooted in the belief that through a closer integration of Aboriginal practices,
the research will more accurately reflect the authentic perspectives of the participants and
empower them to share their stories and insights.
The aforementioned CSP efforts reflect work where the sport psychology researchers
were educated and trained in the mainstream culture and the clients came from a different
culture with knowledge systems, experiences, and values that were unaccounted for within
the mainstream research strategies. As a consequence of the divergent cultural backgrounds,
sport psychologists have experienced various challenges, including limited trust among those
from minority and marginalized cultures (Hanrahan, 2004; Schinke, Peltier, Hanrahan, et al.,
in press), different views of masculinity and femininity (Kontos & Arguello, in press),
varying degrees of acculturation versus retained cultural identity that affected intervention
strategies (Kontos & Breland-Noble, 2002), and different motivations for pursuing
performance (Hanrahan, 2004). Each report, however, reflects a step toward the development
of effective multicultural relations and practices through the vehicle of sport psychology. A
comprehensive array of strategies reflecting multicultural practices will continue to be
developed as more researchers and practitioners in the field respond to the demand for CSP
and reflexive practice.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICING CSP

Following suit with the growing body of research that is being conducted with diverse
cultural communities, a broad range of applied practices are also being developed to help
consultants work effectively within cultural parameters that are comfortable and meaningful
to the relevant clients. A few general recommendations have been established by different
scholars and practitioners for working within a culture other than one’s own and engaging in
effective CSP. These recommendations will be outlined, though it must be noted that these
recommendations should only serve as general guidelines for CSP practice. The suggestions
include: (a) engaging in critical introspection, (b) developing cultural competence, (c)
focusing on relationships, (d) being reflexive, (e) engaging in cultural praxis, and (f) being
open and flexible.
Engaging in Critical Introspection
Before attempting to understand another individual, sport psychology researchers and

practitioners (especially those from the mainstream culture) must be aware of the frame of
reference from which they view the world around them. Through critical introspection sport
psychologists are able to reflect on their culturally-bound perspectives, values, and biases and
understand how these factors influence their work and interactions with others (Butryn, 2002;
Gill & Kamphoff, 2009). Questions that might be raised could include: From what position
do I speak? How do I know what I know? What privileges do I possess simply because of my
race? What assumptions do I bring to my work? These questions allow mainstream
practitioners to challenge their biases and begin dismantling the power and privilege that are
associated with Whiteness as the dominant perspective (Butryn, 2002; Fisher et al., 2003).
Butryn has suggested that White mainstream practitioners make a list of all the White
privileges that have been conferred upon them simply because of the colour of their skin, to
acknowledge, examine, and then de-center what would otherwise remain “in the periphery of
racial consciousness” (p. 318).
Developing Cultural Competence
Cultural competence (in terms of applied practice) has been defined as “the ability to
counsel people of different backgrounds in a meaningful and ameliorative manner” (Kontos
& Breland-Noble, 2002, p. 297). Such competence is essential for engaging in effective CSP
practice and requires continual development through concerted efforts to learn culturally
relevant and sensitive strategies that reflect the athlete population (Gill & Kamphoff, 2009).
All researchers and practitioners need to be proactive in their efforts to foster deeper
understandings of diverse cultures to work effectively with diverse populations and prevent
“sensitive stereotyping” (Andersen, 1993; Kontos & Breland-Noble). Sensitive stereotyping
refers to the failure to recognize that the variance within any particular cultural group is just
as large as the variance between cultural groups. Although generalizations can be useful for
providing a framework in which to better understand members of a particular background,
they must be applied carefully within new situations and must be open to change and
challenge on an individual basis (Andersen, 1993; Kontos & Breland-Noble). Resources that
aid the development of cultural competence include cultural sensitivity training, courses on
multi-cultural issues, and experience from applied practice. As expressed by Gill and
Kamphoff, at the minimum, sport psychologists should have a working knowledge of the
American Psychological Association’s multicultural guidelines (see APA, 2002). The six
guidelines set forth by the APA encourage psychologists and researchers to recognize not
only clients, but also themselves, as cultural beings, and to apply this awareness in research,
education, and practical settings. Schinke et al. (2008) noted that the mere recognition of
cultural experiences does not go far enough in promoting cultural reflexivity and advocated
for the integration of culturally reflexive strategies that promote the relevant culture’s
worldview.
Focusing on Relationships
Underpinning CSP is an emphasis on fostering improved relationships among cultures.

Through collaborative processes that involve shared understandings, mutual respect, and
appreciations for different ways of knowing, cultural differences can be bridged amongst
researchers and co-participants (Bredemeier, 2001; Fisher et al., 2003; Kral et al., 2002). For
example, collaborating with the specific research population in the development of research
projects can help cultivate a shared purpose between researchers and participants by setting
goals and outcomes for the project that are meaningful for everyone involved. These deeper
relationships foster effective and meaningful work, as well as a genuine sense of caring. It is
especially important to establish strong relations when researchers or professionals from the
mainstream attempt to work with marginalized populations (see Schinke et al., 2008). Many
minority communities have struggled through histories of being abused and oppressed by
mainstream society, and therefore these people often express mistrust and resistance toward
approaches from mainstream professionals (Kral et al., 2002; Schinke et al., 2008).
Nevertheless, with time, genuine intentions, and mutual respect, trusting relationships can be
established and meaningful practices and projects can be developed in collaboration with
cultural communities.
Being Reflexive
Reflexivity involves self-questioning and self-understanding, denoting an awareness of

the sport psychologist’s own contribution to the construction of meaning throughout the
research or consulting process. It involves constant scrutiny of what I know and how I know
it (Patton, 2002; Sparkes, 2002, raising questions such as, ‘How does my own identity and
social position privilege particular choices in the research process, while also marginalizing
particular choices?’ Sport psychologists are encouraged to overtly analyze their personal
situatedness (e.g., historical, political, geographical, social) and how these factors shape what
constitutes knowledge as well as how marginalized cultures are researched, portrayed, and
ultimately written about (Patton; Sparkes). By engaging in reflexive practices, researchers are
able to break down existing power structures and empower marginalized athletes, coaches,
and consultants.
Engaging in Cultural Praxis
The intersection of research and practice in cultural praxis should address social justice
issues and have a transformative intent as the overarching goal (Bredemeier, 2001; Ryba,
2009; Ryba & Wright, 2005). Through emphasizing the voices of marginalized people and
acknowledging their personal experiences to be deep wells of insight, co-participants become
engaged in the process of creating social change, on both a personal and cultural level
(Bredemeier, 2001). Emphasizing the voices of participants by engaging the relevant
population in the development and implementation of research through consultation and
community meetings can empower change from within the group. Through such efforts,
practitioners can work to dismantle the power and privilege differentials that have long been
perpetuated and normalized within the institution of sport, reflecting a movement away from
the mainstream Eurocentric sport psychology tradition. Through the use of strategies such as
consensus-decision-making (Bredemeier; Blodgett et al., 2008) and meaningful dialogue
(Ryba, 2009; Ryba & Wright, 2005), co-participants are viewed as the experts of their lived
experiences and continue to inform the research process and goals. Through cultural
collaboration and negotiation, praxis produces an enhanced sense of connection among
researchers and co-participants (Bredemeier, 2001; Fisher et al., 2003), whereby both parties
are asked to consider one another’s ways of knowing.
Being Open and Flexible
Sport psychologists must be open and flexible to processes and relationships that are
constantly evolving through better contextual understandings (Blodgett et al., in press;
Schinke et al., 2008). The capacity for gaining new understandings of diverse cultural
contexts, current multi-cultural issues, and effective strategies is endless, and sport
psychologists need to constantly re-evaluate and refine their approaches. They also need to be
open to adopting new practices that might enhance their work. It is important to recognize
that just as there is no singular White mainstream experience, neither is there any unified
experience within another’s culture (Butryn, 2002), and therefore there are no universal
strategies that are the same for all people. Although some individuals within a particular
culture may reflect one or more of the ethnic generalizations that are attached to their culture
as a whole, each individual represents a unique worldview and is influenced in varying
degrees by multiple factors (Kontos & Breland-Noble, 2002). Therefore professionals need to
constantly be open to new strategies and processes that are applied on a case-by-case.
CONCLUSIONS
Though the sport domain has historically been comprised of athletes, coaches, and
practitioners from a wide range of cultural backgrounds, sport psychology researchers and
practitioners have been slow to adopt practices supportive of diversity. An ethnocentric,
White, male perspective has been the traditionally accepted and reinforced approach, wherein
mono-cultural strategies and interventions have been presented as universally effective for all
athlete populations. A monolithic approach, while privileging all people of White mainstream
culture, actually has worked to marginalize athletes from all other non-mainstream cultures
by silencing their voices. The mono-cultural approach went relatively unchallenged until
1987, when Martens first called attention to the pertinent need to reconcile different voices
reflective of sport contexts rather than assuming that all sport participants are the same in
their needs, values, and goals. In the years following Martens’ observations, other scholars
began addressing the need to start instigating a movement toward cultural inclusivity wherein
more voices are being reflected within sport psychology discourse (see Fisher et al., 2003;
Ryba & Wright, 2005).
In the transition from a mono-cultural approach to a multi-cultural trajectory for sport
psychology, CSP has emerged as a line of inquiry that can be developed by and within a
particular culture to more deeply reflect the specific client (Schinke et al., 2009). Cultural
aspects such as geographical location, race, ethnicity, gender, religion, geography, and
language are considered in relation to the unique aspirations and needs of different cultural
communities. Consideration is also given to the bi-directional influence of culture, both on
the part of the athlete/client as well as the sport psychologist/consultant, and how these
contextual demands work to influence relationships and strategies. Integrating cultural praxis
within CSP adds an element of empowerment to research and practice, where positive social
transformation is the overarching initiative. By challenging socially-constructed power
structures and encouraging participants from marginalized cultures to share their sport
experiences, communities are given a voice within sport psychology discourse.
Nevertheless, CSP is a relatively new field that is still in its infancy. Much more research
needs to be conducted on a culture-by-culture basis so that strategies can be developed to
encompass a wide range of cultures. The consideration of culture within sport psychology is
undoubtedly daunting given the quantity of perspectives to reconcile and the associated
complexities of each within our global sport community. To counter though, never has there
been more of a need for shared understanding and pooled academic and practical effort. With
more efficient communication mediums than ever before, there are more opportunities for
bridging communication among sport enthusiasts and sport professionals. CSP offers a
challenging future with a rewarding outcome for those who embrace human cultural
differences in the pursuit of expanding relevant practices to be reflective of all participants
within the auspices of sport.
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Chapter 8
REVISITING DIVERSITY AND POLITICS IN SPORT

PSYCHOLOGY THROUGH CULTURAL STUDIES:
WHERE ARE WE FIVE YEARS LATER?
Leslee A. Fisher1, Emily A. Roper2and Ted Butryn3

University of Tennessee1, Sam Houston State University2, San Jose State University3,
USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
The central purpose throughout this paper is to revisit the ways that sport psychology
researchers, educators, and practitioners have (or have not) used a cultural studies perspective
to enhance their research and applied work since we first wrote about this issue (Fisher,
Butryn, & Roper, 2003). We suggested in our previous review that key cultural studies
concepts such as privilege, power, and praxis could be utilized by sport psychology
professionals. In line with Sage (1993), we also promoted an “athletes-as-citizens” model of
service provision in the applied setting. In this paper, we review sport psychology literature
published in the last five years which focuses on privilege, power and power dynamics,
praxis, and promoting “athletes-as-citizens” (Sage, 1993). We also describe a recent study
(Butryn, 2008) related to graduate students’ experiences of wrestling with a cultural studies of
sport curriculum and summarize our sense of progress to date.
INTRODUCTION
In what ways have sport psychology researchers, educators, and practitioners used a
cultural studies perspective to enhance their research and applied work in the last five years
(2003-2008)? This is the central question we take up in this chapter. In our previous work
(Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003) we suggested that key cultural studies concepts such as
power, privilege, and praxis could be utilized by sport psychology professionals. We also
promoted an “athletes-as-citizens” model of service provision in the applied setting in line
106 Leslee A. Fisher, Emily A. Roper and Ted Butryn
with suggestions by Sage (1993) and the work of Jack Scott at the University of California at
Berkeley during the 1960’s and 1970’s. In the present chapter, we begin by reviewing two
recent sport psychology texts (Andersen, 2005; Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009). We also review
empirical work focusing on privilege, power and power dynamics, praxis, and promoting
“athletes-as-citizens” (Sage, 1993) published during this time period. We end with a summary
of the state of the field to date.
WHAT’S NEW?
The good news is that two recent sport psychology (edited) texts contain emphases on a
cultural studies of sport, one to a lesser degree than the other. These are Mark Andersen’s
Sport Psychology in Practice (2005) and Rob Schinke and Stephanie Hanrahan’s (2009)
Cultural Sport Psychology. While Andersen and his authors spotlight the processes of applied
sport psychology service delivery to athletes – particularly the added section on working with
“diverse athletes” (i.e., the book is a follow-up to Andersen’s 2000 book entitled Doing Sport
Psychology) - Schinke and Hanrahan’s text is the first to “….focus entirely on a challenging
line of discussion that we have called cultural sport psychology (CSP)” (p.vii).
In his book, Anderson sets out to explore a variety of applied issues practitioners may
face when working with individual athletes and teams. Andersen approaches issues – which
include alcohol abuse and violence, eating disorders, injury and identity development,
transference and countertransference – using a unique approach. In addition to reviewing the
literature relative to each topical area, the authors of each chapter incorporate sample
dialogues between an athlete and practitioner. His textbook is divided into three sections: (a)
doing sport psychology with groups, (b) issues surrounding ethical situations, and (c) issues
related to working with diverse populations. Of particular importance to our current chapter is
the section devoted to diversity in service delivery. Parham (2005) addressed the importance
of developing an understanding of athletes from racially, culturally and ethnically diverse
backgrounds. Hanrahan (2005) detailed a group session for athletes with various disabilities.
Marterns and Mobley (2005), in their chapter - “Straight guys working with gay guys” -
explored various issues involved in working with gay male athletes including the fear of
being outed, issues related to HIV and AIDS, coming out, and dealing with one’s own
homophobia. Krane and Barber (2005) expanded upon Martens and Mobley’s chapter,
focusing on homonegativism and heterosexism in women’s sport.
Like Andersen, Schinke and Hanrahan (2009) have international experience working in
applied sport psychology settings. These experiences were grist for fruitful conversations
between the two related to becoming culturally sensitive and reflexive in their praxis – the
integration of theory and practice. However, this occurred only after they worked with
culturally diverse teams ranging from amateur and professional boxers to Aboriginal
performing artists. Their experiences working with a variety of performers allowed the editors
to become appreciative of (and responsive to) how cultural awareness is a necessity in the
practice of applied sport psychology in a global sport community. After problematizing their
own lack of cultural awareness, they turned their attention to the overwhelming lack of
discussion of it in the discipline and called for scholars to engage critically with them on this
issue in their text.
Revisiting Diversity and Politics in Sport Psychology Through Cultural Studies… 107
While each of the authors in Schinke and Hanrahan’s (2009) compilation integrated
cultural awareness concerns, we were asked to take up the challenge of engaging cultural
studies with the discipline of sport psychology in one of the introductory chapters (see Fisher,
Roper, & Butryn, 2009). In our chapter, we presented a viewpoint the editors call “the
cultural studies perspective” as contrasted with the “sport psychology perspective” chapter
which preceded us (see Peters & Williams, 2009; Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009, p.vii). We
attempted to integrate cultural studies and sport psychology in six areas, using postmodern
theory to critique the dominant underpinnings, typical research questions, theories and
methods of the discipline as well as propose a new way of looking at sport psychology
personality research from a lens that recognizes constructions and locations of identity. Like
the editors, we envisioned a reconstruction of sport psychology as cultural sport psychology
(CSP) and posited our “ideal” CSP as having the following emphases:
“A focus on athlete identities as multiple, fragmented, and dependent upon location rather
than fixed or unchangeable; a choice of academic methods and theories based on an
intellectual sensibility revolving around a certain theoretical orientation or critical stance
versus strict interdisciplinary boundaries; an emphasis on seeing the developing athlete in a
web of power dynamics and relationships that advantage some selves while disadvantaging
others; an interrogation of the institution of sport and how and when it has influenced athlete
identities; a critical examination of the politics of race and class and how they affect athletes
and consultants; an addressing of embedded politics and unacknowledged contributions in
sport related to potentially exploitative relationships and damaging long-term consequences
for health” (Fisher, Roper, & Butryn, 2009, p.30)
Based on this ideal, we now discuss privilege and how the field of sport psychology has
privileged some but not others. We feel that this discussion is critical to the future growth of
sport psychology in a changing, global society.
PRIVILEGE
Expanding our 2003 and 2009 stance (Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003; Fisher, Roper, &
Butryn, 2009), we prefer to think of privilege now as part of an interlocking system which
also includes oppression and resistance. In other words, like Heldke and O’Connor (2004), we
believe that: (a) oppression is most powerfully defined as the systematic and unfair
marginalization of some members of a society; (b) privilege is the flipside of oppression, in
that if some members are marginalized, then other members are given an unfair advantage;
and (c) oppression (and privilege) can be resisted against. In addition, it is our conviction that
the most effective way to create change in an oppressive system – like the system in place in
organized sport some would argue – is to educate people about how “….social change
requires collective action working against existing systems” (Heldke & O’Connor, 2004,
p.vii).
What ramifications does this way of envisioning oppression, privilege and resistance
have for sport psychology professionals, both researchers and practitioners? Taking research
first, our research theories and methodologies could be based on this critical intellectual
sensibility toward athlete oppression, privilege and resistance. This means that multiple
theories (i.e., queer theory, postmodern theory, critical race theory) could be utilized along
with multiple methodologies (i.e., critical ethnography, autoethnography, semi-structured
interviewing) to examine the ways athlete identities are fragmented, multiple (i.e., In what
ways are athletes both oppressed and privileged at the same time?) and dependent upon
location in matrices of power rather than being unchangeable or fixed (i.e., in which sports
are privilege and oppression occurring and why?). Such critical intellectual sensibilities and
methods help us examine how athletes develop their identities in a web of power dynamics
and relationships that advantage some selves while disadvantaging others. This places
emphasis on research questions which also address who is resisting oppression in sport, who
is resisting privilege (if any), in what ways and at what times, if athletes are even aware of
their own oppression and privilege, why/why not/when, who it serves if they are not aware,
and if they and sport psychology professionals are interested in taking action against their
own oppression and privilege. An interrogation of the institution of sport – its embedded
policies/politics/contributions to athlete exploitation and how/when it has influenced athlete
(racialized, gendered, classed) identities in terms of oppression, privilege and resistance - is
also critical.
With regard to sport psychology practice and issues of oppression / privilege / resistance,
similar questions could be asked. For example, one of our invited speakers at the AASP
conference in 2007 - a person of color himself – counted the number of people of color in the
audience during a keynote address (not his own), one of the largest ones attended. He came
up with four out of a roomful of approximately 200 people, at which point he turned to one of
us and said, “Why aren’t there more people of color who belong to AASP?” This is a thought-
provoking and important question for us to wrestle with. Other questions are equally
important, including: Who gets to be a consultant and why (e.g., race, class, gender of
consultant)? Who is an ally in helping marginalized professionals get consulting opportunities
and why? Which sports are available for consultation and why? Should consultants work
toward empowering the athletes they work with? Should they discuss politics with the
athlete? And, should they work toward changing oppressive sport systems that their athletes
participate in? While most sport psychology consultants work for/in the best interests of their
clients, we envision very few practitioners who would challenge an existing oppressive
system in sport for fear of repercussions.
Along these lines, Roper (2008a) found that male sport psychology professionals played
a significant role in assisting six of the female practitioners interviewed in her study in
obtaining access to their initial applied opportunities. While male professionals (i.e., the
majority of consultants) should work to assist female practitioners in entering the field, it is
important to explore the privilege male practitioners possess that grants them the ability to
assist women in gaining access. In maintaining such positions of power, men remain the
gatekeepers to entry into advanced sport psychology positions (Roper, 2008a). Continued
attention needs to be brought to the underlying privilege and power men possess within
society and within the sport community in particular.
POWER AND POWER DYNAMICS

Privilege is related to power in important and disturbing ways. As reviewed in our earlier
work (Fisher, Butryn & Roper, 2003), power is a concept frequently discussed in cultural
studies but not so much in sport psychology. While researchers within sport sociology have
acknowledged (and continue to acknowledge) the importance of interrogating power in sport,
the field of sport psychology has yet to devote serious attention to the role power and power
dynamics play within the research and practice of applied sport psychology. Within the past
five years, only a handful of sport psychology scholars have incorporated discussion of power
and power dynamics into their work (Fasting, Brackenridge, & Walseth, 2007; Roper, 2008a;
Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009; Schinke, Hanrahan, Eys, Blodgett, Peltier, Ritchie, Pheasant, &
Enosse, 2009). Recently, applied sport psychology professionals were challenged by Celia
Brackenridge (2008) to incorporate such an analysis. This type of analysis could provide a
more meaningful and deeper interrogation of relations of power and the impact they have on
athletes.
Celia Brackenridge, a sport science researcher, educator, and activist, was selected as the
Distinguished International Scholar to present at the 2008 annual Association for Applied
Sport Psychology (AASP) conference in St. Louis, Missouri. The title of her presentation
was “Sex, lies, shock, and role: Sport psychologists as agents of athlete welfare.” It is notable
that Brackenridge’s interdisciplinary work, also published in her book– Spoilsports:
Understanding and preventing sexual exploitation in sport (2001)- was selected as an invited
presentation at the annual conference. However, despite the significance of Brackenridge’s
inclusion in the conference program, attendance was low1. The low attendance at
Brackenridge’s presentation, while disturbing, was not surprising as many of the CSP
presentations and symposia at AASP have been, and continue to be poorly attended. This
pattern is especially interesting as many of the conference attendees wore “diversity” ribbons
that were distributed by the AASP Diversity Committee.
In her presentation, Brackenridge discussed the prevalence and incidence of sexual
exploitation and abuse in sport, noting the over 600 cases she has personally recorded.
Considerable attention was devoted to the unique aspects of the sport domain which make it a
setting where sexual exploitation can (and does) easily occur. Specifically, Brackenridge
suggested that the male-dominated nature of sport, prevalence of high-ranking sport positions
populated by men, adherence to hegemonic masculinity, and emphasis on the physical body
are all significant contributors to the development and maintenance of a culture of violence
and objectification of sport women and men (Brackenridge, 2001).
While many perceive sexual abuse and exploitation to be “personally perpetrated” and
“personally experienced” (Brackenridge, 2001, p. 44), Brackenridge proposed that there
exists a network of stakeholders in any sexual exploitative situation including coaches,
parents, sport organizations, media, teachers, team managers, athletic trainers, peer athletes,
and sport scientists. Brackenridge suggested further that as sport psychology professionals,
we play an integral role in the “instigation, continuation, and termination of sexually
transgressive behavior in sport…all bear[ing] some shared responsibility” (p. 44).
1
As our editor pointed out – and we concur – many of the CSP presentations and symposia have low attendance at
AASP conferences. This is ironic considering the pride that attendees have in wearing cultural diversity
badges.
Within applied sport psychology, many practitioners espouse an athlete-centered

approach. However, little scholarly attention has been devoted to the specific tenets of such a
philosophy of practice. As cultural studies informed practitioners we must focus not only on
the individual athlete’s welfare, but also the sport environment. Brackenridge contended
(2008) that this is a setting that is organized and structured in ways that allows sexual
exploitation to easily occur. As sport psychology professionals, we believe that a cultural
sport psychology-infused practice makes it our responsibility to focus on the aftermath of
such incidents and to monitor and promote a safe sport environment. Furthermore, due to the
unique relationship formed between a practitioner and athlete, it is possible that we could find
ourselves in a position to uncover incidents of sexual exploitation and abuse before others and
assist athletes – and parents and other coaches - in developing the skills necessary to confront
a perpetrator (Brackenridge, 2001; 2008).
The power dynamic does not only impact athletes in sport contexts. We noted in our
previous work (Fisher et al., 2003) that issues of race, gender, class, and sexuality should be
“…viewed not as simple categories, but as relations of power, as spaces where individuals
negotiate for greater agency within the existing power structure” (p. 396) and that includes
sport psychology professionals. We argued for the need for a cultural studies informed
professional to do the following:
…acknowledge gender-biased and homophobic behaviors within the hyper-masculine

structure of many sports, as well as to confront ways that consultants, whether male or female,
have the potential to be both perpetrators and victims of discriminatory practices themselves
(p. 393).
Following up on this charge, Roper (2008a) qualitatively examined the career

experiences and perceptions of female practitioners working in applied sport psychology. In
line with her previous research examining women’s career experiences in academic sport
psychology (Roper, Fisher, & Wrisberg, 2005), the participants in Roper’s (2008a) study
suggested that women working in applied sport psychology face unique obstacles and barriers
to gaining access, respect and support.
For example, all eight of the participants acknowledged that the majority of high-profile,
“recognized” practitioners were men. As a result, many of the participants perceived that their
applied work was often ignored or deemed “less valid.” In pushing women’s experiences to
the margins, greater emphasis and value is placed on the experiences of those in power.
Similar to research findings within the coaching profession which have found that male
coaches are perceived as more knowledgeable and better suited to coach (Staurowsky, 1990;
www.gogirlworld.org/cgi-bin/iowa/issues/coach/article.html?record=3), male sport
psychology practitioners are viewed as representing the authority on knowledge in applied
sport psychology. Therefore, those who are not seen as the authority are not taken as seriously
or as legitimate representatives of the field. It is critical to consider what forms of knowledge
are being utilized in sport psychology and whose voice is represented and whose is not? In
order to develop a more valid and comprehensive representation of the field, incorporation of
women’s experiences and ways of knowing as well as the voices of other marginalized
individuals, is necessary.
In line with the work of Brackenridge (2001, 2008), a particularly disturbing experience
was detailed by one of the participants in Roper’s (2008a) study which a group of male
athletes began to undress while she remained in the locker room; she described this behavior
as the male athletes’ ways of “testing” or “playing with” her (p. 420). Sport sociologists have
argued that the men’s locker room is a site in which men work to maintain their control and
power, especially due to the increasing visibility of women in sport (Curry, 1991; Kane &
Disch, 1993). As a result, women who occupy this space (e.g., trainers, journalists, sport
psychology practitioners) are often “displaced from [their] role as authoritative critic” and
“reassigned to [their] appropriate role of sexual object” (Kane & Disch, 1993, p. 331).
Discussion of this scenario among sport psychology practitioners is especially important
considering the locker room is often described as an “appropriate” setting in which to meet
with and provide team sessions.
Also in 2008, Schinke et al. addressed the development of cross-cultural relations with a
Canadian Aboriginal community through reflective research. In their paper, Schinke and
colleagues presented their experiences as researchers working within a multicultural group.
The purpose of the research group was to study the adaptation challenges experienced by
Canadian Aboriginal athletes pursuing athletic experiences in mainstream North American
sport settings. The initial research group - which consisted of professionals with a North
American mainstream education - purposefully sought feedback from the Aboriginal
community. As Schinke et al. (2008) stated, “the intent was to gain some expertise from the
Aboriginal community to ensure the credibility of the data and accurate description” (p. 359).
Of particular importance to this section of the chapter is the discussion of power relations
within the research group. While the White members of the group held the privileged position
in the early stages, a transition in power gradually occurred as the integration of the members
continued. As Schinke et al. suggested,
There was sometimes a tendency to revert back during negotiations to the previous power
differential in which the mainstream members would make decisions and all that was needed
was community endorsement. During such moments the community and academic team
leaders reminded the group of its mandate, and the power decisions returned to the community
members. (p. 361)
This paper provides an example of the ways in which researchers have the potential to
adhere to and model the multicultural guidelines of the American Psychological Association.
PRAXIS
With three exceptions, the concept of praxis has not been taken up in sport psychology
work since our 2003 article. As we mentioned then, the integration of theory, research, and
practice – praxis – is a concept that is familiar and important in cultural studies work (Hall,
2000) but has not been given much attention in applied sport psychology. The exception prior
to 2003 was the work of Bredemeier and colleagues (Bredemeier, 2001; Bredemeier, Carlton,
Hills, & Oglesby, 1999; Bredemeier, Desertrain, Fisher, Getty, Slocum, Stephens, & Warren,
1991). Post-2003, Schinke and Hanrahan (2009) have included at least 13 chapters on applied
practice in their recent text (see Araki & Balasekaran, 2009; Diehl, Hegley, & Lane, 2009;
Galloway, 2009; Gill & Kamphoff, 2009; Hanrahan, 2009; Ikulayo & Semidara, 2009;
Kontos, 2009; Kozuma, 2009; Lidor & Blumenstein, 2009; McGannon & Johnson, 2009;
Moraes & Salmela, 2009; Ryba, 2009; Schinke et al., 2009; Stambulov et al., 2009; Terry,
2009). However, we feel that three recent studies better exemplify a praxis-focused line of
research. These are two studies conducted by Schinke and colleagues (Blodgett, Schinke,
Fisher, Wassengeso George, Peltier, Ritchie, & Pickard, in press; Blodgett, Schinke, Fisher,
Yungblut, Recollet-Saikkonen, Peltier, Pickard, & Ritchie, in press) and one study conducted
by Roper (2008b).
Schinke and colleagues (Blodgett et al., 2008; Blodgett et al., 2008) continued a line of
earlier work by Schinke, Michel and colleagues (2006) related to Canadian Aboriginal youth.
Their 2006 study revealed that these youth suffer from lower health demographics, higher
rates of substance abuse, diabetes, heart problems, and obesity than the rest of the Canadian
population. With that in mind, the two 2008 studies were unique in that “mainstream”
academics from the university partnered with Aboriginal community members to address
“real-life” concerns that community members had. These concerns centered on the struggle
that elite Aboriginal youth felt between acculturating to Canadian mainstream society during
their elite sport participation and retaining their Aboriginal customs. Townspeople and elders
were also concerned about attrition in their youth sport programming. After realizing that
their “traditional” methods of interviewing were not getting at the issues that were important
to the townspeople, researchers became a part of Aboriginal “talking circles” where
consensus decision-making became the goal. Analysis of “talking circles” themes resulted in
issues of integrating Aboriginal elders, promoting role models, and broadening the volunteer
base in the community’s sport programming. This type of cultural sensitivity and research
flexibility is exactly what is meant by praxis, the integration of theory, research, and practice.
In addition, the project changed the way the academic researchers viewed their own life and
customs as a result of immersing themselves in Aboriginal customs.
Another study exemplifying praxis is Roper’s (2008b) examination of female recreational
runners’ feelings of fear and concerns for safety and the strategies used to negotiate their
feelings of fear. Interviews were conducted with thirty female recreational runners in a major
U.S. city – Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Findings revealed that these runners limited and
altered their running patterns due to feelings of fear and concerns for safety. These women
reported higher levels of fear when running: (a) by themselves; (b) in natural (secluded,
wooded) areas; and (c) in dark and unfamiliar areas. From the findings, it was also revealed
that female runners feared being attacked, having an accident/injury while running, and theft
of their belongings while running. Each participant was asked to share recommendations for
other female runners and to the city of Philadelphia. Participants provided a variety of
suggestions including increased lighting and police presence, removal of excess
vegetation/brush, increased discussion of safety within the community, promotion of park
use, installation of police/emergency call boxes, and use of mirrors at blind spots. Upon
completion of the study, the findings were shared with committee members of the
Philadelphia Task Force for Safety. As a result, several of the recommendations provided by
the participants were incorporated by the committee. This kind of “taking back” research
findings and making improvements in the community is also illustrative of a praxis approach
to research.
A (CONTEXTUAL) RESURGENCE IN ATHLETES-AS-CITIZENS?

The above studies illustrate how sport psychology researchers can be “good citizens” in
the carrying out of their work. In our 2003 article, we expressed hope that one of the
outcomes of a cultural studies approach to sport psychology would be “a rise in the
promotion and emergence of a population of athletes and consultants who view themselves as
citizens” and who are fully engaged in the political sphere (Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003, p.
402). Indeed, we maintain that, “who better than sport psychology consultants – who have
gained the trust of athletes and have their best interests in mind – to help them develop a
critical perspective of their sport experience and its relation to larger global and political
issues?” (p.398). While we have no empirical data to support any claims that athletes, in
particular, see themselves as members of larger sociopolitical communities any more than
they have in the past, the recent 2008 US presidential elections revealed that many athletes,
both progressive and conservative, felt compelled to weigh in on Republican John McCain
and Democrat Barack Obama. For supporters of Obama, in particular, many of whom were
young African-American men, the election season gave a unique reason to speak out publicly
both verbally and non-verbally (e.g., numerous pro-Obama t-shirts, etc.).
An article in the widely read Street & Smith’s Sport Business Daily published a long list
of articles and references to athletes making public statements about the 2008 elections and
politics in general (Gelston, 2008). Interestingly, although many athletes mentioned that they
perceived risks in being explicitly political, they chose to do so anyway. The coach of the
NBA Champion Boston Celtics, Doc Rivers, even stated, "I thought it was really interesting
right after the game, the guys were celebrating Obama's victory more than we just beat the
Rockets on the road. I thought that was really cool" (Gelston, 2008).
As critical sport journalist Dave Zirin (2008) noted, however, some athletes’ political
statements were derided if they were at odds with the performance ethos of elite sport. Zirin
pointed to the case of Denver Broncos player Brandon Marshall who was restrained by two
teammates as he attempted to don a black and white glove because – as he later explained - he
“wanted to create that symbol of unity because Obama inspires me, our multi-cultured
society” (http://www.edgeofsports.com/2008-11-10-385/index.html). Zirin admitted that the
timing of the event, which occurred at a crucial point in the game with the Broncos slightly
ahead, was difficult. However, Zirin admonishes the response from numerous sportscasters
who, predictably, framed Marshall’s attempted political act as selfish rather than something to
be admired due to its placement of free speech and politicized statements in the arena ahead
of mere wins and losses.
While the phenomenon of vocally political athletes is obviously not connected to any sort
of cultural studies project or sport psychology, we contend that this trend, if it continues,
illustrates that perhaps our students and athletes (and student-athletes) are primed for the
kinds of issues cultural studies brings to the academic and athletic table. However, athletes
are not encouraged to develop their political voice. In addition, any argument that the field of
sport psychology should be somehow removed from the explicitly political public domain
would seem to be rendered useless, when a new surge of athletes-as-voters (and perhaps, by
extension, citizens) across the political spectrum clearly feel otherwise.
STUDENTS’ ENGAGEMENT WITH A

CULTURAL SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CURRICULUM
With respect to sport psychology professionals becoming more politicized (including
consultants within the academy), we also have little to offer in the way of evidence. What we
do know is that since our 2003 article other scholars have continued to articulate the
importance of not only cultural studies, but of culture itself within sport psychology. As
previously mentioned, the publication of Schinke and Hanrahan’s (2009) groundbreaking
book on cultural sport psychology is but one example of this trend towards examining
cultural issues related to the field. However, we still have little data on how to make CS or
CSP work with SP, and how students engage with related ideas. Indeed, some scholars have
noted that even within cultural studies, there is a relative lack of research on pedagogy
(Maton & Wright, 2002). In other words, if the trend towards a cultural sport psychology, and
to some extent a cultural studies-infused approach to the field, is to continue we must
examine how students take up issues of culture, particularly those issues that may be
considered to the left, politically. While our biggest organization, AASP, is not explicitly
conservative by any means, we argue that by not addressing or otherwise marginalizing these
issues, the applied field positions itself directly in opposition to the project we are advocating.
In an effort to more closely examine the experiences of sport psychology graduate
students learning about and engaging with cultural studies and to determine how their
educational experiences affected their eventual careers as sport psychology professionals,
Butryn (2008) conducted an exploratory story using in-depth interviews with seven former
doctoral students, all of whom had been trained in both sport psychology and, to different
extents, cultural studies. Participants were currently employed in a variety of university
academic settings and most were doing some sort of consulting with athletes. The interviews
lasted between 45 to 75 minutes and focused on figural experiences and engagement with the
graduate curriculum, their perceptions of the relationship between sport psychology and
cultural studies, occasions when they felt or witnessed resistance to cultural studies, and the
ways, if any, that their cultural studies training affected their current sport psychology
research, teaching, or service activities. Following data analysis and several peer review
sessions with a colleague with an expertise in interview-based research, several thematic
categories were identified. Due to space constraints, we chose to focus here on the two
themes that are most relevant to this discussion: (a) interdisciplinarity; and (b) relevance of
cultural studies to the current professional setting.
One of the main themes was interdisciplinarity. Of course, several authors have written
about the need for interdisciplinary work in sport psychology, and as Silva (2001) noted, “By
2010, sport psychology graduate programs will become interdisciplinary through the
formation of applied curricula at the doctoral level” (p. 829). Gill (2007) also stated that
interdisciplinarity must expand into academic spaces outside of mainstream psychology to
account for the potential salience of social identity in sport. Social identit(ies) are a major
thrust in cultural studies work, and therefore it is not surprising that authors such as Ryba and
Wright (2005) have also advocated a cultural studies approach to sport psychology, in part to
address dearth of sport psychology research that takes issues of racial and ethnic identities,
for example, as both salient and central components of one’s sporting experiences (Peters &
Williams, 2006; Ram, Starek, & Johnson, 2004).
All of the participants in Butryn’s study had positive views of the emphasis on, and
extreme openness to, interdisciplinary work in their sport psychology doctoral programs.
They pointed to specific times when, often as a result of their cultural studies coursework,
they almost stumbled upon their dissertation topics that drew from cultural studies,
phenomenology, feminist studies, and critical race theory. As one individual put it, “I
remember that day, and the lightbulb came off… I was like, ‘Yeah, this fits!’…And then
every project that I did whether in counseling or in like [another CS class] was geared to [my
topic]. I just got jazzed about it and it took off.” Another participant noted that, while cultural
studies is always and already politicized, the individuals’ advisors realized that not all of their
sport psychology cohort identified as politically leftist. As a result, “I think that each one of
us had a dissertation topic that we were really given the ok to run with. As radical or not
radical as you wanted it to be you could go with it.” Pedagogically, then, we argue that, while
we still maintain that there is a great need for a cultural studies emphasis within sport
psychology curriculum, we also recognize that individual departments will have to decide
what sort of cultural studies projects fit best within their context.
The other theme that has implications for this chapter is related to participants’
perceptions of how their graduate education - specifically their cultural studies coursework -
impacted their current research and teaching endeavors. With respect to research, all of the
participants noted that the major strength of their cultural studies education was that they not
only learned a great deal about qualitative methodologies, but a variety of qualitative
methods. Two participants explained that they took these qualitative forms of inquiry and
directed them to non-traditional issues in sport psychology. As one individual said:
My focus and passion shifted. After I went through the CS classes, I was like, ‘I want to
increase the quality of life for this athlete...I want to know how these athletes are being
treated.’ My whole [research] question and my passions changed!
Regarding their current teaching experiences, some participants who were teaching at
what they described as more conservative universities or departments described how their
unique academic training was, at times, something that was both positive and something they
had to carefully negotiate. As one individual put it, “If you look at my syllabus compared to
someone else in my department, they’re completely different...the topics that we do. This is
the first time these students have been exposed to this!” Another participant also noted that
although s/he incorporated issues of whiteness and male privilege into his/her group dynamics
course, s/he had to do so in ways that were digestible to the mostly conservative, straight,
white students.
Finally, participants talked about how their general approaches to sport psychology,
particularly the applied domain, had changed during the years since their graduate training.
While a few of them reported no meaningful changes, and more specifically no “lasting
effects” from their cultural studies training, five of the participants reported what might be
described as paradigm shifts over the five to ten years since receiving their degrees. These
individuals recognized that although they may or may not be “doing cultural studies” in the
truest sense, they were consciously aware of, and negotiating, the politics of their work. As
one participant who was a decade removed from his/her doctoral training noted, “I always ask
myself, ‘Who benefits from this?’ That was a theme throughout the curriculum for me. We
critically analyze educational practices, the institutional practices in a lot of ways... so one of
the things I do is just say, ‘Who benefits from this?’.”
Quotes like the ones above clearly illustrate that even though former graduate students
receiving cultural studies training in the sport psychology curriculum may not always fully
embrace every aspect of it, they understand a key element of cultural studies, which is the
notion that something is always “at stake” in cultural studies work and in academic work in
general. Indeed, three participants explicitly made the choice to do more critical sport
psychology work and to use critical feminist and race theories to address questions that they
perceived were marginalized within mainstream sport psychology. In total, although this
study was preliminary and the participant number was small, the results, nevertheless,
demonstrated that the infusion of cultural studies into sport psychology graduate programs
has the potential, at least, to fundamentally alter the ways that new professionals “do” sport
psychology. Further, even students who might not fully embrace cultural studies as a political
project still gain some exposure to how issues of identity, culture, and power impact sport and
their work with students and athletes. Indeed, although sport and the field of sport psychology
would never be considered “progressive” social spaces, they are not inherently and
permanently “un-progressive.” As Howell, Andrews, and Jackson (2002) noted, while
cultural practices are produced from specific social and historical contexts, they are also
actively engaged in the ongoing constitution of those contexts” (p. 171). In other words, the
“contextual, specific, and political intellectual practice” (172) of cultural studies has the
potential, when strategically and intentionally deployed, to perhaps alter some of the power
dynamics and cultural sensibilities of sport and sport psychology.
SUMMARY
We ended our 2003 paper with a discussion related to Morgan (2000) who contested that
if we don’t help athletes – and we contend, ourselves as applied sport psychology
professionals - become better “citizens” soon, we may find ourselves in a sporting practice
and culture “…that is largely narcissistic and self-indulgent rather than liberating and
community-building” (Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003, p.599). We still believe this to be the
case. We are hopeful, however, with the recent addition of texts (Andersen, 2005; Schinke &
Hanrahan, 2009) and studies (Blodgett et al., in press; Blodgett et al., in press; Butryn, 2008;
Fasting Brackenridge, & Walseth, 2007; Roper, 2008a) which examine power, privilege, and
praxis that we continue to see movement toward a more global, culturally sensitive and aware
group of sport psychology professionals. While sparse, it appears that a small group of
scientist-practitioners in the field of applied sport psychology have begun to engage with
cultural sport psychology (see Schinke & Hanrahan, 2008). And, many of these have also
been invited to write chapters in two other innovative edited texts that are on their way in
2009 (Ryba, Schinke, & Tenenbaum, 2009; Hanrahan & Andersen, 2009).
One suggestion for bringing some of the issues we have discussed to the forefront of the
field is to feature, rather than simply integrate, topics related to identity politics, democratic
politics, and so on into the undergraduate and graduate curriculum. While cultural studies
research in sport psychology is still lacking, there is certainly enough to develop a substantive
unit of study within an applied sport psychology course. Indeed, we see the recent textbooks
dealing with cultural sport psychology and the inclusion of cultural issues in other
mainstream sport psychology texts as a sign that professionals in sport psychology see these
issues as vital to the development of a strong, global field. Only time will tell if others will be
interested in this integration of cultural studies and sport psychology into curriculums and
practice.
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AUTHORS’ NOTES
The authors would like to thank Rob Schinke for his invitation to participate in this text
as well as for his editorial suggestions on this chapter.
Chapter 9
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY AS CULTURAL PRAXIS
Tatiana V. Ryba*
University of Jyväskylä, Finland
CHAPTER SUMMARY
In this chapter, I utilize a cultural studies model to suggest a future in which sport
psychology becomes more interdisciplinary, joins with sport studies in addition to sport
sciences to produce a cultural discourse of sport psychology. This new discourse would take
up as central subjects and areas previously eschewed by sport psychology such as social and
cultural contexts; the complex subjectivity, identity and identification of athletes and coaches;
issues of power and social change. It stimulates research with marginalized athletic
populations (e.g., female, queer, and indigenous athletes) and advocates psychological
practice underscored by social justice concerns. Sport psychology as cultural praxis actively
contributes to the development of the relatively new area called cultural sport psychology,
which focuses on culturally informed sport psychology research and practice.
In sport psychology literature, cultural sport psychology is used as an umbrella discourse
that engages with issues of power and sociocultural difference while encompassing a variety
of approaches that differ in philosophical underpinnings, terminology, political foci, and
ultimate priorities (see conceptual chapters in Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009). In this chapter, I
argue for the development of “sport psychology as cultural praxis” (Ryba & Wright, 2005)—
a discourse that reflects the paradigmatic shift that I believe is necessary for sport psychology
scholars to make as a timely response to the rapidly changing geopolitical landscape of the
globe. By invoking ethnoscapes in flux, I refer to “theexperience of uncertainty [that]
characterizes a global situation ofmultivoicedness (complexity) that does not allow a fixation
of meaning(ambiguity), that has no superordinate voice forresolving contradictionsand
conflicting information (deficit knowledge), and that is to a largeextent unpredictable”
(Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007, p. 37).I begin with an outline of future trajectories of the
discipline, proposed by prominent sport psychologists in North America, and focus on a brief
*
Forward correspondence to:Tatiana V. Ryba, PhD, Faculty of Sport and Health Sciences, P.O.Box 35 (Viveca), FI-
40014 University of Jyväskylä, Finland, Email: tatiana.ryba@jyu.fi
122 Tatiana V. Ryba
theoretical articulation of the intersection of applied sport psychology and cultural studies as
one of the possible approaches to future work in sport psychology. Next I illustrate how the
hegemonic origin story of the field (i.e., the American genealogy with Coleman Griffith as a
father figure) limits its discourse and practice. After that I offer five strategies that can be
used to facilitate one’s engagement in a critical multicultural project of sport psychology in
applied setting. I conclude with a call for increased interdisciplinarity and the incorporation of
transnational trajectories into a North American sport psychology.
FUTURE TRAJECTORIES
The late 1990s and turn of the 21st century witnessed sport psychologists ruminating
about the future of the discipline. Performance enhancement and mental coaching were firmly
established as the primary emphasis of the sport psychological theory and practice. This, in
combination with a consideration of the athlete as a unified individual, the utilization of
quantitative research methods, and an accepted divergence of academic and applied sport
psychology, constituted the mainstream psychology of sport that, arguably, hegemonically
exists to the present day. However, there are a number of current developments and proposals
(interdisciplinarity, consideration of gender and power issues, etc.) that have begun to
introduce new, distinctly untraditional trajectories for sport psychology. Silva (2001),
therefore, observed that “[s]port psychology is at a vital crossroads;” and that “[d]ecisions
made in this decade will determine the future…growth of sport psychology on a global level”
(p. 830). As a result, a number of prominent scholars in the field have attempted to predict
future trajectories for sport psychology (c.f., Silva, 2001; Williams & Straub, 2001) and many
of them point to new directions rather than a continuation of traditional approaches and
characteristics. Figures like Daniel Gould, Terry Orlick, John Silva, and Robert Weinberg, for
example, appear to be in agreement that sport psychology will forge links with other related
fields such as exercise science, counseling, and psychology and that strongly interrelated
programs or even interdisciplinary programs will emerge as a result. They also anticipate that
applied sport psychology will bridge the gap between research and practice, that research will
increasingly be conducted in naturalistic settings and sport-simulating lab situations (as
opposed to the purely artificial environment of the traditional laboratory), and that there will
be a shift toward the educational model, as opposed to the clinical model, of sport psychology
consulting (Silva & Weinberg, 1984; Williams & Straub, 2001).
Another set of figures, including Brenda Bredemeier, Diane Gill, Vikki Krane and Carole
Oglesby, have contributed to the evolution of an emerging feminist sport psychology. These
individuals have initiated a new dialogue on the future of sport psychology, one that predicts
the growing importance of such issues as interdisciplinarity, gender and social difference in
general and issues of power and representation in research and in the field of sport in
particular. Their efforts began to open up traditional sport psychology to critical
epistemologies and critical forms of qualitative research. It is testimony to the importance and
growing influence of feminist work in the field that apart from individual essays, an entire
issue of The Sport Psychologist was devoted to the topic of feminist sport psychology.1
1 Gill, D. (Ed.). (2001). In search of feminist sport psychology: then, now, and always [Special Issue]. The Sport
Psychologist, 15(4). This special issue provides an inclusive overview of various approaches to feminist sport
Sport Psychology as Cultural Praxis 123
In other areas of sport studies, exciting innovative work has been done on the intersection
of cultural studies, philosophy, history and sociology of sport. Sport studies scholars such as
David Andrews (2001, 2002), Steven Pope (Pope & Nauright, 2009), Jennifer Hargreaves and
Patricia Vertinsky (Hargreaves & Vertinsky, 2007), to name a few, injected critical
approaches into their fields by undertaking analyses of sporting practices as cultural
phenomena, in conjunction with political economy, body politics, ideology, and power
relations. In a similar vein, the intersection of cultural studies and sport psychology offers
new trajectories for the future work in our field.
In this chapter, I draw on my collaborative work with Handel Kashope Wright to discuss
the possibility of (re)conceptualizing sport psychology by means of its articulation with
cultural studies. Specifically, a heuristic model of cultural studies as praxis, developed by
Wright (2001/2002, 2003), is drawn upon to problematise the privileged modern status of
sport psychological discourse (i.e., institutionalized, positivistic, white, male, middle class
and elitist) and propose a sport psychology as cultural praxis as yet another possible future for
the field.
WHAT IS SPORT PSYCHOLOGY AS CULTURAL PRAXIS?

Sport psychology as cultural praxis is the discourse and practice that is currently evolving
out of a traditional sport psychological discourse. As defined by Ryba (2009), cultural praxis
is an active and reflexive process that links theory, lived culture and social action in a
dialectical reciprocity. It pushes our singular “scientific” discipline to become one that draws
on and crosses a number of disciplines (e.g., sociology, history, and philosophy of science
among others). Hence, sport psychology as cultural praxis is interdisciplinary,
multidisciplinary, focused on issues of sociocultural difference and social justice (with a
particular emphasis on a reconceptualization of the athlete’s identity), blends theoretical and
practice work together in praxis and favors forms of progressive qualitative research, such as
what Lather (1991) has called “research as praxis” (Blodgett, et al., 2008; Ryba & Wright,
2005).
It is significant to note that inter/anti/post/disciplinarity are integral characteristics of
cultural studies. Interdisciplinary projects within a cultural studies paradigm display a variety
of theoretical and methodological approaches since the investigated issues are considered to
be more important than the disciplinary constraints placed on what questions one can ask and
examine within an individual discipline. When cultural studies intersects with sport
psychology, the resulting articulation2 pushes sport psychology out of a “theoretical and
methodological monoculture, which is still too dominant in our field” (Stelter, 2005, p. 15),
into becoming an aspect of multicultural inter/anti/post/disciplinarity. “Doing” sport
psychology as an interdisciplinary multicultural project opens up the field to new research
topics and pressing questions facing contemporary sporting culture. In addition, this
psychology research. The contributors are Diane Gill, Carole Oglesby, Ruth Hall, Vikki Krane, Brenda
Bredemeier, Diane Whaley, Christy Greenleaf and Karen Collins, Tamar Semerjian and Jennifer Waldron, and
Emily Roper.
2
In a cultural studies sense, the concept of articulation means both to speak to something and to “make a unity of
two different elements, under certain conditions. It is a linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute
and essential for all time” (Hall 1986, p. 53).
124 Tatiana V. Ryba
theoretically and methodologically expansive version of sport psychology provides a vantage

for addressing effectively psychological issues that are understood in relation to dominant
cultural narratives in which we live.
One of the effects of the articulation of sport psychology with cultural studies (which has
been increasingly informed by poststructuralist and postmodernist theorizing) is that the
(re)examination of identity in general and the identity of the athlete in particular becomes a
central concern. Sport psychology, as a discourse that “focuses on the individual” (Gill, 2000,
p. 228), is intimately connected to the theorization of the athlete’s identity and subjectivity.
Thus, the way the individual (or in poststructuralist terms, the subject) is theorized is not
merely central to the psychology of sport but also determines the focus of its research and
practice. The poststructuralist perspectives (e.g., Butler, 1990; Foucault, 1982, 1995; Weedon,
1997) offer a theorization of the subject, which is radically different from the liberal humanist
perspective that is central to Western academic and civic discourses and is still taken for
granted by the dominant sport psychological discourse. Instead of essentializing aspects of the
“self,” scholars influenced by various poststructuralist theories explicate the role of
competing discourses in temporarily “fixing” subjectivity on behalf of particular power
relation and social interests. By suggesting that subjectivity is fluid, poststructuralist
theorizing opens subjectivity to change and transformation and has much to offer sport
psychologists in terms of enhancing their understanding of athletes’ sporting experiences as
well as developing new forms of therapeutic interventions (see Leahy & Harrigan, 2006 and
Thorpe, 2008 as examples of this work).
Generally speaking, sport psychologists tend to operate with a psycho-social view of the
individual and to rely on the interactional mode of analysis. Weinberg and Gould (2003), for
example, proposed three levels of personality structure (i.e., the psychological core, typical
responses and role-related behavior) that encompass an “internal/constant –
external/dynamic” continuum. This conception of the individual is consistent with the
humanist belief in what poststructuralists would describe as essential subjectivity, i.e., a
predetermined authentic essence that makes the subject what he or she is (Weedon, 1997).
Humanist discourses of the unified rational subject, who inherently has agency and control
over his or her life, stem from the scientific assumptions of reality, objectivity and truth,
subscribing to the idea of a singular true reality that can be accessed by means of rationality
and modes of scientific thinking (e.g., the psychological core that represents the “real” you
can be objectively measured by various psychological inventories).
Unlike this disembodied and de-contextualized viewpoint on the athlete, sport
psychology as cultural praxis draws on poststructuralist conceptions and, therefore, considers
the athlete to be an embodied subject of multiple discourses (e.g., race, gender, sexuality,
etc.), a member of numerous social and cultural groups, and a part of sport as an institution
immersed in a particular sociocultural and historical context. In a globalizing world society,
the fragmentation of subjectivity may result in such multiple identities as an Algerian football
player representing English club in an international competition and afterward praying in a
mosque; a Kenyan distance runner studying in the United States and teaching salsa to
adolescents as a volunteer. Such multiplicity of subject positions, often engaged in tensions,
negotiations, and conflicts, come together in one athlete who is both subjected to and an
active agent within various discourses. This reconceptualization of identity is one that
traditional sport psychologists find particularly difficult to accept and to which they offer
considerable resistance. The resistance is perhaps not surprising if we consider that a major
bulk of graduate coursework consists of modules related to mainstream psychology which, in

turn, is a project if modernity centered on the rational and coherent concept of personality.
Any suggestion of fragmentation then becomes a suspect of pathological disassociation of
personality, leading to abandoning the concept of fragmented identity in flux before a
theoretical engagement with poststructuralisms has even started. Sport psychology as cultural
praxis challenges us to transgress the comfort of a taken-for-granted “athlete as a whole
person” and confront the fact that athletes have multiple, fragmented identities and
identifications within various discourses of class, gender, race, sexuality, region, etc., that
athletics is a subculture within a larger culture, and that the institutions in which athletes are
located attempt to control and mold their behavior. The complex dynamics involved in
athletes’ negotiations of their subjectivities within and in relation to these various discourses
has a crucial effect on athletes’ lives and performances.
Thus, in some ways, sport psychology as cultural praxis intersects with and underscores
previously mentioned new trajectories. For example, it involves a move toward
interdisciplinarity, a bridging of the gap between research and practice, and the incorporation
of gender issues and power dynamics. However, this new trajectory differs significantly in
terms of some of its details. First, while it has been predicted and proposed that sport
psychology would forge links with related disciplines, such as exercise science, counseling
and psychology and might even develop interdisciplinarity, the cultural studies approach
makes interdisciplinarity almost a foregone conclusion rather than a mere possibility.
Moreover, the links that it promotes are with critical sport studies and cultural psychology
rather than with exercise science and mainstream psychology. Second, it has been anticipated
that sport psychology might start to incorporate qualitative research methods and, indeed, our
field has somewhat opened up toward phenomenological, some forms of narrative and
feminist qualitative work. Sport psychology as cultural praxis promotes further feminist,
queer, and other explicitly political forms of qualitative research. Third, while feminist sport
psychology has opened up the field to the examination of issues of gender and power,
especially the empowerment of women, cultural studies has broadened that focus to include
sociocultural difference (including masculinity, sexuality, race, etc.) and justice in general
and the empowerment of athletes from socially and culturally marginalized groups in
particular.
THINKING HISTORICALLY ABOUT THE FIELD

Historian Peter Seixas (2003) contends that there is an inevitable tension between using
history as “lessons from the past” that serve the present causes, and thinking historically. The
latter is a more challenging, confluentengagement of continuity and change in the complex
process of evidentiary historical interpretation. Seixas’ assertion underscores the fact that
sport in general and sport psychology in particular are not fixed monolithic formations but
have a history that reflects sociocultural politics and is related to efforts at social engineering
(Wright & Ryba, 2006). In other words, the meanings of sport and sport psychology “always
already” have an initial sociocultural purpose that has been shifting over time to reflect
dominant social values and cultural practices.
126 Tatiana V. Ryba
It appears, therefore, that one way of opening up and diversifying the “monoculture” of
our field is to move away from its singular origin and begin to think of sport psychology as
atransnational project. Instead of approaching the psychology of sport in its totality using
historical examples to legitimize the existing practices, sport psychology as cultural praxis
rejects origin stories or essences and disrupts the traditional linear historical narrative by
putting forward multiple, competing and shifting narratives and interpretations. As Wright
(1995, 1998) has asserted, the point of the resulting multiplicity of origins and historical
narratives of a field is not to have readers discern which version is “accurate” but to
acknowledge the open-endedness of the field and highlight the politics of historical
representation.
I argue, therefore, that a modern historical rendering of our field is sustained by putting
forward a monolithic, singular history of sport psychology that creates a sense of
uninterrupted progress and legitimizes the sport psychological discourse as a scientific model,
influenced by natural sciences. Moreover, the long-established privileged status of academic
scholarship and research over professional issues and application have resulted in a fostering
of sport psychology as a homogeneous positivistic and institutionalized discourse, positioned
on the margins of critical multicultural scholarship.
I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge some earlier work that had critiqued the
prevailing scientific model that searches for objective and scientific analyses of human
experience in sport. For example, Martens’ (1987) then radical essay challenged the practical
significance of the published contemporary orthodox sport psychology texts and questioned
the underlying ontological assumptions of sport psychology’s knowledge base that had
resulted in the utilization of limited and limiting epistemologies. Similarly, in his earlier
analysis of the then current status of sport psychology, Alderman (1984) contended that
“research and statistical techniques [were] emphasized as the major contribution” and “the
concepts explored [were] usually those which [were] easiest rather than those of theoretical
importance” (p. 47). Although Alderman and later Martens tended to question the validity of
a number of scientific assumptions, specifically the notion of truth and objectivity, they were
yet inextricably connected to the humanist project of modernity.
Today we need to face the reality of our rapidly changing (post)modern sport and
exercise culture in a global context. Consider, for example, the following snapshot of our
sociocultural world in flux:
• Globalization and technological advances have constructed a hyper-real illusion of

the unified world, which is strikingly divided along the sociocultural and
geographical axes of power. Some globalization issues that are relevant to our field
include transnational sporting corporations, global production and consumption of
athletic bodies and celebrity spectacles, athletic talent migration and blurring national
identities;
• The fall of the Berlin Wall and break-up of the Soviet Union marked radical political
changes in Europe and the world in general;
• The changing politics of the performing body and its relationship with the cultural
shift in masculine and feminine identities as manifested in body modification,
tattooing/body art, aggression and violence in sport, use of illegal performance
enhancing means and megarexia and/or anorexia;
• New sports budding in our (post)modern hedonistic society that require new kind of
sporting facilities and artificially constructed challenges;
• Finally, as past president of the European Federation of Sport Psychology (FEPSAC)
Roland Seiler (2005) has observed, physical education in schools is under constant
attacks by politicians who aim at reducing PE classes; there are increasing health
risks and medical costs associated with physical inactivity and a sedentary life style;
and a growing number of elderly persons in society than ever before.
Accounting for historical continuity and change while temporarily fixing our analyses in
a specific cultural context is important because as Shi-xu (2002) has observed, historically
specific social and cultural practices permeate and constitute individuals’ “psychological”
worlds. To strengthen the research profile of sport psychology and provide answers to
psychological issues that tend to manifest themselves differently when different historical,
political and sociocultural forces are at play, it seems viable to situate our work in a broader
(but simultaneously more specific) context of international, culturally discursive scholarship.
Positioning ourselves inside/outside the existing discourse of sport psychology and moving
beyond the disciplinary boundary that confines and is confined by the work we dare to
undertake, opens up new avenues and exciting possibilities for the field in general and
scholarly work in particular.
PRACTICING A CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF SPORT

The starting point of sport psychology as cultural praxis is to work with the broad
elements of theory, practice, and research, with an emphasis on critical forms of research that
bridge the dichotomies between theory and practice, abstract text and lived culture. This
understanding of sport psychology highlights the multidimensionality of the practitioner who
attempts to stay abreast of theoretical developments in the field to inform his or her practice
while reflecting on knowing-in-action, which is mostly tacit and revealed through the
spontaneous behavior of skillful practice. According to Schön (1983), “When someone
reflects-in-action, hebecomes a researcher in the practice context. He is not dependent on the
categories of established theory and technique, but constructs a new theory of the unique
case” (p. 68). Becoming a culturally reflexive practitioner is a process similar to that of an
action oriented qualitative inquiry and requires both time and effort. The process is also
dialectical during which the practitioner develops sensitivity to the epistemological challenges
of adapting psychological constructs to the parameters of local cultures.
In research, the benchmark work in the area of a culturally sensitive sport psychology is
being done by Robert Schinke and colleagues in collaboration with a Canadian Aboriginal
community, the Wikwemikong. Although the project began as a traditional research
investigation into adaptation strategies of elite Canadian Aboriginal athletes who train and
compete within the mainstream sport system, the prolonged engagement of the academic
research team in the mundane everyday of the reserve and the white scholars’ willingness to
learn from the indigenous co-researchers have transformed the project into a timely cultural
praxis work. By encouraging community members to take an active role in and the ownership
of research, the research team succeeded in mobilizing resources and expertise to address
128 Tatiana V. Ryba
pressing health and well-being issues of Wilkwemikong youth (see Blodgett, et al. (in press)
and Schinke, et al. (in press) for reflexive reportsabout the progressive integration of
Wikwemikong’s cultural practices in successive multicultural projects).
In applied setting, a culturally reflexive practitioner also draws on theory and research,
negotiated through lived culture, to engender personal transformation and social change. The
following five strategies demonstrate how theory and research, articulated with local
specificity, facilitate a culturally sensitive practice of sport psychology.
Strategy 1: Learn about Sport Psychology’s Status Quo
The first step in the direction of a culturally reflexive and just practice in sport
psychology is to learn about the field’s status quo. Most introductory sport psychology and
research methods texts are influenced by the tenets of logical positivism and rely upon
scientific methods of inquiry. Yet the philosophical assumptions underpinning positivist
knowledge claims are rarely discussed, presuming no priori logic. It is not surprising then that
we tend to readily legitimize mainstream sport psychology theory and practice, which are
grounded in hidden and seemingly indisputable premises of logical positivism. Consider, for
example, how the notion of validity is used in sport psychological research. Validity that was
conceived within positivism and is procedure-driven in its enforcement of scientific rigor is
incompatible with social constructionism, which provides epistemological grounds for most
qualitative inquiry. Despite, numerous arguments put forward by qualitative researchers to
renounce validity in qualitative inquiry (see Kvale, 1989; Lather, 1986; Sparkes, 1998), one
cannot publish a qualitative study in sport psychology journals without appealing to parallel
notions of validity and, therefore, perpetuating what Lather (1993) called a “fertile obsession”
with validity (p. 674).
Exploring the current prevailing paradigm and its conceptual premises, assumptions, and
beliefs that guide our methodology and overall thinking about various psychological issues,
will help us to realize the uses and limits of the mainstream knowledge base. Once we realize
that knowledge is “always already” from a certain perspective, we might be able to gain an
insight into the status quo’s organizing purpose. Highlighting Voltaire’s point that “history is
written by the victors,” Vealey (2006) has elaborated on this issue. Once a paradigm, or a
“box,” is entrenched, there is a tendency to sit back and enjoy the bounty, to retreat to the
security of established methods and questions within the box, and each day to rediscover the
validity of hard-won but now well-worn principles”(p. 129). It is necessary, therefore, not
only to learn the “facts” of research-based knowledge but to understand the belief system
from which these “facts” have emerged.
Strategy 2: Seek Alternative Perspectives
The second strategy encourages us to read outside the discipline of sport psychology.
Despite the increased calls advocating for an interdisciplinary approach to sport and exercise
psychology, our field remains quite narrowly specialized and grounded in conceptual
premises of logical positivism. Exploring competing perspectives inside and especially
outside the discipline, such as those suggesting that “scientists construct an image of reality
that reflects their own preferences and prejudices” (Schutt, 1999, p. 393), might help us to
understand how sport psychology can disempower particular groups of the sporting
community.
A reflective analysis of the conceptual systems operating beneath the surface of both the
mainstream and other ways of knowing can further help us to clarify our own existential and
epistemological positions. Just as the social sciences feature epistemological pluralism, there
are conflicting paradigms of professional practice, “each of which entrains a distinctive
approach to problem setting and solving” (Schön, 1983, p. 41). For example, within the
positivist model of practice, rigorous professional knowledge is viewed as the effective
application of research-based theory and technique to the problems of practice.
Many practitioners are bound by this epistemology of practice in a context of the Western
performance ethic, which Coakley (2004) takes to mean that performance has increasingly
become a “measured outcome and an indicator of the quality of the sport experience” (p.
133). If that is the case, we might be narrowly focusing on carving the disciplinary track of
psychological dimensions of human behavior, overlooking the importance of the social and
cultural context (Coakley, 1992; Gill, 2002; Hardy, 2006). The excessive pressure to win at
any cost and a subsequent single-minded focus on performance enhancement issues might
lead to an objectification of the athlete insofar as the athlete’s body is viewed as an instrument
that needs to be worked and fine-tuned to achieve a desired outcome. If we broaden our view
of the rigorous professional knowledge to include the intuitive and artistic ways of coping
with messy and uncertain situations of practice, we might realize that our way of framing the
practitioner’s role is also shifting.
Shall we practice sport psychology rigorously in disciplining the athlete’s mind and body
to compete through pain and injury? Or shall we forsake technical rigor to take account of
critical social issues that beset the world of sport today? The process of trying to position
ourselves in highly contested belief systems that come with blurred boundaries and multiple
ambiguities is longitudinal, ambivalent, and even anxiety-provoking. The value of the effort,
nonetheless, is that we (re)emerge as reflective practitioners with a stronger sense of
professional integrity and heighten awareness of diversity and richness of knowing.
Strategy 3: Become a Researcher in the Practice Context
The third strategy is to approach the real world problems as a researcher, shifting the
focus from problem solving to problem setting. How do we assess a problem? Do we let the
phenomenon (or fact) speak for itself? Or do we see the experience itself as an effect of
multiple discourses of gender, class, ethnicity, sexuality, (dis)ability, etc? What professional
discourses make our views intelligible? Do we tend to hold the individual athlete responsible
for her actions? Do we consider power relations in our assessment of the problem? And do we
acknowledge the possibility of our contribution to the problem, predicated on largely
unacknowledged privileges? When the practitioner asks these kinds of questions due to his or
her concern with the research process (i.e., problem setting) as much as with obtaining the
findings (i.e., problem solving), the practitioner is known to be engaged in reflexivity.
As defined by Schwandt (1997), reflexivity includes “examining one’s personal and
theoretical commitments to see how they serve as resources for generating particular data, for
behaving in particular ways…and for developing particular interpretations” (p. 136). I assert
130 Tatiana V. Ryba
that reflexivity, both epistemological and personal, is a crucial piece in the process of efficient
engagement and service delivery to marginalized populations. Strategies 1 and 2 aim at
mapping our beliefs and conceptual presuppositions to a particular epistemological paradigm.
Enhanced by epistemological reflexivity, plunging into multiple layers of the self through
personal reflexivity can help us to become more attuned to our own ways of doing things,
which are likely mediated through unearned privileges as well as those gained due to our
playing by the rules. In addition, this process might result in genuine realization that our
cultural norms are not universal; and that there are alternative normative systems that shape
behavior and largely constitute cognition.
When we become researchers in the practice context, we in a sense keep track of two
simultaneous research projects: one into construction of a problem (e.g., what piece of
information warrants a further exploration?) and the other into the self (e.g., what values and
experiences shape my understanding and interpretation of the problem as well as my
consequent decisions?). Such a model of knowing, while theoretically informed, is not
bookish but constructed by means of reflection on our intuitive knowing and capacity to cope
with the unique, uncertain, and conflicted situations of practice.
Strategy 4: Develop Meaningful Communication
The fourth strategy is to work towards achieving meaningful communication with our
clients. When I think of what it means to be culturally competent, I have more questions than
answers. Even if we assume that culture can be learned, how can we familiarize ourselves
with all variations within a culture— not to mention the dynamic hybridity of gender, class,
race, ethnicity, sexuality, age, spirituality, education, geographical location and so forth? In
addition, growing global mobility produces intensified cultural contact between “global”
culture and various “local” cultures and is sometimes manifested in dramatic behavior
transformations that cannot be attributed to any “original” culture. While basic understanding
of alternative ways of knowing is certainly important, the only way to learn and attain an
empathetic understanding of the worldview of the other seems to be through a meaningful
dialogue.
Moghaddam and Studer (1997), for example, contended that the concept of “meaningful
dialogue” is universal (i.e., there is enough similarity in a human society to create some
psychological universals that are present across cultures such as having two persons for a
dialogue to occur). However, they argued, “the norms of turn-taking [in verbal and non-verbal
communication] are enormously various, expressing the widely different rights accorded to
speakers and potential speakers in different cultures” (p. 198). For there to be a meaningful
dialogue then, the two parties concerned have to operate at the same wave length. This does
not mean that both speakers share the same cultural norms but are in the process of attaining a
sharable language. Understanding is linguistically formed and always relational (Schwandt,
2000). As Schwandt has further explained, “in the act of understanding there are not two
separate steps—first acquiring understanding; second, applying that understanding.
Rather…understanding is ‘lived’ or existential” (pp. 195 - 196). Once again, our focus shifts
from problem solving (i.e., resolving the problem of miscommunication) to problem setting
(i.e., clarifying the conditions under which understanding takes place). Using this approach,
our search for a sharable language transforms (or attempts to transform, at the very least) the
information gathering dialogue into shared experience.
I further assert that meaningful dialogue does not occur automatically. For the dialogue to
break down the inherent power hierarchy between us, practitioners of sport psychology and
the minority (in terms of power) athlete, that breakdown has to be purposefully planned and
actively pursued with a view to mitigating power imbalances. A good starting point would be
letting go of Eurocentric exoticization of the other as bizarre, strange, or very different and
resisting the “dual temptation of facilely assimilating what others are saying into our own
categories and language without doing justice to what is genuinely different, or simply
dismissing what the other is saying as incoherent nonsense” (Sparkes, 1998, p. 382).
Strategy 5: Engage in Cultural Praxis
The fifth and final strategy advocates addressing issues of social justice through the co-
participatory and transformative professional practice. Cultural praxis fosters progressive
social change in our field by means of demystifying power relations and challenging assumed
normative systems of the lived culture. According to Freire (1970, 1985), human reality is not
static and a given destiny, but rather fluid and transformable. At the centre of his
understanding of praxis is education that serves as a catalyst for reflecting on the conditions
of our lives and becoming agents of social transformation for ourselves and society as a
whole.
Mastering performance enhancement techniques such as concentration, for example, can
be an incredibly empowering process for athletes. As they learn to recognize an instant they
are losing their mental alertness and to re-focus, effectively allocating an appropriate attention
field, they transform the way they are positioned in the competitive sporting environment.
These athletes are no longer blindly accepting or adjusting to the opponent’s game, but are
creating the conditions in which seemingly effortless excellence is demonstrated. A
performance enhancement intervention can also be our pedagogical moment to help athletes
to realize that they have agency in their dealings with oppressive and controlling sporting
structures. As Ryba and Wright (2005) pointed out, a cultural praxis version of sport
psychology does not suggest that teaching performance enhancement techniques is wrong or
ought to be abandoned. Rather, it calls for creating a space for both performance enhancement
and individual empowerment, with an aim of progressive social transformations to occur.
From the perspective of cultural praxis, our clients are the experts on their own
experiences. By engaging in meaningful dialogue, they provide insight into the condition of
their experience. Our role is to share our understandings and interpretations, deepening the
dialogue and opening it to new possibilities of meaning. Our role shifts from being the expert
who shapes minority athletes’ responses to hegemonic normative systems in the name of
athletic success to a co-participant in the collaborative process of learning, reflection, critical
awareness, and intervention.
132 Tatiana V. Ryba
CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this chapter, I introduced a cultural praxis discourse of sport psychology, which is
interdisciplinary, fundamentally contextual, and culturally reflexive; focuses on issues of
sociocultural difference and social justice; critically rearticulates personality as the product of
historically specific, discursive sociocultural relations; and blends theoretical and practice
work together in praxis.Sport psychology as cultural praxis contributes to bridging the
dichotomies between academic and applied work, theory and practice, text and lived culture.
Moreover, while recently emerged existential and feminist epistemologies of sport
psychology have opened up the field to the incorporation of qualitative research
methodologies and examination of issues of gender and power, especially the empowerment
of women, cultural studies has broadened that focus to include other forms of qualitative
research and examination of sociocultural difference and justice in general and the
empowerment of athletes from socially and culturally marginalized groups in particular.
Next, I demonstrated that the way our field is historicized shapes and naturalizes our
belief of what constitutes legitimate work in sport psychology and influences our research
approaches and theoretical frames. The taken-for-granted singular history of the positivistic
model of sport psychology polices its disciplinary boundary and limits our ability to pose
questions that don’t neatly fit within the traditional discipline. When we position ourselves
inside/outside the traditional disciplinary boundary, we might become more responsive to
alternative ways of investigatingpsychological phenomena that account for the diversity of
meanings and experiences of the sociocultural world. Interestingly, the European sport
psychological discourse which is constructed on the juxtaposition of national histories and
has to accommodate the variety of cultural narratives and social perspectives appears to be
more open towards new approaches, methods and conceptual models than its North American
counterpart.3
Finally, in an attempt to foster a culturally sensitive sport psychology, I offered five
strategies for an effective and just delivery of sport psychology services to culturally diverse
populations. It is my hope that by learning about the field’s status quo, seeking alternative
perspectives inside and especially outside the discipline, approaching real world problems as
a reflexive researcher, working towards attaining a sharable language with diverse cultural
groups and engaging in cultural praxis work, we will be better equipped to achieve a
democratic, culturally reflexive, and just practice of sport psychology.
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Chapter 10
THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO
CULTURAL SPORT PSYCHOLOGY
Peter Catina
Department of Health and Human Development, Pennsylvania State
University,Pennsylvania, USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
While behavioral differences in sport throughout the world are mainly attributed to
sociological matters, various psychological issues shape the mind sets of athletes from
different cultures. It is the way in which the individual’s behavior reflects and is affected by
different cultures that is the focus of this chapter. Cultural sport psychology provides much
insight for coaches, athletes, and sport psychology practitioners to interact effectively with
people throughout the world. Presently, cultural sport psychology research has largely been
based on cultural awareness and understanding in order to improve the exchanges between
people from different cultures. But the theoretical implications and psychological
perspectives of how cultural differences evolve and the effects they have on the individual
have not been fully addressed. What follows in this chapter is a theoretical approach from
psychology to examining cultural influences on human behavior. Various concepts and
psychological mechanisms such as identity, motivation, group dynamics, collectivism,
individualism, self-complexity, and self-concept will be discussed.
In the past, cross-cultural studies were generally viewed as a subcomponent of
mainstream psychology and were generally not included in the literature. Today, however,
cross-cultural studies report differences that are widespread, and make fundamental
challenges to mainstream knowledge. Throughout history, a common thread ties much of this
literature together, and that is its overwhelming concern with uncovering universal and
culturally specific aspects of behavior. Newly discovered aspects will forge a path for cultural
sport psychology to be integrated into mainstream psychology, shifting momentum in our
thinking, and changing the way in which we study human behavior. We are already witness to
these changes, as we are riding the wave of an evolution in sport psychology (Matsumoto,
Weissman, Preston, Brown, & Kupperbusch, 1997; Schinke, Michel, Danielson, Gauthier, &
138 Peter Catina
Pickard, 2005). The evolution is critical because it strengthens existing connections among
athletes and psychologists around the world, and develops new ways of cooperation among
scholars and practitioners of sport psychology.
The multidimensional roles of a sport psychology practitioner are to analyze, assess,
explain, and direct various aspects of sport within the framework of psychological processes.
According to the position statement of the European Federation of Sport Psychology (1996),
the sport psychologist is interested in athletic well-being and augmenting human
performance. This knowledge is then applied to either assessment or intervention. Application
techniques such as talent detecting and cognitive testing in the former, and guidance and
counseling in the latter. Sport psychologists study behavioral variations in athletes. Variations
can be attributed to either individual differences such as personality dimensions, to
environmental differences such as the social dynamics within the nature of the sport itself, or
to cultural influences which not only have an impact on behavior, but may explain and predict
it as well. Within the framework of cultural sport psychology, socio-cultural aspects of the
athlete’s environment need to be considered as a possible gateway leading to motivational
skill refinement and revision (Schinke, Hanrahan, & Catina, 2009; Schinke, Michel,
Danielson, Gauthier, & Pickard, 2005). Academic institutions that wish to incorporate
multicultural training into the curricula of sport psychology students, and sport psychology
practitioners can gain valuable insight by considering how socio-cultural factors shape the
individual.
A person’s psychological shaping is a derivative of social contexts (Markus & Nurius,
1987). Simply put, one cannot be a self by one’s self. In order to better understand different
psychological mindsets of different athletes, an examination of the cultural basis of these
psychological differences is necessary both within and across cultures. For example,
Jasinskaja-Lahti, Liebkind, Jaakkola, and Reuter (2006) investigated the social support
systems of different groups of immigrants and how variations of ethnic networks affected
their well-being. Along with social support systems, myriad intermediary components are
essential in transforming desire into action owing to the giant chasm that exists between elite
athletes and their non elite counterparts. Dedication, persistence, self-regulation, optimism,
mastery orientation, and the ability to endure the extreme pressure of elite competition are
paramount to excellence in any sport. As one progresses in athletic skill level, one should
never forget what it took to get there. Remember what it was like to think of sport endeavors
as a beginner. The beginner’s mind has many options, while the experts mind has few. It is in
that beginner’s mind where the theoretical implications of cultural sport psychology are
grounded, and it is essentially the particular societal influences on the self-concept of athletes
with which this chapter is governed.
CULTURAL INFLUENCES ON THE SELF-CONCEPT

The term “looking-glass self” conveys a striking image of the tendency to reflect upon
one’s self and one’s characteristics (James, 1890). The evaluation of one’s self is formulated
by attending to the information in the environment. The connection I am trying to make
between the self-concept and sport psychology comes from the perspective that the
environment influences the way in which an athlete sets goals and uses self-referent thoughts
Theoretical Approaches to Cultural Sport Psychology 139
to achieve those goals. The differences in the internal dialogue or the self-talk of athletes are
relative to how different societies and cultures shape the self-concept of different athletes.
While research exists on the different strategies of self-talk within cultures, there is little
research on the different strategies of self-talk between or across cultures. For example,
Papaioannou, Ballon, Theodorakis, and Avwelle, (2004) studied self-talk strategies within a
group of soccer players from Greece. They reported that instructional and specific self-talk
resulted in better sport performance than general and global self-talk strategies. It would be
interesting to pursue a research hypothesis whereby different self-talk strategies were
effective based on different cultures and how each of those cultures helped to shape athletes’
perception of social feedback and consequently their self-talk strategies.
Similarly, research exists on one’s perceptions of success and failure that are primarily
conducted within, but not between cultures. For example, Elliott and Dweck (1988)
demonstrated that success-oriented individuals attribute success to high ability and failure to
internal and controllable factors such as not trying hard enough. Once more, it would be
interesting to see the outcome of such research from a between-cultures analysis. This
approach would shed light on how the self is formed in relation to different cultural contexts
and how the mind sets of different athletes can be better articulated with regard to their
cultural background.
The Rogerian theory of personality has an emphasis on the self (Rogers, 1959). The self
is described as a conceptual, consistent gestalt, wherein the individual perceives his or her
own emotions and characteristics as an extension into the social environment. According to
Rogers, the actualizing tendency motivates all behaviors. This tendency enables the
individual to strive for growth and differentiation by realizing only positive experiences that
maintain or enhance the organism. The self-actualizing tendency uses the criterion which the
individual develops to enhance self regard. Rogers referred to this criterion as the conditions
of worth. The conditions of worth must defend the self-concept in order to maintain self-
consistency. As a result, self-experiences that are incongruent with the conditions of worth
are either denied or symbolized in awareness in a distorted form. For example, an individual
has a strong need for a positive self-regard. When a person learns to evaluate different social
experiences in terms of how he or she can improve self-regard, then that person has
developed conditions of worth. One can easily see how different cultures produce difference
conditions of worth.
In order to maximize potential, it is important for an athlete to know the content and
meaning of the self. The self is divided into two parts, the public part that everyone else sees
and the private part that only you see. It is the core of our personality. The word personality is
derived from the Greek root “persona,”, which means mask. Since we’re all “actors upon a
stage,” then the public self is the mask we wear when we’re playing a particular role in a
particular situation. By experiencing different cultures, i.e., different stages, we increase the
repertoire of interactions to the environment and enrich our personalities. According to
Hanrahan (2004), “Traveling to places where one is an obvious cultural and/or ethnic
minority can help people, who in their everyday lives are part of a majority, experience what
it can be like to feel different or out of place” (p.72).
Much of the success in sport is due to having the ability to adapt to different
environments in the competitive arena. Learning about other cultures either by traveling or by
reading not only enriches our personalities, but can sharpen the mechanisms we use to react to
the complexities of social feedback inherent in different sport environments. For example, I
140 Peter Catina
trained a highly motivated lifter who struggled 8 years through serious injury and intense pain
to one day lift 500 lbs. Every time he went to competition and heard the meet coordinator
announce “John is attempting 500 lbs.” he would valiantly get under the bar only to be
crushed to the floor like a piece of gum. He failed with this particular weight dozens of times
until Worlds was held in Milan, Italy, where the meet coordinator announced his attempt in
kilograms. Upon hearing the number 227.5, John got under the bar and sprang up a successful
lift with ease. He became elated when he learned that 227.5 kgs. actually converted to 501.75
lbs. Obviously, a psychological block was removed by experiencing competition in a culture
where, for John’s sake, the metric system was used during competition. The exposure to a
different cultural sport environment influenced John to change his self-talk strategy from one
that had repeatedly defeated him to one that incorporated “tricking” his mind into perceiving
the weight as being lighter than it actually was.
COLLECTIVISTIC AND INDIVIDUALISTIC CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES

What is psychologically important to an individual depends strongly on what is salient to
that person’s identity in relationship to the activity in which he or she is engaged. For
example, if I lose a game to a superior golfer, I am not quite as disappointed as I would be if I
lost a match to a superior lifter. That’s because I don’t identify myself as a golfer to the extent
that I do as a weight lifter. The importance of self-identity is more closely associated with
individualistic cultures rather than with collectivistic cultures (Williams, Satterwhite, & Saiz,
1998). The importance of identity in close-working relationships like team sports may be
greater in individualistic countries than in collectivistic countries, due to work and leisure
being more highly differentiated in individualistic countries. Individualistic cultures foster a
unique sense of self and autonomy, clearly delineating boundaries between one’s self and
others, encouraging the needs, wishes, and desires of individuals over group or collective
concerns. Collectivistic cultures, however, foster needs, wishes, and desires of in-groups over
those of individuals, valuing harmony, cooperation, cohesion, and conformity (Yamaguchi,
1994). Individualistic people like Americans, are more engaged in self-enhancement and self-
identity than Collectivistic people like Japanese who are more engaged in self-criticism and
group-identity (Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997).
It is one thing to label cultural perspectives such as collectivistic and individualistic, and
quite another to examine exactly how these cultural perspectives psychologically influence
the mind sets of athletes. In a cross-cultural analysis of team sports, Catina (2006) revealed a
striking similarity in certain measured “illusion of control,” a particular component of
optimism, making a strong connection across all the cultures sampled. Given that social
contexts shape our personalities, it stands to reason that different cultures i.e., collectivistic
and individualistic cultures, affect our mind sets. Within the study it was indicated that
“illusion of control” was extremely prevalent in athletes across all cultures measured. Given
this empirical evidence, it is reasonable to conclude that athletes from countries such as
Norway, Croatia, and the United States, for example, behave in an individualistic manner
with identity as a prominent feature. In fact, the importance of self-identity has been shown to
be very high in cultures that are individualistic by majority. (Williams, Satterwhite, & Saiz,
1998). However, it is important to note that the populations in each of these countries contain
minorities who are collectivistic in nature, and this should be considered when coaching and
consulting sport teams that may have this element of diversity.
While self-identity can stem from passively receiving social feedback, logically, it can
evolve by actively seeking it. Athletes from individual minded cultures may perceive social
feedback in such a way that it is more directly related to the psychological core of the self.
Attending to feedback from fans, coaches, media, and significant others without screening out
these variables may have different effects on identity formation than athletes from collective
minded cultures who more selectively seek out social feedback from sources they believe will
sustain or enhance the relationships in the group. Obviously, it is not always possible to
regulate social interaction, but is seems plausible that collective minded athletes who actively
seek social support with the interest of the group at heart, might be able to minimize
psychological stress and maximize group performance. The contrast between how western
and non-western cultures affect identity can be seen as follows: Individualistic cultures give
priority to goals that are related to the identity of the individual so when these athletes
experience failure it may affect their self-esteem more profoundly than collectivistic cultures
giving priority to goals that are related to the identity of the group which may buffer or
minimize negative effect on self-esteem because it is absorbed more evenly throughout the
community.
Further investigation is needed in this regard not necessarily to determine which cultural
approach is better, since it is likely that both individual minded and collective minded
strategies arrive at the same destination of athletic performance, but understanding more
clearly what the underlying mechanisms are for each strategy seems to be the research
question. Schinke, et al. (2006) conducted a study where it was found that Canadian
Aboriginal elite athletes actively sought out social support from as many as eight different
Aboriginal resources. Positive interaction such as this, between athlete and community,
satisfies the athlete’s need for consensus in the community. Positive interaction is not always
the result of top-down practices in other cultures that may be centered on individual aspects
rather than collectivistic aspects of development (Schinke, et al., 2009). Clearly, there are
many ways, including, but not limited to socioeconomic status, geography, cultural
expression, values, and language proficiency in which culture can have an influence on
athletic behavior (Kontos & Arguello, 2005).
A study by Kashima, et al. (1995), examined how different cultures (Australia, the United
States, Hawaii, Japan, and Korea) influenced the self-concept. The study showed that
differences between these cultures are captured mostly by the extent to which people see
themselves acting as independent agents, whereas gender differences are best summarized by
the extent to which people regard themselves as emotionally related to others. People
construct their self-conceptions based on what is available in a culture. Public discourse,
including narratives and metaphors, provides the cultural basis of self-construal. According to
Bruner, (1991), the self-construal about doing (Agency) does not preclude any self-construal
about saying (Assertiveness). When comparing narratives and metaphors in the United States
and Australia, there is a theme of individuality. People in such cultures are bound to
implement this cultural meaning system to construct their own conception of themselves.
Given the prevalence of cultural symbols of individuality, people in Australia and the United
States are more likely to acquire a greater number of individualistic selves than those in Japan
or Korea, (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985). The way in which self-
complexity affects the goal-attainment structures of different athletes would be an interesting
142 Peter Catina
avenue of sport psychology research, especially if examined under the collectivistic-

individualistic lens.
LEVEL OF SELF-COMPLEXITY
The structure of one’s self-representation explains why people differ substantially in how
extreme they respond to events in their lives (Kitayama, Markus, & Matsumoto, 1995;
Matsumoto, 1993; Mohammed & Angell, 2003). Self-complexity in individuals ranges from
low to high. The less complex a person’s self, the more extreme the person’s affect and self-
appraisal are, be it positive or negative. The more complex a person’s self, the more even
handed the person’s affect and self-appraisal are (Wilenski, 1983). When there is a high level
of self complexity, there are more aspects that are independent of one another. High self-
complexity enables a person to maintain positive feelings about some aspects, which act as a
buffer against negative events in other aspects of the self (Linville, 1985). An athlete’s goals
can exhibit a high degree of self-complexity. They are personal strivings to becoming a
“possible self.” Possible selves are images of one’s self in the future, which have motivational
qualities (Markus & Nurius, 1987). According to Sheldon and Emmons (1995), goal-
integration is the extent to which the athlete’s strivings are helpfully linked to the possible
self. The problem when strivings are not coordinated with possible selves is that by “putting
too many eggs in one basket,” athletes may suffer by not having enough distinct roles to
buffer against failure. Within nearly every culture there are success stories of how particular
athletes devoted their entire lives to getting out of the ghetto or overcoming life-threatening
diseases to rise to the top of their sport. But, few if any stories are told about those who do not
make it to the top and the devastation they must feel because they have nowhere else to go
and nothing else to do when they fail.
How does culture influence integration or differentiation of personal strivings? The
integration of goals may act as a problem-solving strategy posed by increased differentiation.
For example, consider the possible self of “collegiate athlete” with no clear method of
moving towards it. This person could develop and coordinate personal strivings of making
time to practice, earning a college degree, and finding ways to improve physical appearance
in order to facilitate the likelihood of becoming the possible self of collegiate athlete thereby
enhancing the individual’s sense of achievement and well-being. Self-conceptions can be
diverse in and of themselves. When cultural identities, such as being Italian and American or
Hispanic and American are added into the equation, the complexity of the self-concept is
shaped by an even greater diversity of socio-cultural factors. If these cultural identities are
not in harmony with each other, they can create havoc and tension within the self-concept and
increase the likelihood of failure. By sifting through the cultural elements, retaining the ones
that are harmonious and discarding the ones that are not, the athlete develops a more cohesive
self-concept and increases the likelihood of success.
IDENTITY PROCESSES AND COPING WITH ADVERSITY

Recent research on mental health suggests that normal mental functioning is
characterized by self-aggrandizing positive biases, namely overly positive self-conceptions,
an exaggerated perception of personal control, and overly optimistic assessments of the future
(Taylor & Brown, 1988). These biases cannot be thought of as defense mechanisms such as
repression or denial because they promote rather than undermine other aspects of mental
health (Taylor, Collins, Skokan, & Aspinwall, 1989). Additionally, the mind processes
negative information differently, depending on the pervasiveness of that negative information
for the self. In such ways, people are able to preserve positive self-conceptions while making
adaptive use of negative feedback.
Within social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), it is stated that individuals strive to
achieve self-esteem through membership in social groups. The positive or negative values
associated with these groups are a result of social comparison between one’s in-group and a
relevant out-group. A positive identity is achieved if one’s in-group is seen as being different
from a relevant out-group in a favorable way. The theory describes three strategies to cope
with threatened or negative social identity. Individual mobility is one strategy based on the
belief that social mobility is possible and that group boundaries are permeable; one simply
leaves the in-group to join the out-group. Social creativity is another strategy of comparing
the in-group with the out-group on a new dimension or by changing the value assigned to
traditional dimensions or by finding a new out-group to make the comparison. Social
competition is yet another strategy of engaging in conflict with the advantaged out-group in
order to reverse the social status positions of the groups.
Social status positions in United States associated with gender are still archaic in certain
athletic domains. For example, I once coached a young South American transfer student who
had been heavily involved in a gang. When Veronica came to the United States, she didn’t fit
in or adjust that easily. Her parents practically forced her to go to college. She found that
being on the Collegiate Powerlifting Team buffered her transition from gang to college
student, and she experienced much athletic success having won Nationals in her weight class
(132 lbs.) two years in a row and setting a drug-free world record lift of 329 pounds.
Especially interesting was the Chilean cultural influence on her athletic mind set. For
example, it is not unusual for Chilean women to exude and express their physical strength.
Unfortunately, in the United States, gender biases in the weight room are abundant. While in
the weight room on her own, putting in extra hours outside of her obligations to training with
the team, she asked a rather large imposing young man if she could work in with him as he
was lifting in the squat rack. He said, “No, because I don’t want to take all this weight off the
bar to let a girl work in with me.” She replied, “That’s okay, I didn’t want you to take weight
off the bar for me to lift, I want you to put more weight on the bar.” Although I witnessed this
from a distance, I laughed out loud when I saw the young man grab his weight belt and
promptly leave the gym with his tail between his legs.
For Veronica, the process of identity she displayed was linked to her Chilean
background. She simply thought it would be better to share the equipment and had no
conception that her physical prowess would be potentially threatening to a North American
man. Her involvement in the task was free from the primitive-based impulses of aggression
144 Peter Catina
and sexuality displayed by the meathead in the gym. She was there to train her body; not her
ego.
GROUP DYNAMICS AND PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT

It is interesting to note how culture influences play among children. Much can be learned
from this perspective since it is not unreasonable to view sport as a logical outgrowth of play.
In older cultures, children play more hierarchical games involving status, power, and
aggression. In newer Western modern culture, children play fewer status games; there is less
physical aggression with a greater emphasis on organized games. But in Western gang life in
socioeconomically deprived areas there is a preference for hierarchical relationships involving
power and aggression reverting to a much older cultural form than the more egalitarian
contemporaries of North American mainstream.
Games in different cultures often mirror that particular society. For example, Buzkashi is
a traditional Central Asian team sport played on horseback. The goal is for the skilled riders
to grab the carcass of a headless goat or calf while sometimes riding at a full gallop, and then
get it clear of the other players and pitch it across a goal line or into a target circle or vat.
Even though it's known as a popular Afghan sport, Buzkashi is a popular game among the
south Central Asian nomads such as the Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, Dungans,
and Turkmens. Competition is typically fierce, as other players may use any force short of
tripping the horse in order to thwart scoring attempts. Even more rugged on the far side of the
mountain barrier Hindu Kush near the Soviet border, one hundred Turkmen and Uzbek play it
without any reference to the Olympic Federation rules. There are no sides at all; each man
pitted against the rest. The best horsemen, called chapandez, play before the King on his
birthday (Sutton-Smith, 1968). An incisive analysis of Afghan political dynamics
demonstrates how play and politics, ordinarily perceived as separate activities, can
interpenetrate one another (Azoy, 1982). Buzkashi continues to prove itself to be an apt
metaphor for ongoing Afghan political control and chaos. The ways in which sports are
played within a society mirror that society. While the sport of Buzkashi reflects Central Asian
society, it also reflects the collective interaction of small group dynamics. The elements of
leadership, power struggle, power shifting, cohesiveness, and decision making are inherent in
both smaller scale sport team environments as well as in larger scale societal environments.
POSITIVE ILLUSION AND MOTIVATION

Some people appear to be motivated by competition. The reasons why some people tend
to be more competitive than others have been identified by Franken and Brown (1995). For
some, it is to improve their performance. For some, it is important to win. For still others, it is
to increase motivation. Furthermore, two personality measures have been linked to goal-
directed behavior: hope and optimism. The case has been made that optimism is associated
with success or winning. More specifically, optimists explain success using an explanatory
style that is characterized as global, stable, and internal and they explain failure using an
explanatory style that is characterized as external, specific and unstable (Seligman, 1991).
When we encounter various stimuli in the environment, we construct certain beliefs about
how we feel or what we do next. These beliefs have consequences stemming from the
adversity we might come across in our lives. If you learn to change your mental response to
adversity from a negative to a positive interpretation, then you can learn to cope with
disappointment and catastrophe much better.
Since psychological components, indeed, separate elite athletes from their non-elite
counterparts, athletic performance is then a function of individual and environment. More
specifically, it is a result of the interaction between intrapersonal and interpersonal factors.
Intrapersonal factors are those within the individual; they are personality dimensions such as
intrinsic motivation, confidence, and positive illusions. Interpersonal factors are those outside
the individual and are concerned with social environment elements such as audience, media,
and social support networks (Iso-Ahola, 1995).
The magic of believing applies to every aspect of human behavior. We have a tendency
to behave like the person we believe ourselves to be. It should be obvious to see why there is
a direct relationship between self-confidence and success. Confident athletes expect
miraculous performances and consequently---they experience them.
“Other things being equal, private self-consciousness people emphasize the individual
aspects of their identity. They attend more to unshared idiosyncrasies of their particular
experiences such as fantasies [positive illusions]...Public self-conscious people tend to
identify with groups and see themselves as social beings with shared attitudes and affiliations
with others” (Buss, 1995, p. 22, emphasis added).
The term positive illusion represents a multidimensional psychological dimension

consisting of the following three sub-constructs: self-aggrandizement, illusion of control, and
unrealistic optimism (Taylor & Brown, 1988). Self-aggrandizement is the perception of one's
self, one's past behavior, and one's enduring attributes as more positive than is actually the
case. Illusion of control is an exaggerated belief in one's personal control, involving the
perception that one can bring about primarily positive but not negative outcomes. Unrealistic
optimism is the perception that the future holds an idealistically bountiful array of
opportunities and an absence of adverse events. These positive illusions are common in
mentally healthy individuals and become especially important in the athletic arena (Catina &
Iso-Ahola, 2004).
The theory of positive illusion has been well established in the literature, but an
assessment tool that measures it has only recently begun to be recognized (Catina & Iso-
Ahola, 2007). The implementation of a theory-based instrument assessing the factors that
influence levels of success in sport is necessary to understand the role of positive illusion in
sport-performance outcomes. Although a host of psychological factors examined in the
literature such as anxiety, hardiness, locus of control and intrinsic motivation offers insight
into explaining sport performance (Iso-Ahola, 1995), positive illusion has not been fully
addressed as a variable influencing favorable outcomes in sport.
Since there is a sense of mastery, which can be gained through the use of positive
illusion, it stands to reason that there is a strong and positive relationship between the
construct of positive illusion and the constructs of self-esteem and optimism. For example,
Taylor (1983) advanced that the adjustment process of cancer patients is centered around
three themes: a search for meaning in the experience, an attempt to regain mastery over the
146 Peter Catina
event, and an effort to restore self-esteem through self-enhancing evaluations. Other

researchers have found similar attributes. Helgeson and Cohen (1996) suggested the
following five psychological mechanisms that facilitate emotional adjustment to having
cancer: enhancement of self-esteem, restoration of perceived control, instilling of optimism
about the future, provision of meaning for the experience, and fostering of emotional
processing. A positive sense of self, a need for control, and an optimistic view of the future
facilitate normal mental functioning (Taylor & Brown, 1988). This positive sense of self
becomes especially important in the face of threatening social feedback (Naoi, Watson,
Deaner, & Sato, (in press); Schinke et al., 2006; Schinke, et al., 2007; Taylor, 1983; Taylor,
1991; Taylor & Brown, 1988; 1994; Taylor & Armor, 1996; Taylor & Aspinwall, 1996).
The way in which some personality constructs outlined above are affected by culture may
be partially explained by Oettingen’s (1995) research.
He conveyed that“members of different cultures might not assign the same importance to
these events, they might differ in terms of the valence that they attach to them, or may fail to
imagine that these events will actually happen to them” (p. 4).
In the previous reference to explanatory styles, optimists’ attributions were discussed. In

contrast, pessimists tend to make internal, stable, and global attributions for negative events.
Some helpful examples within cultures follow: When experiencing a negative event such
as missing a vault, a pessimist’s explanatory style might be “I missed the vault because I am
too short.” Do you see how this is internal, stable, and global? Perhaps a better way to
understand this is to replace the word stable with “unchangeable.” That way you can see how
this would not lead to success. It only increases negative feelings and anxiety because it
cannot be changed. The athlete has now lost the “illusion of control” he or she has over the
event. Now let’s look at what an optimist might say: “I missed the vault because I didn’t plant
the pole effectively and the rhythm of my stride was off.” Do you see how this now becomes
changeable? The pole-vaulter can reflect on the many times he or she had the proper stride in
training and now increase positive feelings by re-gaining a sense of control over the event.
This leads to goal-directed behavior. It’s really not unlike a student failing an exam and
saying “I failed the exam because
I’m stupid”. It’s pretty hard to change “stupid.” An optimistic explanatory style would be
“I failed the exam because I didn’t study hard enough.” This is changeable. Now the student
has a sense of control over the event, and by studying harder can increase the likelihood of
success.
So, does the self change to accommodate structural change in the environment? Or, does
the structural change in the environment change the self? La Place (1954) conducted a study
of elite athletes. He found that major league baseball players were better adjusted than minor
league players were. However, it should be noted that psychological adjustment might simply
be more difficult for the latter group because of the pressure on minor league players to
become major league players. While it is difficult to make direct comparisons, it is certainly
possible to conclude that athletes have different personality structures than non-athletes
(Bandura, 1991; Kontos, & Breland-Noble, 2002; Taylor & Armor, 1996; Tennenbaum,
Pinchas, Elbaz, Bar-Eli, & Weinberg, 1991).
CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY, POSITIVE ILLUSION, AND THE

ANALYSIS OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR
There are many causes of behavior, which we can observe but cannot articulate. Positive
Illusion may explain what ensues between an individual’s perception of the environment and
his or her reaction to or behavior within that environment. In the upper echelons of
competitive sport, physical characteristics and genetics alone cannot account for all the
variance in athletic performance. Positive Illusion, to some degree, may explain what
separates elite athletes from their non-elite counterparts. What differences exist between one
sub-group of athletes and another? What cognitive processes are responsible for athletic
success and what characterizes these processes? What goes on inside the athlete's mind
between perception and action? How do people construct these perceptions? The way in
which a positive mindset influences outcome in sport is that the competitive athlete displays
an illusion of control and a high expectancy of desirable outcomes, thereby increasing
persistence, and facilitating success.
Many analysts find obvious ways in which cultures are different. But, the richness of
cross-cultural psychology can be increased by finding ways in which cultures are similar,
thus, implicating to some extent that athletes are similar, psychologically. The construct of
positive illusion has cross-cultural validity and is a universal personality dimension both from
a theoretical perspective as well as a practical perspective (Catina, 2006). A plausible reason
for positive illusion to be such a strong predictor variable for success in sport is that it may be
an evolutionary trait necessary for survival. Evidence suggests that emotional affect
constructs like optimism and motivation are more consistent with evolutionary biology than
with social constructivist perspectives (Church, Katigbak, Reyes, & Jensen, 1999).
The way in which a positive mindset influences outcome in sport is that the competitive
athlete displays an illusion of control and a high expectancy of desirable outcomes, thereby
increasing persistence, and facilitating success. Situational inputs activate psychological
mechanisms similar to how they activate physiological mechanisms. For example, resistance
to sunburn is activated only by repeated exposure to the sun; likewise psychological
mechanisms are activated only by repeated exposure to the contextual input of certain sport
environments such as stress, injury, and adversity inherent in the sports arena. Analyzing
human behavior through a cross-cultural lens, Duda and Allison (1990) found that there is a
cultural influence on the meaning of sport activity. Ethnic minorities use sport activities to
express their own identity even when these groups participate in mainstream sports like
baseball.
SUMMARY
Culture acts as buffer for adversity by its meaning systems that provide the individual
with an explanation for the causes of adversity. This promotes psychological healing,
acceptance, and reestablishes the vitality and purpose necessary to move forward in a positive
direction. It is important to understand that while many cultures embrace the notion of
furthering human development, there are also many cultures that severely restrict human
development and adversely affect the quality of life of their people. It is often difficult to
148 Peter Catina
reverse the prevailing attitudes bestowed on these unfortunate individuals, but that reversal is
critical to opening the door for healing and for growth.
The explanation for the variance in behavioral practices across cultures requires a precise
account of the contextual differences from historical, developmental, and experiential
frameworks. One must recognize the notion that not all of the behavioral variances can be
accounted for in terms of cultural influences. A deeper subset of cultural phenomena acting
on psychological mechanisms needs to be addressed. Recognizing the role of the socially
influenced psychological mechanisms will provide a critical foundation for the cultural
analysis of sport psychology. Just as culture shapes human behavior; the unique
psychological mechanisms of individuals can likewise shape culture.
Recommendations for Cross-Cultural Sport Researchers
• Since most of the research pertaining to athletes’ attributions for success and failure
is from Western culture, it is critical to examine attributional styles outside the USA
and other Western cultures.
• A further examination is needed of how cross-cultural differences in individualistic
and collectivistic philosophies affect athletes’ perceptions of social feedback, their
identities, self-esteem, and motivational styles.
• The effects that culture has on behavior in sport are apparent in the literature, i.e.
behavior in sport is a reflection of behavior in society. For example, different social
systems can have different influences on sport behavior. Look at football and rugby.
In many ways they are identical, but in many ways the spirit in which is game is
played is radically different. The effects that culture has on the individual are not as
readily apparent in the literature. For example, more research is needed on the
cultural effects on the individual such as elements of the self-concept and identity
processes. Also a comparison of cultural effects on the individual between athletes
who compete in team sports and those who compete in individual sports is needed.
• Hopefully, the theoretical approaches presented in this chapter can be used as a
platform to further research and understanding of the psychological underpinnings
associated with different cultures and the effects they have on individual athletes
within and across cultures.
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Chapter 11
THROUGH THE FUNHOUSE MIRROR:

UNDERSTANDING ACCESS AND (UN)EXPECTED
SELVES THROUGH CONFESSIONAL TALES
Kerry R. McGannon and Jennifer L Metz

Department of Health and Sport Studies, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University
of Iowa, Iowa City, USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
In his edited volume, Telling tales in sport and physical activity: A qualitative journey,
Sparkes (2002) outlined how the expanding landscape in qualitative research in a post-
modern age presents sport and physical activity researchers with the conundrum of
confronting issues of representation, reflexivity, and voice. The emergence of reflexivity as a
qualitative research strategy further presents two issues: (1) what are the practical means by
which researchers might engage in the process of reflexivity? and (2) how might identity and
representation issues in relation to the researcher and research participants be explored to
highlight social, political and psychological effects? In the present chapter, we explore these
issues by presenting two pieces of reflexive research in the confessional tale genre (Smyth &
Shacklock, 1998; Sparkes, 1994, 2002; Van Maanen, 1988). Both confessional tales focus
upon gaining access in the research process. While distinct, the two tales converge on the
themes of ‘access’ as multidimensional, socially constructed, dynamic, contradictory, and
infused with power issues, within the context of the researcher’s identities and sport and
exercise psychology research (Smith & Sparkes, 2005). We conclude by noting that post-
modern confessional tales allow researchers to acknowledge viewpoints outside of their own
to unpack complex power relationships in the research process. Acknowledging and
unpacking power relationships are necessary to empower marginalized identities and groups
within sport and exercise contexts toward behavioral and social change that benefits their
lives. The reflexive narratives of researcher’s encounters with the intersections between the
researcher’s values and the research processes reintroduces the researcher as person into the
account. Issues like ethics, gender, race,validity, reciprocity, sexuality, voice, empowerment,
154 Kerry R. McGannon and Jennifer L Metz
authorship, andreadership can be brought into the open and allowed to breathe as important
research matters. Smyth & Shacklock, 1998, p.1
Within sport psychology qualitative researchers have highlighted the limits of realist tales
that present words and actions of research participants as revealing truths about themselves
and culture (Gilbourne & Richardson, 2006; Sparkes & Douglas, 2007). The notion that
researchers speak from “interpretive omnipotence” uncovering facts reflecting social, cultural
and theoretical realms (Sparkes & Douglas, 2007; Van Maanen, 1988) has been
problematized because “form and content are inseparable, and how we write about a
phenomenon shapes how we come to understand it” (Sparkes & Douglas, 2007, p. 171).
Realist tales have been further problematized due to the author’s absence from the text, an
omission which hides the researcher’s position of power in relation to the research process
(Sparkes, 2002, Van Maanen, 1988). Researchers within sport and exercise psychology
(Butryn, 2002; Gilbourne & Richardson, 2006; Greenleaf & Collins, 2001; Holt, 2003;
McGannon & Johnson, 2009) and outside of sport and exercise psychology (Bolam, Gleeson
& Murphy, 2003; Brackenridge, 1999; Richardson, 1995; Jegatheeson, 2005) have challenged
the notion of the researcher as a neutral, disembodied, objective observer, whose presence
instead has social and political effects in the research context.
The above critiques are important because they create a space for alternative modes of
qualitative research within sport and exercise psychology to stand alongside realist tales as
legitimate forms of inquiry such as confessionals/writing stories (McGannon & Johnson,
2009; Sparkes 1994), creative non-fiction (Gilbourne & Richardson, 2006), poetic
representations (Sparkes, Nilges, Swan & Dowling, 2003; Sparkes & Douglas, 2007) and
autoethnography (Holt, 2003; Sparkes, 1996). Such critiques draw further attention to an
issue on the margins of sport and exercise psychology that warrants further attention:
researcher reflexivity.
Researcher reflexivity is an emerging innovation in qualitative methodology whereby
investigators situate their own personal identities to explore surprises and undoings in the
research process. Self-reflexivity “is the capacity of language of thought—of any system of
signification—to turn or bend back upon itself, thus becoming an object to itself” (Foley,
2002, p. 474). The process of seeing the self as one sees others is the first step, with the self
becoming the site of analysis and the subject of critique. With reflexivity the mirror is
reflected back on itself, and one is then able to “see” oneself in the text. This notion of self-
reflexivity, of seeing myself in the text by acknowledging the ways in which I am shaping the
text through my thoughts and interactions and even the way I am writing the project, all come
under the rubric of self-reflexive research. Saukko (2002) wrote that “reflexivity is a tool to
enhance awareness of our situatedness and, subsequently, to be more receptive to perspectives
that approach the world from a different position” (p. 88).
Reflexive researchers may also explore the ways that particular points of view in the
research process (e.g., data collection, data analysis, results representation and write-up) are
simultaneously avoided/marginalized and promoted/embraced in light of their own identities
(Gergen & Gergen, 2000). In turn, reflexive researchers acknowledge their own field
experiences and backgrounds by examining how such interpretations come about, asking
themselves, “what do I know, why do I know, and how do I know it?” (Hertz, 1997, p. vii).
These questions can be explored in terms of the researcher’s impact on the research process
and research participants with the awareness that the research product is a socio-cultural
construction within a broader academic field (Bourdieu & Waquant, 1992). For example, a
Through the Funhouse Mirror: Understanding Access and (Un)Expected Selves… 155
Caucasian sport psychology consultant working with minority athletes might ask “in what
ways do my own white privilege, social class and social position produce particular power
hierarchies? And toward what end do those power hierarchies structure my interactions with,
and interpretations of, athletes? How do these same issues structure and limit how athletes
respond within the consulting context?” Similarly, a researcher who interviews gay or lesbian
athletes to understand their experiences within a particular sport might also ask such
questions. Examining these questions in the context of power issues between consultant and
athlete or researcher and athlete and the psychological and behavioral effects that result also
requires attention to the larger institutions (e.g., cultural capitalism within sport contexts) and
social norms (e.g., normative heterosexuality) that contribute toward making spoken and
unspoken power differences seem concrete, fixed and unquestionable.
In his edited volume, Telling tales in sport and physical activity: A qualitative journey,
Sparkes (2002) outlined how the expanding landscape in qualitative research in a post-
modern age presents sport and physical activity researchers with the conundrum of
confronting issues of representation, reflexivity, and voice. Specifically, reflexivity presents
researchers with dilemmas about how to express one’s social position and identity without
marginalizing other cultures and identities. However, such dilemmas also provide researchers
with the opportunity “to confront the issues of identity and representation and consider how
we might develop texts that highlight the problematic worlds we study, our relationships to
such worlds, and how we translate them” (Tierney, 1997, p. 34).
The emergence of reflexivity as a qualitative research strategy further presents two
issues: (1) what are the practical means by which researchers might engage in the process of
reflexivity? and (2) how might identity and representation issues in relation to the researcher
and research participants be explored to highlight social, political and psychological effects?
Toward this end, it has been argued that reflexivity discussions tend to remain at the
methodological level, with the practical means by which investigators might go from theory
to research praxis (i.e., theory and practice are used to make concrete changes in daily life),
needing further development (Bolam, Gleeson & Murphy, 2003). The purpose of this chapter
is to show two pieces of reflexive research that focus upon the notion of gaining access in the
research process. Through these reflexive tales, the term ‘access’ will be shown to be
multidimensional, socially constructed, dynamic, contradictory, and infused with power
issues, within the context of the researcher’s identities and sport and exercise psychology
research (Smith & Sparkes, 2005).
Because the term reflexivity is broad and applicable to multiple genres of qualitative
writing (e.g., poetic representations, fictional representations, autoethnography) we will focus
upon one reflexive tradition to explore the aforementioned researcher dilemmas: confessional
tales (Smyth & Shacklock, 1998; Sparkes, 1994, 2002; Van Maanen, 1988). An exploration
of confessional tales is done to add another useful tool to the reflexivity research tool box as
opposed to replacing existing tools and/or advocating one genre of reflexive writing over
another.
To accomplish the above, three central principles of confessional tales will first be
outlined. Next, to widen reflexive traditions beyond explication of the researcher’s impact on
the research process to include a reflexive awareness of the broader research and socio-
cultural context, post-modernism will be outlined as a theoretical tool within which to further
ground confessional tales. Finally, examples of confessional tales from each author will be
presented that apply the stylistic conventions outlined with a post-modern sensibility; one
from the realm of exercise and one from the realm of sport.
CONFESSIONAL TALES: STYLISTIC

CONVENTIONS AND POST-MODERNISM
In contrast to realist tales where the author is absent from the text and/or clearly separated
from research and culture, consistent with the reflexive genre, confessional tales highlight
what is problematic about the notion of a neutral researcher and research process (Van
Maanen, 1988). The overarching goal of confessional tales is to reveal dilemmas and tensions
in research by way of first-person researcher stories which draw “on personal experience with
the explicit intention of exploring methodological and ethical issues as encountered in the
research process” (Sparkes, 2002, p. 59).
Three Stylistic Conventions
In his chapter on confessional tales in Telling tales in sport and physical activity: A
qualitative journey, Sparkes (2002) outlined three main stylistic conventions that often form a
back drop for the confessional tale genre of reflexive writing in sport and physical activity
research. Based upon Van Maanen’s (1998), Tales from the field, the first of these
conventions is that the human qualities of the researcher (e.g., personal biases, vulnerabilities)
are shown via the use of the personal, embodied voice of the author. This convention
establishes intimacy with readers by creating an “ironic self-portrait” (Sparkes, 2002, p. 59)
of the author with whom readers can identify on multiple levels. An ironic self-portrait is
accomplished by way of conveying to readers that the researcher is human; he or she gets
things wrong and misled at times and is not omnipotent, objective and without feeling. In the
second convention, a character-building conversation using a “modest unassuming style”
(Van Maanen, 1988, p. 75) is written to portray the author as an active agent, who creates and
experiences dilemmas in the research process, as opposed to a passive agent to whom things
happen. This convention reveals a learning process about mistakes and surprises that the
author willingly and/or unwillingly undertook, and explores how this process affected the
researcher’s identities and vice versa, in the context of understanding the participants’
experiences.
The final convention – naturalness—(Van Maanen, 1988) is when the confessional tale is
symbiotic with realist tales. A confessional tale can be said to have subscribed to naturalness
when the tale supports previous writing of the cultural phenomenon that the author studied or
published --despite the acknowledgement of tribulations and dilemmas by the author. In this
way, confessional tales can stand alongside, rather than in contrast to, realist author-evacuated
tales as they elaborate on methodology and expose what went on “behind the scenes” of the
final “realist telling” (Sparkes, 2002, p. 61). Naturalness is what further distinguishes
confessional tales from autoethnographic tales (i.e., narratives of self), in which researchers
create highly personalized and revealing texts/stories about their own lived experiences
(Richardson, 1998; Sparkes, 2002).
In a general sense, reflexive work in the confessional tradition may consist of a story
about the research project or fieldwork experiences, keeping a research diary about how the
researcher approached a study both theoretically and practically, or includes an exploration of
the researchers’ personal biases and biography (Bolam, Gleeson & Murphy, 2003). Sport
psychology consultants or exercise psychologists who work in the applied realm can also use
confessional tales to acknowledge and explore how their own backgrounds impact the people
they work with (i.e., practice), in various ways.
While few published confessional tales within sport and exercise psychology exist,
examples of published confessionals in the broader sport and physical activity literature have
used the three stylistic conventions outlined to a greater or lesser degree. For example, some
confessionals have explored important ethical issues such as dilemmas researchers experience
about how to gain access, trust and credibility within an ethnographic study of a body
builder’s gym (Klein, 1993). Sparkes’ (1994) confessional tale focused on a life history study
of a white, lesbian physical educator (i.e., Jessica). This confessional allowed Sparkes to
explore how being a white, male, heterosexual shaped his understanding of Jessica’s
experiences, as well as how his thinking changed over time as he experienced ethical
dilemmas (e.g., silencing teaching homophobia and heterosexism in his undergraduate
classes). Four years later, Sparkes extended his confessional tale (Sparkes, 1998) to raise
critical questions about the nature of reciprocity in his relationship with Jessica in relation to
the research process (e.g., his motives for self-advancement in constructing research accounts,
his own need to renegotiate tensions in the research process). In both confessionals, Sparkes
raised post-modern concerns around issues of authorship and voice such as how might
researchers or practitioners “go beyond paternalistic notions of "giving" voice, towards a
view of life history as an expression of solidarity with those who share their stories in the
hope of creating individual and societal change” (Sparkes, 1994, p. 17). Thus, reflexive
confessional tales can be used by researchers to not only acknowledge their own view points,
but the value of viewpoints outside of their own. Such acknowledgement can be further used
to reposition research participants as co-participants who are acknowledged as having a stake,
and given a voice, in the research process. The ultimate goal of this endeavor is to empower
previously marginalized people toward realizing concrete changes that impact their lives.
An example of the above in sport psychology comes from the work of Schinke and
colleagues (2008) who have reflected on their own identities as outsiders (e.g., sport
psychologists, academics, white males) up front to explore how they can enlist Canadian
aboriginal sport communities as co-participants who actively partake in the research process.
Rather than trying to “study” such a community and impose research goals on them, these
researchers work with and for the community to identify what the community dwellers see as
important issues within their community and how such issues can be linked to the research
conducted. While not within the confessional tale genre per se, this research is important
because it shows that an important effect of researcher self-reflection can be the
acknowledgement of power differences which can be further used to reposition research
participants. In turn, a formerly marginalized community is given a voice in the actual
designing of research questions and (re)presentation of research results. By incorporating the
voices of research participants in this manner, the end research product is one that empowers
and benefits a formerly marginalized community’s needs and wants as opposed to the needs
and wants of the researcher (Schinke et al., 2008).
LOCATING EPISTEMOLOGY: POST-MODERNISM

While the above confessional tales are outside of the realist tale genre some forms of
confessional tales are more explicitly grounded in post-modernism. Postmodernism can be
used to question the notion that any one particular method, theory, discourse, or worldview is
the right way to know about people. Truth and knowledge claims about people serve
particular interests that are located in local, cultural, and political struggles; although
researchers can claim to know something about people, that knowledge is partial, local,
historical, and fragmented (Richardson, 2000b). This view of knowledge as socially and
culturally constructed and fragmented further means that from a post-modern perspective,
people’s sense of self—including the researcher’s---is multiple, shifting and contradictory, as
opposed to stable and fixed as is often assumed by realist tales. Researchers are therefore
invited to explore ways of knowing to understand how research participants and their own
self-related views are simultaneously shifting and contradictory. Researchers can further view
themselves reflexively as persons, writing from particular positions within discourse(s) and
explore the social and political effects – for themselves and/or for others (e.g., research
participants) (Richardson, 2000b). Thus, post-modern confessional tales are attempts to go
beyond an inclusion of the author and an acknowledgement of the researcher’s point of view
and encourage researchers to further locate themselves within power dynamics of research
and/or research relationships (e.g., researcher/researched; researcher/academic politics) and
the broader social and cultural discourses that (re)produce them.
Within the realm of physical education and teacher education post-modern confessional
tales have been used to explore the researcher’s biography and/or research practices in
relation to representation issues (e.g., silencing voices of research participants, authorship)
and the (re)production of ideologies (e.g., that sexuality and gender are biological givens
presented as natural to serve particular interests and subvert others) in the context of the
broader webs of power circulating such tensions and conflicts (Brackenridge, 1999;
Humberstone, 1997; Pedersen, 1998; Sparkes, 1998). Gilbourne and Richardson’s (2006)
recent piece in sport psychology takes a post-modernist approach using creative non-fiction to
show different forms/moments of applied sport psychology work in English professional
soccer. The applied discussion that emerged from these confessional and creative tales
illustrated and critically reviewed in a storied and engaging fashion, how practitioners’
responded to a range of field-related challenges (e.g., enhancing sport performance through
caring, ethical dilemmas surrounding disclosure).
SITUATED KNOWLEDGES
The process of reflexivity also situates the author(s) within the text by acknowledging
their place within the text, their active participation in the creation of the text and the various
types of knowledge that emerges from the text. In the words of Haraway, all knowledge is
“situated knowledges”- incomplete, partial and reflective of the particular standpoint of the
author/researcher/writer of the text1. The god trick of infinite vision unmarred by practical
1
Haraway challenges this notion of “knowledge” as an objective construct and argues for multiple ways of
knowing and products of knowing.
realities of race, class, gender and sexuality, is challenged by the process of reflexivity. It is
within reflexive moments that the researcher acknowledges his/her biases and positions those
biases and themselves within the larger text. The confessional tale operates as a crystallization
of that moment; it is the moment where researchers realize their own situatedness and how it
interferes with “vision” of the text/research. This moment is not a failure of “objectivity” as it
were but rather an acknowledgement of what it means to be in the text.
Because an overarching goal of the present article is to extend the literature in sport and
exercise psychology employing a reflexive sensibility, it is these latter forms of confessional
tales grounded in post-modernism that we see as a jumping off point for highlighting the need
for research exploring researcher identities in the context of ideological, political and power
issues in sport and exercise psychology. This point is underscored by the call for critical
appraisals of reflexive research genres grounded in post-modernist perspectives within the
sociological realm of sport and physical activity (Richardson, 2000a; Sparkes, 2002).
In the examples that follow, we explore the first two stylistic conventions of confessional
tales via the construction of confessional tales by each author with a post-modern sensibility.
Kerry McGannon has constructed two different but related confessional tales using the
broader concept of an outsider to explore her researcher identity as simultaneously historical,
multiple and fractured within the overarching field of exercise psychology and academic
politics. As the term is used in this tale, outsider refers to feelings that one is outside of a
group or social circle, as opposed to how the term is often used in ethnographic research (i.e.,
the perspective of a person who does not share lived experience of a particular
culture/society) (Young, 2005). While this latter meaning is related to the former meaning
and could have implications for Kerry’s confessional tales, incorporation of the ethnographic
usage of the term into this discussion is beyond the scope of this paper.
The second sets of confessional tales by Jennifer Metz are excerpts from her dissertation
Babes, balls and babies: An auto-ethnography of working motherhood which was a study of
working motherhood and professional athletics. Jennifer interviewed 13 professional athletes
who were also mothers in Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) and the
Women’s United Soccer Association (W*USA) and these interviews were aired on WTCL
radio. She interviewed 11 mothers who played in the WNBA during the 2003 season: Annie
Burgess, Pamela McGee, Joy Harris Holmes, Olympia Scott Richardson, Sheryl Swoopes,
Niele Ivey, Nadine Malcolm, Natalie Williams, Jessie Hicks, Tracey Henderson, and Jackie
Moore. Additionally, she interviewed two members of the now-defunct Women’s United
Soccer Association (W*USA), Carla Overbeck and Danielle Fotoupolis. During the course of
these interviews Jennifer grappled with understanding her own position in the text as a former
athlete, as an academic and as a member of the media. In the first narrative Getting Access-
To them and Me Jennifer reflexively has explored the process of getting access and how her
own auto-biography allowed her access to her athletes. In the second narrative, Interviewing
the Self, Jennifer looks at processes of reflexive interviewing where she is forced to see
herself –thoughts, fears, personal biases- while she is interviewing and the resulting confusion
and moments of clarity provided by this experience.
The overarching goal of both author’s confessional tales is to show how the notion of
gaining access within the research field is complex and multi-dimensional. Access is shown
to be multi-dimensional in light of the psychological, social, and political effects linked to
access experiences and processes. Specifically our confessional tales are constructed to reveal
that access in the research process: (1) is personal (i.e., researchers have multiple selves and
identities -- which are simultaneously "inside" and "outside" in relation to research

participants and the research process), (2) connects personal selves to various levels of access
in the field (e.g., access to interviewing participants, access to various participant identities,
and access to theory and methodology) and (3) reveals the foregoing notions of access are
enshrouded in academic politics -- all of which frame and influence each respective level of
access (i.e., personal selves, connection of selves to field access, theoretical and
methodological). This third and final point impacts what is said by us (i.e., in each of our
confessional tales), what is said by our research participants, and ultimately what is silenced
(i.e., what goes unsaid) for both researcher and participant.
KERRY’S CONFESSIONAL TALES: TURNING MYSELF INSIDE-OUT

My two confessionals are used to show my various exerciser identities as a useful way to
understand my early development as a beginning social theorist within the field of exercise
psychology during my dissertation research in the year 2000. Though a regular exerciser for
over 13 years at the time of my dissertation data collection my struggle with understanding
social theory uncovered my previous history and feelings of helplessness as a neophyte
exerciser and non-athletic female. Both of these processes—becoming an exerciser and
becoming a social theorist-- are characterized by multiple and layered identities connected to
past and present identities, which also resulted in contradictory experiences (e.g., enjoyment,
anxiety, frustration, fear, embarrassment, elation, doubt, and pride) during my dissertation
research. The first confessional tale entitled The Two Keys was constructed in the present
from field notes/reflexive journal kept during my data collection, as well as from past
personal experiences as a beginning exerciser. The second story entitled Not that you would
have any knowledge of this, but it ain’t easy to lose 20 pounds is constructed from field notes,
participant interviews with neophyte female exercisers and their significant others (e.g.,
friends, spouses, children), and an authoethnography excerpt from a presentation at the 2004
Association of Applied Sport Psychology conference (McGannon, 2004).
The Two Keys
I had a long walk home and no company, but I usually lone it anyway, for no reason
except that I like to watch movies undisturbed so I can get into them and live them with the
actors. When I see a movie with someone it's kind of uncomfortable, like having someone
read your book over your shoulder. I'm different that way… S.E. Hinton, The Outsiders
There were concrete walls that divided the disciplines of exercise psychology and cultural
studies in our department. Ironically, through my dissertation work I was trying to break
down theoretical and methodological walls by using theories and methods from the socio-
cultural realm to study identity and exercise participation in exercise psychology. But I was
frustrated because of these concrete and paradigmatic walls – I felt alone on my research
journey, yet at the same time I got the feeling it was necessary and supposed to be this way.
The methodology (i.e., discourses analysis) and theoretical perspectives (i.e., post-
structuralism and ethnomethodology) I was using in my research were new to me and the
field of exercise psychology. Writing about these perspectives to get ready for my
comprehensive exams and dissertation proposal when coming from a traditional social
psychology background had been difficult, but applying them to the mountain of interview
data seemed even more difficult! There were no examples from exercise psychology in the
literature so I drew upon other disciplines within psychology (e.g., narrative therapy) and the
socio-cultural realm of sport. At times I found it difficult to translate those pieces of research
into ideas that would make sense for the exercise psychology field.
I went to my dissertation advisor to tell him how I was feeling and he assured me this was
completely normal and that every graduate student goes through fear and doubt; “hang in
there”, he said, “it is part of the process”. But I felt afraid I might never finish my dissertation.
Taking on these theoretical concepts that were so foreign had already added an extra year to
my program of study. I knew it was worth it and I was excited, but I was also afraid that I
would never get a job, afraid that I would not finish and afraid that even if I did finish people
in exercise psychology wouldn’t take my work seriously. In an effort to help with my
intellectual progress, my advisor gave me a key to the “socio-cultural room” (as it was called)
so that I could interact with graduate students conducting research using social theory in sport
(there was no one studying exercise). And there was more good news: I was also allowed to
retain my key to the “exercise psychology lab” (as it was called), where the majority of the
research and student discussions were quantitative and grounded in social cognitive theory. I
had already held this key for four years and it represented my educational and research
background in traditional social psychology. It also symbolized my current struggle with my
new found approach to theory and methodology and how to “write up” my research
participants and give them adequate voice.
My first entry into the socio-cultural room was akin to my first experience with group
exercise in 1987: scary, intimidating and afraid that I didn’t know all the right moves and
have on the right exercise clothes! No one in the socio-cultural room was mean to me, no one
ignored me, and no one mocked my chosen clothes (at least not to my face). But like the first
day of aerobics class, I felt positioned in the back of the room or on the sides of the room and
of low fitness and stamina. I feared being singled out or mocked by others if I couldn’t keep
up! When I was a beginner in group exercise, I also felt like an outsider as I watched other
participants approach the instructor to say “hello” and speak to other class participants.
Like in the exercise psychology lab, the (all female students) in this room had a shared
history and used a particular theoretical and methodological language that was sometimes
foreign to me. I understood history and the effects of it, but this feeling of being outside and
out of place was compounding my theoretical and methodological insecurity (real or
imagined). I felt like I wasn’t a “real social theorist” because I came from psychology—just
like I felt like I wasn’t a real exerciser or athlete the first time I entered the exercise class.
Despite reading theories and methodologies and doing some course work, these women had
been immersed in cultural studies for years. The women finally asked me why I had a key to
the room, and I explained who my doctoral advisor was and what my dissertation was about.
This was met with either an “Oh” or “great – good luck”, and I felt more supported now that I
met some new people(?) Just like after actually experiencing my first exercise class, I found
that what I imagined would happen wasn’t quite so bad and that the people in the room were
not to be feared – everyone was doing their own thing in a group setting, and no one was
looking at me. But the whole experience – in the exercise studio and in the socio-cultural
room-- made me look at myself. Finishing my first exercise class still wasn’t great either;
feeling more mastery over my exercise in public would hopefully come in time when I
persisted and mastered more moves…or would it?
Meanwhile, over in the exercise psychology lab, for the first time in four years I felt like
an outsider amongst the (all male) students as a result of going back and forth between the
two rooms. Our research interests were now disparate and I wanted to bridge things so that
we could still have research conversations in the lab. But I found that being an outsider in the
socio-cultural realm resulted in still not being skilled enough with the theoretical and
methodological concepts to communicate to my friends in psychology what exactly I was
doing or at least trying to do. I felt caught between both disciplines and on the margins and
fringes of both. I was unsure of how to resolve the feelings and tried to rationalize that I was
normal despite not feeling normal within either the lab or the room. Again taking me back to
that first day of exercise class I realized I didn’t want to tread on anyone’s toes and piss
people off in either “the room” or “the lab”, so I might still hang around that back area of both
spaces for a while longer, until I figured things out…
NOT THAT YOU WOULD HAVE ANY KNOWLEDGE OF THIS,

BUT IT AIN’T EASY TO LOSE 20 POUNDS
It is 10:00 pm and I just got home from my interview with Sara’s (one of the neophyte
exercisers in my study) best friend, Lisa. The interview has me feeling excited, dumbfounded,
and guilty. It was a great interview – Lisa was talkative and forthcoming, especially about
Sara. But my head is swimming right now not only because of what she said, but because she
talked about ME. How did I not anticipate that my own body would matter in this project? I
mean I am one of the most narcissistic people I know and love right? I guess I never did
anticipate where I would “fit” within the research, and I am upset about it – upset that it does
matter, upset how it makes me feel, and upset that I didn’t know enough about the literature
to have foreseen such a thing. Sure I was questioned about the “sociology of the body” during
my PhD candidacy – but that was THE body, not MY body.
Lisa was telling me a story about Sara’s reasons for exercising – “primarily weight loss
and to get in shape”. It was a story about Sara trying on size 14 jeans. As she told the story, I
could see that she was proud of Sara, she was very animated and she could hardly convey her
excitement. But she was also angry because none of Sara’s other friends had noticed her
weight loss and how she looked in those “size 14s”. There were many things said in the
interview about weight loss and how that was important for physical activity motivation, but
this story sticks in my mind because she brought me into it; “I was so proud of her, you could
see all her hard work. And it’s not that you would have any knowledge of this, but I’ll fill you
in, because there is no way in hell you know, it ain’t easy to lose 20 pounds, it’s not an easy
thing”. I didn’t know what to say, so I told her that my sister has lost 70 pounds in the past
year on Weight Watchers—I figured this was my naïve attempt at bonding, empathizing, and
being an insider who perhaps had a shared (albeit vicarious) experience.
What did she know about my struggles? And apparently, I know nothing about her’s
either. But I think I do, because I have issues about my own body – don’t all women? Well
perhaps not all women, I am sure the fitness instructor might be an extra special case. Fitness
instructing does that to you– or at least to me. I guess I finally get what Foucault was saying,
or maybe it was Butler; the sociological literature on the body is new to me, but I want to read
more and more(?) No matter it’s something about, “meanings and texts are written on the
body” – people look at you and they make inferences right? I think I had done the same about
her when I saw her as well, wondering if because she was heavier, what kind of exercise she
did and liked to do.
Yet when I began this research on beginner female exercisers and identity, I viewed
myself as an insider because I had come from a non-athletic background and also had
struggled at one time with becoming a regular exercise participant. But apparently some of
the women also viewed me as an outsider because of my body and how it looked. I feel
uncomfortable when some of the participants refer to me as not knowing what their
experiences are or how difficult it is to lose weight, and that “it ain’t easy” to lose 20 pounds.
What did they know of my history? Should I tell them? I didn’t tell them and I wished I had
but I was trying to be a good interviewer and let them speak!
I had always felt like an outsider from sport and exercise until I became a regular
exerciser. I’m not really sure when it began for me, this desire to go from participant to
instructor either; I was the annoying person in the front row I guess. And that was MY spot
from 1987-1994 – no matter which club, in which city, or what province I was in. I had gone
from being scared to enter the room to being the participant who could anticipate the moves
before the instructor could do them – which is funny to me because I had never really been
athletic or what would be considered good at any sort of physical activity in my life; at least,
not in my mind. So when all four of my study participants tell me of their struggles to become
active and that they want to be not only more active, but maybe lose some weight and be
more athletic, I feel like an insider because I’ve never been athletic. I wasn’t on the sport
teams in school. I don’t even remember if I wanted to be on the teams; I’m pretty sure
smoking a cigarette in the washroom was more appealing…I certainly liked to watch sports as
a kid. And I liked to play…but aerobics…it just proved to be my thing!
I am reminded of a conversation Gary (my husband) and I had last week. I have to cut
back on my fitness instructing so that I can focus more on my dissertation and I fear gaining
weight because I will be exercising less. All four of the women that I have interviewed so far
tell me they experience guilt and feel bad about themselves if they eat too much and then miss
their exercise session. I can relate to that but they do not know that I can. Rationally, I know
it’s insane, because I am still teaching about 6-7 hours a week (down from 10 hours). Plus if I
did gain 10 pounds, I would be at a healthier weight most likely. Still I was thinking then, and
I am thinking now, that somehow my ass is becoming fatter. I had asked Gary, “honey, do
you think my ass is getting bigger now that I’m not teaching so much?” Of course he says its
fine, but he never even looked at me when he said it.
JENNIFER’S CONFESSIONAL TALES:

GETTING ACCESS-TO THEM AND ME
As I write about getting access as a simple methodological problem, I find myself
struggling against the ways that my own biography allows me access to the WNBA. I tussle
with the fact that I am constantly revealing myself in the text and struggle with the notion that
my biography could be as central to this story as the biography of the athletes. I seek to
unsettle the boundaries of study and find the seams where my own biography becomes an
integral part of the narrative I am telling about motherhood and athletes. After all:
Personal narrative can educate, empower, and emancipate. . . . Personal narrative can
individualize and over personalize; it can normalize, naturalize, and moralize. . . . But telling
one’s story as a personal narrative always carries risk, existential and political. (Langellier,
2003, p. 447)
I always hesitate to tell the other story—the story of me. I have avoided it thus far,
arguing in my head that personal biography is not germane to the story at hand. Yet, people
always ask, how did you get access? Are you a mother? Was it basketball? I began to realize
the biography—and perhaps the need for there to be more autobiography—in this
ethnography is where I go. I remember my last presentation in Norman Denzin’s class I heard
Norm’s bass voice booming off the deep oak planes of the conference table. “The story is
with you. It is your story of loss and gain that makes the text interesting. You bring their
stories to life.” I watched as the other graduate students nodded. I feared that my work, if
written from the personal perspective, would be dismissed as publishable personal therapy
and would do a disservice to the athletes whose stories I am trying to share and the mothers
whose world I hope to impact. Thus, again I find myself at the crossroads of whose stories to
tell and how to tell them. It is my endless bout of circling back to myself.
KNOCKING ON THE DOOR

Palms sweaty, I pick up the phone. I dial the WNBA’s media representative. She has to
be in. I don’t think I can talk to the secretary again. I have to get permission this time to
interview all the mothers of the WNBA. The phone rings, and—finally—there she is, her
voice richly modulated and professional. Hello, I’m Jennifer Metz, a graduate student at the
University of Illinois. I pause and I know in my heart that she has just stopped listening. I
pick up the pace—andimworkingona PAUSE FOR BREATH
dissertationaboutprofessionalwomensathletics. I know I have lost her even as I begin to run
the words together for speed. I know she is thinking, how does this help me? She is kind
enough to let me finish. I wipe my sweaty palms on my skirt, and I listen to my heart hammer
against my sternum. She pauses, and then —her voice still modulated, but a fraction cooler
and far more brisk (think an athletic Mary Poppins) —says, “Well, you have a team list. Go
ahead and contact each team individually and they will give you each player’s agent and then
you can work with each of them. Thanks for your interest in the WNBA.” I hang up the phone
and sigh.
Calling each team and each agent will be a fruitless endeavor. I will get one or two to
agree and that will only be through incessant wrangling and a good bit of luck. I have seen
and talked to enough people to know that “getting access” is always the key and often the
biggest hurdle. For the mothers to talk to me, I am going to need the league to be behind this.
Sighing again, I know that there are other options, but….The obvious solution for me is to use
a radio station to get the interviews. My father had offered this strategy from the start. Go as
media, otherwise they won’t listen to you. But what does becoming “Media” mean for
academic inquiry? First, would it change the nature of the interviews and the responses that
the athletes would give? Most likely but was giving up what might be said in anonymous
interviews worth possibly losing most of my interviews? Was it really a case of quantity vs.
quality or was I just afraid to do it all on air? I had worked in radio over the course of my
graduate career and I knew that airing interviews, whether live or taped, carried as Langellier
(2003) tells us existential risks nee personal risks. I was going to be exposed. The giggles, the
bad questions and the personal anecdotes meant to relax the participant would now be public
information. Would my own baby lust show in these interviews? Would my own frustration
at not being good enough for the big time be obvious? Worse yet, what if the interviews
tanked? It is bad enough for my dissertation but what about a listening audience? However, in
the end I knew the only way to get the interviews I wanted was to take it to the radio.
A radio station I had worked with in the past, agreed to air the interviews. The radio
station was located outside of Tallahassee, Florida and had a strong African-American
listening audience. The station is largely a gospel station with evolving sports and political
programming. It carries Florida State sports and, most importantly, Florida State football
which guarantees the WNBA a certain number of listeners. So after talking with Chris, the
station manager, and discussing the protocol for the interviews, I now called the WNBA
again, but this time with the full force of a radio station behind me. This time I call the
WNBA and tell them, I’m Jennifer Metz from WTCL radio in Tallahassee, Florida, and
suddenly everything is rolling. I repeat that I will be using these interviews for my
dissertation, and they are enthusiastic about it and say, “We would, of course, love if this was
a book.” It is suddenly a whole new ballgame. We are faxed lists of the women who are
mothers in the leagues. We are given the contact information for the teams and the individual
media personnel, and a memo is sent out to notify the media representatives that the WNBA
is behind the Working Motherhood series. Suddenly, the job of calling each team becomes
much easier.
The first call is to set up an interview with Pamela McGee, a woman who had lost her
children in a custody battle because she was a professional athlete. Pam is in and out of the
league as I prepare to set up the interview. She is thinking about making a comeback for the
Los Angeles Sparks so I call her former team, and with the irony that only happens in the
movies, Pam is sitting in the rep’s office. She was involved in a lawsuit and had a gag order,
so as I go about my spiel, the rep (who thinks I’m the station manager) asks me for Pam what
the interviewer is like, what is her story. This concern is not surprising. They have a
legitimate fear of the media from the motherhood perspective. There is, after all, the radio
shock jock or the militant stay-at-home mom advocate or others who could and would
criticize McGee, badger her about her court case, and so forth. The Dr. Lauras of the world
are well known, and McGee was not about to walk into a media landmine. I tell the media rep
that I have been working in radio on and off for three years, I have a master’s degree in
communications, and I am working on my Ph.D. in sports sociology with a minor in women’s
studies, and she hmms, making affirmative noises and repeating what I say to Pam as I speak.
Finally, I say, “Well, of course, I’m a former Division One basketball player.” The media
rep’s voice visibly brightens as she repeats this information to Pam and then she says to me,
“Well, then you will understand.” What I would understand I wasn’t sure, but I had suddenly
been granted access due to perceived insider status.
I wonder at that moment what I, a white middle-class girl from Rockford, Illinois, will
understand. Sure, I was a Division One athlete at a mid-major university, yet I don’t have
children, and I certainly wasn’t an Olympian or even good enough to play in Europe, much
less the WNBA, so what will I understand?
INTERVIEWING THE SELF

I prepare to interview Tracy Henderson. Equipment is placed around the room.
Microphones are checked and then re-checked. Two basketballs are laid out for her to sign.
My stomach rolls ever so slightly. I recite my mantra: “Maybe she will call and cancel the
interview,” only to respond to myself, “That is a stupid thought.” I am scared. There is a
knock at the door and three women stand on the other side of the threshold: two white
women—a tall blonde, a short brunette (who turns out to be an intern) —and a tall African
American.
After a two-hour delay waiting to leave Cleveland, upon arriving at the hotel, they have
come straight to our room, and the exhaustion is apparent on their faces. The media
spokesperson, Amanda, is a tall blonde with broad shoulders and a long mane of light hair;
within seconds I have mentally nicknamed her “Stressball.” Tension leaps and crackles from
her. She is focused and views this interview and interaction with an air of suspicion. I wonder
why- is she merely tired or is she concerned about Tracy, the team, me, or the topic of
motherhood. Tracy, the interviewee, is African American, tall and epitomizes the slang term
“thick.” She has large muscular thighs, and well-conditioned arms. She is pretty and well-
dressed, clad in a light purple sweater that I vaguely and slightly hysterically wonder if it was
from The Limited, and a long leather coat that give her a chic pulled together look. Tracy
folds her tall body into an armchair and waits; it is like she is waiting for an axe to drop. I seat
myself on the couch, which is perpendicular to Tracy, and turn my body so that I am facing
Tracy and Amanda/Stressball is sitting next to me. Amanda and I are now sitting together, but
Amanda is sitting on the edge of the couch and her posture allows her to see Tracy over my
shoulder while remaining out of my line of sight. The intern has chosen a seat at the table
across the room and is sitting quietly. She is just happy to be there.
I begin to realize that my project is about more than motherhood and professional
athletics. I realize that this process will not be simple or written up easily, but rather it will be
the product of a messy web of emotion, stress, articulation, and fear. Some would say,
“Welcome to dissertation writing,” but I begin to feel the birthing of another part of me, one
that is afraid of myself, the researcher, and “the biases of an ocular, visual epistemology”
(Denzin, 2003, p. 7). I am now desperately aware of my own position in the interview process
and the knowledge of how hard it will be to “unsettle the writer’s place (my place) in the text,
freeing the text and the writer to become interaction productions” (Denzin, 2003, p. 182) is
upon me…
CONCLUSIONS
In the recent book Cultural Sport Psychology (Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009) myself and
Christina Johnson (2009) suggested that a key strength of researcher reflexivity for sport
psychology lies in is its potential to explore power issues in the research process to further
empower disempowered cultures and communities. While in the current chapter we focused
upon confessional tales grounded in post-modernism as but one way to begin to realize these
goals. Such goals can be realized in all research paradigms when researchers maintain an
openness to variation—variation of self, variation of culture, variation of experience of
research participants, and the variation of how data are collected, written up, and ultimately
(re)presented.
Through acknowledging their backgrounds (e.g., education, ethnicity, gender, and
sexuality) and their fears and vulnerabilities researchers can become aware of the different
ways their own self-related views and backgrounds influence the research process in socially
and culturally specific ways (McGannon & Johnson, 2009). As we have tried to show with
our confessional tales, one way that researchers may accomplish self-reflection is by using
field notes and/or personal journals in conjunction with participant interview data to construct
stories about their own personal experiences—good and bad-- in the research process. The
use of confessional tales can also allow us to acknowledge that researcher identities influence
access and gaining trust—which are also complex and multifaceted-- in the research field.
Furthermore, by constructing confessional tales with a post-modern sensibility researchers
can begin to attend to how their own backgrounds and associated identities are complex,
layered, multifaceted and impacted by broader social, cultural and political realms within
academia. Social, cultural and political influences position both researchers and participants
to tell about, and relive, themselves and their experiences in specific ways at particular points
in time in particular contexts. In turn, we are reminded that there are multiple ways to both
experience and frame the knowledge(s) gleaned from our research; there are multiple truths
and not one singular truth because knowledge is partial, local, historical, and fragmented
(Richardson, 2000b). Finally, when confessional tales are constructed from a post-modern
perspective the process and knowledge gained from such tails can be used to acknowledge the
existence and value of viewpoints outside of the researcher’s (i.e., our own) to begin to attend
to and unpack the complex power relationships in the research process. Acknowledging and
unpacking power relationships is important and necessary if the goal is to find ways that
empower marginalized identities and groups within sport and exercise contexts toward
behavioral and social change that benefits their lives, and not just the lives of researchers.
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Chapter 12
USING PSYCHOLOGICAL SKILLS TRAINING FROM

SPORT PSYCHOLOGY TO ENHANCE THE LIFE
SATISFACTION OF ADOLESCENT MEXICAN ORPHANS
Stephanie J. Hanrahan*
Schools of Human Movement Studies and Psychology
The University of Queensland, Australia
CHAPTER SUMMARY
In 2005 Rob Schinke contacted me to inquire if I’d be interested in contributing to a
special edition of Athletic Insight that would focus on cultural sport psychology. The
invitation was based on previous work I had done with Indigenous Australians, but at the time
I received the Rob’s email I was running an intervention program at Nuestros Pequeños
Hermanos (NPH) in Mexico, so I asked if that would be an appropriate focus for the article.
Although I doubt he was expecting his Australian contact to write about an experience in
Mexico, that is what happened (see Hanrahan, 2005). This chapter is based on that Athletic
Insight manuscript, but has been extended with information from a qualitative analysis of
participants’ responses to open-ended questions about the program and its possible effects
(data that I had not yet analysed at the time of the initial submission to Athletic Insight).
Nuestros Pequeños Hermanos (NPH) cares for orphaned and abandoned children in Latin
America (see www.nphamigos.org for complete information). NPH was founded in 1954 in
Mexico and currently has homes in nine Latin American countries. The main facility in
Miacatlán, Mexico is home for almost 1000 children (referred to as pequeños rather than
orphans) with approximately 200 additional older children attending the NPH vocational
school in nearby Cuernavaca. It was with these older children that I spent the month of
January, 2005.
*
Correspondence concerning this manuscript should be addressed to: Stephanie Hanrahan, School of Human
Movement Studies, The University of Queensland, Queensland 4072, Australia. E-mail: steph@hms.uq.edu.au
172 Stephanie J. Hanrahan
A number of years ago my mother visited the home in Miacatlán and she mailed me a
photograph of the children playing volleyball using a piece of string with plastic bags pinned
to it as the net. Having spent 18 years of my life playing volleyball at an elite level, I felt
compelled to improve their sporting equipment. Donations from friends and colleagues in
Brisbane, Australia were collected and sent. A year or two later I was wondering if helping a
team win a few extra games each season was really making a significant difference in the
grand scheme of things. As a sport psychologist I have spent years teaching psychological
skills to athletes, exercisers, and performing artists. In my undergraduate classes I often
mention how psychological skills were not only beneficial for enhancing performance and
enjoyment of participation, but also for learning skills useful in areas of life outside of sport.
The arrival of an NPH newsletter in the mail one day caused a synergy of these different
cognitions and spawned the idea of teaching psychological skills to the pequeños.
For more than 20 years it has been known that participating in adventure-based/active
recreation programs is superior to participating in social recreation programs in terms of
creating enhanced attitudes and actions regarding cooperation and trust (e.g., Witman, 1987).
It has also been demonstrated that physically active games can be used to develop skills of
problem solving and decision making under pressure (Howarth, 1996). Physical activity on its
own has been linked with perceived life satisfaction of high school adolescents (Valois,
Zullig, Huebner, & Drane, 2004). In addition, Petlichkoff (2004) has suggested that
psychological skills influence psychological well-being, particularly for children and
adolescents. I believed that if underpriveleged teenagers developed skills of problem solving,
decision making, trust, and communication in addition to the more standard psychological
skills taught in many sport psychology programs (e.g., goal setting, self talk), that their
quality of life would improve. I wanted to practice what I preach to my undergraduate
students by exploring the potential value of mental skills in enhancing life outside of sport.
Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to determine if the combination of physically
active games and psychological skills could enhance the self-concept and life satisfaction of
Mexican teenage orphans. Self concept was selected as one of the dependent variables
because it has been considered to be one of the most important indicators of psychological
adjustment (Byrne, 1996).
I was not interested in measuring specific psychological skills because it was not clear to
me how meaningful it would be to know that these individuals had improved their ability to
set goals or to concentrate. I also was not interested in measuring sporting performance as not
all of the participants competed in sport. I decided that even though there was probably a
greater chance of obtaining statistically significant improvement in the knowledge or use of
targeted psychological skills, it would be more meaningful to know if psychological skills
training could influence self-concept or perceived life satisfaction.
The intervention program I used was based on a program I developed while working at
the Aboriginal Centre for the Performing Arts in Australia (Hanrahan, 2004). Although the
two cultures (Australian Aboriginal and Mexican) are different, both groups of participants
had similarities in terms of poverty and its accompanying societal disadvantages. I did not
drastically change the content of the program, but I obviously translated all handouts and ran
the program in Spanish. In addition, in Mexico I ran sessions separately for boys and girls,
due to the potential effects of the machismo aspects of Mexican culture affecting the openness
of participants. Ojeda, Rosales, and Good (2008) found that Mexican American college men
held significantly more traditional (i.e., macho) attitudes toward male roles on indicators of
Using Psychological Skills Training from Sport Psychology to Enhance the Life… 173
masculinity (e.g., men should be physically tough, self-assurance in men is admirable, men
should not display traits characteristic of women, it is essential for men to gain others’
respect) compared to a normative sample of U.S. men. I must admit that my selection of
questionnaires for the study was in part determined by finding ones that had already been
psychometrically validated in Spanish.
METHOD
Participants
Thirty four of the adolescents (14 girls and 20 boys) at NPH in Cuernavaca volunteered
to participate in a three week daily program advertised to teach skills that would help them
with sport, work, music, or any other area of achievement. Ages ranged from 15 to 20 with a
mean of 17.09 years. They had been at NPH for an average of 6.97 years (range 1.16 to 16
years). These statistics mean that some of the pequeňos had been at NPH almost their entire
lives, where as others were more recent arrivals. The more recent arrivals may have been
recently orphaned or may have been living on the street or with distant relatives for years
before finding their way NPH. The NPH facility in Cuernavaca for older adolescents requires
that they attend a vocational school to learn a trade to support themselves. Participants in my
program were studying tourism (n = 10), computers (n = 10), childcare (n = 6), electronics (n
= 5), or accounting (n =3)
Instruments
Participants completed a demographic sheet that included sex, age, and time spent at
NPH, as well as questionnaires to measure self-concept, life satisfaction, and an evaluation of
the program.
Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents. Harter’s (1988) Self-Perception Profile for
Adolescents (SPPA) is an instrument designed to measure multiple dimensions of self-
concept in the adolescent stage of development. Based on Harter’s (1985) Self-Perception
Profile for Children, the SPPA measures a variety of self-concept dimensions (e.g., physical
appearance, social acceptance) as well as global self-worth. Numerous researchers (e.g.,
Eiser, Eiser, & Harvermans, 1995; Trent, Rusell, & Cooney, 1994; Worrell, 1997) have tested
the psychometrics of the English version of the SPPA, resulting in support of slightly
different subscales. Of most relevance to the present study, Pastor, Balaguer, Atienza and
García-Merita (2001) tested a Spanish version of the SPPA with students aged 15 to 18 years
and found support for six clearly differentiated self-concept dimensions ( i.e., Scholastic
Competence, Physical Appearance, Athletic Competence, Behavioral Conduct, Close
Friendship, and Social Acceptance) as well as a unidimensional subscale of Global Self-
Worth. Cronbach Alphas ranged from .62 to .90. The items pertaining to Job Competence
from the original SPPA were omitted as they were believed to be irrelevant to the
participants. As job competence was also irrelevant to the sample in this study, the Spanish
translation from the Pastor et al. study was used. Items were scored on the subscales obtained
in the previous Spanish study, thus ignoring the items designed to measure Romantic
Attraction.
Satisfaction With Life Scale. The Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS) is a multi-item
scale developed by Diener, Emmons, Larsen, and Griffin (1985) to measure life satisfaction
without the possibly confounding factors of enthusiasm or apathy. The original English
version has been found to have good internal consistency and test-retest reliability (Pavot &
Diener, 1993). Atienza, Pons, Balaguer, and García-Merita (2000) had the SWLS translated
into Spanish, the only change being the use of a 5-point rather than the original 7-point Likert
scale. A confirmatory factor analysis indicated that the model fit was acceptable. The Spanish
version of the SWLS was also found to have good internal consistency and construct validity
(Atienza et al.). Relevant to the present study, Atienza et al. tested the instrument on
adolescents.
Qualitative questionnaire. Participants were invited to complete a one page sheet with
five open-ended questions with additional space to make any additional comments. Within
the questionnaire pequeňos were asked to list three things they had learned in the program,
what they liked most, what they liked least, what they would be most likely to remember from
the program in one year, and what they had learned that they would use in their daily lives.
Responses were divided into meaning units (i.e., segments of text containing a single idea
relating to specific topic) for each question. The author and a Spanish speaking research
assistant independently clustered meaning units into themes. In the few instances where there
was disagreement as to what a particular theme should be labeled or to which theme a
particular meaning unit belonged, discussion took place until 100% agreement was reached.
The themes were only translated to English after the completion of the inductive content
analysis.
Procedure
The program contained 15 sessions of approximately 90 minutes each, with separate

sessions for girls and boys. Sessions were held on weekdays for three weeks. The first session
began, and the final session ended, with the completion of the SPPA and the SWLS, using
codes instead of names to ensure anonymity. The overarching theme for the program was
“Control the Controllable.” Individual sessions contained discussions and activities related to
optimal activation, concentration and attention, imagery, self-talk, time-management, and
self-confidence. Each participant was given a folder in which to keep handouts and written
exercises. Australian stickers were used as rewards for punctual attendance. Each session also
contained active games, the majority or which were designed to develop teamwork,
communication, and trust (see Hanrahan & Carlson, 2000). Many of the participants played
soccer and/or basketball, so examples from these sports were used within the sessions.
However, because not all of the participants were athletes, examples were also taken from
other achievement domains in which the pequeños were involved (i.e., studying, music,
dancing, and writing).
RESULTS
Attendance
School examinations, dentist appointments, illness, soccer games, dance rehearsals, and
apathy all contributed to absences. Participants attended an average of 8.82 of the 15 sessions
(range 1 to 13). The four participants who attended fewer than 5 sessions were omitted from
the analyses. An additional four participants were also omitted as they failed to complete the
post-test. Missing data meant that between 24 and 26 pequeños who attended at least five
sessions had complete pre-test and post-test data for the various scales.
Paired Sample Statistics
The program resulted in significant increases in life satisfaction (t(24) = -2.92, p = .008),
global self-worth (t(25) = -2.37, p = .026), and physical appearance self-concept (t(24) = -
2.29, p = .031). See Table 1 for means and standard deviations. The mean increase in life
satisfaction was .33 on a 5 point scale. For the four pequeños who only attended one or two
sessions the mean increase was only .05 between pre-test and post-test. Global self-worth
increased an average of .30 on a 4-point scale for those who attended five or more sessions,
but decreased .33 for those who only attended one or two sessions.
Table 1. Pre- and Post-test Means and Standard Deviations
Pre-test Mean Post-test Mean

Scale
(SD) (SD)
Life Satisfaction 3.59 (.85) 3.92 (.62)
Global Self-
2.90 (.60) 3.20 (.63)
Worth
Physical
2.84 (.86) 3.22 (.88)
Appearance
Social
2.50 (.88) 2.68 (.84)
Acceptance
Behavioral
2.68 (.75) 2.81 (.81)
Conduct
Athletic
2.78 (.81) 2.66 (.87)
Competence
Close Friendship 2.72 (1.06) 2.89 (.90)
Scholastic
2.11 (.44) 2.26 (.72)
Competence
Qualitative Data
During the final session or the program, nineteen of the participants responded to the five
open-ended questions about the program and its possible effects. Overall, feedback about the
program was positive. The most frequently cited responses when participants were asked to
list three things they had learned were controlling the controllable, patience/tolerance, and
specific mental skills (e.g., goal setting, imagery). The pequeňos predicted that in one year
they would remember goal setting, positive thoughts, how to have confidence in self and
others, and the games. In their daily lives they felt they would use skills related to self-
confidence and how to work effectively in groups. The participants most liked the games,
their personal successes and achievements, and sharing with the group. They least liked it
when they didn’t play, when they had to write, and the negative attitudes of others.
DISCUSSION
Although the program never specifically focused on life satisfaction, global self-worth, or
physical appearance self-concept, it appears as though the acquisition of psychological skills
commonly included in sport psychology programs effectively increased scores in these
variables. The study is limited by the absence of a control group, although the minimal
change or decrease in means of the four participants who did not attend at least five sessions
suggest that participation in the program rather than some confounding variable was
responsible for the observed results (although of course these individuals were not randomly
assigned to a control group). These findings support Petlichkoff’s (2004) contention that
psychological skills are beneficial for learning techniques useful in areas of life outside of
sport. As physical appearance was never addressed within the program, it is not clear why
physical appearance self-concept improved after the program. Possibly when people are
happier with themselves and their lives, they may rate their appearances less harshly (see
Neto, 2001).
Although control was not specifically measured, I believe that participation in the
program gave the pequeños a sense of control that may have been missing in their lives. In the
institutional environment of the orphanage pequeňos have no control over what they eat,
when they eat, what time they get up, what chores they are assigned, with whom they share a
room (some larger rooms contain 30+ teenagers in bunk beds), or what clothes they own
(dependent on donations). In the second session of the program the participants were asked to
list six things they could control and six things they could not control. The majority of the
participants could list a number of things they could not control (which is not particularly
surprising given the institutionalized environment), but few could think of anything they
could control. During a session near the end of the program almost all the pequeños could list
more than 20 things they could control including thoughts, images, activation levels, what
they do with time, how they respond to situations, and how much effort they put into different
activities. Petlichkoff (2004) suggested that acquiring psychological skills encourages
adolescents to become self-regulated learners, and that self-regulated learners develop
strategies to improve performance and interact more effectively with their environment.
In the qualitative data, controlling the controllable was the most frequently cited thing the
participants felt they had learned in the program, perhaps supporting the issue of control for
this population, although maybe just reflecting the nature of the intervention. Participant
feedback underscored the value of the games, but also indicated that participants could learn
things from the intervention that were not specifically targeted (e.g., patience/tolerance). An
implication for program evaluators is that seemingly similar questions (e.g., list three things
you learned, what are things you learned that you will use in your daily life, and in one year
what (if anything) do you think you will remember from this program) can result in notably
different answers.
Cultural Issues
“Culture” is a difficult concept to define. Culture has been defined simply by race,
religious beliefs, communal rituals, and shared traditions. On a more complex level, culture
refers to the manner in which behaviors, beliefs, and knowledge “are produced through
systems of meaning, through structures of power, and through the institutions in which these
are deployed” (Donald & Rattansi, 1992, p. 4). I am a white American Australian who was
working with a group of Latino adolescents in a Catholic based organization (I am not
Catholic), where all communication occurred in Spanish. Aside from the differences in race,
religion, and first language, I had grown up in a family home with two parents and one sister.
Although some of the participants had experienced a traditional home environment for the
initial stages of their lives, others had lived on the street or in huge rubbish dumps outside of
Mexico City before arriving at NPH, an institutionalized environment with little privacy.
Although I had struggled financially when I was a university student, I did not have the
experience of true poverty experienced by many of the pequeños. Therefore, to consider that
the only cultural difference between myself and the participants was that I was Australian and
they were Mexican is naïve and misleading. The fact that I stayed at the orphanage (rather
than a nearby hotel), lined up with the pequeños with a bowl and spoon for lunches and
dinners, and saw them outside of my sessions helped with the development of rapport and my
understanding of some of the colloquialisms. My genuine interest in Latin dance also
probably broke a few barriers, with a few occasions of spontaneous salsa or merengue. My
temporary immersion into life at NPH allowed me to get at least a little insight into their
current environment.
Punctuality was not an ingrained concept with the participants. I do not know whether
this was a by-product of Mexican culture or NPH culture. When buses were organized to take
all of the adolescents from Cuernavaca to Miacatlán for the day, I officially was told the
buses would be leaving at 7:30. Many of the pequeños told me not to bother to show up until
7:45 or 8:00 as there was no way the buses would leave at 7:30. They were correct; we left
shortly after 8:00. Similar leniency was noted for departures for soccer games, meeting times,
and even dinner time. Although the director threatened to lock them out of the dining hall if
they arrived more than 5 minutes late, the very next evening dinner was 45 minutes late in
being ready so everyone was told to come late. Inconsistent reinforcement of punctuality by
the sub-directors probably exacerbated the issue, as sometimes they lectured about the
importance of being on time, and other times they were late themselves. For my first few
sessions it was typical to have more than half of each group arriving more than 30 minutes
late. As the time for sessions was limited by access to the hall and other activities of the
participants, I needed to shorten sessions, and therefore could not cover what I had planned. I
initially tried to deal with the tardiness by having the fun games at the beginning of the
session, but as many of the games required a minimum number of participants, this strategy
was not successful. I then enlisted the help of a sub-director to remind people what time the
sessions began, and rewarded prompt arrival with stickers of Australian animals (which had
earlier proved to be popular). Although I do not know whether it was the result of sticker
rewards, reminders by the sub-director, or the participants’ desire to be involved in the

program, punctuality dramatically improved. The “culture” of tardiness changed.
Applied Practice with Mexican Orphans
It is difficult to provide readers with a specific protocol to follow if working with

Mexican orphans or a similar population. The personalities and behaviors of specific
individuals involved in such a program have greater influence than the general culture from
which they come. If I were to run a program with a similar population, I would, however,
keep in mind the following:
• Recognize that designated times for activities may be adhered to loosely. Many
cultures have different perceptions about the relevancy and importance of
punctuality.
• Providing bottled water or snacks may increase attendance, and also enhance
attention in the late afternoon. The participants did not have opportunities for after
school snacks that may be readily available to others in this age group.
• Stickers are not just for little children. Even boys in their late teens responded
positively to receiving stickers. Poverty and a life of deprivation can result in
appreciation of small things that other teenagers may consider boring.
• Having single-sex groups is useful. Since this study at the orphanage I have done
similar programs with Mexican teenagers living in poverty in two different towns. In
one town, it was not possible to have single-sex groups. I believe that having a mixed
group was less effective for both the boys and the girls.
• Provide paper and pens or pencils. As these implements cost money, few participants
within this population would have their own.
• The games are important, for both learning and enjoyment purposes. Particularly
because the sessions were held after school (i.e., a day full of sitting), having the
opportunity to move and interact would have energized some tired participants as
well as allowed them to learn by doing.
• Encourage participants to work with each other, and allow input and discussion from
them to ensure content is culturally and personally meaningful. This format may also
reinforce the sense of controlling the controllable.
• Probably an obvious comment, but when working with orphans, avoid reference to
family.
• Recognize that children who have grown up on the streets may not know their actual
birthdays. In many cases there are no family doctors or relatives who tend to keep
records of such things.
• Although they may not have a high level of education, internet access, parents to
guide them, or books, they do have a lot of life experience. In many cases they have
learned how to survive in situations that many readers of this chapter would find
extremely challenging.
Future Directions
Results of this relatively small study indicate that psychological skills traditionally taught
within sport psychology may enhance the global self-worth and perceived life-satisfaction of
orphans in Mexico. NPH has homes in eight other Latin American countries, and I would
enjoy the opportunity to extend the program to these locations. The research protocol could
be improved through the involvement of control groups and preferably age-matched
participants who are not orphans. Ideally local psychologists could attend an initial program
in each country, modify it if needed to suit their specific clientele, and make the program an
on-going enterprise.
REFERENCES
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de al Escala de Satisfacción con la Vida en adolescentes. [Psychometric properties of the
satisfaction with life scale in adolescents.] Psicothema, 12(2), 314-319.
Byrne, B. M. (1996). Measuring self-concept across the life span: Issues and instrumentation.
Washington: APA.
Diener, E., Emmons, R., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction With Life Scale.
Journal of Personality Assessment, 49, 71-75.
Donald, J. & Rattansi, A. (Eds.) (1992). ‘Race’, culture and difference. London: Sage.
Eiser, C., Eiser, S., & Harvermans, T. (1995). The measurement of self-esteem: Practical
theoretical considerations. Personality and Individual Differences, 18(3), 429-433.
Hanrahan, S.J., & Carlson, T.B. (2000). GameSkills: A fun approach to learning sport skills.
Hanrahan, S.J. (2004). Sport psychology and indigenous performing artists. The Sport
Hanrahan, S. J. (2005). Using psychological skills training from sport psychology to enhance
the life satisfaction of Mexican orphans. Athletic Insight, 7(3).
http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol7Iss3/UsingSportPsych.htm
Harter, S. (1988). Manual for the Self-Perception Profile for Children. Denver, CO:
University of Denver.
Howarth, K. (1996). Qualitative study of the teaching of thinking skills in physical education.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Temple University.
Neto, F. (2001). Personality predictors of happiness. Psychological Reports, 88, 817-824.
Ojeda, L., Rosales, R., & Good. G. E. (2008). Socioeconomic status and cultural predictors
of male role attitudes among Mexican American men: Son más machos? Psychology of
Men & Masculinity, 9(3), 133-138.
Pastor, Y., Balaguer, I., Atienza, F. L., & García-Merita, M. L. (2001). Análisis de las
propiedades psicométricas del Perfil de Autopercepciones para Adolescentes (Harter,
1988) en adolescentes valencianos. [Analyses of psychometric properties of the Self-
Perception Profile for Adolescents (Harter, 1988) in Valencian adolescents.]
IberPsicología, 6.1.1, 1-21.
Pavot, W., & Diener, E. (1993). The affective and cognitive contest of self-report measures of
subjective well-being. Social Indicators Research, 28, 1-20.
Petlichkoff, L. M. (2004). Self-regulation skills for children and adolescents. In M. R. Weiss
(Ed.), Developmental sport and exercise psychology: A lifespan perspective (pp. 269-
288). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology.
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adolescence. Australian Journal of Psychology, 46, 21-28.
Valois, R. F., Zullig, K. J., Huebner, E. S., & Drane, J. W. (2004). Physical activity behaviors
and perceived life satisfaction among public high school adolescents. The Journal of
School Health, 74(2), 59-65.
Witman, J. P. (1987). The efficacy of adventure programming in the development of
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Worrell, F. C. (1997). Measures of self-concept. Lincoln, NE: Buros Institute of Mental
Measurements.
Chapter 13
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTING

WITH LATIN AMERICAN ATHLETES
Anthony P. Kontos1 and Erick Arguello2

Humboldt State University, Arcata, California1
Central Louisiana State Hospital, Alexandria, Louisiana2, USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
The overarching goal of this chapter is to provide the sport psychology consultant with
information about Latin American cultural groups in relation to sport psychology consulting.
In so doing, we review key multicultural terms and concepts, such as worldview (i.e., relation
self to the cultural world) and acculturation (i.e., identification with dominant culture) as they
relate to Latin American cultures and athletes. We also review briefly the historical context of
some of the many and diverse attributes of Latin American cultural groups. Next, we discuss
the importance of avoiding a universal perspective of culture when working with Latin
American athletes. We then provide an overview of Latin American cultural beliefs and
practices that might affect sport psychology consulting. We incorporate factors such as
geography, SES, and gender into our discussion of Latin American culture and its effects on
athletes. We encourage the adoption of a multicultural framework for sport psychology
consulting proposed by Kontos (2009),and then apply this approach to a case involving a
Latin American athlete. Finally, we advocate for increasing the number of Latin American
sport psychology consultants, and enhancing the Latin American cultural competency and
training of current and future sport psychology consultants.
Major League Baseball (MLB) player Sammy Sosa is from the Dominican Republic.
National Basketball Association (NBA) player Manu Ginóbili is from Argentina. Major
League Soccer (MLS) player Jaime Moreno is from Bolivia. The list goes on. Approximately
37% of the players in MLB are from Latin America (Lapchick, 2005). Many of these players
come from the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and more recently, Venezuela. Currently,
14% of Major League Soccer (MLS) players are from Latin America (Lapchick, 2005). The
NBA has only recently begun to see an influx of foreign athletes, and currently counts 13 of
its total players from Latin America. Given the increased numbers of Latin American athletes
182 Anthony P. Konto and Erick Arguello
training and competing in the U.S., it is surprising that there is little information in the sport
psychology literature regarding the issues, cultures and provisions of sport psychology
consulting services to these athletes. The few studies (e.g., Kontos, 2009; Kontos & Breland-
Noble, 2002) that have examined multicultural issues related to sport psychology consulting
in the U.S. have presented only limited information about Latin American cultural groups.
The reality is that many sport psychology consultants in the U.S. are currently, or will in the
future be working with athletes from Latin America, andtheir work would greatly benefit
from an understanding of the cultures from which these athletes come.
A sport psychology consultant would be remiss to assume that athletes from Ireland,
Portugal, and Greece represented the same cultural group, in spite of their shared European
geography. Instead, these European countries and their concomitant cultures are typically
viewed individually. As a result of this perception, athletes from each country would be
approached individually as Irish, Portuguese, and Greek, respectively. In the U.S. however,
similarly disparate cultural groups such as Cubans, Argentines, and Mexicans are practically
lumped together as Hispanic or Latino. Technically, the term Hispanic suggests Spanish
heritage (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001), but more often refers to athletes from North, Central
and South America and the Caribbean whose primary language is Spanish. Hispanic does
have negative connotations, and its use has decreased in favor of the term Latino, which
broadly refers to athletes who come from Latin America, but who do not necessarily speak
Spanish, nor have Spanish heritage such as Brazilians. Although both of these cultural
categorizations may be convenient, they are based on the presumption that athletes from Latin
America share most of their culture. In reality, athletes from Latin America, a term that is
used to loosely define the geopolitical area from Mexico in the north to Tierra del Fuego in
Chile and Argentina in the south, differ widely in language (e.g., Spanish, Portuguese,
French, indigenous and hybrid languages),and cultural practices and beliefs (e.g., religion,
customs: Colburn, 2002). Therefore, it is important for sport psychology consultants who
might work with athletes from Latin America to be aware of the unique cultural factors such
as language, geography, religion and nationality that might affect their work with athletes
who are conveniently categorized as Latino.
Martens, Mobley and Zizzi (2000) advocated for increasing the knowledge of cultural
groups among sport psychology consultants. They acknowledged the current lack of this
information in sport psychology, and directed the reader to several excellent multicultural
counseling resources (e.g., Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1998; Sue & Sue, 1999). However, in
these resources, the authors do not discuss issues specific to sport or their application to sport
psychology consulting per se. Moreover, they are not specific to Latin Americans. More
recently, Schinke and Hanrahan (2009)have added an excellent resource for sport psychology
consultants titled Cultural Sport Psychology that addresses the void in sport-specific
information and contains information covering Latin American athletes. Specifically, chapters
by Kontos (2009) and Moraes and Salmela (2009) address Latin American athletes in the U.S.
and Brazil, respectively.
The goal in the current chapter is to provide the sport psychology consultant with
information about Latin American cultural groups in relation to sport psychology consulting.
We approached the chapter from a multidimensional perspective and have included
information from psychology, sociology, history, and other disciplines. In this contribution,
we review key multicultural terms and concepts, such as worldview (i.e., relation self to the
cultural world) and acculturation (i.e., identification with dominant culture). Following, an
Sport Psychology Consulting with Latin American Athletes 183
overview of the various historical influences on Latin American culture is provided. Next, we
discuss the importance of avoiding a universal perspective of culture. Then we provide an
overview of Latin American cultural beliefs and practices that might affect sport psychology
consulting. Finally, we considerand apply a multicultural framework for sport psychology
consulting proposed by Kontos (2009) to a case involving a Latin American athlete. In order
to simplify this inherently complex discussion, we have excluded English (e.g., Jamaica) and
French (e.g., Haiti) speaking cultures from our discussion. We hope that this chapter will
provide the reader with an introduction to Latin American culture in relation to sport
psychology, and will serve as a catalyst for further discussion and research involving Latin
American athletes.
MULTICULTURAL CONCEPTS AND TERMS

Before delving into the cultural characteristics of Latin American athletes it is important
to discuss the two key elements that affect our cultural interpretations: worldview and
acculturation. We will begin by examining the concept of worldview and how it might
influence our theoretical approach to working with Latin American athletes.
Worldview
The development of awareness and understanding of any cultural group must be preceded
by an understanding of our selves in relation to the world around us and specifically to the
athletes with which we might work. This understanding is broadly referred to as a worldview
(Sue, 1981). The importance of incorporating a worldview into consulting, mental health, and
related services has been advocated in the literature (e.g., Brown & Landrum-Brown, 1995).
The application of a worldview to work with athletes has received little attention in the sport
psychology literature with a few notable exceptions. Kontos and Breland-Noble (2002)
provided the first examination of a worldview in relation to sport psychology consulting with
different cultural groups in the U.S. Kontos (2009) provided a subsequent review of this
information in the Schinke and Hanrahan (2009) book. Other researchers (Blodgett, Schinke,
Fisher, George, Peltier, Ritchie, et al., 2008; Schinke, R., Hanrahan, S., Eys, M., Blodgett, A.,
Peltier, D., Ritchie, S., et al., 2008) have highlighted the importance of cultural perspective
when conducting research or working with Canadian Aborginal groups.However, the focus of
the worldview discussion in these articles was either purposely broad or specific to a different
cultural group, and did not examine worldview in relation to specific Latin American cultures
and athletes.
A worldview is constructed from one’s personal history and interaction with individuals
from different cultural groups, media portrayals of these groups, and institutionalized (i.e.,
family, education, religion) sociocultural views. Theoretical orientations also affect one’s
worldview (Ivey, Ivey, & Simek-Morgan, 1997). For example, a sport psychology consultant
with a cognitive behavioral theoretical orientation might adopt a worldview that focuses on
short-term, action-focused, educational solutions. In contrast, a sport psychology consultant
with an existential theoretical orientation might adopt a worldview that focuses more on
listening to the athlete’s concerns and allowthe athlete to find his or her own way. Each of
these orientations might provide effective consulting depending on the situation and the
athlete. However, the incorporation of a multicultural worldview into these and other (e.g.,
psychodynamic) theoretical orientations would allow the sport psychology consultant to
consider the cultural context of the athlete. A multicultural worldview encompasses group
identity (i.e., cultural consciousness), individual identity (i.e., self-concept), beliefs (e.g.,
spirituality), values (e.g., family), and language (Dana, 1993) and should be integrated into
existing sport psychology theories and approaches to consulting work with athletes. We
believe that as sport psychology consultants, we must first examine our own perceptions (and
in some cases, misperceptions!) about Latin American cultures before attempting to
understand or work with an athlete from these cultures.
Acculturation/Enculturation
Cultural context is determined by the level of enculturation and acculturation of a

particular athlete. Enculturation refers to an athlete’s identification with and engagement in
the cultural beliefs, values and practices of their own culture (Berry, 1993). For example, a
young baseball player named Pedro who recently arrived in the U.S. from the Dominican
Republic to play minor league baseball might continue to speak primarily Spanish, contact his
mother via phone daily, make the ‘sign of the cross’ before he bats, and have a daily
‘cafecito’ (small coffee) after practice; all of which would indicate a high level of
enculturation. Acculturation on the other hand is an athlete’s identification with and
engagement in the dominant culture’s practices (Landrine & Klonoff, 1994). For example
Lucia, a collegiate basketball player who was born in Brazil, has lived most of her life in
Chicago. She acts and dresses like her American-born teammates, listens to the same music as
them, and speaks English as her first language. Lucia is detached from the culture beliefs and
values of her parents, and only speaks Portuguese during her infrequent phone calls to her
Grandparents, who still live in Brazil. She shares more in common culturally with her peers
than her family and Brazilian heritage. As these examples suggest, being sensitive to an
athlete’s tendency towards acculturation (as in the case of Lucia) or enculturation (as in the
case of Pedro)can help the sport psychology consultant avoid making erroneous cultural
assumptions and stereotyping athletes and their behaviors in sport.It is important to note that
an athlete’s level of enculturation/acculturation should be viewed as a sliding continuum on
which an athlete might shift based between more acculturated to more enculturated based on
situational and other factors.
It is important to note that these processes are influenced by the length of time immersed
in the dominant culture, as indicated in the examples above. Moreover,
enculturation/acculturation are malleable and might change over the course of multiple
consulting sessions or a competitive season. For example, the first author consulted with a
female tennis player from Colombia named Marina who recently came to the U.S. to compete
in NCAA Division I tennis. What follows is adiscussion of her case (see Case 1).
Case 1- Acculturation/Enculturation
At the time, Marina is a 20 year old Division I women’s tennis player. She had left
Colombia more than a year ago to play tennis on a scholarship at an urban Division I
university in the Southeastern U.S. Previously, she was a member of the Colombian Junior
National tennis program, and received several offers to play at universities in the U.S. She
had never traveled outside of Latin America or been away from her family and culture for
extended periods of time, and rarely spoke English outside of the classroom. Although she
did well in the classroom during her first season, she performed poorly in tennis, and did not
interact much with her teammates and mostly male coaching staff. Her coaches described her
as “anxious and quiet, but determined” and “hard working” during her first year.
Consequently, they referred Marina to the first author for several performance enhancement
(consulting) sessions to work on her confidence. During our initial meeting, several issues
related to enculturation/acculturation that affected her behavior and performance became
apparent. When Marina first arrived in the U.S. she was very enculturated, particularly in
regard to her concerns about letting her family down, which created performance anxiety
during her first few competitions; and troubles interacting with coaches and teammates,
which resulted from a lack of confidence in her English speaking ability and her perceptions
of her societal role as a female. The first author incorporated Marina’s enculturation into his
understanding of her case, and subsequent work with her on enhancing her confidence.
Specifically, the first author facilitated an open discussion between Marina and her parents
about Marina’s and their expectations, which were not as high as Marina perceived.
Moreover, the first author and Marina worked on communicating openly with teammates and
coaches when she was uncertain about the meaning of any conversations or instructions. As a
result, Marina improved her performance, and by the end of her first competitive season had
moved up to #2 singles and was playing confidently. At the beginning of her second season of
competition Marina’s coaches noticed a change in her attitude and concentration level at
practice and in the classroom. Both they and several teammates now described her as
“arrogant and cocky” although she was no longer anxious. Her coaches referred Marina to the
author again, this time for attitude and motivation issues, and they began talking to her about
the possible withdrawal of her scholarship if she did not change her behavior. The author was
surprised by the sudden change in her behavior and decided to confirm the coaches’
perceptions by observing her at practice. Sure enough, Marina’s behavior had changed
considerably as indicated by her coaches. The author also noticed that she left practice in a
car full of students who were not athletes and had not been in her social circle the year before.
At the start of her second year of school and after living in the U.S. for a year, she had
become more acculturated to the dominant U.S. culture. In fact, Marina indicated that she had
decided not to go back to Colombia during the summer and instead had practiced English and
started socializing and “clubbing” with her new American friends, and was essentially living
what she called “the American life.” Behaviorally, she displayed a new found confidence in
her performance (having let go of her fear of failing her parents in Colombia and minimizing
the need for contact with them by spending time with her new friends), and interacted with
her coaches in a more direct and challenging manner (having developed her English skills in
the summer and realizing that traditional Latin American feminine roles are not the norm in
the U.S.).Marina’s change in confidence and interactions with her coaches resulted in her
being perceived as arrogant by her teammates and dismissive of her coaches. However, she
was unaware of these effects and their relation to her new and rapid acculturation, and
thought that her coaches and teammates were simply jealous of her performance. The new
issues that arose from her rapid acculturation played a significant role in the author’s work
with Marina. This example illustrates the need for the sport psychology consultant to continue
to be sensitive to the dynamic processes of enculturation/acculturation among Latin American

athletes, which can evolve rapidly.
Assessment of Acculturation
As in the preceding case, determining a Latin American athlete’s level of acculturation

should involve a combination of interviewing and observation. When appropriate, such an
assessment might also involve formal written assessments conducted during the sport
psychology intake and at other times during the therapeutic relationship. Acculturation scales
such as the 20-item Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans (ARSMA: Cuellar,
Harris, & Jasso, 1980) and the 8-item Cuban Behavioral Identity Questionnaire (CBIQ:
Garcia & Lega, 1979) can be used with these specific adult Latin American subpopulations.
Although the ARSMA and CBIQ are preferred when working with athletes from Mexican
American and Cuban American subpopulations respectively, they cannot be applied to other
Latin American cultural groups. Two measures that both offer a strong theoretical foundation,
validity and reliability for use across Latin American cultural groups include the 20-item
Multidimensional Scale of Cultural Differences (Olmedo, Martinez & Martinez, 1978) and
the 57-item Multicultural Experience Inventory (Ramirez, 1984). A very concise (12 items)
and practical measure for use in sport psychology consulting is the Hispanic Acculturation
Scale developed by Marin et al. (1987). It is important to note that the across-group
assessments are validated using primarily Mexican-American samples. Their validity with
other Latin American cultural groups and with athletes specifically is unknown. We believe
that because sport is a unique environment in which culture is expressed, the development of
an acculturation measure in sport for Latin American athletes is warranted.
SECTION SUMMARY
Sport psychology consultants should examine their own beliefs and values related to the
various cultural groups from Latin America with which they might work in order to best meet
the needs of athletes from these groups. The sport psychology consultant should then
incorporate this worldview into their existing theoretical orientation to deliver the most
culturally appropriate and effective consulting. The dynamic nature of the
enculturation/acculturation of each athlete must also be considered as was evident in the Case
1.
OVERVIEW OF LATIN AMERICAN CULTURAL INFLUENCES

In this section the authors review the major cultural influences that have shaped athletes
from Latin America. Purposefully, indigenous Latin American groups are presented first, as
they were the original Latin American cultural groups. Next, the authors review the
subsequent influence of Spain and other colonizing countries, which have shaped much of
today’s Latin American culture including language, religion, and values. The colonial
influence of Spain and other nationsincluded the legacy of slavery and its concomitant
importation of West African culture to Latin America. During this discussion we stress the
importance of understanding the cultural as opposed to political boundaries of Latin America.
Finally, a brief discussion of the issue of the mestizoization (blending of cultures) of Latin
American culture is presented. To simplify the discussion, the immense and disparate
geographical areas of Latin America are referred to broadly as: (a) North America (i.e.,
Mexico), (b) Central America, (c) the Caribbean, and (d) South America.
Historical Context for Latin American Cultural Influences
In the following sections, the authors review the indigenous and colonial influences, and
the lingering influence of slavery on Latin American culture. The authors also incorporate
into their discussion the concomitant influence of West-African culture, which accompanied
the slavery into Latin America.
Indigenous populations. In North America, the indigenous groups that have influenced
culture can be divided into three geographical regions: (a) the north region, which was
influenced by the American Indian tribes from the southwest (e.g., Navajo) and plains (e.g.,
Apache); (b) the central region, which was influenced by the Aztecs; and (c) the southeast
region, which was influenced by the Maya. Most prominent among these groups were the
Aztecs (1420s-1520s), who had a strong cultural and political influence emanating from the
geographical heart of modern-day Mexico. Among the cultural influences that can be
attributed to these various North American indigenous groups include a strong sense of
community values (LaFramboise, 1983), openness (Lee, 1976), generosity (Parfit & Harvey,
1994), and intrinsic motivation through self-challenge (LaFramboise, 1983; Lee, 1976).
Mayan cultural influence covered much of Central America and extended into parts of the
Caribbean. Mayan cultural contributions include a strong focus on education, self-knowledge
and meaning in life (Ramirez, 1998). From a modern psychological perspective, one might
view the Mayan culture as incorporating aspects of both existential and cognitive theory. In
South America, the Inca provided the widest cultural influence covering a geographical area
from Ecuador to Chile. In addition to the influences mentioned earlier, the Inca cultural
influence included language (Quecha- spoken by millions of Peruvians and Bolivians today)
and respect of other cultural groups. The remainder of South America was influenced by
small, isolated indigenous tribal groups clustered along the interior, near the Amazon River
and along the coastal regions.
European colonial influences. The European nations, particularly Spain and Portugal that
colonized Latin America, brought with them their cultural beliefs and practices. Most obvious
among them were language (i.e., Spanish and Portuguese) and religion (i.e., Roman
Catholicism). Although many indigenous languages, such as Aymara, an Incan language,
which is spoken by several million inhabitants of the Andean regions of Peru and Bolivia,
still exist and thrive in Latin America; the majority of Latin Americans speak some form of
Spanish. Brazilians, however, speak Portuguese. Some countries such as Ecuador speak
Spanish primarily, but maintain English as their official language. As such, Ecuadorans are
more likely to be conversant, if not fluent, in English. Therefore, a sport psychology
consultant might expect an athlete from Ecuador to have fewer language-based
communication problems in the U.S. than an athlete from Peru or Bolivia, where English is
less commonly spoken. As a result, a communication problem between an English speaking

coach and an athlete from Peru of Bolivia might be rooted in the latter’s limited English
speaking ability. In contrast, the same communication problem in a fluent English speaking
Ecuadoran might emanate from personal conflict with the coach. However, it is important to
note that as with any specific cultural characteristic that is applied to a large cultural group,
there will be considerable within group variation in language ability. Hence not all Ecuadoran
athletes will be fluent in English, and many Peruvian and Bolivian athletes will be fluent in
English.
In regard to religion, Brazil (151 million) and Mexico (93 million) are the two largest
Roman Catholic countries in the world (BBC News, 2005, April). However, as is the case
among religious adherents in many countries, the influence of the church (and religion in
general) is decreasing, particularly among younger generations. Religious symbols, however,
are displayed prominently in homes and by individuals. In fact, many Latin American athletes
can be seen ‘crossing’ themselves before or after a performance. The inhabitants of many
Caribbean and coastal sections of South American nations have fused Roman Catholicism
with West African and other indigenous religions. Similarly, in Peru, Catholicism has been
merged with Incan religious practices to create a hybrid form of Catholicism. More recently,
there has been an increase in religious missionaries (primarily from the U.S.) resulting in the
conversion of many Latin Americans to Evangelical Christian (e.g., Baptist) and other
religions such as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (i.e., Mormons: BBC News,
April, 2005).
The legacy of slavery and influence of West African culture. West African culture was
imported to Latin America by colonial European countries via slavery. The influence of these
forceably relocated cultures is most prominent in the Caribbean, northern South America
(e.g., Venezuela) and coastal regions of Brazil. In addition to bringing a unique blend of
cultural beliefs and practices to Latin America, West African slaves represented a distinct
appearance that was unlike the indigenous or European groups already in Latin America.
Consequently, their social status was often marginalized. West African culture has persevered
in Latin America, and its influences include language, religion, and music. For example,
samba music, the lively, beat-driven dance music associated with Brazilian culture infused
West African drum beats with the sounds and instruments of Portuguese music.
Cultural Versus Political Boundaries
The preceding historical discussion must be qualified with an understanding that cultural
boundaries and political boundaries are not necessarily synonymous in Latin America. One
should consider also the geographic region from which an athlete comes in addition to the
country. This is particularly true in South America, where countries such as Argentina, Chile
and Peru encompass large geographic and cultural distances. Geographical barriers such as
the Andes and Amazonian basin that have created many of the political borders share
common cultures, which span several modern countries. Moreover, cultural regions in Latin
America are often more effectively defined in terms of their association with either European
(i.e., Spanish) or indigenous culture. To illustrate, two young professional soccer players from
Argentina playing for the same professional team and who are having trouble getting along
with each other might be assumed by a sport psychology consultant to share many cultural
traits. Their problems are likely a result of where in Argentina the two athletes are from. One
player might be a Porteños (i.e., European ancestry and acculturation- meaning literally,
‘from the port’) from Buenos Aires, whereas, the other player might be from the Northwest of
Argentina and associate more with the cultural beliefs of the indigenous groups of the Andean
region (Foster, Fitch Lockhart, & Lockhart, 1998). Hence, they might harbor stereotypes
(Porteños- rude, loud, aggressive; interior Argentines- superstitious and ignorant: Foster et al.,
1998) about each other (similar to stereotypes between blacks and whites in the U.S.) that
would hinder their ability to get along in sport.
The Mestizoization of Latin American Culture
Mestizoization refers to the confluence or merging of both peoples and cultures from two
or more continents (Ramirez, 1998). In Latin America, mestizoization involves various
combinations of indigenous groups, Europeans, and West Africans. The resulting mix of
cultures, religions, lifestyles and worldviews has created a unique amalgamated culture
combining many of the cultural influences discussed above. Working with mestizo athletes
can be challenging, as their beliefs and values might reflect multiple cultural influences to
varying degrees. Other mestizo athletes might also experience cultural isolationand limited
enculturation because of their lack of a ‘home culture’. Again, this information reinforces the
need to consider the individual athlete as well as their level of acculturation.
SECTION SUMMARY
The result of the myriad cultural influences on Latin American culture discussed above
has created both distinct cultural groups; and groups that represent an amalgamation of
indigenous, European and West African cultural systems, or mestizos as they are commonly
called. This Latin American ‘melting pot’ presents a formidable challenge to sport
psychology professionals who might work with Latin American athletes. This challenge is
made more difficult by the U.S.-centric view of Latin American cultures as a singular cultural
group referred to collectively as Hispanics or Latinos.
AWARENESS, NOT UNIVERSALITY

Earlier, we mentioned that a sport psychology consultant might expect an Ecuadorian
athlete to have fewer communication issues in the U.S. than an athlete from Peru or Bolivia
because English is more commonly spoken in Ecuador than the other countries. This
‘universal’ statement, however, is not necessarily true of each athlete from these countries.
Further, certain geographic regions within each country might be more or less likely to speak
a certain language. Therefore, as indicated in the applied sport psychology literature (e.g.,
Hill, 1993), each athlete should be approached as a culturally unique individual, and
subsequent services should be tailored to meet the individual athlete’s needs. Andersen
(1993) and Kontos and colleagues (2002; 2009) cautioned against relying on universalities or
‘sensitive stereotyping’ when working with culturally different athletes. In contrast, an

awareness of an athlete’s likely cultural beliefs and practices and their relation to the
provision of sport psychology services is useful in fostering the cross-cultural relationship
between an athlete and a sport psychology consultant.
Factors Moderating the Influence of Culture
Many factors including socioeconomic status (SES), geography, and gender might affect
the generalizability of ‘universal’ traits and should be considered as moderator factors for
cultural expression (Dana, 1993). Olmedo (1979) identified three dimensions that moderate
any ‘universal’ cultural tendencies among Latin Americans: (a) language [both proficiency
and preference] and knowledge/identification with customs, (b) cultural value orientations,
and (c) SES. We believe that gender should also be included in this list, as males and females
are often socialized differently within a culture. The importance of gender’s influence on
culture can be seen in the fact that only 36% of female Latinas compared to 52% of non-
Latinas participate in sport in the U.S. (National Center for Education Statistics, 2003). The
effects of moderating factors such as gender and SES on the influence of culture among
athletes include acculturative stress, identity issues, isolation, and double standards (see
Kontos, 2009 for specific information about these moderating effects). The consequences of
these outcomes might include limited and stereotyped opportunities in sport (e.g., Latin
Americans participating only in soccer, baseball, and boxing), stress associated with cultural
isolation (e.g., being the ‘token’ representative of their culture in a sport), and potential
withdrawal from sport. Therefore, in order to truly understand a Latin American athlete, the
sport psychology consultant must consider these moderating dimensions of Latin American
culture.
A good example illustrating the importance of these dimensions to sport psychology
consulting pertains to athlete assessment. Much of sport psychology assessment (apart from
the intake interview) is based on paper and pencil measures. However, as Montgomery and
Orozco (1985) demonstrated, use of English-based psychological assessments such as the
MMPI can erroneously pathologize Latin Americans who speak English as a second
language. Moreover, very few sport psychology measures have been translated or validated in
Spanish or other languages spoken by Latin Americans. Clearly, the need for such
assessments in sport psychology in the U.S. will increase as the Spanish (and other
languages)-speaking segment of the population continues to expand.
An Incomplete Review of Latin American Culture in Relation to Sport

Psychology Consulting
The word “incomplete” in the title of this section refers to the fact that this review does
not cover all Latin American cultures or characteristics. Such a chapter would require an
entire book of its own! For the sake of brevity, we presented only the cultural similarities
among Latin American cultural groups that are most salient to sport psychology consulting.
In doing so, we admit that this information can only loosely be applied to an individual
athlete representing a specific Latin American culture, as there are both tremendous across
and within Latin American cultural group differences in cultural expression. Therefore, we
encourage sport psychology consultants who might work with any of these cultural groups to
refer to the sources used for each section to develop a keener understanding of each culture,
and avoid retreating to the default Eurocentric approach to sport psychology discussed by
Fisher and colleagues (2009).
Cultural Similarities
Broadly, Latin Americans groups share several key cultural attributes. With the exception
of Brazil and some indigenous regions of Latin America, most Latin Americans speak
Spanish. From a spiritual standpoint, an amalgamation of Roman Catholic and indigenous,
West African or folk religions are the predominant norm. From a cultural values perspective,
Latin Americans, in general, focus on the family (i.e., ‘famalismo’, ‘la familia’…),
community (which includes both family and friends), and sense of respect (i.e., ‘respeto’).
The focus on family lends itself to a family systems approach to sport psychology, which is
not commonly used by sport psychology consultants. Respeto creates a dual set of
expectations, as it is determined in part by age, gender, SES and authority (Dana, 1993). By
virtue of the sport psychology consultant’s legitimate or official (as part of the sports
medicine team) position of authority on the mental side of sport performance, all consultants
would be respected by Latin American athletes. An older or male sport psychology consultant
might command more initial ‘respeto’ from a Latin American athlete than a younger or
female consultant. Much of the Latin American belief system and social standing reflect
male-dominated (i.e., ‘machismo’) sex roles and values (Dana). This value system might
create a host of issues for a female sport psychology consultant working with a male Latin
American athlete, and could even help to explain an athlete’s unwillingness to meet with a
consultant.
The concept of ‘fuerza de espíritu’, which refers to strength in toughness and the ability
to endure stress (Castro, Furth, & Karlow, 1985), presents a conundrum for Latin Americans
in regard to sport psychology services. Specifically, Latin American athletes who ascribe to
‘fuerza de espiritu’ are less likely to seek help for their problems or performance because it
would be viewed as a sign of weakness. Hence, they may attempt to solve their issues on their
own and be reticent to see a consultant. Latin American athletes may also rely on family (i.e.,
‘famalismo’) resources for performance issues rather than a sport psychology consultant.
Several factors related to fostering communication and therapeutic relationships among
Latin American athletes are of particular relevance to sport psychology consulting. One such
factor is ‘confianza en confianza’ or mutual trust. This level of trust is difficult to develop
with any athlete, but can be facilitated with Latin American athletes via generosity and
attention to personal issues (Vélez, 1982). ‘Simpatia’ refers to a preferred manner of
interaction among Latin Americans. In order to promote ‘simpatia’ with Latin American
athletes the sport psychology consultant should employ affiliative and affect-based non-verbal
strategies including hand gestures, eye contact, physical contact and other communication
regulators; and verbal communication strategies such as paraphrase and emotional reflection
and summary (Triandis, Marín, Lisansky, &Betancourt, 1984).
An Integrated Multicultural Approach for Working with Latin American

Athletes
Ideally, sport psychology consultants would adopt a multicultural (across cultures)

theoretical approach or focused culture-specific (cultures one might expect to encounter)
approach to their work with all athletes (Kontos & Breland-Noble, 2002). In other words, the
effects of culture on the individual athlete should be considered in conjunction with any
presenting concerns an athlete might have. However, given the current state of multicultural
training in sport psychology programs as indicated by Martens and colleagues(2000) it is
likely that many current sport psychology consultants are not properly prepared to incorporate
culture into their work with athletes. It is more likely that they will attempt to address cultural
issues within their already existing theoretical framework. This approach is fine as long as the
sport psychology consultant employs their existing theoretical approach in a meaningful and
culturally sensitive manner (Ivey, Ivey & Simek-Morgan, 1997). Moreover, as Schinke and
Watson (in-press) suggest, the sport psychology consultant should be forthright with athletes
regarding the approach (e.g., mainstream nuanced vs. culturally safe) that they plan to use in
their work with athletes.
Kontos (2009) recently proposed the Integrated Model for Multicultural Competency in
Sport Psychology, which offers a more comprehensive and sport-related approach to working
with Latin American and other athletes of color. The model centers on the sport psychology
consultants developing awareness of their cultural self as it relates to their theoretical
orientation, competencies, development, and cultural sensitivity (see Kontos, 2009 for more
information). These internal factors serve as the framework from which the sport psychology
consultant works with athletes and interacts with external factors including cultural context,
the athlete, and demographics factors. Case 2 provides an example of a sport psychology
consultant using the model in her work with a Latin American athlete.
Case 2-Applying the Integrated Model of Multicultural Competency in Sport

Psychology
Julio is a 19 year old, rookie MLS player from Mexico who was recently drafted in the
first round to play for a Midwestern MLS team. He was a talented young forward from whom
much was expected by coaches and teammates. However, by the sixth game of the season,
Julio had only scored one goal on a penalty kick and had become frustrated with his coaches
and teammates. His coaches indicated that he was neither listening to them nor trying very
hard in practice, played with minimal effort in games, and was having some trouble getting
along with some of his teammates. He was subsequently referred by his coaches to a female
sport psychology consultant who had worked for the team for several years. During the initial
meeting, it became apparent that Julio was not comfortable talking about his issues with a
female, as he indicated repeatedly that she would “not understand (his) situation,” and asked
why there was not also a male consultant who would better understand soccer. Julio also
blamed his coaches, teammates, and bad luck for his lack of scoring and relational issues on
the field. As a result, he believed that there was nothing he could do to improve the situation.
During their first session, Julio often reverted back to Spanish when talking and seemed to
struggle to find certain words to express his thoughts. He also repeatedly indicated to the
sport psychology consultant that he did not think that she would be of any help to him either,
and that the sessions were a waste of his time. The sport psychology consultant decided to use
the Integrated Model of Multicultural Competency in Sport Psychology (Kontos,2009) to
frame her work with Julio. From an internal perspective, she began by examining her own
worldview, which included limited direct experience with Latin American male culture, but
extensive experience coaching and playing soccer. She then acknowledged that she had
considerable multicultural counseling training and thought that a brief, outcome-centered,
behavioral approach might work best with Julio. From an external perspective, she realized
that language and gender might be barriers to her work with Julio, and decided to ask the
coach if they could hire for their sessions a male counselor whom she knew spoke Spanish.
The consultant believed that having the Spanish-speaking male counselor would increase
Julio’s ‘confianza’ in their relationship and help to examine the potential relationship issues
with teammates and coaches, which she believed were related to his limited ability to speak
English. She also believed that exploring Julio’s externalizing of his performances in relation
to his ‘fuerza de espíritu’ might play an important role in giving him ownership for his
behavior. Finally, she thought that she would be able to incorporate Julio’s strong sense of
‘respeto’ and ‘machismo’ to motivate him to change his behavior and thinking. As a result of
her decision to use the Integrated Model of Multicultural Competency in Sport Psychology,
the sport psychology consultant was able to better incorporate Julio’s cultural barriers and
enablers with a traditional cognitive-behavioral approach to facilitate positive change in his
behavior and performance.Through a combination of goal setting that focused on process and
performance goals, and cognitive restructuring to deal with the negativity when Julio did not
score, he began to take pride and maintain motivation in his play regardless of whether or not
he scored. Paradoxically, he alleviated his self-imposed, culturally derived pressure to score
and began to score more frequently, thus reinforcing his work with the consultant and
restoring a sense of pride in his performance. As was evident in Case 2, there are several key
multicultural issues that are important for providing quality and culturally sensitive sport
psychology services to Latin American athletes. In general, Latin American athletes perceive
that their psychological problems related to sport are external to themselves and are likely to
shift responsibility to someone else (e.g., family, coach) to solve them (Evans, Acosta,
Yamamoto & Hurcwicz, 1986). On the surface this might appear to create an opportunity for
the psychology consultant to be the person to solve the athlete’s problem using directed
techniques such as cognitive behavioral strategies. However, this perception also tends to
minimize the ownership of the problem and potential for self-improvement in the athlete.
Rogerian and Existentialist approaches might also prove unsuccessful given the focus away
from self-ownership. Another important issue is spirituality. Latin American athletes are
likely to involve spiritual beliefs in their approach to their problems (Dana, 1993). It is,
therefore, important for the sport psychology consultant to attempt to incorporate these
beliefs, and be careful not to minimize the relevance of spiritual meaning to the athlete’s
problem.
The provision of services to Latin American athletes might also be influenced by an
underlying suspicion of white North American or European sport psychology consultants, as
Julio demonstrated in Case 2. This suspicion may hinder the development of ‘confianza’
(confidence) and limit self-disclosure in the relationship, and minimize the impact of any
services provided to the athlete (Dana, 1993). Language is another cultural concern. Although
a bilingual sport psychology consultant was not available for Julio, whenever possible, Latin
American athletes should be provided with a sport psychology consultant who speaks their
primary language. However, as Martens et al. (2000) suggested, this would be difficult given
the paucity of diversity, and specifically of Latin Americans, within sport psychology. This
point further highlights the need for current sport psychology consultants to be culturally
aware and sensitive, and for a conscious effort to recruit and train more culturally different
sport psychology consultants. Further, it would be beneficial for sport psychology students to
complete cultural sport psychology training as part of their education to better prepare them to
employ culturally safe strategies.
CONCLUSION
There is an increased need for culturally knowledgeable and sensitive sport psychology
consulting for Latin American athletes, as they constitute a growing group within many sports
in North America that is juxtaposed with sport psychology consultants who are predominately
Caucasian(Butryn, 2002). The role of both the athlete’s and sport psychology consultant’s
worldview as well as the athlete’s enculturation/acculturation level must be considered in the
provisions of sport psychology services. From an understanding and awareness perspective it
is important to also consider the historical context of the cultural attributes among Latin
Americans. Understanding common traits among cultural groups is important, but should not
lead to a ‘universal’ approach to working with all athletes from Latin America. Many factors
such as geography, SES, and gender can affect culture and its effects on athletes. We
encourage sport psychology consultants to adopt the framework from the Integrated Model
for Multicultural Competency in Sport Psychology when working with athletes from Latin
America and other cultures. Hopefully, this chapter will spurn other sport psychology
researchers and consultants to expand the literature on Latin American athletes and its
application to sport psychology consulting work with these athletes. Moreover, sport
psychology consultants working with Latin American athletes should consider expanding
their repertoire to include Spanish language skills to help built rapport and trust; a nuanced
approach to athletes that incorporates cultural beliefs and the athlete’s acculturation level; and
the involvement of cultural resources such as ‘famalismo’ for social support, and ‘fuerza de
espíritu’ for mental toughness. Finally, we believe that the field of sport psychology and Latin
American athletes specifically, would benefit from both an increase in the number of Latin
American sport psychology consultants, and a focus on enhancing the Latin American
cultural competency and training of current and future sport psychology consultants.
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Chapter 14
A MODEL FOR SUPERVISION OF APPLIED SPORT

PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTATIONS IN DIVISION I
COLLEGE SPORTS
Linda A. Keeler and Sam Zizzi

California State University-Chico, California, USA
SUMMARY
The number of certified consultants within the Association of Applied Sport Psychology
has grown to approximately 300 by time this book has gone to press. In order to receive
certification status, a consultant must accumulate 400 hours of applied experience and 20
hours of supervision. To obtain licensure in psychology, even more internship and
supervision hours are necessary. Until the past 15-20 years, there was a lack of information
regarding how to establish internship programs and provide effective supervision for
consultants-in-training (CITs) seeking internship experience. Now that there are guidelines on
supervision models and structure, we can expand the discussion on supervision to unique or
specific situations that may warrant special considerations. The following chapter will cover
one specific situation with a discussion of special concerns and issues related to supervising
consultants working within NCAA Division I athletic departments. A brief snapshot of the
need and models of supervision that are relevant to graduate programs in Division I
institutions will be outlined and suggestions for the structure of individual and group
supervision are provided. The remainder of this chapter captures special considerations of
which supervisors in Division I programs should be aware. Specific topics that will be
discussed include relevant NCAA rules and regulations that may affect sport psychology
services and the stigma surrounding sport psychology among certain sports. Issues related to
multiple roles and boundaries have been applied to CITs including a discussion on potential
concerns relating to the emergence of social networking sites. It is our intention that at the
end of this chapter, supervisors for Division I consultants will have a better understanding of
special concerns when working in a NCAA Division I setting and will have an outline of
discussion topics that should be addressed with CITs in supervision.
198 Linda A. Keeler and Sam Zizzi
THE NEED FOR SUPERVISION

In the American graduate school model, students are expected to fill many roles during
their tenure at a given university. They are obviously students first, but they take on roles as
course instructors and teaching assistants, coaches, researchers, and performance consultants.
In many of these roles, they may receive substantial amounts of critical feedback on their
skills and performance to help them develop as young professionals. As they begin their
training in applied sport psychology, the importance of clinical supervision will become
evident during a team, coach, or individual client meeting. The guidance provided during
individual and group supervision sessions lays the foundation for both ethical and content
skill development for all novice consultants in training (CITs). To further illustrate the need
for supervision, the two most popular credentials in the field (Association of Applied Sport
Psychology Certified Consultant [CC-AASP] and Licensure as a Psychologist/Counselor)
require various amounts of supervision from a “qualified” professional. To be eligible for
AASP Certification, young professionals must accumulate 400 hours in sport and exercise
settings including at least 20 hours of supervision. Counseling and psychological licensure
requirements exceed these hourly requirements at both the master’s and doctoral levels.
Fortunately, over the past 15-20 years, there has been much written about how and why
to integrate supervision into applied training programs in sport and exercise psychology.
These improved practices and more consultants in training are assumed to be two important
reasons behind the growth in the number of programs providing supervision as a required part
of their curriculums. As evidence of this trend, in early surveys (i.e., during the 1990s) of
ethical and supervisory behavior in sport psychology it was suggested that 50% or less of
supervisors had received any supervision in their own training (Andersen, VanRaalte, &
Brewer, 1996) and very few current supervisors had received any training in supervision
(Petitpas, Brewer, Rivera, & VanRaalte, 1994). A lack of supervision among CITs created a
problem in graduate schools, and may have slowed the growth of applied sport psychology in
the US during this time period. Because most sport psychology graduate programs are housed
in kinesiology/physical education departments (Burke, Sachs, Fry, & Schweighardt, 2008), it
can be difficult for graduate students to a) obtain the necessary counseling skills to be
competent young professionals and b) find adequate supervision for their applied work.
However, more recent surveys modeled after the early work by Andersen, Petitpas and their
colleagues suggest that there have been improvements in training patterns. For example, data
from a 2004 survey indicated that of students currently doing applied work, 67% and 91% of
physical education and psychology students, respectively, reported receiving supervision in
their current work (Watson, Zizzi, Etzel, & Lubker, 2004). Additionally, approximately 51%
of students in this sample received supervision on a weekly basis while nearly 50% of their
supervisors reported receiving some training in supervision (e.g., part of a course, workshops,
independent study, or formal course).
To the informed consumer, the literature provides ample material to justify and develop
supervised experiences for young professionals in our field. Within this chapter, the authors
will attempt to accomplish two narrow goals. We will provide a model for supervising
students in a university setting that outlines the structure of supervision, phases of consultant
development, and critical ethical considerations. Next, we will highlight unique issues that
may be encountered when young professionals work with National Collegiate Athletic
A Model for Supervision of Applied Sport Psychology Consultations… 199
Association (NCAA) Division I athletes while they are graduate students or independent
consultants. Our perspective on supervision in Division I sports has been informed by our
own experiences and training in a doctoral program in sport and exercise psychology within a
Division I setting. The first author completed an applied sport psychology practicum and
internship experience and received supervision as both a CIT and as a supervisor-in-training
in a Division I setting. The second author has helped trained over a dozen doctoral students in
applied sport and exercise psychology, providing supervision across a variety of sport and
exercise consultations over the last nine years. Both of our doctoral training paths included
substantial coursework (and in one case, practical experiences) in counseling, and both
authors are AASP Certified Consultants.
Because there has been substantial work done in the area of supervision in psychology, it
is not within the scope of this chapter to explore all possible models of supervision. For more
comprehensive sources, the reader is encouraged to review excellent works on clinical
supervision in psychotherapy (Bernard & Goodyear, 2008; Feasey, 2002) and early work by
Andersen and colleagues on sport psychology supervision (Andersen, 1994; Andersen &
Williams-Rice, 1996, VanRaalte & Andersen, 2000). It is our hope to offer an extension of
this previous work in sport psychology supervision while highlighting the unique context of
Division I sports.
A MODEL OF SUPERVISION
The first section of the chapter will introduce you to a model of supervision that has been
effective in developing CITs within a Division I setting. The content includes how to
structure the supervision experience and how to use individual and group supervision in a
complementary fashion. Finally, this section will address how to match supervision needs
along the continuum of consultant skill development.
Structuring the supervision experience. There are many models of supervision to choose
from including a variety of specific theory-based, social role, and developmental models
(Bernard & Goodyear, 2008). Most supervision training sources in sport psychology suggest
that faculty or others in a supervisory role adopt one of the developmental models of
supervision. In these approaches to supervision, the level of teaching/involvement of the
supervisor is inversely related to the CITs’ skill level. In structuring their supervision
experience for performance consultations, faculty should consider adopting a
practicum/internship model as suggested by Barney, Andersen, and Riggs (1996). In this
model, students begin applied sport psychology coursework only after first completing
theoretical coursework in sport sciences, physiology, physical education, and psychology.
These background readings provide content and context for upcoming consultations. In the
next phase, students spend two semesters as “interns,” then graduate to “supervisors in
training” for two additional semesters where they receive formal training (and perhaps even
practical experience) in the art of supervision. The general structure of this model is sound,
although it may be hard for some one or two-year master’s programs to emulate the three-
year model in its full form. We concur with the recommendation of a minimum of one year of
coursework prior to allowing students to begin consulting. However, we also suggest that
students be required to take at least two counseling theories and techniques courses (focused
on individual and group counseling) during this first-year period.
Individual and group supervision. Barney and colleagues (1996) and other professionals
within the field of sport psychology (e.g., Andersen, 2005) have recommended the use of both
individual and group supervision (when feasible) while collecting a combination of direct
(i.e., observation) and indirect (i.e., audiotapes, case notes, post-session discussions) evidence
of student performance. We highly recommend that programs create required internship or
supervision courses for any students engaging in applied work within the context of their
graduate program. Not only does this course force time into the busy student’s schedule, it
ensures that students are registered for credits and thereby covered by university liability
insurance while consulting with sport teams. Requiring students to be registered for internship
or supervision courses can serve as an extra level of protection for supervisors (who are
professors) who are teaching CITs as part of their faculty jobs. For professionals who
supervise CITs outside of this “protected” context, you will want to be aware of the legal
ramifications of doing so (based on your license or certification) and be keenly aware of the
scope of practice issues.
Within the context of a graduate program, group supervision is a logical required course
within the sport psychology curriculum. The group experience may be ideal with 4-10
students who are actively engaged in the process of learning how to be an effective sport
psychology professional. It is useful to have students of different skill levels in each
supervision group to facilitate peer supervision and sharing of relevant lessons and
information between CITs. Supervision groups can be held as frequently as weekly, however
in our experience one to two meetings per month for one hour in combination with regular
individual supervision is more than adequate to oversee multiple consultations. Group
supervision is the perfect context for exploring case studies, and for CITs to share productive
or unproductive team/individual activities conducted in their internships. Depending on the
needs of the group, however, group supervision can also be a useful place to teach CITs core
applied skills and explore relevant readings related to supervision or ethics.
Individual supervision can be scheduled “as needed” if team consultations are slow or
inactive, however, we recommend weekly individual supervision for 30-60 minutes for any
new CIT and for any CIT engaged in an active consultation involving both team and
individual meetings. Individual meetings allow the supervisor to match the experience to the
skill level of the CIT using the developmental model. As an aside, it is most useful if there
can be multiple qualified supervisors available to CITs over the course of their graduate
training so they can experience different feedback styles along the way. If faculty resources
are not available to provide individual supervision to all students on a weekly basis, pairing
up students to work with a team can be an effective use of resources and naturally fosters
some peer supervision. The overall goal of outlining a specific structure is to build an
effective model of supervision that can work for all students across all skill levels. Next, let’s
spend some time reviewing suggestions for how to tailor your supervision based on the skills
of CITs.
Consultant skill development. To help novice students who are preparing to become CITs
(i.e., during their first year of coursework), one assignment we have found effective is
requiring the use of “shadowing.” In one of the introductory sport psychology graduate level
theory courses, it can be very useful to have new graduate students spend 5-10 hours
observing several CITs and/or faculty who are engaged with team consultations. We typically
do not have new students observe individual meetings with clients due to confidentiality
issues, but coaches and athletes are usually open to having a new student sit in on a team
presentation or meeting (after giving consent to the CIT). This shadowing assignment can
include some written reflections to help them accurately shape their expectations for their
own upcoming experiences and to identify any key lessons learned from the more “expert”
consultants. One additional suggestion is to invite the students who shadowed into a group
supervision session to share their reactions with the group.
Based on most developmental models of supervision, CITs will pass through several
phases of skill on their way to competence and one of the critical roles of supervision is to
help students develop self-awareness (VanRaalte & Andersen, 2000). The names of the
phases or levels that CITs pass through change depending on the source you consult, but they
generally agree that CITs will move from novice to expert at varying speeds depending on
their own skills, effort, comfort level and the quality of their training.
Novice CITs should share one consistent affective experience – performance anxiety. In
fact, as their supervisor, you might want to be concerned if they are not nervous! Early on,
CITs are often eager to seek out supervision to help them deal with the impending event(s)
that are the source of their anxiety. If managed well, this early anxiety with help the CIT
develop a good resource library of materials and a strong emphasis on pre-session
preparation. Novice CITs often lack self-awareness, general counseling skills, and experience
with one-on-one or group counseling. Obviously, new students may need to meet more
frequently than more experienced CITs, and you will need to provide more direct instruction
and supervision. One helpful method of direct supervision is to engage in co-consulting with
a new student until they are comfortable leading a team presentation or individual session.
Although the co-consulting model is resource heavy and may not be realistic in all
supervisory situations, the extra time spent in person (and the high quality of those
interactions) on the front end may result in needing less time over the course of the CIT’s
career. Another method that has worked for us with new CITs is to require comprehensive
outlines of upcoming sessions to be presented in individual supervision the week prior to
implementing with a team so there is ample time to discuss alternatives. Not to mention, this
preparation helps reduce the new CIT’s anxiety.
Regardless of the skill level of the student, the quality of CIT – supervisor relationship is
one of the strongest predictors of a successful training experience for the student. Early on in
the training process, it may be very helpful to clearly outline both CIT and supervisor
responsibilities in a group or individual supervision session, perhaps even in the form of a
contract (Falender & Shafranske, 2004). Supervisors should not make the erroneous
assumption that CITs innately understand their responsibilities and how the supervision
process should play out. Thus, with novice CITs, the supervisor takes on a role closer to a
teacher by providing more direction, suggestions, and resources to students at this skill level.
Transitioning students into further developmental phases takes awareness and trust on the
part of the supervisor. After their first experience, some CITs may know just enough to be
dangerous (!) and may feel they do not need to seek out supervision for some issues. Until the
supervisor feels the CIT has moved out of this tenuous phase, the supervisor will want to
periodically ask the CIT, “Sometimes in consulting we may feel an issue is just big enough to
cause us to make a decision, but small enough that we feel we do not need to run our
decisions by others, how has this occurred in your consulting process?” During this transition,
it is helpful to continue having regularly scheduled individual supervision sessions, but
perhaps only twice per month. CITs at this level are capable of managing a higher client load
and more complex issues without adverse reactions. For CITs who fail to perform at this more
independent level of supervision, supervisors can always choose to meet with them more
frequently, schedule more regular observations, or review their work (audio or video files).
When CITs earn independence through the demonstration of competence in their
preparation, in-session performance, and documentation, these students can begin to take on a
new role as a supervisor-in-training (within the context of a graduate program). These
“veteran” CITs can either be enrolled in a supervision course or complete assigned readings
with their supervisor with the end goal of providing supervision to a novice CIT in the
coming year, thus completing the developmental model within their graduate training. To
help veteran CITs process their experience as supervisors, they would receive “supervision of
supervision” from their initial faculty supervisor. These meta-supervision sessions are
designed to help them develop the necessary skills to transfer their competencies to a new
generation of CITs once they make the transition to young, employed professionals.
GENERAL ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

At the most basic level, supervision is designed to protect clients from harm and ensure
quality of service in sport psychology. Thus, setting up supervision experiences in applied
sport psychology requires some forethought but is likely to result in substantially improved
student experiences, less risk for the supervisor, and less harm for clients. Taken together,
choosing an effective model of supervision for your work with consultants in training is an
important step in ensuring that quality services are provided to clients “under your watch” and
helps to pass down the legacy of training to a new generation of sport psychology
professionals. By outlining a model of supervision and helping students develop skills in
applied practice, we are all ensuring the growth and value of applied sport psychology.
Relevant Issues in Division I Supervision
The format of and issues with supervision outlined in the previous section will apply
across a variety of contexts, so let’s take time to explore one of these contexts in greater detail
– working within a Division I athletic department. The following section will first review the
prevalence and opportunities for consulting at this level. Next, an overview of key NCAA
rules and regulations will be discussed to help supervisors be aware of potential pitfalls in
having their supervisees work in this setting. Subsequently, several issues that may impede
the development of consultations are reviewed with the hope of preventing barriers before
they occur.
Type, Prevalence and Potential of Division I Sport Psychology Consulting
A survey of 115 Division I universities revealed that 53% of the schools used some form
of sport psychology consulting including full-time consultants employed by the athletic
department, part-time consultants (often faculty in sport psychology), individual team

consultants, and interns (Voight & Callaghan, 2001). The number one reason schools tend to
stop using services was that the sport psychology consultant (SPC) was no longer available.
Of those schools reporting never having used an SPC, the number one reason for not utilizing
services was lack of funding. Further, only a few athletic departments thought that services
would not be beneficial. These statistics are important since it can be inferred that there may
be great potential for consulting work in Division I intercollegiate athletics for graduate
students. The consulting potential at Division I universities stem from the facts that 1)
graduate students may offer their services at no cost in return for internship experience, 2)
graduate students may receive academic credit for such pursuits and thus, have time to devote
to consultations, and 3) graduate student intern status may break down some reluctance
reported from individual stigma against sport psychology (Martin, 2005). However, it is also
possible that some coaches and athletes may have the perception that using a student sport
psychology intern would not be an effective use of time given graduate students are in
training and not completely polished or professional. Given the potential for graduate student
consulting opportunities in Division I sports, supervisors will want to be proactive in
addressing potential issues that occur in these athletic and academic settings. The following
will cover a few key issues that may be present when working in a NCAA Division I
environment that supervisors at this level will want to be aware of before starting in or
creating an internship experience for students. Although some of the issues that will be
addressed are not unique to Division I athletics, we felt they were more likely to occur or be
affected by the high profile status or highly competitive nature of some Division I programs.
Relevant NCAA Division I Rules and Regulations
The NCAA is the national governing body for Division I, II and III intercollegiate
athletics. There are currently 342 schools with Division I status, yielding at least 14 NCAA
sports per institution. It is impossible to review all of the rules and regulations regarding those
working with NCAA sanctioned teams and athletic programs in the constraints of this chapter
as the manual for Division I alone is over 400 pages (NCAA, 2008). However, there are a few
basics rules and regulations that are pertinent to CITs and supervisors. The regulations
outlined here are meant to help guide supervisors to think of areas in which they may have to
consult with their residential athletics department compliance officer and not meant to be an
exhaustive guide to practices.
One of the first considerations for supervisors at the Division I level is how their CITs
represent themselves in title and services to the athletic programs on campus. The title a
consultant assumes may affect preferences for athletes to seek services. Titles that are more
sport oriented (e.g. performance enhancement specialist, sport counselor) may be preferred by
Division I athletes than clinical titles (e.g. counselor, psychologist; Maniar, Curry, Sommers-
Flanagan, & Walsh, 2001). A CIT may not have the credentials for clinical titles at their stage
of education, so titles such as “mental skills trainer” or “mental coach” may be utilized
instead. However, supervisors need to be aware that there are rules and limitations to the
number of coaches allowed per team (varies by sport) by the NCAA, thus using a title with
“coach” may not be prudent. In most sports, coach allowances range from a maximum of two
to four coaches (with the exception of 11 for football; NCAA, 2008). According to the NCAA
manual, the definition of coach is one who “… participates (in any manner) in the coaching of
the intercollegiate team in practice, games or organized activities directly related to that sport,
including any organized staff activity directly related to the sport” (p. 54). Certainly it can be
argued that sport psychology services may be “directly related to that sport” and many teams
will organize regular team and individual meetings as part of their regular practice schedule.
All coaches need to be designated as such and once identified are bound by additional rules
regarding type and amount of contact with athletes, presence at functions with prospective
athletes, and compensation (NCAA, 2008).
Regardless of coach or consultant status, the NCAA limits the amount of sport-related
activities that student-athletes are required to attend to 20 hours per week while in season
(NCAA, 2008). Team related activities (e.g. practice, video sessions, team meals) that count
towards the 20 hours limitation are activities in which at least one coach is present and the
limitation is meant to help support the student-athlete in balancing academic and personal
goals. Even if the CIT is not classified as a coach, and in one of the best circumstances when
a coach grants weekly required mental skills sessions, this may be above and beyond the 20
hours a week in team activities required of the athletes. A consultant must consider if she is
ethically serving the team or student-athletes by running required team or individual sessions.
When meetings are scheduled outside of the bounds of the 20-hour practice schedule (which
is often put on an official calendar and put out by the coaching staff), CITs may want to make
it clear to athletes that sport psychology sessions are voluntary or ask the coach to find
another time on the calendar. Additionally, when coaches do not prioritize the sport
psychology meetings within the regular calendar, the decision can send the implicit message
to very busy athletes that this should not be one of their top priorities.
Other considerations for possible NCAA compliance violations include extending special
benefits to student-athletes and gambling (NCAA, 2008). NCAA sanctioned athletes are not
allowed to receive special gifts, services or awards based on their athletic performance or
status. Whether or not sport psychology services in general is a special service based on
athletic status fitting for a NCAA violation is beyond the scope of this chapter. However, a
supervisor should be aware and discuss with CITs how service “gifts” (e.g. relaxation mp3s
or compact discs, lending of sport psychology books, custom video analysis) may be
construed in the eyes of the NCAA. Again, checking with the university’s compliance officer
before giving these mental skills training tools, or “gifts” or even establishing an internship
program may be fitting.
Another consideration for CITs who work with NCAA athletes is sports wagering. Any
athletic department staff member or non-athletics staff member who has responsibility within
a program is prohibited from sports wagering (NCAA, 2008). CITs may be aware of basic
legalities related to gambling within their states, but may not be aware that it includes
entering tournament pools and participating in fantasy leagues at all levels (e.g. collegiate,
professional sports) when there is a potential to win a prize or monetary award. Supervisors
will want to discuss this topic with CITs as it may result in an interesting debate on the
appropriateness of these activities. Further, participation in pools or fantasy leagues when
there is no chance of award as a result is allowed and may be a satisfactory alternative to no
participation for those students and professional involved with intercollegiate athletics.
STIGMA OF SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Sport psychology professionals battling the stigma associated with athletes or coaches
seeking services is not a new revelation (Martin, 2005; Zakrajsek & Zizzi, 2007) and the
stigma is not immune among Division I athletics. Slightly less than half of Division I athletic
officials from schools in the 10 largest conferences reported they did not employ sport
psychology consultants and were not looking to in the near future (Voight & Callaghan,
2001). Reasons for not using sport psychology services were more often related to funding
than negative perceptions of services. However, reasons for forgoing use may lay within in
the individual sport coaches’ attitude and confidence in sport psychology. Zakrajsek and Zizzi
surveyed college swimming and track and field coaches regarding their intentions to use sport
psychology services, with the largest division representation from Division I schools. The
authors found small differences in gender with female coaches more open to and reporting
less stigma towards using sport psychology services. Interestingly, they also found that
openness to using services was an indirect influence on coaches’ intentions to use services by
the mediating factors of confidence in sport psychology, stigma tolerance, and expectations.
However, the differences in divisions were not analyzed and the study was limited to
collegiate, non-contact sports. Martin (2005) found that male athletes and contact sport
athletes reported more negative attitudes toward sport psychology compared to other groups.
However, overall, college athletes reported more positive attitudes in general compared to
high school athletes. One of the only surveys available on football coaches’ attitudes toward
sport psychology (Zakrajsek, Martin, & Zizzi, 2009) included a sample of high school
coaches in Texas. Interestingly, out of 22 coaches, only 1.3% had any experience with sport
psychology. Supporting previous research with coaches and athletes, these coaches’ attitudes
were slightly more negative toward sport psychology compared to their peers in college
settings in non-contact sports. However, older and more experienced coaches in the sample
reported more positive attitudes than their younger counterparts. Zakrajsek and colleagues’
research also supported previous findings that coaches’ attitudes toward sport psychology
services are predictive of their intentions to use services in the future. Supervisors and CITs
should be aware that they may hit more resistance to services in larger, revenue-producing
sports and football programs.
There is the need for research to confirm implications and the suggestion that contact and
revenue-producing sport coaches may have more stigma attached to using sport psychology
services at the Division I level. In particular, football and basketball coaches are very well
compensated employees of the university who are primarily measured in terms of wins and
losses (and in media attention brought to their school). Thus, it is likely that coaches of larger,
revenue producing sports will only choose to expose their athletes to proven methods to
increase performance. Research lends strong support for the notion that athletes and coaches’
confidence that the sport psychology intervention will produce results is probably the
strongest predictor of whether or not they use services. Coaches’ confidence along with their
personal evaluation of and trust in the specific CIT will probably determine use and
maintenance of sport psychology services. Supervisors will want to advise incoming students
who have aspirations of working with specific big-time sport programs which of these
internships are already established, which have been successful, and which have not. If there
are enough graduate students to employ a consultant mentor process with more than one CIT
per team, this may at least ensure continuation of services and specific sport programs may be
more likely to continue services. Larger or revenue-producing programs and coaches who
receive media attention and operate on large budgets may be the hardest sports with whom to
establish internships and thus, CITs and supervisors may have better opportunities
establishing consulting relationships with Olympic sports (i.e. non-revenue producing). When
working with a CIT to attempt to establish a consulting relationship with a particular sport
program, there may be more success in reaching and establishing rapport with assistant
coaches. With coaching and media demands of more successful programs, chances of
establishing contacts with head coaches may be very difficult. If a coaching staff member
cannot be reached successfully, or an offer for team services has been declined, there are
“backdoor” opportunities that may be used to establish consulting relationship with individual
athletes in that sport. Supervisors may want to establish connections and a referral service
through other supplemental service staff members, namely athletic academic advisors, student
athlete advisory committee (SAAC) advisors and presidents, and/or CHAMPS/Life Skills
coordinators. Larger athletic departments often employ these supplemental services and
opportunities for their athletes and sport psychology supervisors can help CITs establish
rapport with them and encourage referrals for services. Another strong possibility for referral
and work with athletes from a variety of sports is to help CITs establish an internship in one
or all of the university athletic training rooms. Sports medicine facilities are common places
to find athletes before or after practice for pre-treatment or injury rehabilitation.
Unfortunately, supervisors should prepare CITs for the possibility that the coach or coaches
of their preferred sport will never be open to the possibility of sport psychology services to
their athletes.
However, once established, how a CIT conducts him/herself will affect the effectiveness
and satisfaction of services which can be passed on to other programs by coaches’ word of
mouth. An evaluation of a CIT’s internship with a Division I Women’s basketball team
revealed that the head coach preferred that the CIT held clear boundaries in his role as a sport
psychology consultant and did not veer into the technical coaching role territory (Weigand,
Richardson, & Weinberg, 1999). Supervisors will want to stress the importance of
professionalism and roles with CITs throughout the internship process.
Multiple Roles
It is not uncommon in a graduate program in sport psychology at a Division I university

for graduate students and faculty to encounter student-athletes in more situations than the
consultant role. Some graduate students may teach academic courses, be part of the university
orientation staff, work in academic advising, or be hired as a volunteer or assistant coach in
athletic programs. Encountering an athlete with whom one is consulting while serving in
another role can cross the ethical line of multiple roles (for more detailed ethical decision
making regarding multiple roles in sport psychology, see Etzel & Watson, 2007; Watson &
Clement, 2008; Watson, Clement, Harris, Leffingwell, & Hurst, 2006). One challenge in a
Division I athletic setting with both supervisors and graduate students who consult is handling
common potential multiple role occurrences in an ethical and professional manner. The
following will outline possible situations in which CITs may be exposed and situations that a
supervisor will need to be prepared to respond to or proactively intervene. Ideally, CITs and
supervisors should sit down at the start of each internship experience and use the following
section to identify problems before they occur and develop a game plan for minimizing risk
for each client that could be exposed to the dual roles.
When consultants-in-training teach. At larger, research-orientated universities, graduate
students are often hired as graduate assistants, part-time lecturers, or awarded teaching
fellowships that help offset the cost of graduate school education. In our field, graduate
students may be hired to teach physical activity, sport psychology or other non-sport specific
academic or orientation classes. The chances are high that at the beginning of one semester, a
CIT who is teaching a university course may find an athlete on her teaching roster. This issue
has been found to be a common experience as 71.4% of AASP certified consultants surveyed
reported experiencing the teacher-consultant dual role (Watson et al., 2006). The potential
concerns identified by consultants in teacher-consultant multiple relationships ranged from
clients questioning grading policies to a fear that athletes might not be honest in consultations
(Watson et al., 2006). Another concern would be the level of trust or willingness the client
may have to continue sport consultation after a final grade is given in the class. If the student-
client earned a poor grade in the course, but perceived it to be an unfair grade given to them
by the CIT, resentment may build and reluctance to continue services may result. If this
occurs, CITs may be left with self-doubt in their abilities as effective consultants or teachers
and may internalize the reason for the termination of the relationship. Overall, the majority of
consultants believed that the teacher-consultant dual role relationship can be appropriate if
handled ethically and discretely (Waston et al., 2006). Thus, a supervisor will want to
consider either prepping students ahead of time for this possibility or be prepared with a list
of questions, suggestions, and on-going evaluations of the graduate student’s relationship
with the student-client.
It has been suggested that a consultant pro-actively address clear boundaries with a
student-client (Etzel & Watson, 2007). Thus, supervisors may want to model this
conversation for their trainees. Supervisors may need to encourage CITs to initiate this
conversation with their student-clients. In addition, CITs may be reluctant in approaching a
client to address a new concern and may choose to avoid speaking about it before an issue
arises from the multiple roles that intersect within the relationship. New consultants in this
situation should be guided to broach the subject with their client at the first appropriate
moment so that they do not miss the opportunity window. If a problem arises as a result of the
multiple role relationship, it would be more awkward to discuss the problem after the fact and
the client may be left wondering why it was proactively addressed by the CIT. If a CIT
encounters a client in the classroom, approaching the client can be done at the next scheduled
client meeting or done discretely after class by a quick, “Hi Tyson, now that you are in my
classroom, I quickly wanted to touch base with you about keeping our consulting work
together separate than our classroom work so we can avoid any potential issues as a result. Do
you have a minute to talk about that?” A more discrete approach may be appropriate given the
amount of privacy needed for the discussion so the confidentiality of the consultation can be
preserved. Additional recommendations that can help a CIT in a potentially anxiety-
producing situation have been recommended including assertiveness training, reinforcing
self-use of stress management techniques and reflective note taking (Tod, 2007).
Consultant and coach. Given the common athletic background of CITs and perhaps a
desire to pursue a coaching career, there may be cases in which a CIT is also a volunteer,
graduate assistant coach or even a head coach at the school in which they are attending. The
percentage of CITs who have held or currently hold coaching positions is unknown, but 20%
of AASP CCs surveyed by Watson et al. (2006) had experienced the consultant-coach
multiple role. Interestingly, despite some benefits stated to having coaches deliver sport
psychology services (Watson, et al., 2006; Weinberg & Gould, 2007), only 37.1% of those
surveyed thought that the consultant-coach multiple relationship was appropriate (Watson et
al, 2006). Supervisors should be prepared to encounter CITs who coach and may want to
establish some basic policies and limitations in the internship process as it relates to these
cases.
Although there can be potential benefits for a CIT who is also a coach to deliver sport
psychology services to his or her team (e.g. established rapport, decreased outsider stigma), a
supervisor may want to limit or prohibit this opportunity during the professional development
process for a variety of reasons. The first of which is that through the graduate training
process, the CIT will most likely experience professional growing pains (Barney, Andersen,
& Riggs, 1996). The CIT should be allowed to experience this development process without
being pulled in multiple directions of coach and consultant to aid in the successful completion
of development stages. Similar to consultants who teach, a major concern from those who
hold these multiple roles is if the professional will be able to fulfill both roles without
compromising the value or effectiveness of one or both duties (Watson et al, 2006). This may
be especially true for CITs who are also trying to negotiate the responsibilities that go along
with coaching. An additional issue that may arise if a CIT is allowed to consult with his or her
own team is administration pressure to provide information about an athlete related to their
mental status or readiness to perform. Since athletes sign waivers regarding their physical and
academic information, administration may feel entitled to information regarding mental
health and capabilities (Etzel & Watson, 2007), especially if the consultant-coach is employed
by the administration.
Even though a professional sport psychology-trained coach can be a valuable resource for
an athlete, a sport psychology intern who is experiencing natural developmental pitfalls while
coaching may not be prepared or fully competent to deal with the complexity of this dual role.
Thus, there is plenty of support to back up a supervisor’s decision to prohibit a CIT from
completing a sport psychology internship with the team with whom they currently coach. If
coaching and consulting for the same team concurrently are prohibited within a graduate
program, it would be wise for a supervisor to explain the logic and ethics behind such a policy
before the student accepts admission to the program. A supervisor may want to brainstorm
other academic pursuits that can merge the student’s academic and career coaching goals,
such as creating a sport specific mental skills training manual or conducting research specific
to that sport’s population. Another option for CITs who coach is to consult within their sports,
but at another level (i.e. high school) or with the opposite gender. In these cases, rules
regarding how much contact a Division I coach can have with other teams even while acting
in the role of a sport psychology consultant should be reviewed with the universities’
compliance officer before any consultations are started.
There may be situations in which career coaches pursue graduate degrees in sport
psychology with the aspirations of enhancing their coaching prowess. It would make sense in
these cases for a supervisor to work with the CIT-coach to develop methods of consulting and
coaching with the same team where the CIT can act ethically in both roles and where the
supervisor can maintain proper supervision. Perhaps the supervisor will require the CIT to
successfully complete ethics training and substantial coursework before pursuing this multiple
role. There may also be ways to seamlessly integrate mental skills training exercises within
the team’s practice schedule. Regardless, a detailed discussion and education on proper
documentation and case notes is imperative before a CIT-coach begins implementing sport
psychology principles. Since a coach has a considerable amount of encounters with athletes
during the course of the week, the CIT and the supervisor will want to be clear about what
requires proper sport psychology documentation. Since intercollegiate coaching is often a
year-round occupation, CIT-coaches may have contact with athletes during school and
summer breaks when not receiving supervision. Clear limitations, boundaries and referral
processes should be clarified in these cases with the CIT and liability legalities should be
reviewed through the supervisor’s credentialing or licensure organization. A thorough
meeting with the athletic compliance officer would also be prudent as there are many NCAA
rules regarding amount and type of contact with athletes and prospective athletes for coaches
(see above) and varies according to coach type (NCAA, 2008).
Establishing Boundaries Among Peers
With the increase of successful graduate programs in sport psychology, there may be an
influx of students seeking graduate school admission fresh from undergraduate training. In
many cases, some of the students admitted may only be months out of the termination of their
own intercollegiate athletic careers. Recent, personal experience in sport may certainly be a
positive asset for these CITs, as they can use their own sport experiences to relate to their
student-athlete clients while establishing rapport and credibility. Further, having a young
consultant working with an athlete or team may cut down on some of the reservations or
intimidation that athletes may feel towards sport psychology consultants (Martin, 2005).
However, supervisors will want to be aware of the potential issues that could result of CITs
having such a similar demographic to their clientele.
Students entering graduate programs straight from undergraduate careers are essentially
being asked to convert from peer to professional overnight. While attending undergraduate
schools, these students may have been dating, cheering for, studying, living, or socializing
with the very type of athletes with whom they are now consulting. In some instances when
undergraduates are admitted to graduate programs within the same institution these peer
relationships may be literal situations. In other cases, the new CITs were Division I athletes. It
is very important that all new CITs have a chance to discuss the challenges of their athletic
career ending transition in an open setting with a supervisor and upper level graduate
students. Establishing boundaries among peers may be one of the first topics addressed in a
graduate seminar or CIT supervision meeting. There are specific issues that should be
addressed in this discussion: unintended social interactions with athletes, social networking
websites, and fandom.
Unintended social interactions. Any consultant living in proximity to clients has the
chance of running into a client outside of the consultation setting. Given the chance that
traditional student CITs may be close in demographics, proximity and interests to their
clients, there are many chances that they will encounter their athletes in unintended social
interactions. Unintended social interactions may happen at sporting events, coffee houses,
bars, parties, or community events. Supervision topics should cover how CITs can maintain
confidentiality in unintended social interactions with clients, which should include advising
CITs to not even initiate contact with their clients in public as that may inform others present
that there is a consulting relationship and break confidentiality. However, even if a CIT heeds
the avoidance advice and does not initiate contact with clients in public settings, a client may
noticeably greet the consultant and may even want to discuss performance issues in earshot of
others forcing the CIT into an ethical dilemma of how to best serve the client while
maintaining confidentiality. For example, a CIT should be prepared to handle a situation in
which an athlete surrounded by some of her friends sees the consultant and runs up to her,
hugs her and says to her friends, “Hey, this is my sports shrink!” Understandably, this would
put the new CIT in a compromising position. This uncomfortable position of being “outed” as
a consultant by a client can be exponentially more awkward and potentially damaging if the
situation involves alcohol. Both individuals’ inhibitions can be loosened increasing the
likelihood of crossing boundaries or breaking confidentiality. Further, many Division I
athletes are required to sign a no-substance use policy and may damage their perceptions of
the CIT if the athlete is “caught” drinking or if the CIT is drinking herself. Even if the CIT is
able to avoid the athlete in this situation and no harm is done to the consultation relationship,
this may prove to be a critical error if the coaching staff or administration learn that the sport
psychology consultant was seen consuming alcohol in the same establishment with or even
just in the vicinity of an athlete who is bound by a no-tolerance policy. In addition, unless the
athlete is over the legal age limit, any alcohol or substance use by athletes would be an illegal
act. Supervisors should cover these topics early on in the CITs supervision education and may
want to include role-play situations in which CITs are surprised by these social encounters
and how to handle them ethically without harm to the client.
Perhaps more importantly, CITs may need education on how to increase their chances at
avoiding unintended and potentially sticky interactions with their clients in the first place. It
may not be as clear to young CITs why they will want to limit or vary their own personal
social activities to ensure that these potentially damaging situations do not occur in the first
place. Altering one’s behaviors may prove especially hard for less mature consultants or those
individuals who are continuing their graduate education at the same institution as their
undergraduate careers. Graduate students may have to consider changing their living
situations if living near or with athletes as undergraduates, stopping or limiting their
patronage of certain bars or restaurants, and carefully considering who may be at parties in
which they attend. Utilizing relevant recounts of these unintended situations and lessons
learned by upper level CITs may be a poignant message to new CITs.
Social networking websites. The use of social networking sites are exponentially rising
and for the first time in the world wide web’s history, social networking websites are now a
more popular reason why people log onto the internet than email (Nielsen Online, 2009).
Although there has been a history of sport psychology consultants using professional websites
to market their services and offer electronic-based consultations (Abildso, Keeler, Clement, &
Etzel, 2006; Zizzi & Perna, 2002), there is no known set precedent with the use of social
networking websites between sport psychology consultant and client. Social networking
websites offer both advantages and disadvantages to the consultant and athlete.
One advantage to the consultant of establishing a personal page on a social networking
site is that it is a free and convenient way to establish and maintain a personal website that
otherwise may be costly and require either specialty programming knowledge or the hiring of
a web design expert. Another advantage to using social networking websites to maintain links
between consultants and athletes is that it may give an athlete a less intimidating way to
contact the consultant when individual sessions are desired. Athletes in college now have
grown up with technology and may feel more at ease contacting consultants through the use
of the internet as it may not be as intimidating in an in-person contact or phone call (Zizzi &
Perna, 2002). Athletes may be connected on social networking sites to their consultant and
when the time arises when they desire individual sessions, there is an already established one-
on-one rapport, albeit electronically. Further, when there is still a stigma involved with
seeking sport psychology consulting, it may be beneficial to the consultant to reveal some of
their personal side to athletes in order to appear more human and accessible. However, clearly
there needs to be careful consideration of the amount and type of information revealed on
social networking sites. Many sites offer different privacy settings in which consultants can
control who is able to view their personal information and, perhaps more importantly, which
social connections can post information about them. Thus, there may be potential gains in
establishing social networking sites and allowing athletes access to that site. However, there
are potential issues that may arise from this situation and CITs should be educated on them
prior to establishing their consultations.
Given the advantages of social networking sites for consultants, their use may lead to
potential concerns. Social networking websites are distinct from other professional online
marketing tools based on the informality and potential intimacy of the content on these sites.
The difference in these personal pages – versus a professional website – is that many people
post very personal information from relationship status to likes and dislikes and people within
one’s social network are often called “friends”. The title “friend” may be used loosely within
these sites as the title simply represents granted access to view a person’s individual page or
implies that the two people are somehow connected through a class, a mutual friend, a job,
etc. A potential problem may occur from the title itself as the title “friend” may give the
improper impression to athletes that their consultants are their friends and vice-versa. This
perception of friendship has the potential to damage the consulting relationship as it would go
against the professional distance and objectivity that traditional counselors should maintain
with their clients and may not prove fruitful for the consulting relationship (Van Raalte &
Andersen; 2000). Also important to note is that once someone is granted access to a
consultant’s personal page, that person can view the consultant’s social network in entirety.
Thus, any “friend” of a consultant would be able to view the social connections between
consultants and athletes. Given the large media exposure in some Division I revenue
producing athletic programs, high profile athletes may be easily recognized and therefore,
confidentiality of the consulting relationship may be compromised. Further, one characteristic
of these sites is that messages posted by friends can be viewed by anyone with access to a
person’s page. Thus, athletes may choose to post consultation-related messages for others to
see. A CIT may not have the ethical education and experience to handle this situation so as
not to further expose the athlete.
Chances are that new graduate students entering programs will already have accounts on
one or more social networking sites that may include non-professional photos, information, or
activity. Access to this information by athletes or coaches with whom CITs work may
compromise the CIT’s quest to establish a professional working relationship. Clearly,
supervisors need to address the potential harm that may occur to the athlete if allowed to join
a CIT’s social network, in addition to, the damage that may occur to the CIT’s own
reputation. Perhaps a CIT will want to establish a standard “thank you for the request, but I
like to keep sport psychology connections separate because of …” response if one of his
athletes request a “friendship” on his page or create a second page that is geared towards
professional connections.
Overall, sport psychology consultants are often asked to work with athletes in non-
traditional locations such as on the sideline, in hotels, on buses and in hallways (Etzel &
Watson, 2007). Despite potential hazards in utilizing social networking sites to supplement
consultations, banning such practices may not be the clear answer in these technological
times. Rather, supervisors will want to discuss any established policies on the use of social-
networking sites with CITs while in graduate school and use it as a teaching moment in the
potential advantages and disadvantages to their clients as well as the CITs’ own personal
reputations. Specifically, this may be a good opportunity for the CITs to learn how to
communicate specific boundaries to their clients. Lastly, there is a definite need for research
in use of social networking sites in sport psychology as new technology establishes new
methods for athletes to stay in contact with consultants. In summary, chances are great that
student-athletes as well as CITs entering graduate programs will have experience with and/or
will be currently using a social networking site and the issue will arise. Supervisors who
choose to ignore this practice will be neglecting an important topic in their supervision duty.
Fandom. As this chapter was being written, the media hype surrounding the NCAA
college basketball March Madness was coming to a climax. A time of the year when schools,
students and athletes get to show off their school’s prowess in highly publicized and televised
games in both men’s and women’s basketball. Media coverage of students’ school pride,
rampant basketball bracketology (picking, following and/or wagering on tournament bracket
winners) and entire city celebrations abound. CITs may find it difficult in these celebratory
times regardless if their consultations involve high profile basketball, football or other
programs, to negotiate between the role of consultant, university student, and fan. Any sport
psychology professional connected with universities during high stakes competitions (e.g.
national championships, BCS football games) may get caught up in the excitement of the
competition; after all, a love for sport was probably a major factor in our career choice. The
difficulty lies in the investment of personal emotions regarding fandom and the outcome of
the teams with which you work. Fandom and wanting to be apart of the team may occur while
watching teams with whom CITs are working (Tonn & Harmison, 2004) or not working.
When does a CIT cross the line of being an objective, impartial professional there for the
benefit of the athlete and between the hard-worked graduate student feeling school pride as
his team is about to win a berth into a national championship game? This topic would make
an excellent subject in a group supervision class and can precede the matter of relevant
NCAA rules regarding sport wagering discussed earlier in this chapter. Supervisors may want
to encourage the use of reflective writing to increase self-awareness of CITs’ motivations and
help them turn the consultation focus from a self-centered one to a more client-focus (Holt &
Strean, 2001).
Erotic attraction among consultants-in-training and athletes. A survey of AASP members
revealed that a small percentage of members have engaged in sexual relationships with their
clients (Petipas, Brewer, Rivera, & Van Raalte, 1994) and there have been documented cases
of erotic attraction boundary crossing (Stevens & Andersen, 2007b). It is unclear what
percentage of CITs engage in sexual relationships with their clients or do not handle their
erotic attraction to their clients professionally, but erotic attraction in sport psychology exists
and CITs should be prepared when it arises. Unfortunately, it has been suggested that students
are either not exposed to this issue in supervision or are not being adequately prepared to
handle it (Stevens & Andersen, 2007a). This neglect is concerning considering that the
neophyte or peer status of some CITs to their clients may increase the chances of feelings or
erotic attraction in one or both parties.
The concept of feelings developed by a client towards a clinician, or transference, and
vice versa, known as countertransference, has been explored in sport psychology literature.
Supervisors are encouraged to read Stevens and Andersen’s (2007a, 2007b) review of
theoretical approaches to transference and countertransference and examples of both
repressed and manifested behaviors of consultants. The authors provide a rationale that,
despite the prohibition of sexual behavior between consultant and client in professional
organizations, the simple supervisory message of “don’t do it” is not adequate in addressing
the complexities of this phenomenon (Stevens & Andersen, 2007a). Thus, CITs need specific
and detailed education, discussion and encouragement to explore erotic feelings and possible
consequences when they arise.
It is clear that observation alone is not enough for a supervisor to evaluate CITs thoughts
and behaviors regarding erotic attraction towards clients. Consultants are human, and
although some may not act or consciously allow themselves to think of such thoughts, there
may be repressed or latent erotic attraction towards clients which can alter the consultants’
behavior and subsequent care given to the athlete (Stevens & Andersen, 2007b). Yambor and
Connelly (1991) discussed the additional challenges that female consultants may have in
setting boundaries with their male clients, however, these feelings may occur regardless of
gender differences or sexual orientation. Further, many CITs may struggle with stressors such
as large work loads, financial concerns, and terminations of their own athletic careers that
may put them at risk for individual impairment that could negatively affect consultations and
increase mishandling of erotic attractions (Andersen, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2000). Andersen
and colleagues (2000) suggested that supervisors encourage CITs to seek individual
counseling when impaired or require it as part of their internship experience as it will not only
help them with personal issues, but can be beneficial to their development as a consultant.
Given the possible lack of supervision that supervisors received when working with athletes
themselves, supervisors may want to seek additional coursework to increase their supervisory
skill set to include addressing erotic attraction and impairment (Andersen, Van Raalte, &
Brewer, 1994). Further, supervisors will want to monitor their own feelings and erotic
attraction towards their CITs as it can be detrimental to the development of the student
(Andersen, 1994) and manifest in projection onto the CIT of feelings towards the client
(Stevens & Andersen, 2007a).
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RESEARCHERS AND PRACTITIONERS

• It is critical that supervisors choose an effective model of supervision that will fit
their training and the institution (or practice) where they work.
• Balancing individual and group supervision requires substantial effort on the part of
supervisors but will likely result in better outcomes including reduced risk or adverse
outcomes, improved case management, enhanced consultant development, and
improved service delivery.
• Developmental models of supervision provide an excellent context for supervision in

applied sport psychology by helping to match the level and type of supervision to the
CIT’s skill level.
• There are potentially unique and/or heightened issues when superivising or
consulting in a NCAA Division I setting and additional research is needed on the
experiences of CIT’s working within Division I (and other levels) to confirm and
extend some of the suggestions provided within this chapter.
• Supervisors and practitioners in Division I athletic programs will want to consult
with and have a working relationship with the campus NCAA compliance
coordinator to ensure that sport psychology services are within rules and regulations.
• Consultants-in-training entering graduate programs may have similar demographic,
background, or interest as their clientele that may leave them open to boundary issues
between clients who are peers.
• Examination in use of technology in sport psychology consulting needs to be
expanded to include investigations into the effectiveness of social networking sites.
• Internship and supervisory experiences in Division I settings have great potential if
supervisors proactively address specific concerns related to Division I programs.
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Chapter 15
ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING IN SPORT

PSYCHOLOGY: ISSUES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR
PROFESSIONAL PRACTICE
Brandonn S. Harris*1, Amanda J. Visek2 and Jack C. Watson3

Kansas State University1, The George Washington University2
West Virginia University3, USA
CHAPTER SUMMARY
A code of ethics specific to sport psychology has been noted to be of substantial
importance to the autonomy and professionalization of the field (Whelan, Meyers, & Elkins,
2002; Zeigler, 1987). In an effort to protect the welfare of those individuals being served and
to convey the values of the organization and profession to the community, the Association for
Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) previously established its own code of ethics. While the
principles and standards within codes of ethics provide support and guidance for professionals
navigating a variety of ethical issues, they oftentimes contain gaps, contradictions, and grey
areas that limit their utility in specific circumstances and complicate the process of ethical
decision-making (Kitchener, 1984; Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 1998). To help combat these
concerns, ethical decision-making models can serve as a practical framework that
professionals can use to resolve these situations. Although the AASP has yet to adopt a
decision-making model or guidelines for ethical decision-making in sport psychology, several
models found within other helping professions are presently available. The following chapter
will review the various ethical philosophies that have the potential to influence ethical
decision-making in sport psychology, in addition to examining several theoretical and
practice-based ethical decision-making models. A case study is also provided to illustrate the
use of a decision-making model to cope with an ethical situation that has increasingly become
*
All correspondence should be directed to:Brandonn S. Harris, Ph.D., Kansas State University, 329 Bluemont Hall,
1100 Mid-Campus Drive, Manhattan, KS 66506, Phone: 785.532.5784, Fax: 785.532.7304, E-mail:
bsharris@ksu.edu
218 Brandonn S. Harris, Amanda J. Visek and Jack C. Watson
germane to sport psychology. Lastly, specific recommendations for professional practice in

sport psychology are also forwarded.
INTRODUCTION
A profession’s quest to ensure that its professionals “do no harm” often requires the
acting professional organization to develop, adopt, and enforce a set of guidelines that
regulate their members’ professional conduct (Whelan et al., 2002). By doing so, the
profession is protecting not only the welfare of those they serve, but it is also a method of
communicating the values of the organization and/or profession to the community it serves, as
well as society at large. Ethics in sport psychology has been, and continues to be, an area of
great concern as this unique discipline and profession grows in research, education, and
practical application.
It has been stated that a code of ethics tailored specifically for sport psychology is a “vital
aspect of the overall professionalization of the field” (Ziegler, 1987, p. 138). Established in
1986 out of a need to focus on the challenges confronting sport psychology in the applied and
professional domains (Silva, 1989), Dr. John M. Silva founded the Association for the
Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP; presently known as the Association of
Applied Sport Psychology [AASP]), which has become the largest applied sport, exercise,
and health psychology organization in the world (AASP, 2009). By 1986, the AASP had
established an ethics committee to address the need for organizational and professional ethical
guidelines. Soon afterward, the American Psychological Association’s (APA) ethical
standards were temporarily adopted due to the APA’s tradition for holding high standards for
the practice of psychological service delivery among psychologists (Whelan, 1993). By 1994,
the AASP had adopted a set of six general principles. These six principles include: (1)
Competence, (2) Integrity, (3) Professional and Scientific Responsibility, (4) Respect for
People’s Rights and Dignity, (5) Concern for Others’ Welfare, and (6) Social Responsibility.
In 1996, the AASP added to the previously adopted principles by adopting a set of standards
by which to provide guidance and regulate members’ behavior. These more specific standards
were based, in large, on the 1992 APA Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of
Conduct (Ethics Code). Today, the AASP Ethics Code includes an introduction, a preamble,
the six aforementioned general principles, and 25 ethical standards, which are intended to
inform and guide the professional roles, interaction, and communications of AASP members.
Many professionals within the field have steadfastly fought for the professionalization of
sport psychology by: (a) gaining recognition by the APA as a division of psychology (i.e.,
Division 47), (b) establishing certification (i.e., Certified Consultant – Association for
Applied Sport Psychology) for those members that have exhibited a common standard of
preparation and practice within the field (Zizzi, Zaichowsky, & Perna, 2002), and (c)
adopting a set of ethical principles and standards by which to hold its members accountable.
These advancements towards the professionalization of sport psychology have been pivotal in
grounding and providing a professional structure to this unique discipline and professional
practice. However, despite its growth, sport psychology remains a relatively young field that
due to its distinctiveness has been, and will continue to be, faced with idiosyncratic issues and
Ethical Decision-Making in Sport Psychology: Issues and Implications… 219
circumstances not typically faced by other fields of practice (for a review see Etzel & Watson,
2007; Etzel, Watson, & Zizzi, 2004; Watson & Etzel, 2004).
For example, while the provision of sport psychology services often mimics a similar
structure to that of traditional psychotherapy, applied sport psychology services often take
place outside the conventional office and on the training and playing fields of sport. It is not
uncommon for a sport psychology practitioner to observe an athlete or team during practices,
to be on-call during a competitive event, or to travel domestically or even internationally with
an athlete/team-client. Additionally, sport psychology practitioners may find themselves in
complex situations in which both the coaching staff and team members confide in the sport
psychology practitioner about separate or similar issues involving one another, which can
place the practitioner in a sensitive and precarious situation of which he/she must carefully
navigate in the best interest of all parties. Sport psychology practitioners providing services to
collegiate athletes and teams may also find themselves in situations in which there are
conflicts with confidentiality when an athlete confides in them about various National
Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) violations. Due to the increased presence of sport
psychology on college and university campuses, practitioners can also be faced with multiple-
role relationships. For instance, more and more practitioners find their athlete-clients as
students in their classrooms because practitioners often have full-time or part-time faculty
appointments where they teach a variety of sport psychology courses in departments of
kinesiology/exercise science and psychology (Watson, Clement, Harris, Leffingwell, & Hurst,
2006). Therefore, because of the unique nature of sport psychology service provision,
practitioners often find themselves in quandaries of which standards of practice in traditional
psychotherapy do not adequately apply.
ADVANTAGES OF DECISION-MAKING MODELS

The AASP Ethic’s Code was adopted to help guide the professional conduct of its
members with the intent of protecting the welfare of clients and the profession as a whole.
While codes of ethics serve as directional beacons to help guide member professional
practice, they do have inherent gaps and contradictions that can be inadequate when assessing
what action to take when one has found themselves in a potential ethical dilemma (Kitchener,
1984). Unfortunately, as Kitchener attests, despite a thorough knowledge of pertinent
professional codes and the sincerest intentions to adhere to them, codes of ethics are not a
fool-proof means of shielding practitioners from questionable professional conduct.
Therefore, because of the generality that is characteristic of codes of ethics, professional
bodies and their members should develop decision-making strategies which can assist in
facilitating the management of ethical situations as they arise (Koocher & Kieth-Spiegel,
1998).
Various models of ethical decision-making are found in the psychology, counseling, and
counseling psychology literature; however, interestingly they have yet to be popularly applied
to issues germane to sport psychology. The purpose of the processes characteristic of ethical
decision models is to maximize the probability of an ethically sound outcome being reached
(Koocher & Kieth-Spiegel, 1998). Thus, the use of decision-making models provides a
systematic framework for evaluating questionable situations and the various elements that
could potentially influence the outcome of a particular decision (Tymchuk, 1981). Given the
relative infancy of sport psychology as both a discipline and professional service, its
continued growth will be determined in part, by the sound ethical decisions of its
practitioners. Additionally, given the unique nature of applied sport psychology, the adoption
and application of ethical decision-making models would no doubt augment the provision of
services, but would also concurrently increase the likelihood of sport psychology practitioners
reaching the most ethically sound outcome that is in the best interests of all parties involved.
ETHICAL THEORIES AND DECISION-MAKING MODELS

Currently, sport psychology professionals do not have a decision-making model available
that is specific to their field. Fortunately, several alternative models to ethical decision-
making can be found within other mental health professions and appear to have great utility
for sport psychology educators, researchers, and practitioners. Before reviewing these models,
it is helpful to first examine the philosophical frameworks that have guided ethical behavior
and thus serve as the foundation for ethical conduct and the interpretation and utilization of
decision-making models (Cottone & Claus, 2000).
Ethical Theory and Philosophy
While much has been written about moral philosophy and ethical theory,
Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy (2000) noted that Teleology and Deontology have emerged as
the two general philosophical perspectives primarily influencing ethical decision-making
models. Further, O’Donohue and Mangold (1996) have suggested these two schools of
thought to be of considerable importance within the field of psychology and of potential
influence to the code of ethics for the APA. As such, these two perspectives are also
important within sport psychology.
Teleology/Consequentialism. Sometimes referred to as Consequentialism, Teleology
represents an outcome-oriented philosophy suggesting that ethical or moral behaviors be
evaluated based upon the consequences of those behaviors, regardless of the intention or
means used to achieve such ends (Beekun, Hamdy, Westerman, & HassabElnaby, 2008;
Whelan et al., 2002). Stemming from the work of Mills and Bentham, Utilitarianism has been
noted to be the most prominent form of the Consequentialist perspective (Regis, 1980) and
has been suggested to be of particular influence to the process of ethical decision-making
(Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 2000). According to this framework, actions that result in the
most positive consequences for the greatest number of individuals are deemed to be ethical,
with the opposite holding true for immoral or unethical behaviors (Beekun et al., 2008).
Researchers have commonly characterized this perspective as “the greatest good for the
greatest number” (Tymchuk, 1986, p.37; also see Whelan et al., 2002, p. 510).
Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy (2000) further suggested Utilitarianism to include both Act
(focus of behavior is specifically on outcome achieved) and Rule forms (using prescribed
rules to achieve the greatest good). In addition to Utilitarianism, there are other theoretical
frameworks that each provides its own deviation of the basic Consequentialist premise. When
good moral or ethical behaviors are defined as those actions attempting to achieve the greatest
happiness or pleasure for oneself, it is commonly referred to as Hedonism (Hadjistavropoulos
& Malloy, 2000; Rachels, 1999). Additionally, the Hedonistic perspective recognizes
happiness and pleasure to be responses to the attainment of something we previously have
accepted as being good, rather than resulting from the pursuit of happiness and pleasure in
their own right and for their own sake (Rachels, 1999).
Egoism has also been forwarded as a branch of Consequentialism and suggests that
ethical behaviors are those that best serve the interests of the individual (Beekun et al., 2008).
When making ethical decisions an individual may take into account the interests of others;
however, they will only act accordingly if accounting for others’ interests also serves the
well-being of that individual making the decision (Rachels, 1999). This perspective has
further been sectioned into Ethical and Psychological Egoism. Traditionally, the former
proposes that human behavior should or ought to be carried out to further one’s own best
interests (Price, 2008; Regis, 1980; Van Hoose & Kottler, 1985). The notion that human
behavior does occur to promote one’s own best interest or welfare represents the
Psychological Egoist perspective (Lemos, 1960; Price, 2008). In these two latter
Consequentialist perspectives, the greatest good that results from one’s actions regards the
well-being of the individual, rather than the interests of most as demonstrated in the
Utilitarianism framework.
Deontology. Deontology, sometimes described as Absolutism (rule-based ethics),
proposes that the ethicality or morality of behaviors should be evaluated based on the
intentions and quality of actions, rather than the outcomes of such behaviors as promoted by
Consequentialists (Frame & Williams, 2005; Price, 2008). Additionally, this perspective
suggests that ethical behavior should be grounded in principles that would be accepted as
universal and applicable to different scenarios (Frame & Williams, 2005; Whelan et al.,
2002). Similar to the Consequentialist approach, Deontology also has theoretical derivatives
that provide their own variation of the philosophy’s basic premise.
Well known for his influence on the Deontological philosophy, Immanuel Kant suggested
that humans had a moral obligation or duty to behave in a manner that rational individuals
would be expected to demonstrate and condone given their intuition (Price, 2008; Whelan et
al., 2002). Not surprisingly, this form of Deontology has been described as Intuitive
Deontology (Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 2000). In establishing his approach to ethics and
morality, Kant forwarded what he termed the Categorical Imperative that defined moral
behavior as that which could be universally and consistently demonstrated without exception,
across circumstances (Price, 2008).
Divine Command Theory is another form of the general Deontological school of thought
and suggests that the ethicality and morality of behavior should be weighed against the will of
God (Rachels, 1999; Rooney, 1995). Moral and ethical behaviors are those that fulfill the will
or rules of God; that is, immoral behaviors are those that God would deem to be forbidden.
Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy (2000) added that the will of a divine authority varies
according to religious affiliation and the rules for behavior would likely be linked to one’s
religious text and associated doctrine.
Originating from the work of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau, the Social Contract Theory
is also recognized as a Deontological approach to ethics and morality. This perspective adopts
a practical approach to morality by suggesting that ethical behaviors be understood as
solutions to problems stemming from the self-interests of individuals (Rachels, 1999). In
order for a society to function morally and avoid what Hobbes referred to as the state of
nature (i.e., a chaotic state resulting from the absence of rules coupled with the nature of
human existence), it needed to adopt a collective agreement that governed the interactions of
people with one another, in addition to an agency or leader(s) that would enforce the
regulations associated with such an agreement (Price, 2008).
Integrating Ethical Theory into Sport Psychology
There is little doubt that the aforementioned frameworks on ethical and moral behavior
have made a significant contribution to several professional fields involving mental health
service provision (i.e., counseling, counseling psychology, clinical psychology, social work,
and sport psychology). However, professionals may find integrating such philosophies into
their respective work a challenge given the occasional nebulous nature of ethical philosophy.
For example, O’Donohue and Mangold (1996) noted the uncertainty associated with the
specific theories the APA’s Ethics Code is grounded in. Additionally, Van Hoose and Kottler
(1985) suggested that when searching for appropriate principles to guide ethical decision-
making, philosophy “can be a very intellectual, abstract, and theoretically dry approach to
dealing with conflicts, with little practical value and almost no relevance to the real world” (p.
21). However, these authors also noted that the same philosophies can be quite supportive in
developing one’s own theory on ethical behavior. Therefore, it seems appropriate to identify
the practical implications ethical and moral philosophy can have on ethical guidelines and the
decision-making behaviors of sport psychology professionals.
In fact, sport psychology researchers have previously examined how general ethical
philosophies may be reflected in the ethics code of the American Psychology Association. For
example, Whelan and colleagues (2002) suggested that the premises of Consequentialism and
Deontology were exemplified by the standards and principles contained in the APA Ethics
Code, respectively. Given that the current code of ethics for the AASP was largely predicated
on that of the APA, the present authors find it appropriate to extend this application to the
ethical guidelines governing the profession of sport psychology. Similar to those contentions
forwarded by Whelan and colleagues, it can be argued that the six principles contained within
the AASP Ethics Code (i.e., Competence, Integrity, Professional and Scientific
Responsibility, Respect for People’s Rights and Dignity, Concern for Others’ Welfare, and
Social Responsibility) serve to represent ethical generalizations that should remain universal
in guiding a variety of ethical behaviors in settings germane to sport psychology. As the
Ethics Code suggests, these principles serve to guide members “toward the highest ideals of
the profession” (Meyers, 1995, p. 15). Although the AASP Ethics Code notes these principles
are not specific enforceable rules, they should be considered by members when attempting to
decide an appropriate ethical course of action. When viewing the principles from this
perspective, the parallels between these principles’ purpose and the Deontological school of
thought become more salient.
Conversely, the 25 standards found within the AASP Ethics Code (Professional and
Scientific Relationship, Boundaries of Competence, Human Differences, etc.) serve to “more
precisely specify the boundaries of ethical conduct” (AASP, 1994). Whelan and colleagues
(2002) suggest that such standards represent the Consequentialist perspective in that they
provide proscribed rules of ethical behavior regarding a variety of specific roles sport
psychology professionals may find themselves occupying. Given that these delineated rules
are put forth to guide behavior that ideally serves the best interests of those receiving services
(e.g., students, clients, research participants), the community, the practitioner/professional,
and the profession of sport psychology, it seems apparent that the Consequentialist
framework may also be manifested within the AASP Ethics Code.
Although the AASP code of ethics provides great guidance and utility to sport
psychology professionals working within a variety of professional capacities, the standards
are not exhaustive and do not address every potential ethical dilemma individuals may
encounter in their work (Tarvydas, 1998; Whelan et al., 2002). Additionally, there may be
circumstances where conflicts between ethical standards exist, or between an ethical code and
one’s legal obligations. Fortunately, ethical decision-making models can serve as a practical
framework by which sport psychology professionals can resolve these types of situations that
are not addressed in the Ethics Code. Such models can also provide guidance for these
circumstances, as well as for those scenarios that remain challenging and not easily resolved
at first glance (Tarvydas, 1998). The importance of these models may also be underscored by
the fact that it is ultimately the responsibility of the professional to determine what course of
action is ethically appropriate when an ethical dilemma surfaces (Corey, Corey, & Callanan,
1998).
Ethical Decision-Making Models
Relatively little empirical research has specifically examined the decision-making

process or models within mental health professions, and even fewer studies have addressed
the effectiveness of the models currently available (Cottone & Claus, 2000). Nonetheless, the
use of ethical decision-making models can help augment the process of appropriately
resolving ethical dilemmas proactively or reactively, in addition to recognizing the ethical
principles associated with particular scenarios and identifying when such principles may
conflict with one another (Tarvydas, 1998; Tymchuk, 1986). Despite the utility of such
models, a void in the code of ethics for both the APA and the AASP involves the absence of a
decision-making model or guidelines for ethical decision-making (Whelan et al., 2002).
Further, sport psychology practitioners may find themselves facing ethical challenges atypical
to other areas of psychology given the unique nature of their field and the variety of work
professionals are involved in (see Etzel & Watson, 2007; Etzel, et al., 2004; Watson & Etzel,
2004). Therefore, it is apparent that the sport psychology profession would greatly benefit
from the inclusion of decision-making models or guidelines to help facilitate continued
ethical practice in all facets of the field. Until a decision-making model emerges that is
exclusive to sport psychology, it is helpful to examine the current models of decision-making
forwarded by other mental health professions (e.g., psychology, counseling, and counseling
psychology). Such models have previously been identified as being grounded in either
theoretical or practical frameworks (Cottone & Claus, 2000). Following this examination, a
case study is presented to illustrate the applicability of these decision-making models to the
sport psychology profession.
Theoretically-based decision-making models. One avenue to help guide professionals in
navigating potential ethical dilemmas involves a series of decision-making models grounded
in theory. Two influential models emphasized moral reasoning as a necessary step for
resolving ethical predicaments. The first is considered a seminal publication in this area and
came from the work of Kitchener (1984), who proposed a model of ethical justification.
Kitchener suggested that when faced with an ethical dilemma, a professional’s first response
occurred at the intuitive level and consisted of immediate actions and judgments that were
based on the facts of the situation in addition to their natural sense of morality. Noting that
this level of moral reasoning may not suffice in resolving ethically problematic situations,
Kitchener also proposed that a level of critical-evaluative reasoning occurred following the
intuitive level of reasoning. At this stage of reasoning, the professional may incorporate three
different frameworks, in a hierarchical manner, to aid in resolving the conflict and justify the
professional’s actions. These three tiers included: (1) consulting relevant rules (e.g.,
professional codes or ethics and laws), (2) consulting ethical principles originally forwarded
by Beauchamp and Childress (2009; i.e., autonomy, nonmaleficence, beneficence, justice,
fidelity), and (3) referring to relevant ethical theories (e.g., Deontology or Consequentialism).
Similar to the work of Kitchener (1984), another decision-making model placed an
emphasis on the moral reasoning of professionals in resolving ethical dilemmas. Rest (1984,
1994) proposed a four-component model for determining moral behavior. The first
component involved assessing the scenario to determine how the professional’s action might
impact the welfare of others (moral sensitivity). The second component, referred to as moral
judgment, included an examination of which actions would be considered morally appropriate
or inappropriate. In his third component, Rest suggested that individuals should prioritize the
courses of action and moral values to help determine, of those values in competition with one
another, which value the professional should uphold (moral motivation). Using the term
moral character to describe the fourth and final component, the author highlighted the
importance of the individuals maintaining conviction and perseverance as they carry out their
decisions. In doing so, individuals are likely to act appropriately given their analysis of the
ethical dilemma according to the first three components.
Responding to the fact that despite professional ethics codes and training, professionals
continue to display unethical behaviors, Betan (1997) proposed a hermeneutic model of
decision-making. This theoretical perspective supplemented the work of Kitchener (1984) and
Rest (1984, 1994) by proposing a shift away from the traditional method of using rationality,
objectivity, and concrete principles and rules as the sole determinant for ethical behavior.
Rather than dismissing such logical and objective perspectives, the author suggested moving
toward a balanced approach that also incorporated the professional’s subjective view and
personal attributes on the “interpretation of and commitment to ethical practice” (Betan, 1993,
p. 348).
Recently, Cottone (2004) forwarded a decision-making model grounded in social
constructivism. Cottone suggested that ethical decision-making should include less of an
emphasis on a psychological process and more importance placed on the “context of social
interaction” (p. 7). With his model, the author presents four basic assumptions of social
constructivism which included: (1) all decisions being placed in a social context, (2) ethical
and unethical actions being rooted in biologically and sociologically factors, (3) decisions
being based on information obtained through social interaction, a process known as
“consensualizing” (Cottone, 2004, p. 7), and (4) professionals being encouraged to utilize
arbitration and negotiation to aid in resolving the ethical dilemma should consensualizing fail
to work appropriately.
A final theoretically-based decision-making model comes from Chang (1994) who

presented a five-step hierarchical process that incorporated Eric Berne’s (1972) Transactional
Analysis (TA). This process included an identification of the problem and its professional
relevance, a differentiation of personal and professional ideals and values, and a consideration
of both legal and ethical obligations. Infusing certain tenants of TA into these steps, Chang
(1994) suggested that three assumptions influenced the process of ethical decision-making.
These included the notion that people are born into this world as acceptable, that clients are
able to conceptualize their own concerns and should remain active participants in the problem
solving process and therapy, and individuals are capable of taking control over their own lives
and have the capacity to make appropriate changes. Chang also incorporates elements of TA
into the consultation of relevant codes of ethics for practitioners who incorporate TA into
their professional work.
Practice-based decision-making models. In addition to those models with frameworks
rooted in a theory or philosophy, mental health professionals have also witnessed the creation
of practice-based decision-making models. Cottone and Claus (2000) suggested that these
models generally do not represent specific theories or philosophies and are intended to be
more pragmatic in nature. Generally speaking, these practice-based models include a series of
step-by-step guidelines for the resolution of ethical dilemmas. Such models have been
forwarded by Keith-Spiegel and Koocher (1998), Tymchuck (1986), Corey, Corey, and
Callanan (1998), Steinman, Richardson, and McEnroe (1998), Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy
(2000), and Bush, Connell, and Denney (2006). Although practice-based, other models have
also incorporated the previously identified theoretically-based decision-making models in the
development of their own stage processes. For example, the work of Kitchener (1984) has
been quite influential in the development of many of these pragmatic models. Welfel (2006)
presented a nine-step practice-based model for the deliberation of ethical issues that
incorporated the two levels of moral reasoning proposed by Kitchener (e.g. intuitive and
critical evaluations). Her model included steps ranging from the development of ethical
sensitivity to a reflection on the decision-making experience once a decision has been made
and executed. Similarly, Tarvydas (1998) integrated the work of Kitchener (1984) and Rest
(1984, 1994) in her integrative model for ethical decision-making. This particular model
proposed four general stages and also incorporated specific pragmatic components into each
stage to help guide professionals along the decision-making process.
Generally speaking, most of these practice-based decision-making models have steps
ranging in number from seven to 10, with certain steps having a consistent presence in many
models. For example, most of the previously mentioned models include steps involving: (1)
identification of the problem and its parameters, (2) assessing the relevant ethical issues
present, (3) consulting the appropriate codes of ethics and legal guidelines, (4) generating
alternative courses of action and consequences of each, and (5) selecting and executing the
appropriate action. Steps that appear to be somewhat inconsistent with some models’
guidelines include the consultation of trusted colleagues, in addition to an evaluation of the
selected action and its consequences once such action has been taken.
Similar to these practice-based models, researchers have also forwarded pragmatic
guidelines tailored for specialty practice in mental health service provision. For example,
Gottlieb (1993) and Pope and Keith-Spiegel (2008) constructed decision-making models for
practitioners confronted with potential multiple-role relationships. Other decision-making
models have been developed for professionals engaged in multicultural counseling (Frame &
Wlliams, 2005), family therapy (Woody, 1990; Zygmond & Boorhem, 1989), and
rehabilitation counseling (Tarvydas, 1987). Sport psychology practitioners with these
additional specializations or interests are encouraged to refer to the respective literature for
guidelines related to solving ethical dilemmas within each context.
An application of ethical decision-making in sport psychology. To help illustrate the
incorporation of ethical decision-making models in sport psychology, a case study has been
provided regarding multiple-role relationships. This particular ethical dilemma has been noted
to be of considerable importance in the sport psychology profession (Watson et al., 2006),
despite the fact that such an ethical conflict is addressed in the codes of ethics for the APA
and AASP. The multi-stage process for resolving ethical decision-making forwarded by
Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy (2000) was utilized to illustrate the resolution of such a
dilemma within a sport psychology setting. These authors presented the following seven steps
to aid in resolving ethical dilemmas: (1) identify the ethically relevant issues and practices
germane to the case, (2) develop alternative courses of action, (3) examine the probably short-
term, continuing, and long-term risks and benefits for each identified course of action, (4)
select the appropriate course of action following an application of relevant ethical principles
and standards, (5) carry out the selected action and remain committed to assume
responsibilities associated with such action, (6) evaluate the consequences of the selected
action, and (7) assume responsibility for action and take necessary measures to correct action
or initiate the decision-making process again to appropriately resolve the ethical issue. A
derivative of the models proposed by the Canadian Psychological Association (1991) and
Tymchuck (1986), this particular decision-making model was selected for its practicality and
comprehensiveness in resolving ethical dilemmas applicable to sport psychology. Further, the
present authors believe this decision-making model represents the most relevant components
incorporated in the various theoretically- and practice-based models previously described.
Ethical Decision-Making Case Study Application
As the only faculty member at a university who is trained in the area of applied sport
psychology, Dr. Dual teaches an undergraduate course in sport psychology. Dr. Dual, a
licensed psychologist, also consults with several of the University’s varsity athletic teams.
While these consultations are often sporadic, Dr. Dual works most closely with the varsity
softball team. The coach of the softball team has thoroughly “bought into” sport psychology
and has set aside 30 minutes each week for Dr. Dual to work with her team. Dr. Dual has
developed excellent rapport with the athletes, many of whom have set up individual
appointments to meet with him to work mostly on individual performance issues. During the
spring semester, Kathy, the senior starting pitcher with whom Dr. Dual has been working
individually on issues of performance anxiety, maintaining concentration, and to a lesser
extent relationship-related issues for the last two years registered for his undergraduate sport
psychology class as an elective course to be used towards her graduation requirements. She
believed that taking this class would give her further insight towards her own performance,
and it would be a fun class to take, especially with a professor that she knows and likes.
When Dr. Dual reads his course roster just before classes start, he becomes concerned
when he sees Kathy’s name on the list because of multiple role issues that he will need to deal
with. How should Dr. Dual proceed in determining how to deal with this perceived ethical
dilemma?
To help with this process, the previously described ethical decision-making model
forwarded by Hadjistavropoulos and Malloy (2000) is applied. Further, it should be noted that
Dr. Dual is encouraged to follow the below decision making model in consultation with a
colleague – such consultation helps to ensure that a broader perspective is being considered
and that Dr. Dual is developing a community standard of practice. Additionally, Dr. Dual
should document this decision making process in his case notes.
1. Identify the ethically relevant issues and practices: Dr. Dual has an uneasy feeling
about this arrangement. This implies that Dr. Dual feels as if there could be an ethical
situation that he needs to deal with. The relevant ethical issues include: (1) multiple
role issues (APA Standard 3.05; AASP Standard 9) (not always unethical) where the
client may feel as if her performance/involvement in one setting may influence her
involvement in the other, or could influence Dr. Dual’s impartiality in either or both
of his roles; (2) possible conflict between an organization that allows students to
register for classes as they choose and an ethical code that encourages professionals
to avoid multiple role relationships when possible (APA Standard 1.03); (3)
nonmaleficence concerns (APA Principle A; AASP Principle E) about the possibility
of a multiple role relationship resulting in harm to the client, and therefore a need to
resolve conflicts; and (4) Responsibility issues (APA Principle B; AASP Principle C)
imply that Dr. Dual must clearly articulate his roles and responsibilities in each
setting to the client, and should make known any concerns about this situation.
2. Development of alternative courses of action: Based upon the ethical issues
discussed above, if Dr. Dual perceives the potential for an unhealthy multiple role
relationship, he may want to consider alternative options such as those listed below.
a) Have another instructor teach this course (i.e., course swap).
b) Have another person help with grading in this course so that Dr. Dual is not
specifically grading Kathy’s work.
c) Termination of individual and/or group work with Kathy.
d) Encourage Kathy to take a different course or section of this course.
e) Working with Kathy to understand the issues related to this situation, the
roles and responsibilities of each person in the different settings and
developing a plan for dealing with potential problems via open
communication and periodic discussions.
f) Dropping Kathy from the course roster.
3. Analyze the short- and long-term risks and benefits of each action on the involved
groups: Each of the aforementioned alternatives comes with its own short- and long-
term risks and benefits, and a detailed discussion of these is beyond the scope of the
present chapter. However, common risks and benefits for the abovementioned
options may include lack of resources to pay another person to teach or grade papers,
consistency with grading if done by two people, client feeling abandoned, lack of
integrity if client was dropped, inability of program to offer multiple course sections,
competence of others to teach course, effect upon responsibilities of the faculty
member, concerns about Kathy understanding the multiple role responsibilities of
both person’s, potential harm to the client, and the influence of power that Dr. Dual
has within both roles.
4. Choose course of action after application of existing principles, values and standards:
When choosing the course of action, given an evaluation of the ethics code, it is
important for Dr. Dual to not only be compliant with the ethical standards, but to be
in line with the spirit of the code based upon the ethical principles and the values of
the organization. While several of the potential options may appear appropriate to Dr.
Dual, he should attempt to choose the option with the highest likelihood of helping
the client and lowest likelihood of harming the client.
5. Act, with a commitment to assume responsibility for consequences: In this case, Dr.
Dual chose to continue teaching the course, but to talk with Kathy before the start of
the semester to express his concerns with her being in his class. In so doing, he
encouraged her to understand the multiple-roles and the potential problems with the
roles, and he outlined the processes that he would want to put in place to deal with
these issues if she were to stay in this class. He encouraged her to consider if she still
wanted to be in this course, but made it clear to her that this was her decision. When
she chose to stay, Dr. Dual set up periodic meetings with Kathy in an attempt to
continue discussions about discomfort, role clarity, expectations and behaviors. He
encouraged her to talk with him about any concerns that she may have. Furthermore,
Dr. Dual made his Department Chair aware of this arrangement just in case any
situations arose.
6. Evaluation of the results: Dr. Dual kept an eye on Kathy during classes and sessions
to make sure that her behavior was not changing as a result of this arrangement.
Further, he used the periodic meetings with Kathy to evaluate if any adverse effects
were occurring as a result of this relationship, and kept his Department Chair up to
date on this arrangement.
7. Assume responsibility for consequences of action. That is, correct negative
consequences or restart the decision making process: If problems were to arise, Dr.
Dual was committed to working to solve them, putting the best interests of the client
first. He also had the commitment of the Department Chair to assist, and had the
support of a colleague to help him determine possible solutions to any problems,
should they arise.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It has been suggested that a code of ethics specific to sport psychology is critical to the
autonomy and professionalization of the field (Whelan et al., 2002; Zeigler, 1987). By not
practicing within the ethical parameters of the profession, sport psychology professionals risk
harming those they come into contact with in all areas of the profession (i.e., teaching,
research, consultation; Etzel & Watson, 2007). Fortunately, the AASP developed its own
respective Ethics Code to protect not only the welfare of those individuals being served, but
also to convey the values of the organization and profession as a whole to the community.
While the principles and standards within such codes provide support and guidance for
professionals navigating a variety of ethical issues, they oftentimes contain gaps and
contradictions which may limit its utility in certain circumstances and complicate the process
of ethical decision-making (Kitchener, 1984; Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 1998). To help
combat these concerns, ethical decision-making models can serve as a practical framework by
which professionals can resolve these situations. The use of these models can also help
augment the process of appropriately resolving ethical dilemmas proactively or reactively, in
addition to recognizing underlying the ethical principles associated with particular ethical
scenarios (Tarvydas, 1998; Tymchuk, 1986).
To date, the APA and the AASP have yet to adopt a decision-making model or guidelines
for ethical decision-making in sport psychology (Whelan et al., 2002). However, several other
models found within counseling, psychology, and counseling psychology are presently
available for implementation and involve both theoretically- and practice-based frameworks.
Regardless of which model sport psychology practitioners gravitate towards, they are
encouraged to utilize these models as a valuable, systematic resource to help increase the
likelihood that an ethically-sound decision is made (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 1998). Further,
with sport psychology being a dynamic and unique field in which idiosyncratic challenges
may surface (Etzel & Watson, 2007), the profession would do well to eventually work
towards the development and adoption of its own decision-making model to further guide
professional practice. Doing so would also likely support the continued professionalization
and advancement of the field.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ETHICAL

PROFESSIONAL PRACTICE IN SPORT PSYCHOLOGY
• Sport psychology professionals are encouraged to: (a) locate, (b) conveniently store
for future reference, and (c) systematically review their relevant codes of ethical
conduct periodically so that they are continually cognizant of the guidelines for
appropriate professional behavior. Should an ethical dilemma present itself, it is
critical that sport psychology professionals consult their appropriate ethical code to
obtain the necessary guidance and information for navigating the various elements to
a dilemma.
• Given that many theoretically- and practice-based models of ethical decision-making
are available, sport psychology professionals are encouraged to select a model that
serves their professional needs and to utilize the model to help resolve ethical
dilemmas both proactively and reactively when necessary.
• Sport psychology professionals are strongly encouraged to engage in consultation
with trusted colleagues to assist in resolving potential ethical dilemmas, and to
document such consultation when it occurs. To help accomplish this, professionals
would be wise to develop a network of trusted colleagues who can help provide
support and guidance for a variety of ethical dilemmas pertaining to sport psychology
roles. Not only can consulting with trusted colleagues aid in the resolution of ethical
dilemmas, it also can help establish an ethically-sound community standard of
practice for the field of sport psychology.
• Sport psychology professionals are further encouraged to have the contact

information of individuals on their organizations’ ethics committees readily available
for consultation or questions regarding ethical dilemmas.
• Sport psychology professionals are also encouraged to attend to and trust their ethical
intuition that is often a product of their education, training, and previous experiences.
For example, sport psychology professionals may encounter an ethically questionable
scenario in which despite not being able to immediately identify all of the relevant
ethical issues or how to go about resolving such concerns, their intuition may sense
potential cause for concern. Recognizing and acting upon this intuition can help
ensure the sport psychology professional engages in the appropriate decision-making
process to eliminate or reduce the potential for ethical wrongdoing to occur.
• Sport psychology professionals are strongly recommended to seek continuing
education and information through educational opportunities such as courses, quality
published literature and workshops/seminars to maintain current and proficient with
ethical professional practice.
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Chapter 16
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTING WITH CANADIAN

OLYMPIC ATHLETES AND COACHES: VALUES AND
ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Penny Werthner and John Coleman

Faculty of Health Sciences, School of Human Kinetics
University of Ottawa, 125 University Pr., Ottawa, Canada K1N 6N5
E-mail: werthner@uottawa.ca
Key Words: Values, ethics, sport psychology, Olympic Games
CHAPTER SUMMARY
What are some of the ethical issues facing sport psychology consultants working
alongside athletes and coaches preparing for the Olympic Games? What role do values play in
recognizing, understanding, and resolving those issues? The purpose of this chapter is to
examine, from the perspective of two consultants working with Olympic athletes and coaches,
the nature of that consulting work, and the relationship between one’s core values, one’s
professional philosophy, and ethical behavior. Hodgkinson’s (1991, 1996) hierarchy of values
is presented, the consultants core values are articulated, and specific ethical issues are
explored, such as navigating confidentiality, understanding emotions, managing professional
boundaries, and the relationship between taking care of oneself within the process of
consulting at an Olympic Games and the ability to effectively manage ethical dilemmas as
they arise. Strategies are presented for resolving the ethical challenges.
As a sport psychology consultant, it is productive to take time to reflect on one’s
philosophy and values, and the behaviors, ethical or not, that flow out of that philosophy.
Sport at all levels presents potential ethical challenges but the pressure and magnitude of the
Olympic Games creates some unique challenges. At the time of writing this, winter sport
athletes and coaches are in their final year of preparation for the 2010 Olympic Winter Games
in Vancouver. The pressures on the athletes and coaches to conform, perform, and win
medals are significant, and with those pressures come potential ethical dilemmas.
234 Penny Werthner and John Coleman
The purpose of this chapter is to share our collective thoughts, as consultants with
Olympic teams, on the concept of values and various ethical dilemmas that exist at the
Olympic level of sport. Somerville (2006) suggested that any talk of ethics should begin with
a discussion of values, but often that is easier said than done. The values we hold as
individuals, and as professionals, are often more implicit than explicit. Our values are often
passed down to us by our family and community, and it is important, at some point in each of
our lives, to critically examine those values and decide how they fit. By taking time to
critically examine who we are, what we believe in and what core values we hold, and who we
want to become, we will be better able to make decisions that are ethical when dilemmas
arise.
The two questions that will be addressed in this chapter are (a) how do we go about
making our values explicit, first for ourselves and then for the athletes and coaches we work
with? and (b) what are some of the critical ethical issues we face as consultants, and how are
they negotiated? Before attempting to answer these two questions (above), we will briefly
look at the current state of sport psychology consulting in Canada.
CURRENT STATE OF SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTING IN CANADA

Within the Canadian sport system the number of sport psychology consultants working
directly with athletes, coaches, and teams has increased considerably. At the Olympic level of
sport, Canada had 13 consultants, many fully accredited, working with various teams at the
2006 winter Olympic Games in Turin, Italy. At the 2008 summer Olympic Games in Beijing,
China there were four fully accredited sport psychology consultants, other consultants
working off site, and others consulting via Skype and e-mail from Canada. It is anticipated
that at the 2010 winter Olympic Games in Vancouver, Canada, more than 15 mental trainers
and sport psychology consultants will be working with Canadian athletes and coaches.
At the provincial and local levels of sport in Canada, there are many more sport
psychology consultants working with athletes, coaches, teams and parents. These consultants
are working with young children who are just beginning their competitive sport experience, as
well as their parents, to help create joyful experiences where the tensions and challenges of
competitive sport are managed with specific psychological skills, such as setting small goals
to ensure growth and development. They are working with adolescent athletes who are part of
more intensive competitive experiences, and ensuring development of not only the
psychological skills necessary to compete well, but also a healthy perspective toward
competition that includes values such as fair play, respect for one’s competitors, and honoring
the game.
There is also a newly-formed Canadian Sport Psychology Association (www.cspa-
apsc.ca ) with a well-developed mission statement, code of ethics, and, as of March 2009, 56
professional members. The mission statement of CSPA follows:
The Canadian Sport Psychology Association (CSPA) is an organization devoted to
promoting and developing the professional practice of sport psychology in Canada. "Sport
Psychology" is a term used to refer to the psychological aspects of sport, exercise, health,
physical education, physical recreation, and related physical activities. The practice of sport
psychology involves facilitating the development of psychological and emotional skills,
Sport Psychology Consulting with Canadian Olympic Athletes and Coaches… 235
techniques, attitudes, perspectives, and processes that lead to performance enhancement and
positive personal development. The CSPA logo embodies the yin-yang symbol to reflect our
vision and appreciation of the physical and psychological dimensions of well-being of
performance as well as the holistic development of individuals who are not just "athletes"
performing in sport but "persons" performing in life (www.cspa-apsc.ca).
We can see that the field is in a state of dynamic growth, while still finding its way
among the other support professions of medicine and physiotherapy. Sport has always been a
world that relies heavily on the visible, the tangible, and the measurable elements of
performance, and only recently has sport begun to embrace the importance of what is, while
more invisible and ineffable, often a key to unlocking great performances. Consulting in sport
psychology is about enabling athletes and coaches to develop specific, concrete psychological
skills that will help them in the stressful, competitive environment. It is also about building
close, trusting relationships with coaches and athletes, which is much less tangible, but can be
crucial to ensuring the athlete or team has the confidence and right level of intensity to
perform well. We would argue that such close relationships must be guided by clearly
articulated core values.
UNDERSTANDING VALUES AND ETHICAL BEHAVIOR

In attempting to answer the first question - How do we go about making our personal
values, as sport psychology consultants, explicit? - it is useful to look briefly at the broader
research literature on ethics and values, and then more specifically at the sport and ethics
literature. Hodgkinson (1991, 1996) defined “value as a concept of the desirable” (p.36) and
developed a paradigmatic typology of four levels of values. Such a typology creates a way for
us to think clearly about our own personal values, to better understand the values of others,
and to reflect on why something is desirable, good or right. The four levels of values,
according to Hodgkinson (1996), from the lowest to highest, are preference, consensus,
consequence, and principle. Values that we might hold at a level of preference are based on
what we, as individuals, might prefer at any point in time, as in ‘I like to listen to music
before I compete, and you like to be quiet and visualize’ or ‘I write in my journal everyday
and you only write in your journal after competitions’. These preferences may change often,
and we do not usually discuss serious ethical issues at the level of preference.
Moving upwards in Hodgkinson’s hierarchy, the second and third levels of values are
held at a level of consensus or at a level of consequence and involve more of a cognitive
process by the individual or group, in terms of thinking and rationalizing. When we argue for
something as a value at the level of consensus, it is understood that there has been some
process based on the opinions or actions of a group. For example, most provincial sport
organizations feel it is important in competitive sport to play by the rules so every child has a
good experience. When we argue at the level of consequence, it is an ‘if…then’ argument.
For example, if we all play by the rules, then it will be a better sport environment and we will
increase the numbers of children staying physically active. Another example to illustrate a
value that we may hold at the two levels of consensus and consequence is the Dubin Inquiry.
In the 1980s, during the hearings of the Commission of Inquiry Into the Use of Drugs and
Banned Practices Intended to Increase Athletic Performance, commonly known as the Dubin
Inquiry, runner Ben Johnson’s coach, Charlie Francis, supported the use of steroids ‘because
everyone was doing it’. Francis’ perspective reflected a value at the level of consensus -
everyone is doing it so it must be ok. In addition to the argument that everyone was doing it
thus it must be ok, Francis also argued that by taking steroids Johnson had a better chance of
winning an Olympic gold medal. It is interesting to reflect upon the potential malleability of
our values depending on the context of the moment, how creating a purpose such as winning
a gold medal might be strong enough to compromise our core values.
Finally, at the top level of this hierarchy of values are the values that we choose to hold at
the level of principle (Hodgkinson, 1996). They are the values that are personally decided on
after great struggle and reflection, and upon which, ideally, we will not compromise.
Examples of values at the level of principle might include respect for others, honesty, and
from an organizational perspective, CSPA’s holistic development of an athlete and or team. If
we have articulated our own values at the level of principle, they then help guide us in
everything we do and how we act. We might ask what values Charlie Francis held at the level
of principle that led him to decide it was acceptable to provide steroids to at least one athlete?
According to Hodgkinson (1996), values held at the level of principle guide organizations
in creating codes of ethics. The created codes of ethics provide members with the clearly
stated perspective of the organization of how members should act in certain situations. But
Hodgkinson also noted that we can state values at this level clearly and explicitly, personally
or as an organization, but not operationalize them. For example, we may state that respect is a
value we hold at the level of principle, but we are not always respectful. We may be quite
respectful of athletes and coaches who participate in the Olympic Games, but less respectful
of athletes and coaches who participate in the Paralympic Games. Individually, we may not
act consistently with our stated values, and this incongruence is what often occurs with
organizations’ mission statements. They are wonderful statements ideally, but if not
integrated by the members, then they are meaningless. In a recent examination of the
effectiveness of sport mission statements it was found that many students, teachers, and
parents of students were unaware of the content of the mission statement of their school, and
were sometimes unaware that such a mission statement even existed (Camire, Werthner, &
Trudel, in press). CSPA’s mission statement is clear and promotes, we would certainly argue,
wonderful core values such as competence, integrity, professional, social, and scientific
responsibility, and holistic development of athletes as important for its members. But what
does, for example, holistic development mean? It is important for the leadership of CSPA to
clearly state what it means by this value, and it is important that the underlying value be
effectively communicated to the membership of CSPA. Returning to the Ben Johnson
example, if we hold, for example, personal ambition at the level of principle, and we believe
steroids will help us realize our ambition, we would conclude there is nothing wrong with
taking steroids. On the other hand, if we hold playing fairly and by the rules (knowing taking
drugs is cheating and against the existing rules) as a value at the level of principle, then the
‘right’ or ethical decision is straightforward, and taking steroids is not an option. In this light
values, particularly at the level of principle, are ultimately what we, as individuals and as
members of a group or organization, choose them to be, although if we choose to be a
member of an organization with clearly-stated values and a code of ethics, then it is
understood that we agree to adhere to the stated values. However, we may state what the right
things are to do and, for example, create rules pertaining to fair play and respect for
competitors, but we may not always act consistently or congruently with the stated values.
Values can be perplexing. It can be difficult to understand and articulate our core values, and
at times even more difficult to live our core values. It takes on-going reflection, and a great
deal of commitment to articulate our core values and act consistently on those values. It is
however, a worthwhile and important activity for us as individuals and as members of various
sport organizations.
Somerville (2006), in her book, The Ethical Imagination, wrote of core values of caring
for others, sanctity of life, authenticity, and community. Killinger (2007), in her book,
Integrity, considered the key components of the core value of integrity: empathy, sympathy,
honesty and compassion. Birrell (2006), in writing of being ethical in psychotherapy,
promoted an ethic of care, of empathetic listening, and of compassion. What is important to
note is that words such as integrity or compassion can mean different things to different
individuals and even hold different meanings for an individual within two or more different
contexts. So we would suggest that stating values is only the first step in an on-going process
of discussion, reflection, perhaps argument, and, hopefully at some point, agreement on what
we mean and how we will act.
Moving to the literature in sport on values and ethics, numerous articles have been
written on professional philosophy and sport psychology delivery as well as ethical behavior
within the profession. Poczwardowski, Sherman, and Ravizza (2004) have discussed the
importance of a consultant’s core beliefs and values as an internal force driving subsequent
behaviors and choices of interventions, and name values such as respect for truth, respect for
human life, concern for growth and development, concern for dignity, and freedom of choice,
among others. Lindsay, Breckon, Thomas, and Maynard (2007) have explored one
consultant’s journey toward congruence with his professional philosophy, framed by values
such as client independence and responsibility as well as respect and curiosity. Specific
ethical issues have been raised by numerous researchers, such as confidentiality and billing
practices (Brown & Cogan, 2006); defining the client (Biddle, Bull, & Seheult, 1994); uses of
the Internet (Watson, Tenenbaum, Lidor, & Alferman, 2001); boundaries and multiple
relationships (Moore, 2003); and integration of cultural issues into the current AASP Code of
Ethics General Principles (Schinke & Watson, 2009). Schinke and Hanrahan (2009) have
begun a dialogue about consulting with different cultural groups and developing a cultural
awareness that contributes to the well being of all athletes. A number of Australian and
American sport psychology consultants have written specifically of ethical issues at the
Olympic level (Bond, 2001; Gould, 2001; Haberl & Peterson, 2006; McCann, 2000), but little
exists from a Canadian perspective. With the creation of a new national organization, the
Canadian Sport Psychology Association, and a growing number of individuals consulting at
all levels of sport, it is timely that consulting and ethical issues be discussed from a Canadian
perspective.
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY CONSULTING IN THE OLYMPIC ENVIRONMENT

The Olympic Games are unlike any other competition (Botterill, 1996, 2005; Gould,
Guinan, Greenleaf & Chung, 2002; Gould, Guinan, Greenleaf, Medbury, & Peterson, 1999;
Jones, Hanton, & Connaughton, 2007; Orlick & Partington, 1988; Schinke, Battochio, Dubuc,
Swords, Apolloni, & Tenenbaum, 2008). They have become global sporting and cultural
events, where the number of athletes and support staff continues to grow, as do the number of
media. While World Championships, Pan American Games, and Commonwealth Games are
all important competitions for Canadian athletes and teams, most national sport organizations,
and indeed most athletes and coaches gear their planning, training, and competing in relation
to the Olympic four-year cycle. Most Canadian athletes are unaccustomed to the intense
media coverage that surrounds the Olympics. They compete and win World Championships
with barely a note in a newspaper, and then are inundated for six months leading up to an
Olympics with questions like “Do you think you can win?” From an athlete and coach
perspective, competing successfully at an Olympic Games is not an easy task. The pressure
on athletes to perform is varied and enormous, coming from friends and family, sponsors, the
national sport organization, the country, and the athletes’ own expectations. The pressure to
perform to and beyond one’s potential is one of the reasons that many athletes, coaches, and
teams have turned to sport scientists to help ensure a high-quality performance on the day it
counts. Sport psychology consultants are contracted, as are medical doctors and other sport
science experts in exercise physiology, biomechanical analysis, physiotherapy, and strength
and conditioning. In Canada, all these experts supporting the coach and athlete form what is
now called an Integrated Sport Science Team (IST). What is it we as sport psychology
consultants do, how do we do it, what are the values that guide us in our work, and what are
the ethical dilemmas we face?
What we do as Sport Psychology Consultants
Consulting at the Olympic level often involves a long-term working relationship, where
we may travel with a team to training camps, World Cups, and World Championships over
the course of a quadrennial (a four year period from the end of one Olympics to the
completion of the subsequent Olympics, four years later). Within this relationship we meet
with athletes individually, with their coaches, and with the entire team, including support
staff, in preparation for the particular Olympics. Specifically, one-on-one conversations with
athletes and coaches are scheduled, exploring past and present performances, to discover
together what does and does not work for each athlete. With the information generated from
ongoing conversations, performance plans are created to turn future goals into eventual
realities. It is a gentle but firm, ongoing process, fraught sometimes with emotions of fear and
frustration, elation and joy. This is the very essence of what we do in this field at the Olympic
level – the athletes and coaches have so much knowledge and experience that the sport
psychology consultant’s role is often one of facilitation – facilitating awareness and deep
understanding of the athlete’s performance, and then facilitating skill development to enhance
future performance. Skill development involves creating individual performance plans for the
years leading up to the Games, the year of the Games, the month of the Games, in the two
weeks of the Games, in the day(s) of competition at the Games, and in the final moments
before competing. Such chronological plans are designed to help each athlete or team know,
and have the ability to focus on specific elements that will contribute to a successful
performance. The skills being developed are about knowing when it is time to be calm and
relaxed, and when it is time to be excited and activated. Through enhanced awareness athletes
are better able to deal effectively with distractions that can take them away from a relevant
focus. This is a continuous learning process between consultant and athlete, working towards
developing a ‘mental toughness’ and an attitude of ‘no matter what, I will execute well’.
Professional Philosophy and Core Values
As sport psychology consultants our professional philosophy is guided by a humanistic

philosophy, genuinely caring about and listening to each individual with compassion (Cain,
2002; Halliwell, Orlick, Ravizza, & Rotella, 2003; Rogers, 1980). Our consulting is about
facilitating a self-discovery process for an athlete, and often for a coach, creating an
environment where they can reflect on what works for them in both training and in
competition. It is about creating an environment where athletes understand they have a choice
in what they think and how they feel. Indeed, they have a choice in deciding how committed
they want to be in sport. We see it as a long-term learning process for most athletes, where
one of the goals is enabling athletes to become self-reliant, and take responsibility for their
training and performance. In fact, we have been part of teams where the coach, along with the
sport psychology consultant and other support team members, were able to create an
environment where it was ensured that athletes became reflective and self-reliant competitors.
Osterman (1990) defined reflective practice as “challenging, focused, and critical assessment
of one’s own behavior as a means toward developing one’s own craft” (p.134). The created
relationship and environment took place over a number of years, with the athletes moving
from being young and dependent, and doing what they are told, to a more collegial
relationship with the coaches, with decisions about training and competing being made
together, although, in most cases, the coach was still leading. A collegial team relationship
has produced good international results and Olympic medals, but equally important, it has
produced mature, independent individuals outside of sport. While what we note here is from
personal experiences in consulting there is a great deal of literature to support this notion of
performance being positively affected by an environment that encourages collegial
discussion, self-responsibility and cohesion (Kozub & McDonnell, 2000; Mickan & Rodger,
2000; Stevens & Bloom, 2003; Turman, 2003).
While a humanistic philosophy underlies everything we do, so does a more cognitive-
behavioral approach (Ellis, 1996), and a kinesthetic consciousness (Smith, 2006, 2007)
primarily because we are consulting at the Olympic level. We want to help athletes, who have
chosen to try to excel at the Olympic level, appreciate the intertwining of the physical and
mental elements of performance, and to learn specific psychological skills. These
psychological skills will primarily help the athletes (a) know what the critical factors are to
focus on for training and competition, (b) train that focus, and (c) develop an understanding
of their emotions and learn how to create for themselves the correct level of intensity for a
high-quality performance.
Ultimately, the role of the sport psychology consultant, we would argue, is to work
herself or himself out of a job. For if we succeed, the athlete enters the race hut, approaches
the starting line, steps on the ice, not seeking reassurance from anyone, fully confident in her
or his abilities and is so well prepared that the immense energy of the Olympics creates
feelings of excitement to be starting the performance, rather than feelings of fear or dread. To
be explicit, the core value, or value at the level of principle, that guides us in our work as
consultants, and in resolving ethical dilemmas, is the concept of integrity. Within the New
Illustrated Webster’s Dictionary (1992) integrity was defined as “uprightness of character;

probity; honesty” (p. 507). Somerville (2006) stated that integrity is at the heart of ethics and
Killinger (2007) indicated that integrity is a personal choice that is “an uncompromising and
predictably consistent commitment to honour moral, ethical, spiritual, and artistic values and
principles” (p. 12). Killinger suggested that living with integrity requires us to be aware of
and incorporate the values of empathy, sympathy, compassion, and honesty into our daily
behaviours. As consultants we live with integrity by reflecting on our thoughts and actions
with daily meditation, regular journaling, and by creating an intention for each day and each
session with the athletes and coaches. Our main intention is to be present and to listen, and
breathing is our connection to presence and our ability to listen. It’s simultaneously simple
and complex, but breath connects us, to ourselves, and to others.
The first dimension of integrity, as defined by Killinger (2007) is empathy which is the
ability to understand and share the feelings of others. It is a matter of heartfelt listening that
goes beyond hearing words. Listening with empathy is listening to verbal and non-verbal
messages shared by the individual. The experience of empathetic listening is not thinking
about what we are going to say next or simply waiting for our turn to talk: rather, it requires
patience and presence. The second dimension of integrity is sympathy which is about
developing understanding between two people (Killinger, 2007). Gaining understanding of an
individual’s experience can be quite difficult because as humans we mainly communicate
through words (either verbally or textually) and words are subjective and often ambiguous.
The same word may carry a completely different meaning from one person to the next even if
the two people theoretically hold the same principle values and have shared similar life
experiences (i.e. have both been to the Olympics). To gain some understanding of an athlete’s
experience we must first listen (with empathy) and then try to avoid making assumptions or
judgments of what was meant by asking for clarification.
The third dimension of integrity, compassion, is defined as being concerned or wanting to
help (Killinger, 2007). Being compassionate of the moment (yourself, the athlete and the
environment) is to be aware, and interested in the possible effects of what we do and say and
viewing our role in the moment as being important. In our experience it is compassion that
athletes (and people in general) are clearly aware of. If we, as sport psychology consultants
(and human beings in general), enter a conversation uninterested and focused elsewhere, we
may lose the respect of the athlete or coach and in a way we have already demonstrated a lack
of respect for them and oneself for not being present with where we are, who we are with, and
what we are doing.
The fourth dimension of integrity, honesty, is being sincere, morally correct, and virtuous
(Killinger, 2007). After listening well, the moment to talk, as a consultant, will arrive. What
will we say and how will we say it? What is said will vary depending on the situation and
what the moment requires. What is honesty? Is it the act of sharing every element of an
experience with ourselves and another person or group? Is it possible to be aware of every
element of an experience? Is it possible to share that awareness of every element with another
in language? One person’s perception of an experience is different from another’s. In our
experience there are times when sharing of certain information about a particular experience
may actually be detrimental for the performer. For example, if we are on the day of a
competition we will likely focus on the present moment and ensuring the athlete’s confidence,
and leave the critique of a particular behavior for a training session later in the week or
month. This is where the intertwining of compassion and honesty surfaces as it may be more
compassionate to filter some information for the time being.
The aforementioned dimensions of integrity are not mutually exclusive. We have simply
presented the four dimensions of integrity in their own space for clarity and depth. Living
with integrity is not experienced separately, where one moment we are living honestly, and
another with compassion, and another with empathy and another with sympathy. The
dimensions of integrity intertwine and seamlessly weave in and out of every experience.
When one is operating from a space of integrity it is just that, integrity with no separation.
The key is living this value of integrity on a daily basis, and in all our interactions with
athletes, coaches, teams, and sport organizations.
ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS WITHIN THE OLYMPIC ENVIRONMENT

In the applied sport setting, where we work affects how we work and at times poses what
we consider to be ethical challenges. For the purposes of this paper, we will discuss three key
areas of potential ethical challenges: confidentiality, emotions, and boundaries. We will also
discuss a fourth area of taking care of yourself while serving as a consultant, which may not
pose an ethical dilemma in and of itself, but may impact our ability to act ethically and
effectively within the high energy demands of the Olympic environment.
Navigating Confidentiality
As consultants we work in a variety of ways: with individual athletes; with an individual

athlete and her/his coach; with an individual athlete, contracted by the athlete’s parent; and
with a team of athletes and coaches, contracted by the national sport organization. These
multiple relationships can be problematic from the perspective of confidentiality. If we are
working with an individual athlete, and contracted by that athlete, the issue of confidentiality
is reasonably simple in the sense that it is clear who our client is. However, an ethical issue
may arise if we are asked to speak to the media about the athlete, which is not uncommon in
the case of high-profile athletes. If, in fact, anything is to be said publicly about the athlete by
the consultant, it is imperative that it be discussed with the athlete prior to any public
comments being made.
If we are contracted by the athlete and coach, solely by the coach, by the athlete’s
parents, or by the national sport organization, then problems of confidentiality almost
inevitably arise, as we work to clarify who exactly is the client. If the consultant is doing her
or his job well, a good working relationship of comfort and rapport is developed between the
consultant and the athlete, and personal issues and private experiences are shared in an
unguarded and open way. Developing comfort and rapport is necessary because personal
issues certainly have the potential to affect performance. However, because we were hired by
the coach, or the parents, or the organization, they often feel they have a right to know what is
going on with the athlete. Therefore determining what is confidential and what needs to be
shared is one of the most important things the consultant has to clarify. For example, consider
that we are working with an athlete who asks that everything discussed is confidential. We
agree to this and so, simply put, it must remain so. However, often it is not that simple. What
if something comes up in our conversations about an issue with the coach, perhaps some issue
with training, perhaps potential physical or psychological burnout? We are then faced with
the ethical dilemma of maintaining confidentiality, as we promised we would, or going to talk
with the coach about the athlete’s issue. We would first talk with the athlete about sharing
with others the information that we are concerned about. If the athlete persists in wanting to
keep all information confidential then we are faced with a challenge. If we hold honesty and
keeping our promise as a value at the level of principle and we also hold the health and well-
being of the athlete at the level of principle as well, we do face an ethical dilemma. What is
the right thing to do?
It is not easy, but we will have to make a decision. If it is not a life-threatening situation,
then we would argue that the choice must still remain with the athlete. Why do we argue in
favor of the athlete having the choice? Because the core value and philosophy that directs us,
from our perspective, is one of respect. It is not that honesty is unimportant as a value to hold,
but respect for an athlete’s ability to make their own choices is more important. An example
that demonstrates how respect has become a guiding value for us is as follows: an athlete one
of the authors had worked with asked that specific information be shared with certain staff
members and withheld from others. This request was not respected by certain staff and the
ensuing stress for the athlete negatively affected his health and wellbeing and subsequently
his performance.
Consider a second example, where we are contracted by the national sport organization
and they want to know what we are working on with the athletes, and how each athlete is
functioning. This kind of request from the national sport organization often happens and it is
understandable. They are paying for our expertise, and they want to know what we are doing,
and if it is effective. We would negotiate the degree of confidentiality when we are initially
contacted, and in doing that, two aspects would be considered. We would first explain the
nature of trust and rapport that needs to be developed in order to work effectively with the
athlete, with confidentiality as a key component, and also explain that we will be able to
share, in general, the skills we are working on with the athletes or team.
A third example, related to confidentiality, is a situation where the consultant meets
individually with the athlete, and also meets on a regular basis with the athlete and the coach
together. When the coach-athlete relationship is a good one, meeting with the coach and
athlete together is a very effective way to help an athlete develop and excel. The one-on-one
individual meetings between the athlete and the consultant offer an environment for
discussion that remains confidential. The meetings where the coach is present create a small
team – athlete-coach-sport psychology consultant - working toward the same goal. The small
team approach offers the athlete a safe environment (with the presence of the consultant) to
divulge private information if she or he feels comfortable doing so. When it is possible, this
approach of confidential meetings with the athlete alone, and the small team approach with
the coach and athlete together are a very effective means of establishing and maintaining
communication on two levels.
A final example where confidentiality may become problematic is related to the
Integrated Sport Science Team (IST) that now exists in the Canadian sport system. The
purpose of the IST is to support the performance of a group of athletes and coaches with
specific expertise. The IST specialists may gather several times a year to discuss athletes from
a physical, medical, strength, biomechanical, and psychological perspective. Due to the nature
of the information that the sport psychology consultant works with, we would argue that the
consultant must be very careful with what is said in these meetings regarding each athlete.
Any information shared would need to be discussed with the athlete prior to revealing any
issues or concerns.
Working with Emotions
Birrell (2006) wrote eloquently of being ethical in psychotherapy and the importance of
understanding what it means to be with another human being. She suggested that we “dare to
let every moment be alive with care and compassion” (p.112), and we must consider this care
and compassion when working with athletes and coaches in any competitive sport
environment. However, the Olympic environment is fraught with emotion, particularly
anxiety and stress. Athletes and their coaches work for many years for one moment in time at
the Olympics, and it is a difficult environment in which to excel. Fear is often present in the
preparation for the Olympics and is manifested in various degrees. In high-risk sports such as
alpine or freestyle skiing, the athlete may be primordially fearful for her or his life, because
one lapse in focus can lead to serious injury or death. Most often however, fear is manifested
in less intense forms such as performance anxiety with concerns about not performing well.
With good rapport and a level of comfort and trust between athlete and consultant, an athlete
may confide fears. The consultant then has an amazing opportunity to help the athlete direct
the energy present in fear to a focus that contributes to a successful performance. A
discussion of fear is a very special exchange between two people, which if handled with a
lack of respect or care - for example, if we casually dismiss the fear, saying ‘you have nothing
to worry about’ - can lead to increased fear and poor performance. On the other hand, when
handled with compassion, respect, and skill, a discussion of fear can lead to a very successful
performance and personal self-growth.
In reflecting on fear in the form of performance anxiety we can illustrate with an example
from approximately six months before an Olympic Games, when an athlete burst into tears
and revealed to one of the authors that she was filled with terror that she would not meet her
own expectations and those of her coach, her club, her association, and her country. This is
not a situation that, as a consultant, we ever want to create, but when it occurs (and it will
only occur if there is a strong and trusting relationship built between athlete and consultant), it
is possible for a great deal of self-growth to happen. In this case, the consultant was
compassionate and cared about this individual not only as an athlete, but as an individual
outside of the sport. The compassion the consultant had for the athlete and the situation
enabled her to listen ethically, which according to Birrell (2006) means that the consultant
was able to allow her own ideas and indeed her very self, to be brought into question and was
able to see the athlete as a unique individual. As a result, the athlete was able to talk about
and then work through her fears, and in the end, competed very well at the Olympic Games.
In thinking of primordial fear, we are reminded of a situation in the past season, when
one of the authors was working with an athlete who had previously injured himself quite
severely.
One Consultant’s Lived Experience with an Athlete: Fear and Ethics
The intention of this narrative below is to illustrate a recent lived experience of one of the
authors. This lived experience was steeped in fear, my fear for an athlete’s wellbeing and his
fear of injury. It is about compassion and caring and it is also about my own personal values
and ethics – whether I should be working with athletes and coaches in such a dangerous sport.
The athlete has given his permission to write about his story – a story and a performance he is
proud of.
I work with athletes and their two coaches in the high-risk sport of Freestyle Skiing. Due
to the risks of the sport, each time they step on the hill to train or compete they are facing the
possibility of severe injury. The high-risk nature of the sport is one of the reasons that the
athletes and coaches embrace the skills and strategies of sport psychology. They know it is
crucial that they are able to effectively focus and manage their very real fears and high levels
of anxiety, and we are continuously refining their skills. However, many times I have
questioned whether I should be working in this sport. Should I really be helping these
individual women and men who, as athletes, are risking their lives? Is it the right thing to do?
As one of the coaches has said to me, “It is a crazy sport”. However, I do continue. I argue
with myself that the skills provided by sport psychology can help the athletes direct the
immense energy in fear to a specific focus that will contribute to a successful performance.
Turning fear into a focus helps the athletes manage risk by ensuring they are capable of
focusing effectively every time they train and compete. I know there are reasonable rules in
place to help ensure their physical safety on site. I do ask the athletes and coaches to reflect,
particularly when they face a set back, and the fears rise up, on whether they want to continue
competing. With a few exceptions, most athletes have chosen to continue. I am not so naïve
to think that because a few athletes have chosen to continue makes it all right for all athletes
to continue in the face of fear and potential injury, but I choose to continue to help the
athletes develop their skills.
One of the athletes on the national team broke his back five years ago. Working with him,
and his coach, we have been slowly re-building his confidence and working through his fears
since that accident. The coach and I have helped him begin to believe again that he can
consistently be one of the best in the world. With a trusting relationship between the three of
us it was possible to engage him in a conversation about fear. It was possible to remind him
that fear is almost always a fear of something that is not the present situation, but rather of
something that could happen in the future. Fear is a primal emotion that can be turned into
something wonderful, using it is a sign that something important is happening and that we can
be ready to engage with it. From that shift in perspective we can then create a plan with which
we can direct that intense energy of fear, a simple plan of taking a few breaths, going through
a pre-performance routine that works, getting ready at the top, and focusing on a few cues.
In the 2009 World Cup season, one year away from the 2010 winter Olympic Games in
Vancouver, competing is going well. After three World Cups, he already has two third place
finishes. At the fourth World Cup competition, he miscalculates his speed on his most
difficult jump – one that he plans to perform at the Olympics - and lands on his neck. He is
knocked out for several minutes, and leaves the venue in an ambulance. At that point I am
worried only for his health and his life. His sport performance is far from my mind. He is
diagnosed with a concussion, but fortunately, there are no broken bones. He takes a month to
rehabilitate, and is medically cleared to compete at the World Championships.
With only two training sessions completed at home, we leave for the World
Championships, and due to weather conditions, he only has two training sessions prior to the
start of competition. In meeting with the athlete, despite everything that has happened, he
says that while he is still sore physically, he is feeling confident, and is looking forward to
competing. I am surprised, relieved, but still feel nervous, as I wonder about his confidence.
However, I know that we have done good work together over the last five years. I know that
he has worked diligently on the psychological skills. I know he has matured. I know he has
trained well physically. However, I still worry about him because of the recent accident. The
coach and I meet prior to the competition and we discuss whether he should be asking the
athlete to compete the jump he crashed on a month ago. Ultimately this is the coach’s
decision with the athlete, but I argue that he should not. I still believe the fear is there at a
level that he might not be able to manage. If the worst was to happen, and he crashed again on
that jump, the re-building would be very difficult, personally and in terms of sport
performance. The jump is included as a possibility, but the coach agrees it would be better to
not compete it.
The first day of competition arrives. In the World Championships in Freestyle Ski, each
athlete competes two jumps in preliminaries, and the top 12 athletes go on to two jumps in the
finals. The weather conditions for preliminaries are good, and with great work on breathing
and focus, the athlete lands two excellent jumps, and finds himself in first going into the final
the next day. It is unbelievable after all that has happened. We have a brief conversation at the
end of this day about ensuring he does his physical recovery, and we talk about mentally
relaxing and not thinking about the finals until it is time to do so the next day.
The next day is finals, and in finals it is two jumps, and the athletes compete in reverse
order on the first jump, with the best athlete from preliminaries competing last. It is a scenario
that creates incredible tension. As I am walking up the hill for finals, I am thinking I should
be talking to the coach on the radio and ensuring the athlete will not compete the particular
jump he crashed on. Despite the good result yesterday, I am still worried about him, and I am
worried about his performance. However, I have never initiated talking on the radio to the
coaches, so I manage to control my own anxiety, and remain calm. The coach knows what he
is doing, and I know he will make a good decision because he cares first about the athlete as a
person.
On his first jump, the athlete lands but it is not as good as hoped and he finds himself in
eighth place going into the second and final round. Now, with no possibility to win without
executing his most difficult jump, he and his coach decide that he will compete the very jump
that he crashed on less than a month ago. I knew it was a possibility but I hoped it would not
happen. I talk with him briefly, and he appears calm and focused. I am calm on the outside,
but very concerned on the inside. A myriad of thoughts are crashing around my head as he
heads up for the final round. Can he land this jump after such little training in the last month?
Is he really fit enough to execute it? What if he questions his speed again, and makes the
same mistake? I wonder again if I should be part of helping athletes in this sport? Yet, at this
moment there is nothing I can do except pace at the bottom of the hill and wait. As the final
progresses, many of the athletes are executing their jumps well. Then, it is his turn. He is
ready at the top. I can hardly watch. He comes down the in-run, goes high off the jump,
executes his jump, which is called a lay, triple full, full, flawlessly, lands perfectly, and is
ecstatic! I am incredibly relieved. I am sure his coach is relieved. We have to wait for other
competitors, but his score is so high that he has risen from eighth place to third. An incredible
performance at the World Championships, made all the more exceptional by the earlier
accident. In debriefing later that day, it is clear that this result gives the athlete great
confidence going into the Olympic Games. The fear is less. He says “I am proud of myself. I
stepped up when I needed to. All that hard work, technically and mentally has paid off”. And
yet I know that as we get back to training in a month, and step back on the hill, the fear will
be back…and so we will continue to work.
The previous narrative demonstrates, through a lived experience of one of the authors,
several ethical dilemmas that can surface within the realm of sport psychology consulting.
The consultant had to negotiate differing levels of confidentiality, one level of confidentiality
in working one-on-one with the athlete, and another when working together, as a small team,
with the coach and athlete. The consultant also had to confront the dilemma of living with
integrity – was she being honest with herself as she struggled to reconcile working in this
high risk sport? Was the consultant compassionate and sympathetic to the real fears that the
athlete experienced?
Finally, the consultant was faced with the dilemma of working within a high risk sport,
where fear is always present, and a small mistake can lead to serious injury. This dilemma
perhaps goes beyond the realm of sport, into the broader context of being human. Do we
simply do what we are hired to do, which is to help athletes perform consistently within their
performance context, even when the athlete, every day that they train and compete, faces the
potential of severe injury and even death? This is an ethical dilemma with unique significance
to the sport psychology consultant because of the very nature of consulting and the
knowledge he or she may have of the athlete’s overall physical and mental condition.
Maintaining Professional Boundaries
Traveling with a team or group of athletes is an experience with certain benefits as well
as potential challenges. Being at training camps, spending time at practices, traveling together
to competitions, living in hotels with the athletes and coaches, eating meals together,
spending three weeks together at the Olympic Games, and celebrating after a competition are
all examples of where shared time and space create great opportunities for understanding the
context within which the athletes and coaches train and compete. It can give the consultant a
sense of the pressure and emotions that exist in this environment, and a better understanding
of how to intervene effectively. It also provides the athletes and coaches with greater
opportunities to interact with the consultant and increases their comfort level in setting up
meetings. However, at the same time, potential ethical dilemmas exist regarding professional
boundaries. Haberl and Peterson (2006) discussed late-evening meetings and consulting
sessions in public and private spaces as examples of where boundaries can become blurred.
Where do we meet with an athlete when it is hard to find a quiet space? When invited, do we
go out for drinks with the coaches? Certainly there are always solutions. We can usually find
a space to sit and meet with an athlete, in a corner of the cafeteria in the Olympic Village, on
a bench away from the team living area, or at the far end of the warm-up track. We can
certainly debrief with coaches in a casual setting, and share a drink at the end of a
competition. Nevertheless, it is critical that while we do enjoy the athletes’ and coaches’
company while on the road, we recognize that we are always on the job. We want those we
work with to be comfortable with us, but it is a highly charged, emotional environment we
work in, and as we develop our working relationships with athletes, they may become
dependent on us for emotional help. This dependency can develop into a blurred
understanding of the professional/personal relationship. Our approach is to be always aware
of our intentions with the work we are doing, and expressing those intentions clearly with the
athletes and coaches, as well as the national sport organization.
Taking Care of Yourself
While there are advantages to traveling and living with a team or group of athletes in
terms of building trust and a good working relationship, there also exists the challenge related
to personal fatigue. Because of the long hours of essentially always being on call, and the
energy required to listen with empathy and deliver on-the-spot meaningful help, it is essential
to have a personal plan to factor in exercise and relaxation. Being well-rested ensures we
remain clear and focused, with an awareness of subtle shifts in voice or body language which
may be the difference in recognizing a change (for the better or worse) in an athlete’s
performance state. Most of us do not function well when fatigued, and it is certainly very
difficult to listen and care when exhausted. One of the more effective meetings we facilitated
was with a support team of medical doctors, physiotherapists, massage therapists, and
strength and conditioning coaches going to an Olympic Winter Games and asking them
simply to reflect on how they planned to be at their best from the first day of the Games to the
last day. The group was part of a team with legitimate chances for medals on many days of
the Games, and the discussion led, in part, to ensuring that everyone had time for exercise
each day and that enough sleep was planned. Being aware of rest, recovery, and overall health
is not only important for athletes. It is crucial that coaches and support staff are well rested as
well, so that there is the energy to focus well, to make effective decisions when called upon,
and to contribute to a positive and healthy team energy.
Much of what we have discussed in this chapter about values and ethics has to do with
being present to the possibilities in the consulting moment. Self-care is important because
when we are fatigued or distracted it is difficult to listen effectively to an athlete’s question,
concern, fear, anxiety, etc. The inability to listen effectively may lead to missing a comment
or different behavior by an athlete or coach which may be a key to an important intervention.
Identifying and acting on the intervention opportunity is the essence of what we do as sport
psychology consultants.
CONCLUSION
As the number of sport psychology consultants in Canada continues to grow, it is
important to reflect on the values we choose to guide us in our work alongside athletes,
coaches, sport organizations, and other sport science staff. We have argued in this paper that
it is essential, at both an individual and organizational level, to be explicit about naming our
core values, and doing one’s best to act in a manner that is congruent with those core values.
From our perspective, guided by our stated values of integrity, compassion, and empathy, we
work toward enabling consistent and high-quality performance, while simultaneously helping
each athlete develop into a self-reliant and reflective sport performer and human being. While
at the Olympic level sport is about winning, it is not only about winning, and certainly not
about winning at any cost. We acknowledge that reflecting on and articulating our core values
may not be easy. However, with awareness of our values, it is much easier to navigate the
ethical challenges faced by sport psychology consultants such as confidentiality, emotions,
boundaries, and taking care of yourself in order to be an effective and ethical consultant.
Recommendations
• Revisit and reflect on your own core values

o We suggest frequent journaling to regularly reflect on your values and to see if
you are living those values as consistently as possible.
• Observe what other’s core values might be, particularly when an ethical decision is
being discussed
o Being explicit in your communication will create a better understanding between
yourself and those you are trying to communicate with. Ask the person what she
or he values in the situation being discussed. With that knowledge be respectful
and compassionate with the athlete or coach and engage in deeper discussions.
• When consulting, be present with the athletes and coaches:
o With presence, one can listen with respect and integrity (sympathy, empathy,
compassion, and honesty), which are the building blocks for effective
communication.
o One of the most effective ways of being present is through breathing because as
we slow our breathing it connects us in the moment and offers a chance to
refocus.
• With presence, listen to create an understanding:
o It is imperative to have extensive understanding of a situation before exploring
possible solutions. Understanding comes from asking questions and listening
intently.
• Become comfortable with silence:
o Time can be a powerful counselor. Give the athlete or coach time by and being
comfortable with silence. Silence gives the athlete or coach time to reflect. Be
patient, because often just as the silence begins to feel awkward is the time when
the athlete or coach will share something very profound.
o A great way to be comfortable with silence is to focus on your breathing, trying
to slow it down. By calming your breathe you will calm yourself. The athlete or
coach will pick up on this and that calmness will be the invitation she or he
needs to share something.
• When the moment comes to speak, do so from a space of integrity and knowledge.
How does one develop knowledge? Read and reflect often. Talk with experienced
consultants and read their work. Engage with athletes, coaches and teams at all levels
of sport to apply the theory you have learned. Ask questions. Observe.
• Work on the psychological skills yourself, implement them in your own pursuits, so
you experience the learning and application of the skills.
• Listen to yourself. Respect your energy. Schedule some time in each day for you. It
can be a ten minute walk or stretch or book read or music or nap.....whatever you
find joyful.
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201-222.
Chapter 17
A PROFESSION OF VIOLENCE OR A HIGH CONTACT

SPORT? ETHICAL ISSUES WORKING IN
PROFESSIONAL BOXING
Andrew M. Lane*
School of Sport, Performing Arts and Leisure, Wolverhampton University, UK
CHAPTER SUMMARY
Boxing can be a brutal sport. At face value, the intention is to win contests by injuring
your opponent. The intent of boxers coupled with the serious medical effects of participation
suggest it contravenes a number of ethical guidelines for an applied psychologist, including
social responsibility, respect of the welfare of people’s right and dignity and avoiding harm
(American Psychological Association, 2002, see
http://www.apa.org/ethics/code2002.html#3_04). With this in mind, applied
practitioners mish wish to avoid opportunities to work in professional boxing based on it
being ethically unsound. This article explores some of these issues, drawing on my personal
experiences as a consultant working with professional boxers. Case study data is presented on
the psychological preparation of boxers.
“I try to catch them right on the tip of his nose, because I try to punch the bone into the
brain” (http://www.best-quotes-poems.com/Mike-Tyson.html). Mike Tyson, Former World
Heavyweight boxing champion.
If each boxer gave comments similar to Mike Tyson’s, then sport psychologists have an
ethical dilemma to face if asked to work with boxers. Working with a boxer who portrays
such an attitude would seem to be in contravention of ethical guidelines from the American
Psychological Association guidelines that indicate that “Psychologists take reasonable steps
to avoid harming their clients/patients, students, supervisees, research participants,
*
Address all correspondence to: Professor Andrew Lane, PhD., School of Sport, Performing Arts and Leisure,
Gorway road, Walsall, WS1-3GB, Phone - + 01902 323234, E-mail: a.m.lane2@wlv.ac.uk
254 Andrew M. Lane
organizational clients, and others with whom they work, and to minimize harm where it is
foreseeable and unavoidable” (see http://www.apa.org/ethics/code2002.html#3_04). At face
value, boxing contravenes these ethical principles in terms of the very nature of the sport: one
boxer inflicts injury on the other. In addition, the effects of positively reinforcing a belief that
intending to cause injury, as quotations from Mike Tyson illustrate, is acceptable, when
ethically, it is not. If these arguments are accepted, then it is unethical for psychologists to
work with professional boxers who display such attitudes.
Within this article I discuss ethical issues associated with providing psychological
support to boxers. I does so from the insider’s view (Douglas & Carless, 2008) in that my
experience in boxing might provide insight into the mindset of boxers. I have worked as sport
psychology consultant for professional (Lane, 2006) and amateur boxers, whilst previously
having competed as a boxer. Through self-reflection, I have challenged the notion that I might
well be seeking a positive explanation for my involvement in the sport. I do not seek to
provide an objective account, but one that details my beliefs on these experiences. I argue that
through my applied experiences I can provide a unique insight into the mindset of a boxer,
which in turn have helped me address the ethical question on whether I should continue
involvement in professional boxing and raise similar questions in the mind of the reader.
BOXING – AN INTENT TO INJURE?

1
At face value, the aim of boxing is to inflict blows on your opponent and avoid injury
yourself by landing more punches than you receive (Donnelly, 1988). Ostensibly other sports
such as fencing and the martial arts share the aim to injury your opponent (Zazryn, McCrory,
& Cameron, 2008), but do not lead to injury. For example, in fencing, the aim is to land a
blow on the target area that would be highly likely to be fatal if protective equipment was not
used. In boxing, the direct aim is to land blows on the target area, which in turn means that
you inflict as much damage on your opponent as possible through successive punching, with
a knockout epitomizing a clinical victory. Professional boxers are more likely to build a
successful career if they can win contests by knockout or stoppages. Most disturbingly, a
boxer can legitimately kill his/her opponent as part of competition (Herrera, 2004). For
example, if a boxer has the intention to cause injury and competes with this intention and his
opponent dies, the boxer has intentionally murdered his opponent. Such a mindset is difficult
to defend. For many reasons, it seems difficult to justify involvement in boxing from ethical
perspective (Wildes, 1995).
Proponents who propose that working in boxing is unethical should consider separating
the issue of intent to injure from injury figures. If intent and injury rates are considered
independently, and I focus on the issue of intent, the aim of fencing is land the point of a
1 At this point it is worth distinguishing professional boxing from amateur boxing. Amateur boxers wear head
guards and compete in larger gloves. The scoring system between the two codes also effects competition. In
amateur boxing, judges sitting at ringside score blows that land on the target area, If 3 out of the 5 judges
agree, then a boxer receives a score. In professional boxing, the winner of a round receives 10 points and the
loser 9, 8 and so on depending on how the judges perceived the round. The judges assess the winner at the end
of the round rather than on a blow-by-blow basis and therefore, the boxer how appears to dominate the round
is more likely to receive 10 points. In amateur boxing, a boxer could win the round by scoring one or two
points and defend the remainder of the round. In professional boxer, a knockout is scored a 10-9 round and
could be 10-8 if the boxer wins the round also.
A Profession of Violence or a High Contact Sport? 255
sword (a lethal weapon) on the target area (chest) of the opponent. The intent of fencing, is
arguably to produce a potentially lethal strike on your opponent. This logic is of course
hypothetical as fencing has developed sufficient safeguards to reduce injury rates to minimal
risks. My point here is to see the injury and intent as separate arguments, and in terms of
intention to injury, I would propose both boxing and fencing are equally unethical. When
injury is the focus of discussion, boxing rates higher than fencing. However, boxing is not at
the top of injury-rate list for sports, and much lower than a number of combat sports.
Irrefutable evidence points to the potential harm associated competing in boxing (Herrera,
2004; McCrory, Zazryn, & Cameron, 2007), and not surprisingly, reduced injury is associated
with participation in amateur boxing which has more safety checks including larger gloves,
head guards and shorter rounds (Loosemore, Knowles, & Whyte, 2007). As a consultant, I
have sought to separate the issues of intent from issues of injury. In terms of intent, in my
experiences of working as an applied practitioner, I have not experienced athletes who aim to
injure their opponent. Boxers who express such statements typically do so for media
attention. Boxers are encouraged to say statements that capture the media attention. In my
experience, boxer’s make such statements in the belief that it helps promote the contest.
However, it is important to recognize that there will be boxers who compete with intentions to
injure as consultants must be prepared to consider whether they would work with an
individual who expressed such ideas. In my experiences, comments of this nature have not
been expressed to me when speaking to boxers privately. If a boxer expressed such a view, I
would encourage him to question whether he needed to hold such a view in order to be
successful. A great deal of this article describes and evaluates work with boxers, and what
should be evident is that boxers share many characteristics of serious athletes. As Loosemore
et al. indicate boxing is not necessarily a high-risk sport in terms of injury rates. It is difficult
to sustain an argument that boxing is unethical on injury-rates alone.
A key question typically posed to boxers is whether a boxer intends to injure his or her
opponent. Autobiographical accounts of boxers consider their sport to be a type of physical
chess (Hatton, 2007) - a battle that is as much psychological and tactical, as it is physical.
Most people accept the notion that boxers need to be mentally tough to compete. While few
boxers use sport psychologists, most boxers recognize the importance of sport psychology
(i.e., mental preparation) to performance. The late and legendary boxing trainer Cus
D’Amato, who steered Floyd Patterson and Mike Tyson to world heavyweight titles once said
that “fights are won and lost in the head”, a statement that bears testament to the importance
of psychological factors for performance. There will of course be cases of boxers who express
an intention to injure. Violent individuals form part of all societies and such individuals are
likely to be drawn to sports such as boxing, which would appear to legitimize such actions.
Authors that explore beliefs on what boxers think and feel during competition reveal few
indicators of aggression, even among unlicensed professional boxers (Jones, 1997).
Interviews with boxers indicate that they identify aspects of skill, emotional control and
physical fitness and key factors in determining performance (Devonport, 2006; Hall & Lane,
2001; Lane, 2002). A number of researchers have explored personal constructs boxers
believe are associated with success (Butler & Hardy, 1992; Butler, Smith, & Irwin, 1993;
Lane, 2009). If an intention to injury was a prevailing reason for motivation for participating,
then it might be reasonable to assume that such a construct might emerge from open-ended
interviews. I have used performance profiling with boxers and have not found indicators of an
intention to commit injury that is beyond the rules of the sport (Lane, 2006; Lane & Lane,
256 Andrew M. Lane
2008). However, I recognize that this might be a consequence of how I work and my beliefs
that such intentions are not necessary for success. It might also be a cultural issue specific to
the UK. It is important to recognize the limitations of this statement and the array of factors
that could influence it. In my work with boxers, they report participation motives similar to
other high-achieving athletes whose aim to win, and injuring the opponent may be a
necessary part of that process, but it is not an intention, or one that is conscious. There is,
however, no getting away from the potential brutality of the sport; other sportsmen and
women may ‘play’ matches but boxers ‘fight’ them. In a sport where there is only one winner,
seeing an opponent struggling physiologically during a contest provides a huge source of
encouragement, and boxers look to exploit every weakness or frailty in their opponent. A
boxer therefore has to be willing to inflict injury on his opponent and show no mercy in doing
so - a mindset that is subtlety different to intending to injure. The boxer places all duty of care
of the welfare of his opponent in the referee. An example of a boxer who struggled with this
issue is described in case study 1 (forthcoming).
USING ANGER TO BE AGGRESSIVE IN THE

RING: EMOTIONS AND PERFORMANCE
A great deal of evidence indicates significant relationships between anger and violent
behavior (Baumeister & Butz, 2005; Goldstein & Iso, 2008). An example of this is the
growing number of incidences of road rage and ensuing violent consequences. Individuals
enter their vehicles ostensibly showing few symptoms of intense anger, and as a consequence
of believing another driver’s actions become angry and in some cases violent. Whilst road
rage and boxing seem to be different entities, the argument that a boxer’s mental preparation
involves regulatory strategies to raise anger is widely held in the UK media. With this point in
mind, it is worth investigating emotional profiles associated with success.
Researchers indicate that successful fighters demonstrate positive emotional profiles
before competition (Chapman, Lane, Brierley, & Terry, 1997; Lane, Terry, Karageorghis, &
Lawson, 1999). Such studies typically assess emotions an hour before competition and then
compare winners and losers by emotional profiles. The accuracy of these predictions of
winners from pre-contest emotions is remarkably high. In one study, it was possible to predict
winners with 95% accuracy, albeit in karate (Terry & Slade, 1995). Terry and Slade found
anger was associated with winning performance, and Lane et al. found that anger was
associated with winning kickboxing performance when it was associated with vigour. Anger
experienced with depression was associated with losing performance. In my work with
boxers, I have found that emotional states associated with optimal performance vary between
athletes. The notion that emotion-performance links are highly individualized is not new
(Lane, 2007). I have found success is associated with high scores for vigor coupled with low
scores for anger, tension, depression, fatigue, and confusion (see Figure 1). Autobiographical
accounts identify emotional control, confidence and mental toughness in being able to give
and receive punishment as important factors for success (Hatton, 2007). In a study that
interviewed elite kick boxers, athletes reported the relationship between aggression and
emotion. The following quote illustrates the importance of emotional control:
"…if you can't control you're anger or you're aggression everything goes out the
window… you tense up, body tenses up and then the whole fight goes out the window, as
soon as you tense up you lose, especially in what I do because it's so fast and technical and
precise, it's so fast that you only have to be off the ball just a little, half a degree and that's it
you get caught" (Devonport, 2006).
The above quote illustrates the importance of down regulating feelings of anger. In
comparison to an individual causing violence in an anger rage, the kickboxer is minded by the
deleterious effects of anger on concentration. If one accepts that this quote is typical of such
athletes, then the notion that they use anger to injure opponents lacks evidence.
67
62
57
Optimal performance
52 Moderate performance
Poor performance
47
42
37
Anger Confusion Depression Fatigue Tension Vigour
Figure 1. Optimal emotional states associated with success.
Case Study 1: A Boxer who Would let his Opponent Recover
One amateur boxer I worked with came to me suggesting that he did not feel his was
fulfilling his potential. He indicated that his coach and a number of people closely associated
with boxing believed he had huge potential. His win-loss record indicated he had lost more
contests that he had won. He further elaborated that he rarely pressed home advantage and
that if he hurt his opponent he would back off rather than seek to finish the contest. He
indicated that he had a counter-puncher style. He felt that the reason he lost contests because
his opponent won each round marginally.
On one hand, it could be argued that the boxer needed to develop an inner sense of
toughness, that he should desensitize himself to the effects of boxing, or in short, learn to be
able to inflict punishment on his opponent. An alternative approach, and ethically more
acceptable is to suggest that he was letting his opponent control the tempo of the contest.
When he hurt his opponent, where there was an opportunity to take the initiative, he would
wait, allowing his opponent to recover. Rather than learn to become aggressive and seek to
injure his opponent, he needed to learn how to control the pace of the contest. The mindset
behind the two approaches differs hugely.
The work we did was to explore strategies he needed to employ to compete to be
successful. Using the performance profile method, we identified personal constructs
258 Andrew M. Lane
associated with success. My approach in developing performance profiles with boxers is to

start the conversation of what constitutes an elite or ideal boxer by identifying a past or
current boxer and then asking the athlete to describe why the boxer is good (Lane, 2009). I
also ask the boxer to identify a boxer who is quite good (National Championship level rather
than World Championship level) and ask them to contrast the two boxers. What occurs is that
the constructs that the boxer believes separate the two boxers are key as to how he evaluates
his performance. By starting this process with real boxers rather than fictional standards, the
process is less abstract and hence becomes more meaningful to the client.
Once the boxers and performance constructs were identified, the next step was to develop
strategies to enhance these, whilst being conscious of addressing the original reason for the
consultation. This led to identifying behavioral plans on how to box differently. In essence,
his goal was to raise his work rate attending to improving aspects of his own performance,
rather than being reactionary to what his opponent was doing. Through analysis of the
counterpunching styles of elite boxers, both amateur and professional, he identified that they
do not wait for opportunity, but are looking to make opportunities. The difference was subtle
but important as he waited for opportunities. I used a combination of psychological skills
(Thelwell, 2008) to develop a more consistent pacing strategy to contests so that he competed
the entire round.
The first approach was to develop goals for the number of punches he threw in a round.
The number of punches set as a goal was identified by watching video of the elite boxers used
in the development of the performance profile. Whilst it is more difficult to enact this in
sparring and competition, it is much more straightforward to do when shadowboxing, or
punch-pad work, or punch bag work. To further support these goals, I videotaped him
training, allowing him to count the number of punches thrown and thereby evaluate his goals.
Videotaping is preferred to asking the boxer to count the punches thrown, as punch counting
is arguably an unhelpful way of approaching sparring and competition. It also allows him to
develop a third person perspective of how he looks. By supporting him to develop an image
of how he looks during training, I asked the athlete to construct image sessions performing
and achieving the pre-set goals. Positive self-talk was added to parts of the session where he
felt he might revert back to his former style.
I worked with the boxer for several months, re-assessing his confidence on performance
profile constructs, along with his general confidence on how he felt he was boxing. Results
indicated he felt more confident, and importantly, felt he had a more integrated training
schedule in that he was more aware of the relationship between self-paced training sessions
such as shadow boxing and bag work and interactive sessions such as sparring. Whilst this led
to an improvement in performance and subsequently, he started winning contest, a key part of
the issue that took much longer to address was his belief that he would be a successful boxer
because he did not feel he had the sufficient mental toughness in terms of being able to give
punishment to his opponent. We worked on these core beliefs, but not in terms of wishing to
injure his opponent, but on why they occurred in the first place.
Through lengthy discussion, it appeared that the notion he was not tough was something
that stemmed from coach-athletes interactions, from discussions between other coaches, and
with information he gleaned from other boxers, family and friends. As a sport psychologist, it
is important to be aware of the multiple sources of information that an athlete obtains
information from. Importantly, in this instance, his relatively fragile self-esteem was sensitive
to critical comments and he internalized negative information on his capability as a fighter
rather than challenging it, and rationalizing it, thereby protecting his self-esteem. In this
example, mental toughness to finish of an opponent is highly influenced by low self-
confidence. Increased confidence led to improved performance in areas that could be
construed as mental toughness by people surrounding the boxer. The two are different; the
boxer displayed behaviors that others conceptualized as mental toughness and required for
boxing success; the boxer interpreted the behaviors as being confident to perform a set of
actions.
Whilst the above example might provide tentative evidence to show that boxers do need
to develop an intention to injure even if ostensibly that is the underlining mindset needed, it is
possible to interpret this information differently. An issue here is the interaction between
sport psychologist and client. Conscious of ethical guidelines, I would be uncomfortable
working with a boxer who outwardly expressed an intention to injure. Given I believe that a
boxer does not need to hold such beliefs in order to be successful, it is possible that I transmit
this message to boxers. It is possible that boxers who work with me learn to respond in a way
that is desirable to me, therefore masking their true beliefs. My experiences of the athlete in
this case study suggest that this answer is not the case, but I am open to the possibility that it
could be an explanation. It might be that I operate a self-serving bias in order to justify to
myself that working is boxing is ethically acceptable.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
My concluding comments are that boxing represents a challenging environment in which
to work (Lane, 2006) and identifies difficulties working in the sport in terms of developing a
solid relation footing. I would recommend that if consultants are assured of their attitude on
the potentiality ethical dilemma of the care of the athlete, that they reflect on the reasons why
they are ensure before offering their services. Working with boxers should be about providing
support for a person about to undertake a deeply personal challenge. Boxers share many of
the frailties of other athletes, and for professional fighters, a livelihood earned by boxing,
where defeat can be career and health threatening often involves competing in a pressure-
cooker environment.
With the above in mind, I suggest considering the following points for sport
psychologists working boxing:
• Explore your attitudes to boxing; what are your thoughts and feelings on a sport
where people get injured as a direct cause of the opponent. If you feel that the injury
and intent argument cannot be separated, you will find it difficult to work in
professional boxing.
• Explore your boxers motives for boxing; are they competing to fulfill sadistic needs,
or are they competing to fulfill a need for achievement, presenting issues similar to
athletes in other sports. Boxers who present motives based on a desire to injure their
opponent will be difficult to work with from an ethical perspective. This process is
worth doing in some detail as boxers can outwardly present sentiments of wishing to
injure their opponent as a reaction to a perceived need to help promote the contest.
260 Andrew M. Lane
The same boxer might inwardly not hold such sentiments, though perhaps they
might.
• Investigate emotional states associated with optimal performance. In particular,
investigate beliefs on the functionality of anger. Boxers need to be able to control
high intense unpleasant emotions such as anger and anxiety.
REFERENCES
Baumeister, R. F., & Butz, D. A. (2005). Roots of Hate, Violence, and Evil: American
Psychological Association.
Butler, R. J., & Hardy, L. (1992). The performance profile: theory and application. The Sport
Butler, R. J., Smith, M., & Irwin, I. (1993). The Performance Profile in practice. Journal of
Chapman, C., Lane, A. M., Brierley, J. H., & Terry, P. C. (1997). Anxiety, self-confidence and
performance in tae kwon-do. Perceptual & Motor Skills, 85, 1275-1278.
Devonport, T. J. (2006). Perceptions of the contribution of psychology to success in elite
kickboxing. Journal of Sports Science and Medicine, 5, 99-107.
Donnelly, P. (1988). On boxing: notes on the past, present and future of a sport in transition.
Current Psychology: Research & Reviews, 7, 331-346.
Douglas, K., & Carless, D. (2008). Using Stories in Coach Education. International Journal
of Sports Science & Coaching, 3, 33-49.
Goldstein, J. D., & Iso, A. S. E. (2008). Determinants of parents' sideline-rage emotions and
behaviors at youth soccer games. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 38, 1442-1462.
Hall, C. J., & Lane, A. M. (2001). Effects of rapid weight loss on mood and performance
among amateur boxers. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 35, 390-395.
Hatton, R. (2007). The Hitman: My Story. UK: Ebury Press.
Herrera, C. (2004). The search for meaningful comparisons in boxing and medical ethics.
Journal of Medical Ethics, 30, 513-514.
Jones, R. L. (1997). A deviant sports career: toward a sociology of unlicensed boxing.
Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 21, 37-52.
Lane, A. M. (2002). Relationships between performance toward accomplishment and self-
efficacy in amateur boxing. Perceptual & Motor Skills, 94, 1056-1056.
Lane, A. M. (2006). Reflections of professional boxing consultancy: A response to Schinke
(2004). Athletic Insight, 8, 1-7.
Lane, A. M. (2007). The rise and fall of the iceberg: development of a conceptual model of
mood-performance relationships. In A. M. Lane (Ed.), Mood and human performance:
Conceptual, measurement, and applied issues (pp. 1-34.). Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science.
Lane, A. M. (2009). Consultancy in the ring: Psychological support to a world champion
professional boxer. In B. Hemmings & T. Holder (Eds.), Applied Sport Psychology (pp.
51-63). London: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Lane, A. M., & Lane, R. J. (2008). Profiling optimal performance: A case study of peak
performance in foreign exchange dealing and boxing environments. International Journal
of Psychology, 43, 148.
Lane, A. M., Terry, P. C., Karageorghis, C. I., & Lawson, J. (1999). Mood states as
predictors of kickboxing performance: A test of a conceptual model. Journal of Sports
Sciences, 17, 61-62.
Loosemore, M., Knowles, C. H., & Whyte, G. P. (2007). Amateur boxing and risk of chronic
traumatic brain injury: Systematic review of observational studies. BMJ: British Medical
Journal, 335, 809.
McCrory, P., Zazryn, T., & Cameron, P. (2007). The evidence for chronic traumatic
encephalopathy in boxing. Sports Medicine, 37, 467-476.
Terry, P. C., & Slade, A. (1995). Discriminant effectiveness of psychological state measures
in predicting performance outcome in karate competition. Perceptual & Motor Skills, 81,
275-286.
Thelwell, R. (2008). Applied sport psychology: Enhancing performance using psychological
skills training. In A. M. Lane (Ed.), Sport and exercise psychology: Topics in applied
psychology (pp 1-6). UK: Hodder-Stoughton, UK.
Wildes, K. W. (1995). Is boxing ethically supportable? In R. C. Cantu (Ed.), Boxing and
medicine (pp 117-128). Champaign, Illinois: Human Kinetics.
Zazryn, T. R., McCrory, P. R., & Cameron, P. A. (2008). Neurologic injuries in boxing and
other combat sports. Neurologic Clinics, 26, 257-270.
Chapter 18
COMMENTARY
Mary Pritchard1 and Sandy Kimbrough2

Boise State University, Boise, Idaho1
Texas A&M University-Commerce, Commerce, TX, USA2
“there is nothing new under the sun…” (Ecclesiastes 1:9 New International Version).
When it comes to the study of sport psychology, the above adage is arguable for a variety of
reasons. Although humans have been competing in sport and participating in physical activity
for as long as history has been recorded, the world has changed significantly. Much has
changed from the days when baseball players were paid meager wages to travel for days on
buses to compete in front of small crowds, to now, when practically any sporting event
around the world can be viewed via satellite television or the internet. The structure of
organized sport, the importance of sport in society, and motivations for participation have
shifted dramatically. By working as reviewers and associate editors for Athletic Insight over
the past several years, we (this chapter’s authors) have had the pleasure of being at the
forefront of exciting research and progress in the study of the psychology of sport around the
world. Scholars from New Zealand, India, Scotland, Mexico, and the United States, to name
just a few countries, are not only presenting work in the field from their own specific areas of
interest, they are collaborating in fantastic ways with colleagues from around the globe like
never before. This exciting development is just one of the aspects of this book that we found
so intriguing. Robert Schinke conceived the idea for this book a few years ago and with the
support of leading sport psychologists from around the world, created an extraordinary
compilation of work with a focus on three contemporary issues in sport psychology: (1) sport
psychology in practice, (2) cultural sport psychology, and (3) sport psychology and ethics.
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY IN PRACTICE

Perhaps one of the most simultaneously exciting and daunting tasks faced by sport
psychologists involves providing training and guidance to elite athletes. As Haberl (Chapter
Four) and Hodge and Hermansson (Chapter Five) pointed out, such athletes face unique
challenges not faced by nationally competitive, semi-professional, collegiate, or lower level
264 Mary Pritchar and Sandy Kimbrough
athletes. Although some of the challenges may not be surprising to fans (e.g., the headaches
of Olympians traveling to Beijing, staying in The Village, dealing with other athletes from
competing countries, dealing with pre-event injuries, conflicts with teammates and coaches,
etc. – see Chapters Five and Six), others might be quite surprising. As Hodge and
Hermansson indicated, the increased media coverage alone can be quite stressful as athletes
become celebrities for the duration of the event. As Haberl explained in Chapter Four, many
fans place unknowing pressures and stress on their favorite athletes to bring home the Gold.
Although many athletes may dream of Olympic Gold and the ‘favorites’ may certainly
possess more confidence in their abilities to successfully do so or believe they have referees
or judges ‘in their corner,’ those expected to win face added pressures of letting down their
teammates, coaches, and fans. Thus, although social facilitation theorist Zajonc (1965) might
have suggested that favored athletes should in fact perform better, too much stress and
pressure on the favored athletes can serve as a distraction and actually hinder their
performance. As Haberl pointed out, many favored athletes feel like they are walking targets
with everything to lose or end up being overconfident and allow a win to slip from their
fingers because they thought they had it made. Regardless of whether the athlete is favored to
win or not, dealing with failure or subpar performance at the elite level can be very
disappointing and stressful. In Chapter Five, Hodge and Hermansson explained that many
athletes fear the future and wonder what will happen to them after the ‘main event’ (e.g.,
Olympic Games) is over.
What can a sport psychologist do to help in these situations? As Lidor and Blumenstein
(Chapter Six) suggested, preparation is key – for both the sport psychologist and the athletes.
The Chapters in Section One provided a variety of suggestions for sport psychologists dealing
with elite athletes.
[1] Focus on what you do best – sport psychology – and maintain professionalism at all
times (Lidor & Blumenstein, Chapter Six).
[2] Be willing to listen to the athlete’s and coaches’ concerns and be willing to make
changes accordingly (Lidor & Blumenstein, Chapter Six).
[3] Realize that not all athletes and coaches look forward to working with a sport
psychologist. As Schinke attested (Chapter One), just as many individuals fear being
stereotyped for seeing a ‘shrink,’ many athletes have similar stereotypes (of their
own or from teammates, family, coaches, etc.) about working with a sport
psychologist. Schinke suggested initially focusing on analyses of previous
performances. As the sport psychologist gains the athletes’ trust, he or she can then
begin to gradually focus on more emotional issues that may have led to previous
defeats or subpar performances. In fact, Lidor and Blumenstein (Chapter Six)
suggested spending the first full year in a four-year plan concentrating on such
preparatory work and analysis of past performances utilizing their five-step approach
(see Chapter Six) to introduce sport psychology techniques to athletes. Finally,
Zaichkowsky (Chapter Three) indicated that sport psychologists might be better
received if they come equipped with a way to ‘prove’ their techniques are effective
and can work for the athletes in question. Zaichkowsky outlined a variety of uses for
biofeedback, neurofeedback, and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) that
will help assess athletes’ baseline performance as well as any changes over time
resulting from their work with the sport psychologist.
Commentary 265
[4] Be around from the beginning, consistently and in a variety of settings. As Lidor and
Blumenstein (Chapter Six) suggested, the sport psychologist must be involved from
the outset as part of the professional staff so that athletes get used to being around
them and conversing with them and the coaches.
[5] Although each sport has its own unique culture (Halliwell, Chapter Two), sport
psychologists must realize that athletes are more than individuals and they are more
than just their sport; thus sport psychologists must recognize the ‘power of the
overall collective’ (Chapter Five – Hodge & Hermansson) of the team and of the
country in the case of the Olympics. Hodge and Hermansson recommended
providing athletes with a ‘One Team-One Spirit’ focus so that athletes have
something positive to focus on and to fall back upon win or lose.
[6] Have a specific step-by-step game plan for working with the athletes not only leading
up to the main event but during the main event and after the event is over as well (see
Lidor & Blumenstein – Chapter Six). As distractions mount, be prepared to help
athletes focus or refocus on their performance before and during the event (see
Haberl, Chapter Four). Biofeedback (Zaichkowsky, Chapter Three) might be an
effective tool for helping athletes stay ‘in the zone.’ Even the athlete’s own MP3 /
IPOD player can be adapted for these purposes.
[7] Realize that there may be differences between experienced and non-experienced
players and be prepared to deal separately with each type of player (Halliwell,
Chapter Two).
[8] Keep it simple and refrain from using sport psychology lingo for which the athletes
may have no background (Halliwell, Chapter Two).
CULTURAL SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Culture is generally considered to be a subset of society, the collection of specific
attitudes, behaviors and products that characterize an identifiable group of people. Every
thought developed, every action taken, and every decision made takes place within multiple
layers of culture, including time and place, plus so many more layers that are relevant to
behavior generally and performance in any endeavor, specifically. Viewing sport performance
in a vacuum that eliminates culture would be like reading a comic book without pictures.
Blodgett, Yungblut, and Schinke (Chapter Seven) stated that cultural sport psychology (CSP)
has developed from social psychology; Fisher, Roper, and Butryn (Chapter Eight) posited that
CSP researchers and practitioners should focus on postmodern theories in approaching the
following emphases: athlete identities, power dynamics, academic methods and theories, the
influence of the institution of sport, race and class, and politics in sport related to well-being.
For a sport psychologist to be successful, he/she must approach consultation with more
than just the performance needs of the athlete in mind. The CSP practitioner should consider
the culture of the athlete (geographical location, race, ethnicity, and religion), the identity of
the athlete (Ryba, Chapter Nine), and the cultural perspective from which he/she is
approaching the athlete. Cultural praxis is “an active and reflexive process that links theory,
lived culture, and social action in a dialectical reciprocity” (Ryba, 2009). As McGannon and
Metz (Chapter Eleven) pointed out, the sport psychologist cannot be viewed as just a hammer
that can be applied to a nail, as each psychologist is different and brings to the “workbench” a
different set of expectations and perspectives, a unique worldview, and a particular paradigm.
To illustrate a few of these points, one of the authors (Sandy) will digress briefly to the
impact this section is presently having on her own research. During the week when the
chapter was being authored she visited an assisted living apartment complex with a group of
seniors with whom she is completing a study, she was forced to examine how her own
worldview and preconceived ideas have affected her research there. The seniors were playing
a video driving game on the Wii platform and she was measuring changes that occur in their
mental health over a period of time as a result of the activity. As she read the work by
McGannon and Metz (Chapter Eleven), she began to formulate her own confessional tale
about how she had gained access to these residents (like Metz gained access to WNBA
players). She also realized that she brought with her a set of assumptions: 1) that the residents
were not experienced with technology, 2) that the residents would be honest and forthcoming
about their own feelings of depression (and that they were depressed), 3) that they could not
hear or see very well, 4) that they would be happy for any additional attention they would
receive as a result of participating, and 5) that the level of educational attainment of the
residents was relatively low (i.e. that most of them were not college graduates). The more
Sandy reflected on these assumptions, the more she realized how foolish she would be to not
include in her research more than the just the quantitative data resulting from measurements
taken. Her reaction to the participants, their reactions toward her and each other, and how
their collective perceptions of each other changed over time are just as important a puzzle
piece as the measured changes in depression as a result of participation. It would have been
remiss of Sandy to not consider both a) their own stories (their culture: geography, past
experiences, race), and b) her own perceptions that she brought to the table. Sandy made
assumptions about their memory (that their working and long-term memory abilities are
diminished), their abilities (that they cannot see or hear well and have limited manual
dexterity), and their reasons for participating (that they want to be in the company of me and
my graduate assistant). In retrospect she needed to be reflective and reflexive in her approach
and not view herself as just a data-collector.
Chapters Seven and Eight reminded the reader that the “monocultural” approach that has
for so many years been dominant in the sport psychology field, reflective of White male
values, is not only inappropriate, but ineffective when the spectrum of cultures from which
athletes hail is so diverse. Kontos (Chapter Thirteen) identified Latin American athletes as
just one example of a group where issues like acculturation and enculturation must be taken
into account for effective sport psychology interaction and intervention. He also clearly made
the point that awareness, not universality, is the rule for any “cultural” group. For example,
the authors may fail to recognize that two Latin American athletes come from different
political and geographical backgrounds just as someone from California may assume that one
of us (Sandy) rides a horse because she lives in Texas. Kontos presented enlightening
information about certain aspects of the Latin American culture, while impressing upon the
reader that every individual’s ecological system is unique, within the same country, city, and
even family. Sport psychology consultants must learn as much as possible about the specific
culture of the athlete and not make assumptions based on vague knowledge about their
heritage or country of origin through an overarching grouping strategy.
Catina’s exposition of theoretical approaches to CSP addressed perceptions of success
and failure, evaluation of self, and individualistic versus collectivistic cultures (Chapter Ten).
Commentary 267
Collectivistic cultures foster the needs, wishes, and desires of the group (or team) over those
of individuals. They value harmony, cohesion, and cooperation. Individualistic people value
their own needs and desires as more important than others’, and they make clear boundaries
between one’s self and others. Identifying and understanding the values and worldview of the
sport participant will increase the effectiveness of the consultant. Kontos also recognized that
some cultures have more distinguished gender roles and may be resistant to a female
consultant working with a male athlete.
Hanrahan’s work with Mexican orphans (Chapter Twelve) reminded us that sport
psychology is not just about a ‘win at all costs’ mentality, and exists for greater purposes than
performance enhancement of elite athletes. Her focused work with Mexican orphans resulted
in gains in life satisfaction, global self-worth, and physical appearance self-concept. She
identified challenges she faced in a service situation, some due to cultural nuances around
which she worked, such as a different understanding of what constitutes time (i.e., clock
versus event based time). Her suggestions for working with young people in difficult
situations are practical and should encourage others to use their time and efforts in cultures
where life is not so easy. In so doing, Hanrahan inadvertently proposed a broader view of
sport psychology, one that can be accessible for example, to non-competitive youth contexts.
Ryba also identified the need to see the importance of the social and cultural context of
sport and not see the measured outcome (win or loss) as the only indicator of the quality of
the sport experience (see Chapter Nine). The Western performance ethic emphasizes winning
above everything else and overlooks the importance of social and cultural context.
Accompanying this emphasis is the possibility that the athlete is no longer viewed as a person
but as an instrument for victory and a means to glory for his/her team, club, and/or country.
Adopting such a perspective dehumanizes sport and has dangerous implications for children
whose reasons for participation in sport are fun and skill development.
Along the same lines, Fisher and her colleagues Roper and Butryn acknowledged that
although the CSP approach is relatively new, two new texts and many scholars have begun to
study power, privilege, and oppression within sport from a cultural perspective (see Chapter
Eight). Athletes must be viewed as not only a way to achieve victory, but as citizens of a
global society and participants in a complex sociological system where sport sometimes
opens the doors to individuals, giving them power and privilege, while at the same time
(possibly) oppressing others.
Viewing the researcher as an integral component of any sport psychology research is a
self-reflexive approach that is explored nicely by McGannon and Metz (Chapter 13); their
own experiences with data collection, gaining access to athletes, and interviewing athletes
showed once again that the sport psychologist-as-researcher cannot be viewed as just a
sanitized collector of data. As each psychologist brings his/her own life story to everything he
or she does, the impact of culture on the research itself is revealed. For example, if a Western
researcher investigates sport psychology in a non-Western culture and fails to take into
account his/her own assumptions about the best way to “do” sport psychology within the
context of that culture, his/her research findings may be tainted to support his/her own ideas
about sport, success, and performance.
One major shortcoming in cross-cultural sport psychology has been the failure to
replicate Western lab findings in non-Western settings. Therefore, a major goal of cultural
sport psychology is to have divergent cultures refine and/or expand basic theories so that they
become more relevant to the predictions and explanations of the intended group’s behaviors,
not just Western mainstream ones, generally. As the authors in this section so eloquently
describe, cultural sport psychology is not only an exciting area of study itself, but provides a
backdrop for broader cultural sport studies.
SPORT PSYCHOLOGY AND ETHICS

From charges of doping to accusations about judges being bribed, sport psychologists and
the public alike are well-versed in ethical charges and allegations against athletes, coaches,
and judges. After all, as Werthner and Coleman pointed out in Chapter Sixteen, athletes are
under tremendous pressure to win. However, one job of the sport psychologist is to assure
that athletes learn how to maximize their performance while foregoing the attitude that they
must ‘win at any cost,’ which may encourage less than ethical behavior. Werthner and
Coleman suggested that sport psychologists must first make their professional philosophy and
personal values (e.g., integrity, compassion, and empathy) explicit to athletes and coaches.
Relationships will be far less murky if athletes and coaches understand where the sport
psychologist is coming from. If the practitioner has far different philosophies and values than
the athlete and his/her coach, this would be the time to either clear the air or to decide that a
practitioner with philosophies and values more similar to the athlete might serve the athlete
better. It is also important that the athletes and coaches have realistic expectations about what
sport psychologists can and cannot do so there are no misunderstandings of expectations. As
practitioners are there to provide both education and support for the athlete, guidelines of
what the athlete can expect to accomplish with the help of the practitioner should be made
clear from the outset. For example, athletes must understand that the sport psychologist is not
a miracle worker; rather, the practitioner is there to help the athlete achieve consistent, high-
quality performance, but ultimately the athletes must rely on themselves to accomplish this
goal. In addition, sport psychologists should be aware of and enforce all ethical
considerations within a professional sporting event (e.g., confidentiality, managing athletes
when their anger or anxiety gets out of hand, and acting in a professional capacity that is
consistent with their professional philosophy and personal values at all times). Finally, sport
psychologists must take care of themselves. If the practitioner is ‘burning the candle at both
ends,’ his or her job performance (i.e., services the practitioner is providing to the athlete)
will likely suffer. The practitioner’s job performance hinges on giving the athlete his or her
best. How can one expect an athlete to perform his/her best if the practitioner is ‘falling down
on the job?’ A sport psychologist is no use to anyone if he/she is too tired, sick, etc., to
effectively do his/her job. This is unfair to both the practitioner and to the athlete and
coaching staff and could have devastating consequences for the client (e.g., injury, losing a
game, decline in performance).
Learning how to achieve the values and professional goals suggested by Werthner and
Coleman in Chapter Sixteen is not an easy task. In fact, the quality of student intern–
supervisor relationship is one of the best predictors of success as a sport psychology intern
(Keeler & Zizzi – Chapter 14). Thus, in Chapter Fourteen, Keeler and Zizzi explained how to
effectively train sport psychologists via classroom and internship experience. Keeler and
Zizzi recommended that students begin their training with at least one year of theoretical
coursework in sport sciences, physiology, physical education, and psychology, followed by 5-
Commentary 269
10 hours of observation of team consultation. Only then should students begin their internship
as consultants in training (CITs). The authors further advised that CITs be trained both
individually with a supervising professor to learn technique as well as in groups of 4-10 CITs
to allow students of different skill levels to share personal experiences and relevant
information. Keeler and Zizzi argued that such a model is imperative because at first, like
many first year psychology or medical students, some CITs know just enough to be
dangerous, but not enough to realize that they are. In particular it is important that CITs be
schooled in NCAA rules and regulations as well as more practical issues such as
stereotypes/stigmas of sport psychologists, how to establish relationships with coaches, what
title to use, how to handle multiple/conflicting roles, establishing boundaries, marketing their
services, etc. This model makes intuitive sense as it combines both the necessary curriculum
as well as the necessary practical experience. Just as lawyers report that all of the cases they
read in law school in no way prepares them to defend a client or prosecute an individual in
court, how can we expect CITs to be effective sport psychologists upon graduation if they
have no practical experience? Using a model similar to the ‘intern/rotation’ practices of
medical students, allowing students on-one-on observations with professionals as well as
practice work in groups will allow them to encounter a variety of athletes, coaches, and
settings to better prepare them for life as a practitioner.
Harris, Visek, and Watson (Chapter 15) argued that when making curricular decisions or
when facing a difficult decision, sport psychologists should be familiar with both the
American Psychological Association’s (APA) ethical guidelines as well as those of the
Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP). In addition, Harris et al. suggested that it
is important to consider (and teach students) how to use ethical decision-making models for
those instances where ethical guidelines are not enough (e.g., handling multiple-role conflicts,
confidentiality issues, cross-complaints by coaching staff). They present several theoretically
based decision-making models as well as several practice based decision-making models
sport psychologists can utilize to help resolve tough ethical dilemmas. After all, knowing the
ethical principles and being able to apply those principles to real life situations are two
entirely different matters. Thus, similar to the model of combining textbooks and real life
experiences when training CITs (Keeler & Zizzi – Chapter 14), providing students with
models and case studies to use when they encounter sticky situations in the field will prepare
them in a comprehensive way that transcends knowledge disconnected from practicality. I
would go one step further to suggest that training programs have class sessions where they
have students portray athletes, coaches, and practitioners and act out ethically questionable
scenarios. This would help students get an even better feel for situations they may encounter
in practice.
Although sport psychologists may have been trained in how to deal with ethical issues
faced by top-level athletes, many may be unfamiliar with the issues they may face
themselves. In Chapter 17, Lane discussed the potential conflict of working with athletes in
violent sports and the ethical standards presented by the APA to avoid or minimize harm.
Lane recommended that before sport psychologists agree to work with athletes in violent
sports such as boxing, they should first explore their own attitudes to sports where people get
injured as a main goal of the sport. Once a sport psychologist has decided that he or she can
ethically consult with an athlete in a violent sport, he or she must then investigate the athlete’s
motives - is the athlete focusing on the thrill of injuring their opponent, in which case he/she
will not necessarily benefit from your help, or is he/she focusing on personal performance and
potential for achievement? If the athlete appears to be acting out of aggressive motives, the
practitioner must decide if it will be possible to help the athlete modify his or her motives or
whether working with the practitioner would somehow only enhance the athlete’s ability to
carry out their advertent aggressive motives. If the latter is true, the practitioner will need to
decide if continuing to work with the athlete is ethically in the best interest of all parties
involved. Finally, the sport psychologist should work with athletes in violent sports to enable
them to control and better channel any negative emotions (i.e., anger, anxiety) they may face
during the event. If the athlete is not amenable to this type of mental training, again the
practitioner must decide whether it is ethical to keep working with the athlete.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
As this text comes to a close, the AI editorship and authors wish to express the many
athletes, consultants, coaches, administrators, spectators, officials, and others whose
eagerness to share their stories of success and struggle made it possible to learn what we have
learned about contemporary issues in sport psychology. Without their willingness to be
transparent and available, the research and reflection represented in each section would be
incomplete at best and invalid at worst.
The title of this text, Contemporary Sport Psychology, reminds us that as we learn more
and more about the practical, cultural, and ethical issues related to sport psychology, the need
for an updated compilation reflecting burgeoning trajectories from future special editions will
become obvious. We hope that you have not only read this text to increase your knowledge,
but that you will contribute to the growing field of sport psychology by sharing your own
experiences with others through collaborative investigation. To the readers, thank you for
reading what has become an integral part of all of our lives (editors and authors); it is our
hope that this text has shifted your paradigms and peaked your interest in the practical,
cultural, and ethical aspects of Contemporary Sport Psychology.
REFERENCES
Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149, 269-274.
BIOGRAPHIES
EDITOR
Robert Schinke: Robert Schinke an Associate Tenured Professor, holds a doctorate in
Education and a post-doctoral year in Positive Psychology. His research interests span
cultural sport psychology, resilience, and adaptation and his methodological preferences span
the qualitative methodologies, employing mainstream and culturally sensitive approaches
dependent on population. A former Canadian Equestrian Team Member and Pan American
Games medalist, Schinke has been funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada, the Canadian Foundation for Innovation, and the Canadian Institute for
Health Research. His work, the most recent, for which he has just been awarded the 2008
Canadian Sport Science Research Award for Community Research, has been published in the
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, The Sport Psychologist, the Journal
of Sport and Social Issues, Quest, and the Journal of Physical Activity and Health, among
other publishing outlets. He has published two applied sport psychology books, each released
in multiple languages, and now three edited compilations. Schinke is the Editor of Athletic
Insight and he has guest co-Edited an installment of the International Journal of Sport and
Exercise Psychology devoted to the intersection of culture and sport and exercise psychology.
Schinke is also the Chair of his university's research ethics board as well as the Chair of
Ethics and Qualifications for the Canadian Sport Psychology Association, He is married to
his wife Erin and has a new son named "Harrison".
AUTHORS
Eric Arguello: Erick Arguello, PsyD is currently completing his doctoral internship in
clinical psychology at the Louisiana State Hospital in Alexandria, LA. He received his PsyD
from the Adler School of Professional Psychology in Chicago, IL, and his MA in sport and
exercise psychology from the Health and Human Performance Department at the University
of New Orleans. Dr. Arguello’s research interests include the use of hypnosis in sport, flow,
and applied and multicultural sport psychology issues.
272 Robert Schinke
Amy Blodgett: Amy T. Blodgett, MHK, is a graduate student at Laurentian University in

Sudbury, Canada. Her research and practical interests pertain to culturally reflexive
approaches in sport psychology and social justice issues within marginalized sport
populations. Presently, she is part of a multicultural research team working to develop
culturally-sensitive leadership training programs in Wikwemikong Unceded Indian Reserve
in order to inspire active lifestyles among Aboriginal youth. Amy has presented her research
at national and international conferences, including the Eastern Canada Sport and Exercise
Psychology Symposium, the annual congress of the Association for the Advancement of
Applied Sport Psychology, and the North American Indigenous Games Education
Symposium.
Boris Blumenstein: Dr. Boris Blumenstein is the director of the Department of

Behavioral Sciences and Methodology at the Ribstein Center for Sport Medicine Sciences and
Research, Wingate Institute, Netanya, Israel. He was a sport psychology consultant and
advisor to the Soviet national and Olympic teams, and since 1990 has served as head of
psychological services in the Elite Sports Unit of the Israel Olympic Committee (including
the delegations to the last four summer Olympic Games – 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008). He
has authored over 100 refereed journal articles and book chapters, and was senior editor of
two books.
Ted M. Butryn: Ted M. Butryn is an Associate Professor in the Department of

Kinesiology at San Jose State University. Ted holds a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies with a
concentration in Sport and Exercise Psychology from the University of Tennessee and an MA
in Human Performance from San Jose State University. He is currently serving as SJSU’s
Department of Kinesiology’s Graduate Coordinator. Ted’s primary research interests focus on
the intersection between cultural studies and sport, particularly the relationship between
"natural" and "artificial" aspects of contemporary societies and bodies using cyborg theory as
well as on how issues of social difference manifest themselves within the applied sport
setting.
Peter Catina: Dr. Peter Catina earned his Ph.D. in Human Performance Psychology in
2000 at the University of Maryland, USA. He is an assistant professor in the Department of
Health and Human Development at the Pennsylvania State University. He is a world-class
athlete and has been competing and coaching in the sport of powerlifting for 28 years. He is
an 18 time National Champion and has won the World Championship title 7 times. Dr. Catina
combines his academic and athletic backgrounds to direct his research toward the
collectivistic and individualistic components of human performance and to develop a
taxonomy that can be used to construct methods for maximizing athletic potential in a
multiplicity of paradigms and cultures.
John Coleman: John Colemanis presently gathering data and entering the writing phase
for his PhD at the University of Ottawa, inquiring into the possibilities of human movement
within the context of freeskiing. John is a sport psychology consultant presently working with
the Canadian National Paralpine ski team and he also works with a number of big mountain
freeskiers. Much of John’s work is geared towards helping performers create tools to be
aware of the possibilities present in the moment. To do so John uses various breathwork
Biographies 273
techniques to connect with the moment and other sport psychology tools to help athletes
successfully perform with high quality and consistency.
Leslee A. Fisher: Leslee A. Fisher is an Associate Professor in the Department of

Exercise, Sport & Leisure Studies at the University of Tennessee. Leslee holds a Ph.D. in
Sport Psychology from the University of California at Berkeley and a MS in Counselor
Education from the University of Virginia. She is currently serving as Secretary/Treasurer of
the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP). Leslee's primary research interests
focus on the social psychological experiences of female athletes including the intersectional
identities of gender/race/class/sexual/moral orientation, body issues, and the ways in which a
cultural sport psychology can be used to enhance research and applied work within sport and
exercise psychology.
Peter Haberl: Peter Haberl, Ed. D. works as a senior sport psychologist for the United
States Olympic Committee. Through the USOC, he provides individual and team
consultations and counseling sessions to various resident and national teams and athletes at
the Olympic Training Center in Colorado Springs. Before joining the USOC in 1998, Peter
served as the sport psychology consultant for the 1998 U.S. Women’s Ice Hockey Olympic
Team. He has worked with the U.S. Women’s National Ice Hockey Team from 1996 to 2006,
providing sport psychology services at four International Ice Hockey Federation Women’s
World Championships (1997, 1999, 2000, 2001, and 2005) and three Olympic Games (1998,
2002, 2006). He served as the sports psychology consultant for USA Triathlon at the 2000
Summer Olympics in Sydney, Australia. During the 2000 to 2004 Olympic summer quad
leading up to the Athens Olympic Games Peter has worked mainly with US Diving, US
Synchronized Swimming, USA Triathlon and the US Women’s Volleyball team. Peter also
coordinated the sport psychology component of the USOC Athlete SUMMIT program until
2004. The goal of the SUMMIT program was to inspire Olympic Hopefuls and provide a
cohesive sense of team USA across the different sports. With the restructuring of the
Performance Services Division of the USOC in 2006, Peter moved into in the Team and
Technical Sportfolio with a focus of providing services to team (USA Water Polo, USA
Women’s Indoor Volleyball)) and technical (USA Shooting, USA Archery) sports in their
preparation for the Beijing Games. Born in Austria, he received his undergraduate degree in
sports science from the University of Vienna, Austria, and earned a master's degree in
counseling and his Ed. D. in counseling psychology at Boston University. He is a licensed
psychologist in Colorado. Peter played professional hockey in Europe for 10 years, also
representing Austria at two World Championships. Peter and his wife, Corinne, reside in
Colorado Springs and have a daughter, MeiLan and a son, Alexander.
Wayne Halliwell: Dr. Halliwell is a professor in the Department of Kinesiology where he

has been teaching and conducting in the area of applied sport psychology for over 30 years.
Wayne is also involved as a sport psychology consultant with Hockey Canada’s highly
successful Program of Excellence and has worked with Canadian Teams at World
Championships and Olympic Games for the past 25 years. As a result of his ongoing work,
Wayne was recently awarded the Gordon Juckes Award which recognizes “outstanding
contribution by an individual to the development of amateur hockey in Canada”. Wayne has
274 Robert Schinke
also worked with a number of NHL teams and Canadian and U.S. University teams and is an
internationally recognized authority in the field of applied sport psychology.
Stephanie Hanrahan: Dr. Stephanie Hanrahan is an Associate Professor in the Schools of

Human Movement Studies and Psychology at The University of Queensland in Australia
where she is currently the director of the sport and exercise psychology program. Stephanie
has published 6 books, 21 book chapters, 42 refereed research articles, and over 40 applied
articles. She has obtained 18 grants and made hundreds of presentations at professional
meetings and to community clubs and organisations. As a registered psychologist her clients
have included individuals and teams from all levels of sport (able-bodied and disabled),
Aboriginal performing artists, Mexican orphans, and teenagers living in poverty.
Brendan S. Harris: Brandonn S. Harris, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor in the Department

of Special Education, Counseling, and Student Affairs at Kansas State University. He teaches
courses in intercollegiate athletics, college student-athletes, and research methods/statistics.
He also supervises graduate student internships in intercollegiate athletics. Dr. Harris is a
current member of AASP, APA, and N4A. He is a Certified Consultant with AASP and is
listed on the USOC Sport Psychology Registry. His research interests include youth sport,
burnout, professional practice issues in sport psychology, and intercollegiate athletics. Dr.
Harris has consulted with a variety of athletes, parents, coaches, and physical activity
participants on several sport and exercise psychology topics.
Gary Hermansson: Gary is a former Professor in Counseling Psychology at Massey

University, New Zealand. Gary is now a full‑ time Sport Psychologist working with range of
sports and athletes; for example, NZ Cricket and NZ Rugby. He has served as the Team
Psychologist for the NZ Summer Olympic Team at the 2000, 2004, and 2008 Olympics. In
addition, he was the Team Psychologist for the NZ Commonwealth Games Team at the 1998,
2002, and 2006 Games.
Ken Hodge: Ken is an Associate Professor in sport and exercise psychology at the School
of Physical Education, University of Otago, New Zealand (NZ). He has worked for a number
of sports as a Mental Skills Trainer. For example, he has worked for the NZ Academy of
Sport, the NZ Rugby Union, Netball NZ, NZ Swimming and NZ Golf. In 2006 he was the
Mental Skills Trainer for the NZ Winter Olympic Team at the Torino Games. Similarly, in
1992 he was the Mental Skills Trainer for the NZ Summer Olympic Team at the Barcelona
Games and in 1990 and 1994 he worked as Mental Skills Trainer for the NZ Commonwealth
Games Team.
Linda Keeler: Linda A. Keeler, Ed.D, CC-AASP, NCC is an Assistant Professor in Sport
and Exercise Psychology in the Department of Kinesiology at California State University,
Chico teaching classes in sport psychology, exercise psychology and sport sociology and
mentoring graduate students. She is an AASP Certified Consultant and is a national board-
certified counselor, consulting in areas of performance psychology and exercise adherence.
Her research interests center on athletes’ attitudes and behaviors in mental skills use and
Biographies 275
physical activity patterns in college students. Linda enjoys the west coast sunshine by
participating in hobbies of rock climbing, hiking and gardening.
Sandy Kimrough: Dr. Sandy Kimbrough received her Ph.D. in Motor Behavior from
Texas A&M University and has been teaching at the university level since 1995.She is
currently the assistant department head of Health and HumanPerformance at Texas A&M
University ‑ Commerce. Her focus is on trainingleaders in the fields of sport, physical
education, and recreation, andshe enjoys presenting at state and national conferences. She is
currently an associate editor for Athletic Insight and the TAHPERDJournal. Sandy enjoys
traveling, spending time with friends and family and competing in the Great Urban Race.
Anthony Kontos: Anthony P. Kontos, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor at Humboldt State

University, where he teaches courses in sport and exercise psychology, motor
development/learning, research methods, and sport concussion; works as a sport and exercise
psychology consultant; and is the director of the Behavioral Performance Lab and North
Coast Sport Concussion program. Dr. Kontos received his Ph.D. in kinesiology/sport
psychology from Michigan State University where he also received master’s degrees in
counseling and exercise science. He completed his B.A. in psychology at Adrian College. His
research includes sport concussion, psychology of injury, risk taking, and multicultural sport
an exercise psychology. Dr. Kontos has published over 30 articles/chapters and delivered over
55 professional presentations, and is a member of APA Division 47 and AASP.
Andrew Lane: Andrew Lane is a Professor of Sport Psychology at the University of

Wolverhampton. He is accredited from the British Association of Sport and Exercise Sciences
(BASES) for scientific support and research, and Chartered by the British Psychological
Society. He has authored more than 100 peer refereed journal articles and edited two books.
He is the editor of The Sport and Exercise Scientist, and sits on the editorial board of the
Journal of Sports Science and Medicine and Journal of Hospitality, Sport, Tourism,
Education, and advisory boards for the Journal of Sports Sciences and Medicine and Science
in Sport and Exercise. His applied work has involved a number of clients including the
English Institute of Sport and the London Boxing Association working with an athlete
preparing for World Championship contests. A former amateur boxer, he remains active in
sport as a runner and duathlete and after shedding 20 kilos is enjoying competition again.
Ronnie Lidor: Dr. Ronnie Lidoris an Associate Professor at the Zinman College of
Physical Education and Sport Sciences at the Wingate Institute, and in the Faculty of
Education at the University of Haifa (Israel). His main areas of research are cognitive
strategies, talent detection, and early development in sport. Dr. Lidor has published over 90
articles, book chapters, and proceedings chapters, in English and in Hebrew. He is the senior
editor of several books, among them Sport Psychology: Linking Theory and Practice (1999)
and The Psychology of Team Sports (2003) published by Fitness Information Technology
(USA). A former basketball coach, Dr. Lidor now provides psychological consultation to
young and adult elite basketball players. He focuses mainly on attentional techniques used
before the execution of free-throw shots.
276 Robert Schinke
Kerry McGannon: Dr. Kerry McGannon received her PhD (Health and Exercise
Psychology) from the University of Alberta after receiving a B.A. (psychology) and an M.A.
(Sport and Exercise Psychology) from the University of Victoria. She is an assistant professor
in the Department of Health and Sport Studies, at the University of Iowa. Her research
provides a “bridge” between traditional epidemiological approaches and cultural studies
approaches, to understand physical activity participation. Her specific interest is in the social
construction of the self and critical interpretations of physical activity and fitness using Social
Theory and qualitative methodologies (e.g., narrative, discourse analysis). The journals where
her work is published such as Qwest, Sociology of Sport Journal and Journal of Sport and
Exercise Psychology, underscores the interdisciplinary nature of her research.
Jennifer Metz: Dr. Jennifer L. Metz received her PhD (Socio-cultural Kinesiology) from
the University of Illinois- Urbana-Champaign after receiving a M.A. (Communications) at
Northern Illinois University and an B.A. (Organizational Communications) from the Loyola
University of Chicago. While at Loyola of Chicago, Jennifer was a scholarship basketball
athlete for the women’s basketball team. Jennifer is a lecturer in the Department of Health
and Sport Studies, at the University of Iowa. Her work critically examines the cultural politics
of race, gender, and nationalism in the modern era. It is interdisciplinary in nature, located at
the intersections of popular culture, marketing/advertising, and cultural studies. It is
motivated by the recognition that such "everyday practices” as sport, television, and
recreational pursuits are crucial to understanding the production of power, knowledge, and
identity in a globalizing world. More specifically, her research focuses on issues related to the
study of sport, feminism, and popular media. It interrogates the racializiation and
sexualization of "motherhood" in late-capitalist sport, particularly women's basketball.
Mary Pritchard: Mary Pritchard is as Associate Editor for Athletic Insight. Dr. Pritchard
received her Ph.D. in experimental psychology with an emphasis in cognitive/social from the
University of Denver, in 1999, and joined the Boise State University Psychology Department
in 2004. She has engaged in research pertaining to high school and university students and
holds an interest in matters of holistic health and its intersection with physical education. Dr.
Pritchard has research interests in health psychology, including health behaviors of college
students and adolescents, obesity, eating disordered behaviors, body image, self-esteem, how
personality impacts health, athlete stress and health, risky health behaviors, health in at-risk
populations (e.g., Native Americans).
Emily A. Roper: Emily A. Roper is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Health

and Kinesiology at Sam Houston State University. Emily holds a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies
with a concentration in Sport and Exercise Psychology from the University of Tennessee.
She is currently serving as Associate Editor for Athletic Insight and Chair of the
ASP Diversity Committee. Emily's primary research interests focus on the experiences of
women working in sport and exercise psychology, psychosocial barriers to physical activity
among women and girls, and the ways in which a cultural studies framework can be used to
enhance research and applied work within sport and exercise psychology.
Tatiana Ryba: Tatiana V. Ryba holds a PhD in Sport Studies with a double emphasis on
Sport Psychology and Cultural Studies from the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She is
Biographies 277
currently a Senior Lecturer of Sport Psychology in the European Master’s Programme in

Sport and Exercise Psychology at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland. Dr. Ryba’s research
has appeared in the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, Journal of
Applied Sport Psychology, Review of Education, Pedagogy and Cultural Studies, and the
collections such as Contemporary Youth Culture; and Cultural Sport Psychology. Her latest
projects include the special issue “Decolonizing Methodologies: Approaches to Sport and
Exercise Psychology from the Margins” (2009), guest edited with Dr. Schinke for the
International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology. Dr. Ryba is also the co-editor of a
forthcoming book with Fitness Information Technology, entitled The Cultural Turn in Sport
and Exercise Psychology. In addition to her research and teaching contributions, Dr. Ryba is a
member of the editorial board of the Qualitative Research in Sport and Exercise, and serves as
Chair of the International Relations Committee, Association for Applied Sport Psychology.
For her innovative work in the field, Dr. Ryba has received the Developing Scholar Award
from the International Society of Sport Psychology in 2009.
Amanda J. Visek: Dr. Amanda J. Visek is an Assistant Professor at The George

Washington University Medical Center in the School of Public Health and Health Services
and the Department of Exercise Science in Washington, D.C. She is a Certified Consultant of
the Association of Applied Sport Psychology, a National Certified Counselor, and is listed on
the USOC Sport Psychology Registry. As an academician, she teaches undergraduate and
graduate courses in sport and exercise psychology, chairs masters' theses research, and
collaborates domestically and internationally with colleagues. As an entrepreneur and
practitioner, she founded and directs the Mental Training Center for Optimal Performance,
Inc.
Jack Watson: Dr. Jack Watson is an Associate Proffessor of Sport and Exercise
Psychology and Chair of the Department of Sport Sciences at West Virginia University. Dr.
Watson is a licensed psychologist in West Virginia, and currently has a small private practice
where he works specifially with athletes. He is the Chair of the Association of Applied Sport
Psychology, Ethics Committee, and has written extensively about ethics.
Penny Werthner: Penny Werthner is an assistant professor in the School of Human

Kinetics, Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of Ottawa. Her research includes
exploring the learning processes of coaches and athletes, performance psychology, in
particular within the environment of World Championships and Olympic Games, stress and
burnout in Olympic level coaches, issues facing women coaches, values and ethics in sport
and physical activity, and the use of bioneurofeedback for enhancing the performance of
athletes and coaches. Penny is a former Olympic athlete in the sport of Athletics and has
worked with athletes and coaches at seven winter and summer Olympic Games. She is also a
member of the Review Committee for the Canadian Sport Psychology Association
(www.cspa-acps.ca).
Hope Yungblut: Hope Yungblut, PhD candidate, is a graduate student in the Human
Studies program at Laurentian University. She holds a MASP (Masters of Applied Social
Psychology) from Memorial University and a BA (Psychology) from Laurentian University.
Her research interests include youth engagement in physical activity and reflexive qualitative
278 Robert Schinke
research methods. She is currently a part of a bi-cultural team working with aboriginal youth
and community programming in Wikwemikong Unceded Indian Reserve. She is currently the
editorial assistant for Athletic Insight and the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA)
graduate representative for Laurentian University.
Leonard Zaichkowsky: Dr. Zaichkowsky is a licensed psychologist who specializes in
sport and performance psychology. He has a joint appointment in the Boston University
School of Education and School of Medicine, Division of Psychiatry, and Division of
Graduate Medical Sciences where he directs a joint graduate specialization in sport and
exercise psychology. He is a past-president of the Association for the Advancement of
Applied Sport Psychology (1997-99), a member of the Editorial Board of the Journal of
Applied Sport Psychology, and currently section editor on psychology for the International
Journal of Health & Sport Science. He has authored or edited six books with the most recent
being, “Medical and Psychological Aspects of Sport & Exercise”, FIT Publishing (2002). He
has published over 90 papers on sport psychology, research design, and related topics in
scholarly journals or books as well as numerous magazine and newspaper columns. His
current research interests are in psychophysiological self-regulation of performance stress and
the development of “expert” performance across domains. He has consulted with the U. S.,
Canadian, and Australian Olympic Organizations, the NBA (Boston Celtics), Major League
Baseball Players Association, NFL, NHL Players Association and Calgary Flames, and most
recently with the Spanish World Cup Soccer Team (2006) and Real Madrid.
Sam Zizzi: When I'm not slaving away on academic pursuits, I prefer to roam the planet
with my friends and family. It turns out that roaming is a little slower with two small children,
but that is just fine with me. When we are not traveling, I prefer to play guitar for my ladies
and spend some quality time outdoors. When I am working, I teach courses in sport and
exercise psychology, statistics, and research methods. My primary research interests include
lifetime physical activity and applied sport psychology. I also supervise graduate students,
work with WVU athletes on performance enhancement and I'm a Certified Consultant
(AASP).
AUTHORS’ ADDRESSES
Ted M. Butryn, Ph.D.

Associate Professor of Sport Sociology & Sport Psychology
Department of Kinesiology, San Jose State University
One Washington Square
San Jose, CA 95192-0054
tbutryn1@kin.sjsu.edu
John Coleman
133-13 Aspen Glen
Canmore, Alberta, T1W 1A6
apusiak@hotmail.com
Leslee A. Fisher, Ph.D.

Associate Professor of Sport Psychology
Department of Exercise, Sport & Leisure Studies
The University of Tennessee
336 HPER Building, 1914 Andy Holt Drive
Knoxville, TN 37996-2700
lfisher2@utk.edu
(865) 974-9973
Peter Haberl, Ed. D.

Senior Sport Psychologist
USOC Performance Services
1 Olympic Plaza
Colorado Springs, CO 80909
719 866 4956
peter.haberl@usoc.org
Dr. Wayne Halliwell

Department of Kinesiology
University of Montreal
2100 EdouardMontpetit
Montreal, Quebec
280 Robert Schinke
Canada H3C3J7
Telephone : 514-343-7008 (0ffice)
E-mail : wayne.r.halliwell@umontreal.ca
Stephanie J. Hanrahan
Schools of Human Movement Studies and Psychology
The University of Queensland
Queensland 4072
Australia
61 7 3365 6453 (phone)
61 7 3365 6877 (fax)
steph@hms.uq.edu.au
Brandonn S. Harris, Ph.D.

Kansas State University
329 Bluemont Hall
1100 Mid-Campus Drive
Manhattan, KS 66506
Phone: 785.532.5784, Fax: 785.532.7304
E-mail: bsharris@ksu.edu
Gary Hermansson Ph.D.

Hermansson‑ Webb Associates Ltd
61 Marne Street
(P.O. Box 8050)
Palmerston North
New Zealand 4410
64212466689
Ken Hodge, Ph.D.

Assoc. Prof. Ken Hodge
School of Physical Education
University of Otago
PO Box 56
Dunedin
New Zealand
Ph. 64‑ 03‑ 479‑ 8991
FAX 64‑ 03‑ 479‑ 8309
ken.hodge@otago.ac.nz
Dr. Sandy Kimbrough

Dept of Health and Human Performance
Texas A&M University‑ Commerce
PO Box 3011
Commerce, TX 75429
Sandy_kimbrough@tamu-commerce.edu
903‑ 886‑ 5555
Prof Andy Lane CPsychol

University of Wolverhampton
Gorway Road, Walsall, WS13BD
07855 779457
A.M.Lane2@wlv.ac.uk
Linda A. Keeler, Ed.D., CC-AASP, NCC

Assistant Professor
Department of Kinesiology
California State University, Chico
256 Yolo Hall
Chico, CA 95929-0330
Office: 530.898.4072
lkeeler@csuchico.edu
Dr. Sandy Kimbrough

Assistant Department Head
Health and Human Performance
Texas A&M University-Commerce
903-886-5555
sandy_kimbrough@tamu-commerce.edu
Anthony P. Kontos, Ph.D.

Associate Professor
Sport and Exercise Psychology Specialist
Kinesiology and Recreation Administration
Humboldt State University
1 Harpst Street
Arcata, California 95521‑ 8299
707.826.3533 phone/707.826.5451 fax
apk10@humboldt.edu
Kerry R. McGannon, Ph.D.

Assistant Professor, Health Promotion
E‑ 124 Field House
Department of Health and Sport Studies
University of Iowa
Iowa City, IA 52242
Ph: 319‑ 335‑ 8455 Fax: 319‑ 335‑ 6669
kerry-mcgannon@uiowa.edu
Mary Pritchard, Ph.D.

Boise State University
282 Robert Schinke
Psychology Department
1910 University Drive
Boise, Idaho USA 83725-1715
Ph: (208) 426-1901
FAX (208) 426-4386
marypritchard@boisestate.edu
Emily A. Roper, Ph.D.

Assistant Professor of Health and Kinesiology
Department of Health and Kinesiology
Sam Houston State University
PO Box 2176
Huntsville, TX 77341
ear007@shsu.edu
(936) 294-1169
Amanda J. Visek, Ph.D., CC‑ AASP, NCC

The George Washington University Medical Center
School of Public Health and Health Services
Department of Exercise Science
817 23rd St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
E‑ mail: avisek@gwu.edu
Phone: 202.994.3997
Fax: 202.994.1420
Jack C. Watson II, Ph.D.

Associate Professor and Department Chair
Sport and Exercise Psychology
West Virginia University
College of Physical Activity and Sport Sciences
1-304‑ 293‑ 0873
Jack.Watson@mail.wvu.edu
Penny Werthner, Ph.D.

Faculty of Health Sciences,
School of Human Kinetics
University of Ottawa
125 University Pr.,
Ottawa, Canada
K1N 6N5
E-mail: werthner@uottawa.ca
Leonard Zaichkowsky, Ph.D.

Professor
School of Education & Graduate Medical Science

Phone: (617) 353-3378
e-mail: Sport@bu.edu
Sam Zizzi, Ph.D.

College of Physical Activity and Sport Sciences
Coliseum Room 255A
Box 6116, Morgantown, WV
26506-6116
Tel: 304.293.0874
szizzi@mail.wvu.edu
INDEX
African-American, 113, 165
A afternoon, 178
age, 9, 13, 30, 90, 130, 153, 155, 173, 178, 179, 191,
Aboriginal, 90, 92, 94, 96, 97, 102, 103, 104, 106,
210
111, 112, 117, 118, 119, 127, 133, 141, 150, 151,
agent, 39, 124, 156, 164
172, 195, 196, 272, 274
agents, 7, 43, 46, 109, 117, 119, 131, 141
academic, 4, 95, 96, 101, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113,
aggression, 95, 126, 143, 144, 255, 256, 257
114, 115, 116, 122, 124, 126, 127, 132, 154, 158,
aggressive behavior, 149
159, 160, 164, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 265, 272,
aid, 99, 208, 224, 226, 229
278
air, 27, 165, 166, 268
academic settings, 114, 203
Alberta, 29, 276, 279
academics, ix, 95, 112, 157
alcohol, 106, 210
accommodation, 57
alcohol abuse, 106
accounting, 173, 221
alertness, 131
acculturation, 97, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189,
alpha activity, 31
194, 195, 196, 266
altered state, 50
acculturation level, 194
alternative, 130, 132, 154, 204, 220, 225, 226, 227,
accuracy, 256
257
achievement, 1, 9, 35, 41, 42, 69, 90, 142, 149, 173,
alternatives, 135, 201, 227
174, 259, 270
Amazon, 187
activation, 24, 56, 148, 174, 176
Amazon River, 187
adaptation, 4, 9, 104, 111, 127, 196, 250, 271
Amazonian, 188
addiction, 41, 42
ambiguity, 91, 121
ADHD, 24
ambivalent, 129
adjustment, 145, 146, 149, 172
ambulance, 244
administration, 94, 208, 210
amelioration, 96
administrative, 250
American culture, 92, 181, 183, 186, 189, 190, 266
administrators, 21, 30, 270
American Indian, 187, 195
adolescence, 180
American Psychological Association, 50, 51, 99,
adolescents, 124, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180,
102, 111, 215, 218, 230, 232, 249, 253, 260, 269
196, 276
amplitude, 24, 25
adult, 186, 196, 275
analysts, 147
adverse event, 145
Andes, 188
advertising, 276
anger, 24, 26, 30, 92, 256, 257, 260, 268, 270
aerobics, 161, 163
anger management, 24, 30
affect intensity, 150
animals, 177
affective experience, 201
anorexia, 126
Afghanistan, 93, 148
anthropology, 89, 93
African American, 91, 93, 96, 166, 196
African culture, 187, 188
286 Index
anxiety, 24, 30, 31, 32, 50, 57, 58, 59, 61, 129, 145,
146, 160, 185, 201, 207, 226, 243, 244, 245, 247,
B
260, 268, 270
babies, 159
anxiety disorder, 24, 50
Barack Obama, 113
APA, 51, 99, 179, 218, 220, 222, 223, 226, 227, 229,
Barbados, 93
269, 274, 275
barrier, 144
apathy, 174, 175
barriers, 1, 36, 44, 51, 74, 82, 83, 110, 177, 188, 193,
application, x, 22, 23, 24, 29, 32, 60, 68, 77, 126,
202, 276
129, 151, 182, 183, 194, 215, 218, 220, 222, 226,
basketball, 18, 65, 74, 75, 87, 164, 165, 174, 184,
228, 248, 260
205, 206, 212, 275, 276
applied psychology, 261
behavior, 21, 27, 36, 50, 66, 109, 111, 124, 125, 127,
applied research, 96
130, 133, 137, 138, 141, 145, 147, 148, 185, 193,
appraisals, 159
198, 213, 218, 220, 221, 222, 224, 228, 229, 233,
arbitration, 224
237, 239, 240, 247, 249, 256, 265, 268
Argentina, 181, 182, 188, 195
behavior therapy, 249
argument, 21, 27, 113, 235, 237, 255, 256, 259
behavioral effects, 155
arousal, 56
behavioral variation, 138
arrhythmia, 27
behaviours, 96, 240
articulation, 122, 123, 124, 133, 166
Beijing, ix, 27, 36, 43, 56, 61, 62, 63, 67, 69, 71, 72,
artistic, 129, 240
73, 75, 81, 234, 264, 273
Asian, 91, 97, 144
belief systems, 129
Asian American, 91, 97
beliefs, 40, 41, 43, 49, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 128,
Asian Americans, 91, 97
130, 145, 177, 181, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188,
assertiveness, 207
189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 231, 237, 249, 254, 255,
assessment, 22, 23, 25, 27, 51, 75, 85, 129, 138, 145,
258, 259, 260
150, 186, 190, 195, 239
benchmark, 127
assignment, 200
benefits, 34, 63, 67, 115, 153, 157, 167, 204, 208,
assumptions, 93, 98, 124, 126, 128, 184, 224, 225,
226, 227, 246
240, 266, 267
Berlin Wall, 126
asthma, 24
bias, 259
Athens, 36, 38, 52, 56, 61, 62, 63, 67, 75, 77, 81, 273
bilingual, 193
Athletic Competence, 173, 175
biofeedback, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32,
atmosphere, 14, 60, 81, 83, 85
76, 86, 264
attachment, 47
biofeedback training, 32
attacks, 82, 127
birth, 133
attitudes, 93, 145, 148, 150, 172, 179, 205, 215, 235,
blends, 123, 132
254, 259, 265, 269, 274
blind spot, 112
attribution, 4, 9
blood, 22, 25, 28
attribution theory, 9
blood flow, 25, 28
atypical, 55, 223
blood pressure, 22
Australia, 91, 141, 171, 172, 273, 274, 280
body image, 133, 276
Austria, 273
body language, 247
authenticity, 237
BOLD, 28, 29, 31
authority, 110, 191, 221, 274
Bolivia, 181, 187, 189
autonomic nervous system, 22, 25
bonding, 63, 117, 162
autonomy, 140, 217, 224, 228
boredom, 35
avoidance, 39, 210
Boston, 17, 21, 26, 29, 51, 113, 118, 133, 194, 231,
awareness, 24, 37, 39, 41, 43, 47, 48, 91, 94, 99, 106,
250, 273, 278
107, 129, 131, 137, 139, 154, 155, 183, 190, 192,
bounds, 204
194, 201, 212, 237, 238, 240, 247, 248, 266
boxer, 3, 5, 6, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259,
260, 275
boys, 172, 173, 174, 178
brain, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 31, 52, 253
Index 287
brain activity, 23, 24, 29, 30 classroom, 185, 207, 268

brain injury, 261 classrooms, 219
brain structure, 28 claustrophobic, 59
Brazil, 182, 184, 188, 191 clients, 3, 90, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 108, 130, 131,
Brazilian, 118, 184, 188, 196 201, 202, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 219,
breakdown, 131 223, 225, 253, 274, 275
breathing, 14, 25, 27, 31, 240, 245, 248 clinical psychology, 222, 271
British Columbia, 31, 50, 51, 134 clinician, 213
broad spectrum, 41 close relationships, 235
brutality, 256 closure, xi
Buddhist, 36 clubbing, 185
budding, 127 coaches, ix, 7, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 30, 35, 41,
Buenos Aires, 189 46, 51, 55, 57, 58, 64, 66, 67, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81,
buffer, 141, 142, 147 82, 84, 85, 86, 92, 93, 95, 100, 101, 109, 110,
building blocks, 248 121, 137, 141, 185, 192, 198, 201, 203, 204, 205,
burning, 268 208, 211, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241,
burnout, 242, 274, 277 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 258,
buses, 42, 177, 212, 263 264, 265, 268, 269, 270, 274, 277
coaching staff, 1, 3, 5, 6, 16, 73, 74, 80, 81, 85, 92,
185, 204, 206, 210, 219, 268, 269
C codes, 174, 217, 219, 224, 225, 226, 229, 236, 254
coffee, 184, 209
campaigns, 56
cognition, 9, 51, 130
Canada, 1, 8, 11, 26, 29, 47, 50, 51, 89, 91, 93, 102,
cognitive, 25, 29, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 44, 46, 47,
104, 233, 234, 238, 247, 271, 272, 273, 280, 282
48, 93, 138, 147, 150, 161, 180, 183, 187, 193,
cancer, 40, 145, 149
235, 239, 275, 276
capacity, 100, 130, 154, 225, 268
cognitive abilities, 46
capitalism, 155
cognitive perspective, 40, 41, 46
capitalist, 276
cognitive process, 147, 235
Caribbean, 182, 187, 188
cognitive test, 138
case study, 31, 51, 68, 217, 223, 226, 256, 259, 260
cognitive testing, 138
catalyst, 42, 131, 183
cohesion, 35, 42, 55, 60, 61, 63, 64, 68, 92, 140, 239,
Catholic, 177, 188, 191
250, 267
Caucasian, 155, 194, 195
cohesiveness, 60, 67, 144
cement, 63
cohort, 90, 115
Census Bureau, 182, 196
collaboration, 1, 3, 26, 96, 99, 100, 127
Central America, 187
collectivism, 90, 137, 149, 150, 151
Central Asia, 144
college students, 275, 276
central nervous system, 22, 29
Colombia, 184
certification, 197, 200, 218
Colorado, 14, 17, 33, 51, 273, 279
Chad, 41, 42
commerce, 280, 281
chaos, 144
communication, 26, 58, 60, 63, 67, 81, 85, 91, 92,
cheating, 236
101, 130, 172, 174, 177, 187, 189, 191, 227, 242,
childcare, 173
248
children, 144, 160, 165, 166, 171, 172, 178, 180,
communication skills, 58
234, 235, 267, 278
communication strategies, 191
Chile, 182, 187, 188
communities, 91, 94, 95, 98, 99, 101, 113, 157, 167
China, 234
community, 63, 64, 91, 92, 94, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102,
Christianity, 91
104, 106, 108, 111, 112, 116, 117, 119, 127, 129,
chronic pain, 24
133, 141, 150, 157, 168, 187, 191, 196, 209, 217,
cingulated, 29
218, 223, 227, 228, 229, 234, 237, 274, 278
citizens, 82, 105, 113, 116, 267
compassion, 237, 239, 240, 241, 243, 244, 247, 248,
classes, 115, 127, 157, 172, 207, 226, 227, 228, 274
268
classification, 14
288 Index
compensation, 204 consulting, 11, 12, 17, 18, 21, 29, 34, 51, 81, 99,
competence, 98, 173, 201, 202, 228, 236 103, 108, 114, 119, 122, 141, 150, 155, 167, 181,
competency, 181, 194, 215 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 190, 191, 194, 195, 199,
competition, 2, 4, 12, 22, 23, 29, 34, 35, 36, 38, 41, 200, 201, 202, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 214,
44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 64, 66, 68, 224, 225, 229, 233, 234, 237, 239, 246, 247, 248,
73, 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 104, 117, 124, 274
138, 140, 143, 144, 149, 185, 212, 224, 234, 237, consumption, 126
238, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 249, 254, 255, 256, content analysis, 174
258, 261, 275 contingency, 49
competitive anxiety, 31 continuity, 125, 127
competitive sport, 96, 131, 147, 234, 235, 243 contradictory experiences, 160
compilation, 107, 263, 270 control, 2, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, 22, 23, 27, 29, 30,
complexity, 121, 137, 141, 142, 150, 208 31, 32, 35, 43, 57, 86, 111, 124, 125, 140, 144,
compliance, 203, 204, 208, 209, 214 145, 146, 147, 176, 179, 211, 225, 245, 255, 256,
components, 41, 52, 64, 114, 138, 145, 224, 225, 257, 260, 270
226, 237, 272 control group, 176, 179
composition, 94 conversion, 188
concentration, 12, 25, 44, 56, 74, 87, 131, 174, 185, conviction, 107, 224
226, 257, 272, 276 coping strategies, 81
conception, 124, 141, 143 corporations, 126
conceptual model, 132, 260, 261 cortex, 29
concrete, 65, 66, 155, 157, 160, 224, 235 cost-benefit analysis, 39, 48, 49
concussion, 244, 275 costs, 127
conditioning, 22, 24, 30, 73, 85, 238, 247 counsel, 98
conductance, 25 counseling, 36, 115, 122, 125, 138, 182, 193, 195,
conductivity, 25 198, 199, 200, 201, 213, 219, 222, 223, 225, 229,
confidence, 12, 13, 14, 16, 39, 47, 56, 57, 93, 145, 231, 232, 273, 275
176, 185, 193, 205, 235, 240, 244, 245, 246, 256, counseling psychology, 219, 222, 223, 229, 231, 273
258, 259, 264 country of origin, 266
confidentiality, 34, 201, 207, 209, 211, 219, 233, course work, 161
237, 241, 242, 246, 248, 268, 269 coverage, 17, 42, 56, 57, 212, 238, 264
confirmatory factor analysis, 174 covering, 182, 187
conflict, 58, 69, 143, 151, 188, 223, 224, 226, 227, CPA, 278
269 creativity, 31, 143
conformity, 61, 140 credentialing, 209
confusion, 69, 159, 256 credentials, 198, 203, 214, 215
congress, 272 credibility, 111, 157, 209
congruence, 237 credit, 203
consciousness, 31, 50, 61, 98, 184, 239 critical thinking, 29, 89
consensus, 95, 97, 100, 112, 141, 235 criticism, 36, 140, 150
consent, 201 Croatia, 140
constraints, 114, 123, 203 cross-cultural, x, 94, 96, 104, 111, 119, 137, 140,
construct validity, 174 147, 148, 149, 151, 168, 190, 196, 267
construction, 89, 91, 99, 130, 149, 154, 159 cross-cultural comparison, 96
constructionism, 128, 134 cross-cultural differences, 148
constructivist, 147 cross-cultural psychology, 147
consultants, 2, 3, 8, 18, 22, 33, 48, 52, 71, 72, 75, 77, crystallization, 159
84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 92, 97, 98, 100, 107, 108, 110, cues, 66, 244
113, 114, 157, 181, 182, 184, 186, 191, 192, 193, cultivation, 43, 52
194, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, cultural beliefs, 181, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190,
210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 231, 233, 234, 235, 194
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 247, 248, 250, 255, 259, cultural character, 183, 188
266, 269, 270 cultural differences, 91, 92, 99, 101, 137
Index 289
cultural factors, 12, 138, 142, 182 diffusion tensor imaging (DTI), 29
cultural identities, 94, 142 dignity, 237, 253
cultural influence, 90, 91, 95, 137, 138, 143, 147, disabled, 274
148, 186, 187, 189 disappointment, 29, 57, 81, 82, 145
cultural norms, 94, 130 discipline, 17, 28, 29, 34, 46, 55, 57, 106, 107, 121,
cultural practices, 116, 125, 127, 128, 182 122, 123, 128, 132, 218, 220
cultural psychology, 89, 97, 103, 125, 134 disclosure, 69, 158, 193
cultural values, 191 discomfort, 42, 228
culture, x, 11, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 89, discourse, 101, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 132, 134,
90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 104, 141, 158, 276
109, 114, 116, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, discrimination, 149
132, 133, 134, 135, 140, 141, 142, 144, 146, 148, discriminatory, 110
150, 154, 156, 159, 167, 168, 172, 177, 178, 179, discs, 204
181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, diseases, 142
192, 193, 194, 265, 266, 267, 271, 276 disequilibrium, 23
curiosity, 7, 237 dissatisfaction, 84
curriculum, 105, 114, 115, 116, 117, 200, 269 distraction, 18, 35, 38, 43, 45, 49, 56, 82, 264
cycling, 61 divergence, 122
diversity, 93, 101, 102, 103, 106, 109, 118, 129, 132,
141, 142, 150, 194, 195
D diving, 38
division, 205, 218
data analysis, 97, 114, 154
doctors, 178, 238, 247
data collection, 96, 154, 160, 267
Dominican Republic, 93, 181, 184
dating, 209
donations, 176
death, 13, 47, 243, 246
doping, 35, 268
decision making, 66, 144, 172, 206, 227, 228, 230,
download, 7
231, 232
draft, 66
decision-making process, 223, 225, 226, 230, 231
drinking, 210
decisions, 3, 4, 5, 13, 111, 130, 201, 220, 221, 224,
drugs, 236
231, 234, 239, 247, 269
dual identities, 91
defense, 143
duration, 264
defense mechanisms, 143
duties, 208
deficit, 121
definition, 24, 36, 204
delivery, 12, 13, 33, 106, 130, 132, 213, 215, 218, E
237, 250
demographics, 112, 192, 209 eating, 43, 49, 106, 246, 276
denial, 143 eating disorders, 106
dentist, 175 ecological, 266
Department of Education, 196 economic status, 97
dependent variable, 172 Ecuador, 187, 189
depressed, 266 educational attainment, 266
depression, 29, 256, 266 educational practices, 116
deprivation, 178 educators, 95, 105, 220
derivatives, 221 EEG, 24, 25, 28, 31
detection, 275 effective use of time, 203
developmental change, 30 ego, 46, 144
developmental process, 94 egoism, 231
deviation, 220 Egypt, 230
diabetes, 92, 102, 112 EKG, 24, 27
differentiation, 139, 142, 151, 225 elderly, 127
diffusion, 29 elders, 112
diffusion tensor imaging, 29 election, 113
290 Index
electrodes, 23, 24, 25 Europe, 26, 31, 90, 126, 166, 273
electromyography, 22, 24 Europeans, 189
email, 171, 210, 215, 216 evening, 83, 177, 246
emerging issues, 232 evolution, 4, 8, 122, 134, 137, 231, 249
EMG, 22, 24, 25, 27 examinations, 175
emotion, 9, 49, 68, 92, 102, 148, 149, 150, 166, 243, excuse, 47
244, 256 execution, 37, 40, 47, 275
emotional, 6, 8, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, 24, 26, 27, 29, 36, exercise, 8, 24, 25, 26, 30, 32, 39, 55, 65, 66, 68, 84,
38, 39, 40, 42, 48, 49, 50, 92, 146, 147, 150, 191, 86, 87, 90, 102, 118, 119, 122, 125, 126, 128,
234, 246, 255, 256, 257, 260, 264 134, 135, 149, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160,
emotional experience, 36, 39, 41, 50 161, 162, 163, 167, 168, 180, 198, 199, 216, 218,
emotional reactions, 29, 39 219, 232, 234, 238, 247, 261, 271, 273, 274, 275,
emotional responses, 6, 8, 40 276, 277, 278
emotional state, 256, 257, 260 exercise participation, 160
emotions, 13, 14, 23, 24, 29, 31, 33, 36, 38, 39, 41, exercisers, 160, 162, 163, 172
42, 43, 44, 52, 58, 68, 84, 89, 92, 139, 149, 212, expert, iv, 31, 32, 131, 167, 201, 210, 278
233, 238, 239, 241, 246, 248, 256, 260 expertise, 29, 31, 51, 84, 111, 114, 127, 242
empathy, 58, 237, 240, 241, 247, 248, 268 exploitation, 108, 109, 110, 117
employees, 205 exposure, 28, 35, 116, 140, 147, 211
empowered, 62 externalizing, 5, 193
empowerment, 94, 101, 125, 131, 132, 153 eye contact, 191
encephalopathy, 261 eyes, 16, 25, 204
encouragement, 213, 256
enculturation, 97, 184, 185, 186, 189, 194, 266
endurance, 151 F
energy, 42, 239, 241, 243, 244, 247, 249
facial expression, 92, 102
engagement, x, 59, 114, 122, 125, 127, 130, 184, 277
factor analysis, 174
England, 133, 249
failure, 29, 31, 34, 41, 47, 81, 90, 98, 133, 139, 141,
enterprise, 179
142, 144, 148, 159, 264, 266, 267
enthusiasm, 174
family, v, 4, 6, 18, 29, 40, 42, 46, 49, 90, 177, 178,
environment, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 55, 56, 57,
183, 184, 185, 191, 193, 226, 232, 234, 238, 258,
58, 59, 60, 62, 66, 67, 74, 91, 94, 110, 122, 131,
264, 266, 275, 278
138, 139, 140, 145, 146, 147, 176, 177, 186, 203,
family system, 90, 191
235, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 246, 259, 277
family therapy, 226, 232
environmental factors, 11, 84
Fasting, 109, 116, 117
epistemological, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134
fatigue, 13, 23, 24, 74, 247, 256
epistemology, 129, 166
fax, 280, 281
ERIC, 195
fear, 24, 29, 82, 92, 106, 108, 112, 119, 160, 161,
ethical concerns, 232
163, 165, 166, 185, 207, 238, 239, 243, 244, 245,
ethical issues, 33, 156, 157, 217, 225, 227, 229, 230,
246, 247, 264
233, 234, 235, 237, 254, 269, 270
fears, 4, 159, 167, 243, 244, 246
ethical principles, 218, 223, 224, 226, 228, 229, 231,
February, 31, 41, 52, 53, 78, 79
254, 269
feedback, 6, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 111, 118, 139,
ethical standards, 218, 223, 228, 269
141, 143, 146, 148, 175, 176, 198, 200
ethics, ix, xi, 153, 196, 200, 208, 217, 218, 219, 220,
feelings, 3, 21, 23, 28, 61, 81, 112, 142, 146, 159,
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 228, 230, 231, 232,
160, 162, 213, 239, 240, 257, 259, 266
233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 240, 244, 247, 250, 253,
feet, 16
254, 260, 263, 271, 277
females, 190
ethnic diversity, 103, 150, 195
femininity, 90, 97, 134
ethnic groups, 91
feminism, 168, 276
ethnic minority, 139
feminist, 95, 103, 115, 116, 117, 119, 122, 125, 132,
ethnicity, 91, 101, 118, 129, 130, 167, 265
168
Eurocentric, 100, 131, 191
fencing, 73, 254
Index 291
fern, 62 167, 181, 190, 191, 193, 194, 195, 205, 208, 213,
fidelity, 224 267, 273, 276
fighters, 256, 259 gender differences, 141, 213
film, 62 gender role, 92, 267
financial support, 73 gene, 98, 100, 222
Finland, 121, 277 genealogy, 122
fire, 24, 52 generalizations, 98, 100, 222
first dimension, 240 generation, 202
first language, 177, 184 genetics, 21, 147
fitness, 57, 66, 161, 162, 163, 255, 276 genre, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158
fixation, 121 geography, 97, 101, 141, 181, 182, 190, 194, 266
FL, 51, 196, 214 gestalt, 139
flashbacks, 168 gestures, 191
flexibility, 112 gifts, 204
flight, 53, 83 girls, 172, 173, 174, 178, 276
flow, 25, 28, 46, 50, 52, 233, 271 gland, 23, 25
fluid, 16, 124, 131 glass, 39, 138
fMRI, 21, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31, 264 global mobility, 130
FMRI, 28 globalization, 93, 126
focusing, 14, 15, 16, 37, 45, 56, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, gloves, 254, 255
83, 84, 98, 106, 129, 244, 264, 269 goal setting, 44, 60, 150, 172, 176, 193
food, 59 goal-directed, 90, 144, 146
football, x, 23, 26, 124, 148, 165, 203, 205, 212 goal-directed behavior, 144, 146
foreign exchange, 260 goals, 45, 49, 50, 65, 76, 82, 99, 100, 101, 138, 141,
forensic, 230 142, 157, 167, 172, 193, 198, 204, 208, 234, 238,
forensic psychology, 230 239, 258, 268
Foucault, 124, 133, 134, 162 goal-setting, 34, 45
fragmentation, 59, 124 God, 221
framing, xi, 129 gold, 27, 31, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 47, 52, 53, 68,
France, 23 236
freedom, 29, 237 grading, 207, 227
freedom of choice, 237 graduate education, 115, 210
friendship, 94, 211, 212 graduate students, 105, 114, 116, 161, 164, 198, 199,
frontal cortex, 29 200, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 214, 274, 278
frontal lobe, 29 grants, 108, 204, 274
frustration, 14, 15, 41, 42, 160, 165, 238 Greece, 139, 182
functional magnetic resonance imaging, 21, 22, 29, grief, 37
264 grounding, 218
funding, 58, 203, 205 group identity, 184
futures, 134 group processes, 90
group work, 227
grouping, 96, 266
G groups, 6, 7, 13, 56, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 82, 91, 95,
98, 106, 124, 125, 129, 132, 138, 140, 143, 145,
galvanic skin response, 25
147, 149, 153, 167, 172, 176, 178, 179, 181, 182,
galvanic skin response (GSR), 25
183, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 200, 205,
gambling, 204
227, 237, 269
games, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 32, 47, 62, 144, 151,
growth, 52, 69, 107, 122, 135, 139, 148, 198, 202,
172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 192, 204, 212, 260
218, 220, 234, 235, 237, 243
gas, 40
Guatemala, 93
gauge, 25
guidance, 138, 198, 217, 218, 223, 229, 263
gel, 47
guidelines, 91, 98, 99, 111, 197, 217, 218, 222, 223,
gender, 90, 92, 95, 97, 101, 108, 110, 119, 122, 124,
225, 229, 253, 259, 268, 269
125, 129, 130, 132, 141, 143, 149, 153, 158, 159,
292 Index
guilt, 6, 149, 163 honey, 163

guilty, 162 horse, 144, 266
gymnasts, 32 host, 47, 90, 91, 145, 191
gyrus, 29 hotels, 17, 212, 246
housing, 35
HRV, 24, 25, 27
H human, 21, 24, 28, 29, 30, 51, 52, 92, 101, 126, 129,
130, 131, 137, 138, 145, 147, 148, 151, 156, 211,
habitation, 83
213, 221, 222, 230, 237, 240, 243, 246, 248, 260,
habituation, 71, 83
272
Haifa, 71, 275
human behavior, 28, 129, 137, 145, 147, 148, 221
Haiti, 183
human development, 147
handling, 49, 206, 269
human experience, 92, 126
hands, 25, 60
Human Kinetics, 1, 19, 50, 51, 52, 69, 87, 89, 102,
hanging, 42
103, 104, 117, 118, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 150,
happiness, 6, 47, 51, 92, 179, 221
151, 168, 169, 179, 195, 196, 214, 215, 216, 233,
harm, 92, 140, 142, 202, 210, 211, 218, 227, 228,
250, 261, 277, 282
253, 254, 255, 267, 269
humans, 22, 221, 240, 263
harmony, 92, 140, 142, 267
humorous, 65
Harvard, 149
husband, 40, 52, 163
Hawaii, 141
hybrid, 182, 188
hazards, 212
hybrid language, 182
healing, 92, 147
hybridity, 130
health, 57, 58, 107, 112, 127, 128, 143, 148, 167,
hypnosis, 271
195, 196, 218, 223, 234, 242, 244, 247, 259, 276
hypothesis, 50, 139, 151
health psychology, 218, 276
hearing, 140, 240
heart, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 53, 112, 141, I
148, 164, 187, 240
heart rate, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 ice, 17, 18, 47, 239, 250
Heart rate variability, 30 Idaho, 282
heat, 57 identification, 77, 91, 121, 181, 182, 184, 190, 225
Hebrew, 275 identity, 18, 60, 61, 63, 67, 89, 91, 97, 99, 102, 106,
Hedonism, 221 107, 114, 116, 121, 123, 124, 137, 140, 141, 143,
height, 80 145, 147, 148, 150, 153, 155, 159, 160, 163, 167,
helplessness, 160 184, 190, 195, 265, 276
hemoglobin, 28 identity politics, 116
heterogeneity, 150 ideology, 123
heterosexuality, 155 idiosyncratic, 218, 229
heuristic, 123 Illinois, 164, 165, 261, 276
high risk, 246 illusion, 43, 44, 47, 126, 140, 145, 146, 147, 149
high school, 68, 172, 180, 196, 205, 208, 276 illusions, 145, 151
high scores, 256 imagery, 24, 32, 34, 44, 45, 46, 50, 57, 74, 76, 77,
high-risk, 243, 244, 255 79, 80, 83, 84, 86, 87, 174, 176
hip, 32, 61 images, 7, 16, 28, 142, 176
hips, 153, 167 imagination, 250
hiring, 210 imaging, 21, 22, 28, 29, 264
Hispanic, 142, 182, 186, 195, 196 imbalances, 96, 131
HIV, 106 Immanuel Kant, 221
hockey, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 47, 61, 65, immersion, 177
250, 273 immigrants, 138
holistic, 58, 235, 236, 276 implementation, 26, 100, 145, 229
home culture, 189 in situ, 64, 178, 219
honesty, 236, 237, 240, 242, 248 in transition, 260
Index 293
inactive, 200 internal consistency, 174

incidence, 109 internet, 64, 178, 210, 211, 263
inclusion, 93, 94, 109, 117, 158, 223 Internet, 237, 251
independence, 202, 237 internship, 197, 199, 200, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208,
India, 263 213, 215, 268, 271
Indian, 272, 278 interpersonal conflict, 57
indication, 6, 48 interpersonal factors, 145, 149
indicators, 67, 172, 255 interpersonal relations, 2, 150
indigenous, 9, 61, 94, 103, 119, 121, 127, 149, 150, interpersonal relationships, 150
179, 182, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191 interpretation, 40, 58, 96, 125, 130, 145, 220, 224
Indigenous, 93, 104, 134, 171, 187, 272 interval, 24
individual differences, 138 intervention, 5, 21, 29, 45, 80, 81, 85, 97, 131, 138,
individual personality, 5 149, 171, 172, 176, 205, 247, 266
individualism, 90, 137, 149, 150 intervention strategies, 97
individuality, 141 interview, 14, 15, 114, 133, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166,
Indo-Pacific, 250 167, 190
inequity, 95 interviews, 6, 7, 12, 15, 97, 114, 155, 159, 160, 164,
infancy, 96, 101, 220 165, 255
inferences, 40, 41, 163 intimacy, 156, 211
infinite, 158 intimidating, 13, 161, 210
information sharing, 63, 64 intimidation, 209
Information Technology, 51, 68, 69, 86, 87, 119, intrinsic, 90, 145, 187
180, 249, 275, 277 intrinsic motivation, 145, 187
inhalation, 25 introspection, 91, 98
injuries, 13, 18, 58, 90, 261, 264 intuition, 221, 230
injury, iv, xi, 24, 36, 57, 58, 74, 106, 112, 129, 140, inventories, 124
147, 206, 243, 244, 246, 254, 255, 259, 268, 275 investment, 212
innovation, 154, 271 invitation to participate, 119
insane, 163 Iran, 93
insecurity, 161 Ireland, 182
insight, 18, 24, 29, 96, 100, 128, 131, 137, 138, 145, isolation, 190
177, 226, 254 Israel, x, 30, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 83, 84, 87, 118, 272,
institutions, 94, 125, 138, 155, 177, 197 275
instruction, 201 Italy, 23, 140, 234
instructors, 198
instruments, 188
insurance, 200 J
intangible, 3
Jamaica, 93, 183
integration, 89, 97, 99, 103, 104, 106, 111, 112, 117,
Japan, 118, 141, 150
128, 134, 142, 151, 237
Japanese, 91, 92, 140, 151
integrity, 129, 227, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 246,
jet lag, 83
247, 248, 268
job performance, 268
intensity, 12, 13, 58, 235, 239
jobs, 200
intentions, 99, 205, 216, 219, 221, 247, 255, 256
Jordan, 132
interaction, 12, 67, 141, 144, 145, 166, 183, 191,
journalists, 43, 111
218, 224, 259, 266
judge, 39
interactions, 60, 67, 98, 139, 154, 155, 185, 201,
judges, 254, 264, 268
209, 210, 222, 241, 258
judgment, 36, 37
intercollegiate athletics, 203, 204, 215, 231, 274
justice, 96, 100, 121, 123, 125, 131, 132, 135, 224,
interdisciplinary, 93, 107, 109, 114, 115, 121, 122,
272
123, 128, 132, 276
justification, 224
interface, 150
internal barriers, 44
294 Index
lifetime, 19, 35, 46, 278

K light conditions, 42
likelihood, 93, 142, 146, 210, 220, 228, 229
Kant, 221
Likert scale, 174
Kenya, 93
limitation, 204
kinesthetic, 239
limitations, 84, 203, 208, 209, 256
knockout, 6, 254
Lincoln, 134, 168, 169, 180
knots, 168
linear, 96, 126
Korea, 141
linguistically, 130
Korean, 90, 91, 103
linkage, 123
Kuwait, 118
links, 122, 123, 125, 210, 250, 256, 265
listening, 84, 164, 165, 184, 192, 237, 239, 240, 248
L living arrangements, 57, 61
location, 27, 35, 59, 62, 83, 91, 101, 107, 108, 130,
lack of confidence, 185 265
land, 245, 254 locus, 32, 145
language, 6, 24, 90, 93, 97, 101, 130, 131, 132, 141, London, 9, 61, 67, 69, 87, 117, 133, 134, 168, 169,
154, 161, 177, 182, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 179, 215, 260, 275
193, 194, 240, 247 long period, 85
language proficiency, 141 long-term memory, 266
language skills, 97, 194 Los Angeles, 165
Latin America, viii, x, 90, 93, 97, 103, 150, 171, 179, losses, 13, 113, 205
181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, Louisiana, 181, 271
191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 266 love, 14, 47, 162, 165, 212
Latin American countries, 171, 179
Latino, 90, 177, 182
M
Latinos, 189
law, 37, 44, 224, 269
magazines, 15
lawyers, 269
magnetic, 22, 28
laxatives, 65
magnetic field, 28
leadership, 19, 61, 62, 96, 144, 236, 249, 250, 272
magnetic resonance imaging, 21, 22, 29, 264
leadership training programs, 272
Magnetic Resonance Imaging, 28
learners, 176
mainstream, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
learning, xi, 5, 23, 63, 76, 114, 131, 132, 135, 148,
101, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 122, 125, 127, 128,
156, 172, 176, 178, 179, 200, 239, 248, 275, 277
129, 137, 144, 147, 192, 268, 271
learning process, 156, 239, 277
mainstream psychology, 114, 122, 125, 137
learning skills, 172
mainstream society, 90, 99, 112
leather, 166
maintenance, 109, 205
legal issues, 214, 232
Major League Baseball, 93, 181, 278
leisure, 140
maladaptive, 41
lending, 204
males, 94, 157, 190
lens, 47, 107, 142, 147, 196, 250
management, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 17, 24, 30, 32, 48, 57, 58,
liability insurance, 200
60, 61, 64, 65, 66, 92, 174, 207, 213, 219
liberal, 124
Manhattan, 217, 280
liberation, 133
mantle, 62
life experiences, 240, 269
manufacturer, 25
life satisfaction, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 180,
manufacturing, 23
267
manufacturing companies, 23
life span, 179
Maori, 61, 62, 63
life style, 127
mapping, 28, 130
lifespan, 5, 180
marginalization, 107
lifestyles, 189, 272
market, 210
life-threatening, 142, 242
marketing, 43, 211, 214, 215, 269, 276
Index 295
Maryland, 272 minority groups, 90

masculinity, 90, 97, 109, 125, 173 mirror, 144, 154
mask, 139 miscommunication, 130
masking, 259 misinterpretation, 7
Massachusetts, 21, 26 misleading, 177
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 26 Missouri, 109
mastery, 46, 50, 138, 145, 162 MIT, 26
Maya, 187 mixing, 64
meals, 17, 82, 204, 246 mobility, 130, 143
meaning systems, 147 modalities, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27
meanings, 91, 93, 125, 132, 163, 237 modality, 24, 26, 77
measurement, 24, 150, 179, 260 models, 43, 97, 112, 132, 197, 199, 201, 214, 215,
measures, 24, 25, 30, 55, 144, 145, 173, 180, 186, 217, 219, 220, 223, 225, 226, 229, 230, 231, 269
190, 226, 261 moderating factors, 190
media, 2, 6, 7, 8, 12, 13, 17, 18, 26, 34, 35, 42, 43, modernism, 155, 158, 159, 167
46, 49, 56, 57, 58, 82, 109, 132, 134, 141, 145, modernity, 125, 126
159, 164, 165, 166, 183, 205, 211, 212, 238, 241, modules, 125
255, 256, 264, 276 mold, 125
medical student, 269 momentum, 137
medicine, 191, 206, 235, 261 money, 57, 178
meditation, 32, 43, 46, 49, 52, 240 mood, 260
melting, 189 moral behavior, 220, 221, 222, 224
membership, 91, 143, 236 moral development, 231
memory, 52, 134, 266 moral judgment, 224
men, 94, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 119, 168, 172, moral reasoning, 223, 224, 225
179, 244 morality, 221, 224
mental health, 143, 151, 183, 196, 208, 220, 222, morning, 39
223, 225, 266 Moscow, 87
mental health professionals, 225 motherhood, 159, 164, 165, 166, 276
mental load, 24 mothers, 159, 164, 165
mental state, 31 motivation, 9, 15, 19, 56, 58, 59, 60, 68, 74, 89, 93,
mental states, 31 95, 137, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150, 162, 185, 187,
mentor, 205 193, 224, 255
mentoring, 274 motives, 90, 92, 96, 157, 250, 256, 259, 269
messages, 7, 211, 240, 249 motor coordination, 25
meta analysis, 68 motor skills, 26
metaphor, 144 motor system, 29
metaphors, 141 movement, 95, 97, 100, 101, 116, 250, 272
metric, 140 MRI, 21, 264
Mexican, viii, x, 171, 172, 177, 178, 179, 186, 195, multicultural, 9, 67, 97, 99, 102, 103, 111, 117, 122,
196, 267, 274 123, 126, 128, 138, 181, 182, 184, 192, 193, 195,
Mexican Americans, 186, 196 225, 231, 271, 272, 275
Mexico, 171, 172, 177, 179, 182, 187, 188, 192, 263 multicultural education, 102
Mexico City, 177 multiculturalism, 196
Miami, 51, 214 multidimensional, 41, 138, 145, 153, 155, 182
mid-career, 13 multidisciplinary, 55, 123
middle class, 123 multiple factors, 100
migration, 126 multiplicity, 124, 126, 272
militant, 165 murder, 37
mind-body, 23, 31 muscle, 23, 24, 32
Ministry of Education, 73 muscles, 24, 27
minorities, 93, 141, 147, 194, 195 music, 17, 84, 173, 174, 184, 188, 235, 249
minority, 90, 94, 97, 99, 131, 139, 155 mutual respect, 99
296 Index
Nigeria, 93
N noise, 57, 77, 82
normal, 17, 46, 56, 57, 59, 143, 146, 161, 162, 195
narcissistic, 116, 162
norms, 61, 67, 91, 92, 94, 130, 155
narratives, 96, 124, 126, 132, 141, 153, 156
North America, 12, 90, 91, 111, 121, 132, 143, 144,
nation, x, 61
187, 193, 194, 272
National Basketball Association, 93, 159, 181
North Carolina, 52
National Center for Education Statistics, 190, 196
Norway, 140
National Collegiate Athletic Association, 199, 219
nutrition, 22
National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA),
199, 219
National Football League, 26, 93 O
National Football League (NFL), 93
national identity, 61, 67 obesity, 112, 276
nationalism, 276 objectification, 109, 129
nationality, 3, 91, 182 objectivity, 124, 126, 159, 211, 224
Native American, 97, 276 obligation, 221
Native Americans, 97, 276 obligations, 143, 223, 225
natural, 16, 44, 112, 126, 158, 196, 208, 224, 272 observations, 3, 19, 101, 202, 269
natural laws, 44 Olympic Games, 18, 33, 34, 35, 37, 41, 44, 49, 50,
natural science, 126 51, 52, 55, 56, 61, 62, 68, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77,
natural sciences, 126 81, 83, 85, 87, 233, 234, 236, 237, 243, 244, 246,
NBA, 46, 93, 113, 159, 181, 278 249, 250, 264, 272, 273, 277
NCAA, 184, 197, 199, 202, 203, 204, 209, 212, 214, olympics, 50
215, 269 omission, 154
neck, 244 online, 211, 215
negative attitudes, 176, 205 on-line, 64
negative consequences, 228 openness, 115, 167, 172, 187, 205
negative emotions, 7, 29, 39, 42, 92, 270 operant conditioning, 22
negative experiences, 3, 5, 8 opposition, 13, 15, 17, 114
negative outcomes, 5, 6, 145 oppression, 107, 108, 267
negativity, 193 optimal performance, 22, 37, 44, 256, 260
neglect, 213 optimism, 9, 138, 140, 144, 145, 147, 151
negotiating, 115 optimists, 144
negotiation, 96, 100, 224 organism, 139
nerve, 36 organization, 82, 114, 177, 209, 217, 218, 227, 228,
nerves, 38, 39 234, 236, 237, 238, 241, 242, 247
network, 60, 109, 211, 229 organizations, 109, 213, 235, 236, 238, 241, 247
networking, 210, 211, 212 orientation, 58, 60, 63, 64, 67, 71, 76, 80, 90, 92,
neuroanatomy, 50 107, 138, 183, 186, 192, 206, 207, 273
neurofeedback, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 264 orthodox, 126
neuroscience, 21, 22, 29, 30, 46 orthopedic surgeon, 73
neuroscientists, 29 oscillation, 37
New Jersey, 14, 15 overtime, 13, 53
New Orleans, 51, 271 overtraining, 48
New York, 8, 16, 18, 31, 32, 50, 51, 52, 53, 132, ownership, 127, 193
133, 134, 148, 149, 150, 151, 168, 195, 196, 214, oxygen, 12, 28
215, 230, 231, 249, 250
New Zealand, x, 55, 56, 61, 62, 67, 68, 69, 96, 263,
274, 280 P
newspapers, 6, 15
NFL, ii, 93, 278 Pacific, 91, 151, 231, 250
NHL, x, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 274, 278 pacing, 258
Nielsen, 210, 215 packaging, 15
Index 297
pain, 24, 52, 129, 140 Philadelphia, 53, 112, 148

paints, 44 philosophical, 121, 128, 220
pairing, 200 philosophy, 34, 35, 36, 37, 45, 56, 60, 64, 67, 72, 74,
panic attack, 40 110, 123, 220, 221, 222, 225, 231, 233, 237, 239,
paradigm shift, 115 242, 250, 268
parents, 109, 110, 143, 177, 178, 184, 185, 234, 236, phone, 2, 164, 184, 211, 280, 281
241, 274 photographs, 63
partnership, ix, 4, 61, 94 physical activity, 29, 74, 90, 96, 104, 117, 153, 155,
passive, 156 156, 157, 159, 162, 163, 169, 207, 263, 274, 275,
password, 64 276, 277, 278
patients, 145, 195, 253 physical aggression, 144
pay off, 57 Physical Appearance, 173, 175
pedagogical, 131 physical education, 95, 102, 117, 119, 127, 158, 179,
pedagogy, 114, 133, 168 198, 199, 234, 268, 275, 276
peer, 109, 114, 200, 209, 213, 275 physical environment, 11, 89
peer relationship, 209 physical fitness, 255
peer review, 114 physical therapist, 73
peers, 184, 205, 209, 214 physicians, 85
penalty, 192 physiological, 22, 23, 25, 147, 148
Pennsylvania, 112, 137, 148, 272 physiology, 25, 199, 238, 268
perceived control, 146 physiotherapists, 58, 247
perception, 36, 38, 40, 41, 44, 139, 143, 145, 147, physiotherapy, 235, 238
182, 193, 203, 211, 240 pitch, 52, 144
perceptions, 38, 40, 48, 68, 90, 110, 114, 115, 139, planning, 2, 4, 24, 29, 35, 37, 48, 49, 61, 64, 67, 85,
147, 148, 178, 184, 185, 205, 210, 266 86, 87, 238
perfectionism, 41, 50 planning decisions, 4
performance, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, plastic, 172
performers, 14, 52, 106, 250, 272 play, 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 24, 39, 41, 109, 127,
periodic, 64, 227, 228 144, 163, 166, 176, 184, 192, 201, 210, 233, 234,
perseverance, 224 235, 236, 278
personal, 3, 6, 12, 26, 31, 33, 35, 46, 57, 63, 64, 81, pleasure, 221, 263
95, 99, 100, 103, 117, 128, 129, 133, 142, 143, plethysmography, 24
145, 151, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 164, 165, 167, pluralism, 129
176, 183, 188, 191, 204, 205, 209, 210, 211, 212, pluralistic, 90
213, 215, 224, 225, 235, 236, 239, 240, 241, 243, PO, 280, 282
244, 247, 253, 255, 257, 259, 268, 269 police, 112
personal communication, 26 politicians, 127
personal control, 143, 145 politics, 95, 107, 108, 113, 115, 116, 123, 125, 126,
personal goals, 204 133, 144, 158, 159, 160, 168, 195, 265, 276
personal history, 183 Polynesian, 62
personal relations, 247 pools, 204
personal relationship, 247 poor, 4, 29, 207, 243
personal values, 235, 244, 268 poor performance, 29, 243
personality, 107, 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144, 145, population, 21, 90, 91, 93, 96, 98, 99, 100, 112, 113,
146, 147, 150, 196, 276 176, 178, 190, 208, 271
personality constructs, 146 Portugal, 182, 187
personality dimensions, 138, 145 positive attitudes, 205
personality measures, 144 positive relation, 145
personality research, 107 positive relationship, 145
Peru, 187, 188, 189 positivism, 128
pessimists, 146 positivist, 128, 129
PET, 28 postmodernism, 133
phenomenology, 115 poststructuralism, 133
298 Index
posture, 166 psychological stress, 25, 141, 151

poverty, 172, 177, 178, 274 psychological tools, 37
power, 67, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101, 105, 107, psychological well-being, 149, 172
108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 118, 121, 122, 123, 124, psychologist, 21, 23, 26, 27, 29, 33, 36, 47, 75, 80,
125, 126, 129, 131, 132, 133, 144, 148, 153, 154, 101, 118, 138, 172, 203, 226, 253, 258, 259, 264,
155, 157, 158, 159, 166, 167, 177, 228, 265, 267, 265, 267, 268, 269, 273, 274, 277, 278
276 psychometric properties, 179
power relations, 111, 123, 129, 131, 153, 167 psychophysiology, 21, 22, 27, 31
pragmatic, 225, 232 psychotherapy, 195, 199, 219, 231, 232, 237, 243
praxis, x, 89, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, public, 56, 80, 113, 139, 162, 165, 180, 210, 241,
105, 106, 111, 112, 116, 117, 121, 123, 124, 125, 246, 268
126, 127, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 155, 195, 265 public domain, 113
pre-competition, 2, 104 Puerto Rico, 93, 181
predictors, 38, 179, 201, 261, 268 punishment, 16, 256, 257, 258
preference, 45, 144, 190, 235
prefrontal cortex, 46
pre-game, 16 Q
president, 127, 278
qualifications, 81, 91
presidential elections, 113
qualitative research, 122, 123, 125, 128, 132, 133,
press conferences, 7
134, 153, 154, 155, 167, 168, 278
pressure, 13, 14, 15, 17, 22, 23, 25, 34, 35, 36, 38,
quality of life, 115, 147, 172
39, 40, 41, 42, 45, 47, 58, 129, 138, 146, 172,
quality of service, 202
193, 208, 233, 238, 246, 259, 264, 268
quantitative research, 122
priming, 29
Quebec, 11, 250, 279
privacy, 57, 59, 82, 177, 207, 211
queer theory, 108
private, 59, 139, 145, 241, 242, 246, 277
questioning, 38, 91, 99, 207
private practice, 277
questionnaire, 174
proactive, 59, 67, 98, 203
questionnaires, 173
probability, 219
Qwest, 276
problem solving, 129, 130, 172, 225
problem-solving, 24, 49, 142
production, 24, 27, 126, 158, 276 R
professional development, 208
professionalism, 6, 12, 206, 264 race, 40, 41, 42, 55, 56, 57, 90, 91, 95, 98, 101, 107,
professionalization, 217, 218, 228, 229 108, 110, 115, 116, 124, 125, 130, 153, 159, 177,
professions, 217, 220, 223, 230, 231, 235 196, 239, 265, 266, 273, 276
program, 16, 25, 26, 29, 56, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, racial minorities, 91
77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 109, 133, 161, 171, radiation, 28
172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 185, 199, 200, radical, 82, 115, 126
202, 204, 206, 208, 227, 249, 273, 274, 275, 277 radio, 12, 28, 159, 164, 165, 245
programming, 102, 112, 117, 133, 165, 180, 210, radio station, 164, 165
278 random, 41, 47
promote, 64, 92, 99, 110, 143, 191, 221, 255, 259 range, 7, 13, 27, 40, 59, 98, 101, 158, 173, 175, 203,
property, iv 274
protection, 62, 200 rat, 235, 259
protocol, 25, 26, 165, 178, 179 rationality, 124, 224
protocols, 22, 75, 77, 83 rats, 22
psychological assessments, 190 reactivity, 25, 30
psychological development, 22 readership, ix, 7
psychological distress, 25 reading, 29, 91, 139, 161, 265, 270
psychological problems, 193 real time, 22, 23, 30
psychological processes, 138 realist, 154, 156, 158
psychological states, 77 reality, 40, 44, 46, 124, 126, 128, 131, 182
Index 299
reasoning, 151, 224, 225 159, 167, 173, 183, 194, 198, 220, 222, 225, 237,
reciprocity, 123, 153, 157, 265 255, 265
recognition, 35, 62, 64, 99, 102, 218, 276 resentment, 207
recollection, 40 residential, 61, 203
reconcile, 94, 101, 246 resilience, 5, 6, 7, 8, 271
reconstruction, 107 resistance, 90, 99, 107, 108, 114, 118, 124, 147, 151,
recovery, 23, 25, 71, 83, 84, 245, 247 205
recreation, 172, 234, 275 resolution, 225, 226, 229
recreational, 112, 276 resources, 8, 64, 74, 127, 129, 141, 182, 191, 194,
reduction, 38 200, 201, 227
reductionism, 96 respiration, 23, 25, 26, 27
referees, 39, 42, 264 respiratory, 27
refining, 244 Respiratory Sinus Arrhythmia, 25
reflection, 5, 130, 131, 148, 191, 225, 236, 237, 270 responsibilities, 61, 67, 201, 208, 226, 227, 228
reflective practice, 215, 239 responsiveness, 95
reflexivity, 96, 99, 129, 153, 154, 155, 158, 166, 167 restaurants, 17, 210
regular, 18, 55, 56, 59, 64, 74, 160, 163, 200, 202, restructuring, 193, 273
204, 240, 242 revenue, 205, 211
regulation, 13, 23, 24, 25, 30, 31, 32, 76, 79, 138, rewards, 35, 174, 178
180, 278 rhythm, 146
regulations, 197, 202, 203, 214, 222, 269 rings, 164
regulators, 191 risk, 4, 69, 164, 202, 207, 213, 228, 243, 244, 246,
rehabilitate, 244 249, 255, 261, 275, 276
rehabilitation, 24, 58, 69, 206, 226 risks, 113, 127, 165, 226, 227, 244, 255
rehabilitation program, 24 role conflict, 269
reinforcement, 177 role relationship, 207, 219, 225, 226, 227
relationship, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 44, 47, 58, 61, 86, 95, 110, Roman Catholics, 194
114, 126, 140, 145, 150, 157, 186, 190, 193, 201, routines, 35, 43, 56, 57, 83
206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 214, 226, 227, 228, 233, rugby, 69, 148, 250
238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 247, 250, 256, 258, rumination, 5
268, 272 Russia, 119
relationships, 33, 51, 58, 98, 99, 100, 101, 107, 108, Russian, 96, 102
140, 141, 144, 150, 153, 155, 158, 167, 191, 206,
207, 209, 212, 219, 225, 226, 227, 231, 235, 237,
241, 247, 256, 260, 269 S
relatives, 173, 178
sabotage, 65
relaxation, 24, 25, 32, 57, 74, 77, 79, 80, 82, 204,
sacrifice, 45
247
sadness, 92
relevance, 41, 89, 114, 173, 191, 193, 222, 225
safeguards, 255
reliability, 174, 186, 196
safety, 81, 112, 119, 244, 255
religion, 91, 101, 177, 182, 183, 186, 187, 188, 265
sample, 106, 150, 173, 198, 205
religions, 188, 189, 191
satellite, 263
religious belief, 177
satisfaction, 35, 59, 60, 61, 67, 84, 172, 173, 174,
religious beliefs, 177
175, 176, 179, 180, 206, 267
replication, 151
scalp, 27
repression, 143
scandal, 42
reproduction, 118
scholarship, 126, 127, 184, 276
reputation, 211
Scholastic Competence, 173, 175
research design, 278
school, 68, 127, 163, 171, 172, 173, 178, 180, 185,
researchers, x, 21, 24, 28, 29, 41, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97,
196, 198, 202, 203, 205, 207, 208, 209, 212, 220,
98, 99, 100, 101, 105, 107, 109, 111, 112, 113,
221, 222, 236, 269, 276
127, 128, 130, 146, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158,
scientific method, 128
scientists, 25, 26, 28, 30, 109, 128, 238
300 Index
scores, 176, 256 sexual harassment, 117

search, 5, 122, 131, 145, 168, 260 sexual orientation, 90, 95, 118, 213
searches, 126 sexuality, 110, 124, 125, 129, 130, 144, 153, 158,
searching, 222 159, 167
second language, 190 shame, 149
secret, 50 shape, 18, 65, 91, 99, 130, 137, 138, 139, 140, 148,
security, 38, 42, 57, 59, 61, 67, 81, 82, 128 162, 201
sedentary, 127 shaping, 60, 138, 154
selecting, 85, 225 shares, 184
self-awareness, 201, 212 sharing, 61, 63, 64, 69, 97, 176, 200, 240, 242, 270
self-concept, 90, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 148, shock, 109, 117, 165
150, 172, 173, 175, 176, 179, 180, 184, 267 short period, 12, 77
self-concept dimension, 173 short-term, 11, 29, 183, 226
self-conception, 141, 143 shoulder, 16, 160, 166
self-confidence, 6, 86, 145, 174, 176, 259, 260 shoulders, 62, 166
self-consciousness, 36, 46, 145 sign, 117, 166, 184, 191, 208, 210, 244
self-consistency, 139 signals, 26, 29
self-control, 31 silver, 34, 40, 47, 62
self-determination theory, 68 similarity, 130, 140
self-discovery, 239 simulation, 77
self-doubt, 29, 207 Singapore, 91
self-efficacy, 87, 90, 260 singular, 100, 123, 124, 126, 132, 167, 189
self-enhancement, 140 sinus, 27
self-esteem, 61, 141, 143, 145, 148, 179, 258, 276 sinus arrhythmia, 27
self-identity, 140, 141 sites, 6, 27, 197, 210, 211, 212, 214
self-improvement, 193 skilled performance, 29
self-interest, 221 skills, 5, 12, 13, 16, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 30, 37, 44, 55,
self-knowledge, 187 56, 57, 58, 59, 64, 76, 86, 87, 93, 97, 110, 172,
Self-Perception Profile, 173, 179 173, 176, 179, 180, 185, 194, 198, 200, 201, 202,
self-reflection, 157, 167, 254 203, 204, 208, 209, 214, 234, 235, 238, 239, 242,
self-regard, 139 244, 245, 248, 258, 261, 274
self-regulation, 23, 24, 25, 30, 31, 32, 76, 138, 278 skills training, 55, 56, 172, 179, 204, 208, 209, 261
self-report, 27, 150, 180 skin, 22, 23, 25, 89, 90, 91, 98
self-understanding, 91, 99 skin conductance, 23, 25
self-worth, 173, 175, 176, 179, 267 slavery, 187, 188
semantic, 45 smoking, 163
sensitivity, 99, 102, 112, 127, 192, 194, 224, 225 SOC, 51
sensors, 23 soccer, x, 26, 75, 92, 139, 150, 158, 168, 174, 175,
sentences, 80 177, 188, 190, 192, 260
separation, 241 social acceptance, 173
series, x, 12, 17, 29, 35, 49, 77, 165, 223, 225 Social Acceptance, 173, 175
service provider, 214 social activities, 66, 210
services, iv, 2, 3, 5, 8, 11, 12, 18, 33, 52, 73, 74, 75, social change, 95, 100, 107, 119, 121, 128, 131, 153,
86, 87, 94, 132, 182, 183, 189, 191, 193, 194, 167
197, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210, 214, social class, 155
215, 216, 219, 220, 223, 249, 259, 268, 269, 272, social cognition, x
273 social comparison, 143
SES, 181, 190, 191, 194 social construct, 128, 134, 147, 224, 230, 276
settlers, 61 social constructivism, 224, 230
sex, 173, 178, 191 social context, 92, 138, 140, 224
sex role, 191 social environment, 139, 145
sexual abuse, 109 social events, 64, 81
sexual behavior, 213 social group, 143
Index 301
social hierarchy, 94 191, 194, 197, 199, 203, 204, 205, 208, 210, 243,
social identity, 114, 143 254, 255, 259, 260, 261, 269, 273, 274
social identity theory, 143 St. Louis, 109, 117
social interests, 124 stability, 27, 67
social justice, 96, 100, 121, 123, 131, 132, 135, 272 stages, 45, 76, 111, 139, 177, 208, 225
social network, 197, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214 stakeholders, 109
social norms, 92, 155 standard deviation, 175
social problems, 96 standards, 41, 190, 217, 218, 219, 222, 223, 226,
social psychology, 92, 93, 102, 151, 161, 265 228, 229, 230, 258, 269
social responsibility, 253 Standards, 232
social sciences, 129 stars, 168
social standing, 191 statistics, 173, 203, 274, 278
social status, 143, 188 stereotypes, 3, 96, 189, 264, 269
social stress, 149 stereotyping, 98, 184
social support, 6, 59, 138, 141, 145, 149, 150, 194 sterile, 74, 76, 77, 79
social support network, 145, 149 sternum, 164
social systems, 148 steroids, 236
social theory, 160, 161 stigma, 197, 203, 205, 208, 211
social work, 222 stomach, 166
sociocultural, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 183 strain, 25
socioeconomic, 141, 190 strategies, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 50, 56, 63, 64, 65, 68, 81,
socioeconomic status, 141, 190 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 112, 117,
sociological, 137, 159, 163, 267 122, 127, 128, 132, 133, 139, 141, 143, 176, 191,
sociologists, 111 193, 194, 195, 219, 244, 250, 256, 257, 258, 275
sociology, 109, 123, 151, 162, 165, 167, 182, 260, strength, 22, 24, 30, 56, 61, 62, 63, 73, 85, 87, 115,
274 143, 166, 191, 238, 242, 247
software, 23, 25 stress, 24, 25, 32, 48, 52, 57, 58, 77, 80, 81, 82, 91,
soil, 33 92, 141, 147, 149, 151, 166, 187, 190, 191, 206,
solidarity, 157 207, 242, 243, 264, 276, 277, 278
sounds, 188 stress reactions, 24
South Africa, 27 stressors, 59, 68, 213
South America, 143, 182, 187, 188 structuralism, 133, 160
Soviet Union, 126 structuring, 199
Spain, 186, 187 students, 113, 114, 115, 116, 138, 161, 162, 164,
spatial, 24 172, 173, 185, 194, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203,
specialization, 278 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 215,
specificity, 128, 151 219, 223, 227, 236, 253, 268, 269, 274, 276, 278
SPECT, 28 subjective, 180, 224, 240
spectrum, 39, 40, 113, 266 subjective well-being, 180
speculation, 36, 38 subjectivity, 121, 124
speech, 65, 113 substance abuse, 112
speed, 164, 244, 245 substance use, 210
spiritual, 62, 191, 193, 240 summer, 36, 185, 209, 234, 272, 273, 277
spirituality, 46, 130, 184, 193 superstitious, 189
sponsor, 43, 56 supervision, xi, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202,
sporadic, 226 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215
sport psychologists, 21, 25, 27, 34, 35, 48, 90, 97, supervisor, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 207, 208,
98, 99, 100, 121, 122, 124, 157, 232, 253, 255, 209, 213, 268
259, 263, 264, 265, 268, 269 supervisors, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 206, 207,
sports, 14, 15, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 47, 51, 53, 56, 60, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214
64, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 82, 87, 91, 103, 108, supplemental, 206
110, 127, 133, 140, 144, 147, 148, 163, 165, 174, supply, 17
support staff, 17, 42, 58, 61, 64, 238, 247
302 Index
surfing, 73 150, 151, 155, 158, 160, 161, 168, 187, 199, 200,
surprise, 33, 36, 38, 92 220, 222, 223, 225, 248, 250, 260, 265, 272
survival, 147, 167 therapeutic interventions, 124
sweat, 23, 25 therapeutic relationship, 186, 191
Sweden, 119, 133 therapists, 35, 58, 247
swimmers, 29, 30, 31 therapy, 50, 133, 150, 161, 164, 225, 249
symbiotic, 156 theta, 27
symbolic, 63 thinking, ix, 7, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44,
symbols, 141, 188 46, 47, 49, 57, 80, 90, 124, 125, 128, 134, 137,
sympathetic, 246 157, 163, 164, 165, 179, 193, 235, 240, 243, 245
sympathy, 237, 240, 241, 248 thoracic, 25
symptoms, 256 threatened, 143, 177
syndrome, 41, 42 threatening, 143, 146, 151, 259
systematic desensitization, 32 timing, 113
systems, x, 2, 97, 107, 108, 129, 130, 131, 138, 148, title, 3, 4, 42, 109, 190, 203, 211, 269, 270, 272
151, 177, 189, 196 tokenism, 61
Tokyo, 32
tolerance, 41, 42, 58, 175, 176, 205, 210
T top-down, 141
toughness, 13, 191, 194, 250, 256, 257, 258, 259
tactics, 13
tourism, 173
talent, 15, 21, 126, 138, 275
tourist, 33
tangible, 2, 61, 235
tracking, 6
targets, 264
traction, 23
task demands, 12
tradition, 90, 100, 155, 157, 218
taxonomy, 272
traditional practices, 93
teachers, 109, 207, 236
traffic, 42
teaching, 23, 24, 114, 115, 124, 131, 157, 163, 172,
trainees, 207
179, 198, 199, 200, 207, 212, 228, 273, 274, 275,
training, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 14, 15, 18, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26,
277
27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37, 39, 43, 45, 55, 56, 57, 58,
teaching experience, 115
59, 66, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84,
team leaders, 111
85, 86, 87, 99, 102, 103, 114, 115, 116, 138, 143,
team members, 61, 64, 65, 94, 219, 239
146, 172, 179, 181, 182, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196,
team sports, 33, 51, 72, 74, 75, 87, 140, 148
197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207,
technology, 22, 23, 26, 30, 64, 211, 212, 214, 266
208, 209, 212, 213, 214, 219, 224, 230, 231, 238,
teenagers, 172, 176, 178, 274
239, 240, 242, 245, 246, 258, 261, 263, 268, 269,
teens, 178
270, 272
Tel Aviv, 30
training programs, 30, 85, 198, 269
telephone, 15
traits, 151, 173, 189, 190, 194
television, 12, 15, 263, 276
trajectory, 7, 95, 96, 101, 125
temperature, 22, 23, 25
transfer, 76, 143, 202
tenants, 225
transference, 106, 213
Tennessee, 135, 272, 273, 276, 279
transformation, 77, 94, 96, 101, 124, 128, 131
tension, 23, 32, 38, 59, 125, 142, 245, 256
transformations, 130, 131
tenure, 198
transition, 74, 93, 101, 111, 143, 201, 202, 209
territory, 41, 206
translation, 62, 169, 173
test data, 175
transmission, 195
testimony, 122
transnational, 122, 126
test-retest reliability, 174
transparent, 270
Texas, 205, 263, 266, 275, 280, 281
transport, 57, 65
textbooks, 95, 116, 269
trauma, 92
theft, 112
traumatic brain injury, 261
theory, 23, 68, 87, 95, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112, 115,
travel, 7, 12, 17, 219, 238, 263
122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 132, 134, 139, 143, 145,
Index 303
trend, 95, 113, 114, 198 violent, 256, 269

tribal, 62, 187 violent behavior, 256
tribes, 62, 187 visible, 89, 235
true belief, 259 vision, 56, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 158, 235
trust, 3, 5, 57, 61, 67, 94, 97, 113, 157, 167, 172, visualization, 16
174, 180, 191, 194, 201, 205, 207, 230, 242, 243, vocational, 171, 173
247, 264 voice, 15, 101, 103, 110, 113, 121, 153, 155, 156,
typology, 235 157, 161, 164, 165, 169, 247
volleyball, 37, 172
voters, 113
U vulnerability, 151
uncertainty, 42, 121, 222

undergraduate, 116, 157, 172, 209, 210, 226, 273, W
277
undergraduates, 209, 210 wages, 263
underlying mechanisms, 141 walking, 43, 49, 245, 264
unfolded, 4 warrants, 130, 154
unhappiness, 92 water, 39, 178
uniform, 60, 61 weakness, 191, 256
United States, x, 33, 90, 93, 118, 124, 140, 141, 143, wear, 18, 62, 139, 254
149, 195, 230, 263, 273 web, 6, 64, 107, 108, 166, 210, 231
universality, 266 weight loss, 162, 260
universities, 115, 185, 202, 207, 212, 215 Weinberg, 96, 104, 122, 124, 132, 134, 135, 146,
university students, 276 151, 206, 208, 215, 216
welfare, 109, 110, 117, 217, 218, 219, 221, 224, 228,
253, 256
V wellbeing, 242, 244
well-being, 52, 128, 138, 142, 149, 151, 172, 180,
vacuum, 6, 265
221, 235, 242
valence, 146
well-being, 265
validation, 26, 149
wells, 100
validity, 126, 128, 133, 147, 153, 174, 186, 196
West Africa, 187, 188, 189, 191
values, 25, 46, 50, 61, 65, 66, 90, 91, 93, 94, 97, 98,
western culture, 141, 149
101, 125, 130, 141, 143, 153, 184, 186, 187, 189,
Western culture, 93, 148, 267
191, 217, 218, 224, 225, 228, 233, 234, 235, 236,
white women, 166
237, 238, 240, 244, 247, 248, 266, 267, 268, 277
wilderness, 168
variability, 24, 26, 30, 31
wind, 42, 45
variable, 145, 147, 176
winning, 16, 17, 18, 26, 34, 38, 40, 41, 42, 45, 46,
variables, 96, 141, 176, 249
47, 65, 68, 72, 82, 144, 149, 236, 248, 256, 258,
variance, 98, 147, 148
267
variation, 56, 90, 167, 188, 221
winter, 233, 234, 244, 277
vasoconstriction, 25
Wisconsin, 25, 50, 151
vasodilation, 25
wisdom, 16, 40, 52, 231
vegetation, 112
withdrawal, 185, 190
vehicles, 256
women, 40, 90, 91, 103, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112,
vein, 123
117, 125, 132, 143, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 168,
Venezuela, 93, 181, 188
173, 195, 244, 256, 276, 277
venue, 29, 35, 59, 244
word of mouth, 206
victims, 110
World Wide Web, 9, 230
Victoria, 31, 276
worldview, 99, 100, 130, 158, 181, 182, 183, 186,
video clips, 14, 15, 23, 29
193, 194, 266, 267
village, 35, 42, 57, 59
worry, 42, 57, 58, 91, 243, 245
violence, 106, 109, 118, 126, 257
304 Index
writing, 1, 65, 96, 154, 155, 156, 158, 166, 168, 174, yin, 235
212, 233, 237, 272
wrongdoing, 230
Z
Y Zen, 52
yang, 235

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SPORTS AND ATHLETICS PREPARATION, PERFORMANCE,

AND PSYCHOLOGY SERIES

CONTEMPORARY SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

CONTEMPORARY SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

NOTICE TO THE READER

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.  New York

Introduction to the Compilation ix

Chapter 11 Through the Funhouse Mirror: Understanding Access

by well-respected members of the sport psychology field.What follows is a description of the

Robert Schinke, EdD, CSPA - Editor

THE CONTEXTUAL SIDE OF

SETTING THE STAGE

INITIAL MEETINGS = INITIAL BARRIERS

ACHIEVING SOLID RELATIONAL FOOTING

WORKING WITH ATHLETES THROUGHOUT THEIR CAREERS

THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

PREPARING PROFESSIONAL HOCKEY

THE CONSULTING APPROACH

THE UNIQUE TASK DEMANDS OF PROFESSIONAL HOCKEY PLAYOFFS

MENTAL AND EMOTIONAL SKILLS FOR

DELIVERING THE MENTAL AND EMOTIONAL SKILLS INFORMATION

Players with Some Playoff Experience

Experienced, Veteran Players

KNOWLEDGE AND EXPERIENCE

PROCESS – ORIENTED FOCUS THOUGHTS

PLAYOFF TEAM THEMES

PLAYOFF SITUATIONAL FACTORS

Halliwell, W. (2004). Preparing professional hockey players for playoff performance,

A CASE FOR A NEW SPORT PSYCHOLOGY: APPLIED

A BRIEF HISTORY OF BIOFEEDBACK AND

THE MODALITIES OF BIOFEEDBACK

[1] Electroencephalography (EEG), also recently known as Neurofeedback (NF): EEG

Nilsson claim HRV training improves concentration and motor coordination,

PSYCHOPHYSIOLOGICAL ASSESSMENT AND

RECENT EVIDENCE OF BIOFEEDBACK /

Heart Rate (Beats/Minute) Heart Rate Variability SDRR

Respiration Rate (Breaths/Minute) BVP Amplitudes

Skin Conductance (Micro-Siemens) Temperature (Degrees Fahrenheit)

Figure 1. Sample Biofeedback Report.

A combination of recent clinical applications to high performance sport and evidence-

Figure 2. Sample EEG Report.

CONFIRMING BRAIN ACTIVITY: THE METHOD OF FUNCTIONAL

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRACTICE

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING AN OLYMPIC FAVORITE

OLYMPIC TRIALS AND THE FAVORITE

THE OLYMPIC GAMES AND THE OLYMPIC ENVIRONMENT

THE IMPORTANCE OF AWARENESS

THINKING EFFECTIVELY IN THE ROLE OF THE FAVORITE

While Hedricks’ distracting thoughts are an example of random automatic thoughts,

THE TYRANNY OF THE SHOULDS

GOAL-SETTING AND THE OLYMPIC FAVORITE

IMAGERY AND THE OLYMPIC FAVORITE

As I mentioned in the beginning, as painful as it is, much can be learned from an

Recommendations for Practitioners

Following below are a number of recommendations for practitioners working with

Step 4: Training in Mindfulness.

a. Train the athlete in formal mindfulness meditation practice, using such

Step 5: Planning for distractions

b. Encourage the athlete to practice moving attention from outcome to process

Stone, N. (2003). Keynote address. USOC Sport Psychology Registry Pre-AAASP

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.  New York