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India's Middle Class by Christiane Brosius Book Review
India's Middle Class by Christiane Brosius Book Review
India's Middle Class by Christiane Brosius Book Review
India’s Middle Class: New Forms of Urban Leisure, Consumption and Prosperity
By Garima Mukherjee
consumption most notably visible in the middle classes. Christiane Brosius in her
ethnographic account of the urban middle class of India in her book India’s Middle Class:
New Forms of Urban Leisure, Consumption and Prosperity (Brosius, 2010) addresses various
aspects of the urban middle class experience in India and what it means to be a part of this
PROSPERITY
Christiane Brosius in India’s Middle Class: New Forms of Urban Leisure, Consumption and
Prosperity (Brosius, 2010) attempts to understand the new cosmopolitan and transnational
middle class that has emerged in the post-liberalisation period in India. The book contributes
to our understanding of how a new kind of middle class is coming on the scene and setting
itself apart from the existing middle class and one sees that differences between the two kinds
essentially are demonstrated by what and how the new class consumes. Her ethnographic
work covers the urban middle class of Delhi-NCR and includes interviews with various
architects, real estate developers, volunteers at ACC, beauticians, wedding planners etc. The
setting of this book is the aftermath of the Bharatiya Janta Party campaign that strived to
globalise and modernize the country by targeting the upper middle class, exporting ancient
Indian cultural traditions (Hindu more precisely as one will see later in the text) which led to
the emergence of a new kind of class consciousness among the urban middle class.
The book is divided into three parts, the first part titled Belonging to the World Class City is
an account of how social control is practiced through urban planning. According to Brosius
real estate developers become the conveyors of new opinions regarding a certain type of
lifestyle that advocates seclusion from the ‘outside’ world by inhabiting as ‘citizens’ would,
in a gated community comparing such communities to the palaces of ‘Maharajas’, the new
middle class then aspires for the life ‘inside’ the gated community which is safe and protected
against the threat of disorder one sees in the ‘outside’ world (Brosius, 2010, p72). This way
of looking at the world and at oneself, Brosius calls “the enclave gaze” (Brosius, 2010, p.42).
This kind of spatial segregation leads to a sort of distinction among the people of the city
which is hierarchical, implying that those living inside a gated community are in some way
superior, more civilised and moral than those living outside and this perspective is advertised
throughout the city in forms of attractive visuals and appealing texts that promise those who
aspire to belong in this emerging transnational class, “a packaged and gated Eden” (Brosius,
2010). Brosius also discusses about the growing obsession with shopping in malls and
shopping as “pleasure and leisure activity” (Brosius, 2010, p.51) in general that requires more
and more sites that provide such experience for example not only malls but theme based
parks and religious- spiritual buildings that promote the idea of erlebnis or experience but
more accurately meaning getting the most out of every moment. Brosius also draws a contrast
between British town planning in colonial India and how the elites of today have similarly
succeeded in creating a ‘public space’ for themselves. The second part of the book A Spiritual
monument and various social elements that function within the organisation that runs the
complex. This section of the book points towards the “rooted cosmopolitanism”
(Brosius,2010) that can be seen in the rising transnational elites, the idea that one needs to
have knowledge about one’s one culture and religion in order to be modern is popular among
this class group. The marginal religious group BAPS and the ideology of Swaminarayan
promotes a new kind of nationalist and patriotic sentiments among this class members who
even though may have not been born and brought up in India, see themselves as the class
comparatively more ‘Indian’ and ‘modern’ due to their religiosity than those who are not
religious. Part 3 of the book titled Masti! Masti! Managing love, romance and beauty
discusses how the new middle class manages and maintains the Self. The beauty and wellness
industry not only acts as a “machinery of self-surveillance and self-control” (Brosius, 2010,
p.323) but also almost makes one believe that wellness is one’s moral duty. There is thus a
constant pressure on the aspiring class to have a “beautiful mind, body and life” (Brosius,
2010, p.323).
Brosius has linked the consumption pattern of this new class to the logic of late capitalism.
(Brosius, 2010, p.142) which is clearly visible in the kind of lifestyle the new transnational
middle class of India follows, anxieties of this class is also discussed by Brosius, fear of
losing one’s position or not being able to keep up with the pace dictates their activities, likes
and dislikes. Sara Dickey has done similar work on the urban middle class in Madurai and
argues that, “the negative sides (of being in the middle) include the intense scrutiny of
behaviour by social onlookers; the need to perform a consumerist class identity with limited
financial means; the excessive pressure to work and earn sufficiently to finance this
consumption; the consequences of performing inadequately and the fear of downward class
mobility…” (Dickey, 2012, p.578), we can thus see a similarity between the arguments made
by Brosius and Dickey, Brosius too records narratives of the members of the urban middle
class toil to sustain their position in times of financial difficulties. Dickey in her account of
the emerging middle class in Madurai notes that liberalization process post 1980s affected
consumption patterns and even employment of the middle class. Due to an increase in import
of foreign goods and loans being easily available, consuming not only became relatively
cheaper than before but because of the wide range of options now available, consuming
became a form of art, one that needed to be mastered to make it to the affluent class. Along
the same lines, Brosius’s text identifies ‘taste’ as being critical when class position and to
perform one’s class comes into question, according to Bourdieu “taste is a strategy of
treads on the path of aspiring to become and maintain an affluent lifestyle and most
importantly how it learns to do so. A clear distinction between old and new middle class is
also made by those who belong to the ‘old’ middle class, they claim that the new middle class
despite of being wealthy lack ‘taste’ and one’s class position is determined by not ‘what’ one
consumes but by knowing ‘how much’ to consume. Brosius’s demonstration of how ‘middle
classness’ is performed by the urban middle class in India is true to how Weber sees class,
class for him is a “function of person or group’s position in the capitalist market” (Liechty,
2003) and the new ‘rooted’ cosmopolitan middle class in India can be seen in this light
functioning in a certain way and performing to maintain their class position, there is pressure
inhabiting in gated communities this class not only strives to exclude itself from the rest of
the society but also intends to confine itself to its own class in order to keep learning and
practising its ‘middle classness’. Real estate developers and architects along with the
advertising industry become the conveyors of opinions about how and what one should aspire
for if one is looking to become a part of this affluent class. The account on ACC is an
ethnographic example that offers the reader insight into the cosmopolitan life that requires
one to have deep knowledge of one’s own culture and history and also how such knowledge
is used to exercise social control. Along with residing in a gated community and being
spiritual, this class also feels the pressure to always look elite, they act as representors of their
class and thus must always look beautiful and display a life of good health and well-being.
Brosius brings to the table a fresh perspective on the rising ‘new’ middle class and what it
means to be a part of this class, what is interesting is that ‘middle class’ as opposed to be seen
as being defined in simple terms, is actually a very complex concept because the experience
is often even more difficult to make sense of as compared to the experiences of the classes
which are diametrically opposed. Use of pictures that portray the growing focus on ‘living the
good life’ also indicate how powerful media is in shaping mind-sets and aspirations, the
cover of the book is one such example where one can see an inviting advertisement that is a
blend of ‘Western-ness’ and ‘Indian-ness’. What the text however misses out on is to analyse
how the experiences of other classes facilitate in the formulation of the middle class
experience discussed in the book. For a class to maintain its own position it must not only
succeed in keeping out other classes from entering their domain which a reader does see in
the ways a cosmopolitan middle class individual maintains and increases competition, but
other classes too must perform ‘classness’ of their own class, and how their performance adds
to the experience of the emerging middle class is something Brosius’s text does not focus on.
Nevertheless, the book is an exemplary account of the rising transnational middle class
References
Bourdieu, Pierre. & Johnson, Randal. (1993).The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art
Dickey, S. (2012). The Pleasures and Anxieties of Being in the Middle: Emerging Middle-
Class Identities in Urban South India. Modern Asian Studies, 46(3), 559-599.
Liechty, Mark. (2003). Suitably Modern: Making Middle-Class Culture in a New Consumer