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PLURALISM WORKING PAPER | 2014 / NO 12
LOCAL WISDOM ON
PLURALISM
Three Indonesian cases of community based
diversity management
KHALID ANIS ANSARI
SAMSUL MAARIF
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2 | Local Wisdom on Pluralism, Civil Society and Subaltern Counterpublics Pluralism Working Paper no 9 12 | 2014
Local Wisdom on
Pluralism
Three Indonesian Cases of community based
diversity management
Samsul Maarif
Pluralism Working Paper no 12
Title Local Wisdom on Pluralism

Three Indonesian cases of community based diversity management.
Author Samsul Maarif
Keywords Pluralism, civil society, human rights approach, community based approach,
social cohesion, Indonisia,
Category in Working A – academic research paper
Paper series
Comments can be The author –
sent to
And to the editors of the Pluralism Working Paper series –
pluralismworkingpapers@uvh.nl
Samsul Maarif is … at the Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies,

Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia
Website http://crcs.ugm.ac.id/pluralism
4 | Local Wisdom on Pluralism Pluralism Working Paper no 912| 2011

The Pluralism Working
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Caroline Suransky and Ute Seela
Editors of the Pluralism Working Paper series
Table of Contents
Editor’s preface 9
Introduction 11
Introducing three research locations 12
Reconstructing local solidarities to enhance pluralism 13
The role of 'Local Wisdom' 16
Strengthening local wisdom in pursuit of community cohesion 17
Local language as an instrument of pluralism 19
Honoring charismatic figures in Kalimantan 20
Interreligious Marriage in Bali 21
Concluding remarks 21
References 23
8 | Local Wisdom on Pluralism, Civil Society and Subaltern Counterpublics Pluralism Working Paper no 912 | 20114
Editor’s preface
While the global discourse on pluralism is often dominated by public policy regulations and the
responsibilities of the state, this paper portrays community-based forms of ‘bottom up’ pluralism. The
paper explores three different examples of inter-religious and inter-ethnic encounters on the islands
of Bali, Kalimantan and Sulawesi in the Indonesian archipelago. The paper is based on data that has
been generated by research of the Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies (CRCS) of
Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
The Bali case focuses on Hindu and Muslim encounters, the Kalimantan case discusses
Dayak/Banjar Muslim and Christian encounters and the Sulawesi case explores encounters between
the local Ammatoan (adat) and Muslims. Each case is unique, but in all of these three cases, ‘local
wisdom’, or kearifan local, plays an interesting role in how local communities find constructive ways
to live together in cultural, ethnic and religious diverse villages and regions. ‘Local wisdom’ is a
popular term in Indonesia and refers to community-based knowledge and understanding which can
be drawn from, in order to pursue ideals of community solidarity and cohesiveness. According to
Samsul Maarif, the author of this paper, local wisdom of people is unfortunately often perceived as
“traditional, primitive and backward”. While Maarif does not uncritically uphold the traditional, he also
strongly suggests that “since local wisdom is pervasive in Indonesian society, it could be actively
deployed when developing conditions in which pluralism can flourish.”
The paper argues that ‘local wisdom’ could indeed be a meaningful and powerful source for people
who search for ways to live together peacefully and sustainably despite their cultural – and other
differences. Maarif argues that local wisdom may provide “an ethos of empowerment” which could
also “be effective - even be more promising - in cases where state-led approaches based on human
rights, especially religious freedoms, are ineffective, presumably because those approaches are alien
to the local people whom it concerns”.
For the Pluralism Knowledge Program, the three Indonesian cases studies signal that connecting
pluralism to ‘local wisdom’ could enhance people’s openness to change and their ability to construct
new solidarities in contexts of political, economic and ecological pressures.
I believe that it would be worthwhile to conduct further conceptual and empirical research into
contemporary and innovative possibilities of turning to ‘local wisdom’ and local knowledge, values
and traditions in the pursuit of pluralism in communities across the world. We hope that this paper will
provide an impetus to do so.
Caroline Suransky
Chief editor of the Pluralism Paper series for the Pluralism Knowledge Program.
Local Wisdom on
Pluralism
Three Indonesian cases of community based diversity
management
Samsul Maarif
Introduction
This paper discusses three cases of local inter-religious and inter-ethnic encounters in Indonesia:
Hindu-Muslim encounters in Bali, Dayak/Banjar Muslim-Christian encounters in Kalimantan, and
Ammatoan (adat)-Muslim encounters in Sulawesi. The paper explores these cases as practices of
pluralism and discusses the significance of ‘local wisdom’ as an instrument for community based
diversity management. The research demonstrates that despite potential conflicts in ethnic-religious
encounters, local people, who are the subjects of these encounters, can manage their social
interactions in ways that enable them to facilitate and navigate their different individual and group
interests in favor of local cohesiveness.
The Bali case, for example, shows that the management of the Kampung (villages for Muslims) and
the Desa (villages for Hindus) was able to successfully transform boundaries between Hindus and
Muslims into varieties of peaceful socio-cultural, economic, political and even religious interactions.
The Dayak-Banjar (Islam, Christianity, and Kaharingan) case demonstrates that their management of
religious activities and identity reformulation has successfully prevented socio-religious conflicts
among the three religious-ethnic identities in the region. This diversity management is a strategic
local practice for pluralism. Similarly, the case of the Ammatoans shows that, despite spiteful
pressure from outsiders which could have created conflict, they peacefully negotiated some of their
traditional practices which helped them to live side by side with Islam dynamically and interactively.
This paper offers illustrations of theoretical and practical frameworks of civic pluralism and diversity
management, with a special focus on local wisdom in diverse community contexts. It portrays a
community-based form of ‘bottom up’ pluralism, a discourse which is generally dominated by
discussions on public policies and the role of the state in managing diversity. If the latter tends to
emphasize a Rights (or regulations) based approach, the former refers to the “ethos” or social
consensus of the people. This paper does not mean to belittle the state’s role, but reminds us that
the problems of diversity are not exhausted by the state’s regulatory role. Rather, an ethos of
empowerment could also be effective— even be more promising - in cases where state-led
approaches based on human rights, especially religious freedoms, are seemingly ineffective,
presumably because those approaches are alien to the local people whom it concerns.
In local settings of Indonesian society we observe several good practices of pluralism and diversity
management. Such local practices of pluralism - as will be shown in the three different case studies -
are managed in such ways that they call on and draw from local wisdom (In. kearifan lokal). Local
wisdom is a popular term in Indonesia which refers to a community-based system which is deployed
to pursue an ideal of community cohesiveness. As shall be seen, local wisdom has helped to
facilitate religious-ethnic encounters and interactions to the point that different religious-ethnic groups
have created multicultural dialogical communities (Parekh 2000), in which they recognize and
respect each other and celebrate their differences and diversity. The kind of local wisdom which is
presented in this paper may be seen as illustrations of what Tim Soutphommasane (2005) calls a
pluralist model of multicultural citizenship.
This is an explorative qualitative study that may be a basis for further in-depth research. This paper
finally argues that local wisdom deserves strong consideration in conceptualizing effective pluralism
strategies and practices. The paper shows that knowledge about local wisdom can be valuable in
contexts where pluralism is at stake, especially for engagement in advocacy. In this setting it seems
essential to draw from people’s own local knowledge as an important condition for empowerment.
Unfortunately, local wisdom of local people is often perceived as traditional, primitive and backward.
While this paper does not uncritically uphold the traditional, it strongly suggests that since local
wisdom is pervasive in Indonesian society, it should be actively deployed when developing conditions
in which pluralism can flourish.
Introducing three research locations

This paper presents and discusses three different cases of religious-cultural practices of
multiculturalism. The three cases represent three different locations on the Indonesian islands of Bali,
Kalimantan and Sulawesi. Each case shows its uniqueness with regard to its social setting, religious
and ethnic identities, as well as its history and the specifics of local social interactions. All three
cases however, have something in common, which is the focus of this paper: and that is the value of
local religious-cultural practices of pluralism. The data which is presented in this paper has been
generated by research that has been conducted by the Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural
Studies (CRCS), Gadjah Mada University.
Case study 1: Bali

The research in Bali was conducted in Kusamba Muslim Kampung of the Klungkung district. Its
community consists of diverse ethnic groups. This Kampung exemplifies the history, development
and dynamics of Muslim community life in Bali. Administratively, this Kampung is autonomous in the
sense that the people choose their own leader and local self-government. It is open to outside
networks and interacts with other Muslim communities across the Indonesian archipelago. This
makes this Kampung an interesting locus to study encounters and interactions between Muslims as
migrants and Hindus, who are the natives of Bali.
Kusamba consists of two territories. The first is the Desa (village) of Kusamba whose population is
mainly Hindu. The Desa has five administrative hamlets, eight Adat villages (administering political
affairs), and sixteen Banjar Adat (administering religious affairs). The second territory is called
Kusamba Kampung where the population is homogeneously Muslim. But their houses are
characteristically Balinese. What makes their houses different from Hindus is that houses of Hindus
always have a small Pura (place of worship). Because houses of both Hindus and Muslims look
similar, the existence of the Kusamba community life is not recognizable until the adzan (the call for
Islamic prayer) is (always loudly) called.
In 2010, the Muslim Kampung of Kusamba was populated by only 566 people who lived in150
households; all were of Buginese, Javanese, or Banjarese descent. Among them live people who
have intermarried with Hindus from the Desa surrounding Kampung. Their socio-economic activities
are similar to those of Hindus. They used to be fishermen, especially when the Kampung was the
harbor of a trade center during the kingdom era, which lasted up to the seventeenth century. When
the harbor lost its function, people changed their professions. Today, most of the people are traders.
There is no school in the Kampung except for a kindergarten, so they send their children to schools
of Desa Kusamba, Dawan subdistrict, and Klungkung district. Muslims of Kusamba Kampung have a
mosque and musolla (a small kind of mosque) as centers of religious activities.
Case study 2: South Kalimantan

The second case study covers two locations: the village of Hulu Banyu, which was previously called
the village of Tanuhi, and the village of Loksado. Both are under the administration of sub-district
Loksado, the district of Hulu Sungai Selatan, South Kalimantan. The Loksado sub-district lies in the
area of Mountain Meratus. Its territory covers 18,78% of the district. This paper focusses on one of
the locations, namely the village of Hulu Banyu because it is sufficiently representative of the bigger
picture of multicultural lives in local settings in Kalimantan.
In 2007, the Hulu Banyu village numbered 1078 people, consisting of 1053 Banjarese (98%) and 25
Dayak of Meratus (2%). Dominated by Banjar, the village is sometimes called the village of
Banjarese. The current Banjarese are migrants of second and third generations and are all Muslim,
whereas the Dayak are followers of Balian/ Kaharingan, which is an indigenous religion which is not
officially recognized by the State. The Dayak, conform state regulations on religion, officially profess
to be Christian, but as observed in the case study research, only three local individuals have actually
converted to Christianity.
Economically speaking, the Banjarese, who are the majority, are more prosperous. They are middle
or upper class compared to the Dayak. They dominate the business sector, especially the rubber
business. In the village, a hotel with a pool and a hot spring is managed by the local government that
employs mostly people of Banjarese descent. Meanwhile, the Dayak are less prosperous and belong
to lower economic classes. The Dayak mostly live as farmers, coolies on rubber plantations and as
sellers of cinnamon.
Case study 3: South Sulawesi

The Ammatoans live in the village of Tanah Toa in the sub-district of Kajang in the district of
Bulukumba. Based on the village profile of 2009, the population was 4625. This included 2073 men
and 2552 women who lived in 959 households. The village is located approximately six hours by car
from Makassar, the capital city of South Sulawesi province. The district of Bulukumba, whose capital
city is about 67 kilometers from Tanah Toa, consists of ten sub-districts, including Kajang where
most of the Ammatoans reside.
In Tanah Toa, there is a gate which divides the Ammatoan territory into two: ilalang embaya (the
inner territory) and ipantarang embaya (the outer territory). The religion practiced by Ammatoans has
been characterized as animistic, patuntung, pre-Islamic, and syncretic: scholars claim that their
religion has both Islamic and animistic features (Usop, 1978; Rössler, 1990; Salle, 1999; Katu, 2000;
Akib, 2003). In practice, it is clear that the Ammatoan religiosity has contributed to the development
and practice of a multi-faceted form of Islam.
The Ammatoans are mostly farmers and mostly self-employed. Their work in the agricultural sector is
their main source of income. Those whose main income comes from other sectors, such as teaching,
office work and business, often also work in agriculture. Many of them keep livestock such as cattle,
buffalos, horses, chickens, and goats. Many Ammatoans practice both agriculture and animal
husbandry. They generally bring their animals, except for their chicken, with them to their fields.
While they work, they let their animals graze in the field.
Reconstructing local solidarities to enhance pluralism

The Muslims of Kusamba, in Bali have lived side by side with Bali Hindus for a long time. Muslims
initially settled in Klunkung or Gelgel in the fourteenth century. Since then, they have contributed to
the life of multicultural society of Bali. The first migrants who arrived was a group of about 40
Muslims from Majapahit of Java. The second group consisted of Muslims of Demak. This group
attempted, but failed, in their mission to Islamize the Balinese. In spite of this failed attempt to
convert the local Balinese, they did not go back home to Java, but remained in Bali. They were
offered land, called tanah catu, by the King of Gelgel I to settle. Offered with tanah catu, Muslims
established a self-governing community in the village of Gelgel. This development was made
possible on the basis of the original Balinese policy on what is now called ‘Muslim Kampung’. The
minority Muslim group was recognized, respected, and even granted freedom to settle as a “citizen
group” with their own self-determination in the broader Balinese polity. This is what Amy Gutmann
(1994: 3) calls “practical politics of recognition”. Today, the various Muslim Kampung are spread
across Bali. Various groups of migrant Muslims have since constructed their own particular histories
and characteristics. All Muslim communities have in common that their ancestors were migrants from
Java, Lombok, and Sulawesi.
The Muslims’ long presence in the Hindu society of Bali has made them to perceive Bali as their own
territory and Hindus as their "family". Bali Hindus have in turn called Muslims as nyama selam
(Muslim "brothers"). Both Muslims (the migrants) and Hindus (the natives) have influenced each
other in reproducing their identities and histories through continuing dialogues and engaging
interactions. They both have created and developed, what Taylor’s terms, an “intimate sphere”
(1994: 37). The term nyama selam signifies that both Hindus and Muslims have established long and
close relationships and engaged themselves in persistent dialogues, up to the point that they have
come to perceive the ‘others’ as their “brothers”.
The Hindu-Muslim relations in Bali are comparable to Christian Dayak-Muslim Banjar relations in
Kalimantan. The Banjarese dominate the religious-cultural activities in the village. Muslim ritual
activities such as tahlil, habsy (usually performed in rituals of death) and barzanji or called salawatan
(remembrance of the Prophet Muhammad, usually performed in rituals of Thanksgiving) are among
the very popular activities of Hulu Banyu village. There are three mosques, two musolla, and no
church or Balai (a place of worship for Belian) in the village.
The domination of the Banjarese over the Dayak could have caused tensions or conflicts among the
two religious-ethnic groups. The people have, however, largely focused on creating harmonious
experiences. Two theories may be offered to explain this. First, it may be that Banjarese have
overwhelmingly dominated the Dayak up to a point where the Dayak chose to conform with "the
majority rule." Hegemony by the Banjarese over the Dayak is exercised, but it can be noted that the
Banjarese have also adjusted to the situation of co-existence with the Dayak by recognizing,
accommodating and respecting them. Second, they both manage their encounters in such ways that
they prioritize their similarities over their differences in social interactions. By focusing on similarities,
they have created a cultural community in which they share common bonds and a sense of solidarity,
and constructed shared beliefs and historical memories, which is a condition for a cultural community
(Parekh, 2000: 156).
Even though the Ammatoans of Sulawesi offer a different case, they share comparable practices with
the communities in Bali and Kalimantan. The case of Ammatoans concerns an ethnically
homogenous group, but one that is religiously heterogeneous. In the village of Tanah Toa, the
Ammatoan community continues to practice indigenous traditions, while professing to be Muslim.
The Ammatoan traditions have lived side by side with Islam for about four centuries. The community
was among the first that accepted Islam in the region, early in the seventeenth century. Since then
tensions between the Ammatoan tradition and Islam has nuanced the socio-cultural and religious life
of the Ammatoans. Factions have emerged among the members of the community. One group may
be called "traditional" which is devoutly loyal to indigenous traditions. The other group may be called
"Islamist", in this group local traditions are often ridiculed. Some community members affiliate to
neither of these two factions.
The first faction has managed its strategies successfully up to the present time. One of its strategies
has been that the people use Islam for self-identification. The kind of Islam with which they identify is
compatible with their indigenous (pre-Islamic) traditions. Pasangri Kajang is a local oral tradition. This
oral tradition and not written texts - including the Quran - , is the most authoritative source for the
moral ideology and behavior of community members. This faction understands and observes Islam in
such a way that it is not against traditional beliefs and customs. The second faction, in contrast, has
promoted Islamic orthodoxy as the only correct way to observe Islam. Supported by outside Muslim
groups, this last faction has continuously challenged the Ammatoan indigenous traditions which have
existed since immemorial time, long before Islam was introduced in the region.
When considering the ‘bare’ facts of the situation, one can conclude that conflicts among these two
factions would be likely to occur. As said earlier, since the arrival of Islam in the area, tension has
indeed been part of the religious life of the Ammatoans. Today, Ammatoans are still able to narrate
how Islam was first brought into the community by the first three da'i in the region (Datuk Di Tiro,
Datuk Patimang, Datuk Ri Bandang). Only the kind of Islam which was introduced by Datuk Di Tiro
was found to be compatible with local Ammatoan traditions. The Ammatoans decided to expell the
other two da'i. It is well-known that the dakwah (Islamic propagation) of Datuk Di Tiro drew on
Sufism, while the other two emphasized shariah (law) and aqidah (theology). For this reason,
scholars have argued that the Islam of Ammatoans is characteristically sufistic (Katu, 2005).
Another historical event regarding tension concerns the Islamic movement of Darul-Islam/ Tentara
Islam Indonesia (DI/TII) (Islamic Nation/ Indonesian Muslim Military) which aggressively operated in
South Sulawesi from the 1950s to the early 1960s. This movement, whose political agenda was to
establish an Islamic state, called for Islamic purification from what they claimed to be superstition and
bid'ah (unlawful innovation). The Ammatoan traditions became a target of cleansing. In response, the
Ammatoans formed the Dompek movement to expel DI/TII. For Ammatoans, the kind of Islam
introduced by DI/TII has no place in their territory.
Since the New Order was established in Indonesia by President Suharto in 1966, the official state
Islam has been forced upon this community. The Religious Department of the local government
structures, student social work (KKN) of Muslim universities, and other Muslim groups have been
active in promoting State Islam in the community. These initiatives are taken by members of the
aforementioned Islamist faction in the community.
Despite the external intrusion, the Ammatoans have successfully preserved their local traditions
alongside Islam. Their successful preservation has not been secured through frontal resistance to
(State) Islam, but rather through a series of peaceful strategies. One of these strategies concerns
their territorial divisions. The Ammatoans have divided their territory into two: an inner and an outer
territory. In the inner territory, non-traditional elements are avoided as much as possible. Electricity,
asphalted roads, buildings and the like are not to be installed in this area. Mosques, schools, clinics,
offices are not to be built in the inner territory. All of these provisions are however acceptable in the
outer territory. In theory everything is possible and acceptable in the outer area. The divisions signify
that the Ammatoans do welcome new things and are not anti-modern as is often assumed.
Those who live in the inner territory are mostly affiliated with the "traditional" faction. Whereas
supporters of the "Islamist" faction, who happen to be relatives of those in the inner territory, all live in
the outer territory. Those without religious affiliation are spread out; some are in the inner and others
are in the outer territory. Anyone in the community may be "Islamist", but if they are, they cannot live
in the inner territory. Moving out of the inner territory does not necessarily mean that one is no longer
Ammatoan. Moving out is only required in order to keep the inner territory traditional. Being Islamist,
in other words, is only another way of being Ammatoan. The Islamists still conduct traditional
services as long as they want them. The Ammatoans are free to choose what to believe and follow,
but their choices come with consequences.
When an Ammatoan becomes an Islamist, he or she will not be the target of hatred by other
Ammatoans. Becoming a "new one" is perceived as a kind of "religious journey" that anyone may
possibly (or should) undertake. Everyone is free to seek any kind of knowledge. The pursuit of
individual knowledge (sought, found, and held by individuals) is highly appreciated among
Ammatoans. This kind of knowledge is locally categorized as esoteric knowledge. It is diverse and
belongs to certain individuals. Seeking such knowledge requires serious personal commitment by the
seeker. Givers of knowledge will not share their knowledge until they are sure that seekers are totally
committed to receive such knowledge. This is the preferred Ammatoan indigenous method of
seeking and gaining knowledge. Ammatoans do not force their children to seek knowledge because
they believe children will seek and learn about it sooner or later, according to their own ways. If
someone becomes Islamist, it is what he or she seeks and finds. This approach signifies that
everyone is capable of proficiency and deficiency. This is one of the messages which is encoded in
their Pasang (oral tradition), silallo tessirapi (it essentially means that even when you are more
proficient than others in some areas, there are many other areas where you lack proficiency that
others have).
The existence of the inner territory is necessary for the outer territory, and vice versa. The absence
of either one would cause dysfunction in the other. This territorial division is both mythological and
historical. The Ammatoans believe that the division serves to balance the cosmos. It is also historical
because while changes of this territorial construction have occurred when the Ammatoans'
encountered outsiders, mainly the state, the concept of the territory has remained intact. The
arrangement implies that the traditional faction remains meaningful as long as the Islamist faction
also continues to exist, and vice versa.
The reasoning behind the division also explains why the Ammatoans welcome and respect outsiders
who come to them for various reasons. But to welcome and respect outsiders is not the same as
accepting them or take them for granted. Such a response implies that outsiders or things from
outside are examined and considered potentially good. If found acceptable or positively contributing
to the community in everyday experiences, the newcomers and their cultural practices are adopted
and/or adjusted. If not, they are refused.
The concept and construction of the territorial division is a socio-cultural and religious “institution” of
the Ammatoans. The territorial division functions as a means to solidify and strengthen bonds of
solidarity of those who are different (traditional and Islamist). Territorial division has been effective in
creating and maintaining peaceful social interactions, at least practically, because everyone is
perceived to play a certain role which is significant to others. Diversity is understood as "pammase"
(blessing) or a potential source for well-being. Territorial division has facilitated the practice of
pluralism.
The role of ‘Local Wisdom’
The above cases suggest that socio-historical processes of pluralism could possibly occur partly
because they are facilitated and embedded in practices and principles of “local wisdom.” Local
wisdom here is defined as a system by which a community pursues its community ideals of cohesion
and peace. As a system it consists of two elements: a set of principled values and a set of practices.
The values are inherited from ancestors and are still considered valuable to the present generation of
a given community. The present generation even refers to it as an authoritative source which guides
people in their everyday behavior. Local concepts, values and practices are seen as both a basis to
turn to, as well as an objective to which they aspire. A practice is a necessary element of local
wisdom. A concept of values means nothing without the practices through which these values are
exercised. The relation between the two is dialectical. The dialectical relation between a concept of
value and a practice may be understood as a kind of wisdom if it works effectively for the community
in terms of achieving its ideals. The term local signifies the particularity of this wisdom. Local wisdom
cannot be assumed to be universally applicable. Each community has its own local wisdom. Multiple
local wisdoms may have similarities and be comparable, but as a system, local wisdom always has
its uniqueness.
In Bali, local wisdom is called manyama-braya (brotherhood/family relation). It is called badingsanak

(sibling) in Kalimantan, and sillallo tessirapi in Sulawesi. Manyama-braya, badingsanak, and silallo
tessirapi all imply and call for concepts of values and practices of social cohesion, mutual respect,
solidarity, and loyalty to the community or society, characteristics of Asian values (Parekh, 2000:137-
139). Out of manyama-braya other socio-cultural categories such as nyama selam (Muslim brothers)
and nyama Kristen (Christian brothers) were invented as products of intercultural interaction and
dialogue. Nyama selam is experienced as a “shared cultural value” for both Hindus and Muslims. It is
what they, as a culturally diverse community have developed to improve common bonds of cross-
cultural brotherhood and a sense of solidarity. Nyama selam is a climate that both Hindus and
Muslims in the multicultural society of Bali have created in order for them to engage in a mutually
beneficial dialogue. Both communities are able to develop a sense of community, common loyalties,
morals and politics of recognition (Parekh, 2000: 169-171).
Similarly, both Muslim Banjar and Dayak of Kaharingan (indigenous traditions, but formally
professing to be Christian), have constructed the belief that the prophet Muhammad and Jesus were
badingsanak (siblings). The word badingsanak implies both sibling and companion. The word is also
used to imply an intimate friendship. In the case of Muhammad and Jesus, badingsanak means
companion. Among the Dayak Meratus, it is believed that the ancestor of Muslim Banjar was
Bambang Basiwara and ancestor of the Dayak was Sandayuhan. Both Bambang and Sandayuhan
were badingsanak.
Local wisdom of badingsanak has been effectively utilized to deal with the different origins of the two
ethnic groups, Banjarese and Dayak. The Christian Dayak, the indigenous people of the area,
perceive the Banjarese, the migrants, as badingsanak, and vice versa. They intend to become
"relatives" or “brothers” regardless of their ethnic differences. Moreover, both Banjarese and Dayak
have developed an additional social category out of badingsanak, which is called bubuhan. Bubuhan
was initially understood as social units based on blood relations. Today, the word refers to much
broader social units of different categories which include ethnic, territorial, and religious identities.
The Dayak who live in Hulu Banyu identify themselves as bubuhan Dayak Hulu Banyu. The
Banjarese do the same. They identify themselves as bubuhan Banjar Hulu Banyu. When identifying
themselves to outsiders, both Banjarese and Dayak say that they are bubuhan of Hulu Banyu.
Badingsanak (just like manyama-braya) through bubuhan not only sufficiently acknowledges cultural
differences but also facilitates a new form of political-cultural belonging (Soutphommasane, 2005:
412). These two groups share a territorially identified marker. In this context, they both perceive that
their shared territorial identity is more important than their different ethnic or religious identity. For
Dayak, identifying themselves as bubuhan (without Dayak) of Hulu Banyu is to declare their position
culturally and nationally equal to the Muslim Banjarese. The Dayak have realized that outsiders for a
long time, even up to the present time, have stereotyped them as primitive, animistic, nomadic and
backward, although some of them have converted to Christianity. They have even been portrayed as
“headhunters” (Maunati, 2004: 61; Coomans, 1987: 4-5). Declaring their identity as the bubuhan of
Hulu Banyu is a way to counter such stereotypes.
For the Muslim Banjarese, using bubuhan (without Banjar) of Hulu Banyu as their identification is to
negotiate their identity as migrants. They declare that even though their ancestors were migrants,
they - as second and the third generation - are now local people just like the Dayak. The identification
of bubuhan of Hulu Banyu is both for Muslim Banjarese and Christian Dayak a kind of negotiation,
aimed to unify their differences for mutual benefit. The significance of adapting local wisdom permits
the acceptance of difference and allows for multiple identities. Hindus, Muslims, and Christians
maintain their own identities, but at the same time Hindus and Muslims in Bali and Muslims and
Christians in Kalimantan belong to their larger polity: citizens of Bali and that of Kalimantan
respectively (see Hudson 2000 and Soutphommasane, 2005: 409).
Iris Marion Young (1990) and Bhikhu Parekh (2000), refer to contexts of multicultural nation-states
and stress the significance of a climate of equality for all constituent cultures as a condition for the
legitimacy of a multi-culturally constituted common culture. The cases of Bali and Kalimantan show
that it is also possible to develop a common culture under different conditions. The Muslims of Bali
still perceive themselves as migrants today. Their perception signifies their particular (probably
limited) aspirations. In Bali, in the past it was unthinkable for Muslims to dream of becoming king, or
to be governor of Bali, just like a Muslim immigrant in the US would not reasonably run for president.
Local wisdom of nyama selam suggests that a multi-culturally constituted common culture may
emerge and enjoy legitimacy among the constituents (Muslims and Hindus), not within a climate of
equality, but with recognized, accommodated and respected co-existence. Nyama selam as a shared
common culture shows that recognition of differences, respect for diversity and guarantees for
particular self-determinism are highly desired by migrant Muslims, more so than a climate of equality
in its essential meaning.
Strengthening local wisdom in pursuit of community cohesion

Local wisdom involves two elements: values and practices. Practices of values include both rituals as
well as everyday activities. In a sense, local wisdom may be seen to work effectively if it influences
the everyday affairs and practices of a community. Local wisdom is “officially” formulated in ritual
practices, and exercised pervasively in almost all domains of everyday day practices. In other words,
rituals are not only for religious purposes (Northcott, 2005: 279-280) but also to pursue social
solidarity and cohesion. For the people under discussion, religious and social practices are not seen
to be substantially distinguishable. Being religious is being social and vice versa. To them, rituals are
basically the contextualization of inter-dependent and responsible relationships between human
beings, the living and the dead, and between human beings and other beings of the cosmos.
Ritualized local wisdom is only a small part of a much broader system. Local wisdom may not be
separated conceptually, ideologically and practically from social or everyday practices that seem
casual, natural and spontaneous.
Many rituals are intensive. A ritual is not always performed by someone who needs it, but by a
specialist. There are cases where a specialist is asked to perform a ritual. When such rituals are
conducted in Hulu Banyu of Kalimantan and Bali, people help and share with each other to provide
the things that are needed. The practice of helping and sharing has been culturally established:
Metutulung in Bali and baturukan in Kalimantan. These cultural practices have been the means for
and objective of rituals. Metutulung and baturukan both mean “helping” and “sharing” and may be
viewed as both the result and the creation of nyama selam for Hindus and Muslims of Bali and
bubuhan for Banjarese and Dayak respectively. Both metutulung and baturukan are practiced in
every kind of ritual. People give funds, rice, sugar, and many kinds of materials which are needed for
rituals. Since giving (both voluntarily and mandatorily) has been part of rituals, it is itself a ritual
practice. The practice of baturukan involves both Muslim Banjarese and the Dayak, even though a
ritual is conducted by a Muslim Banjarese or a Dayak. Through the practice, the costs of a ritual are
collectively shared, and that is how a ritual promotes solidarity and even distributes wealth to all
(Kuntowijoyo, 1998: 90).
It is culturally common among Hindus and Muslims in Bali that when someone (a Hindu or Muslim) is
in need of help for any kind of activity, others would come and offer help. Metetulung has become a
common cultural practice of Muslims and Hindus. People do it whether they are asked to (ngidih
tulung) or not (mesuaka). Even if they are not asked for it, they still voluntarily offer help because
they are part of a "brotherhood" (menyama). The Muslims of Kusamba Kampung would voluntarily
help their relative Hindus of Banjar who conduct rituals. This works the other way around as well. The
spirit of metutulung, together with ngidi tulung and mesuaka, influences the minds of both Hindus and
Muslims in everyday practices, even outside the context of rituals. Those ideas appear in their minds
whenever encountering their fellow “brothers.”
When a Muslim Banjarese sponsors a ritual, the Christian and Kaharingan Dayak neighbors and
friends are invited to participate. The Dayak are actually not involved in performing solat (praying),
reciting dzikr (remembrance of Allah) or istighfar (repentance), or singing kasidah burdah (salawat or
prayers for the prophet Muhammad). They just sit and watch how the others (Muslims) perform the
ritual. They get actively involved during the ritual when food, specifically prepared for the ritual, is
served. Their involvement, though only during meals, is a significant moment of "meeting". The
meeting brings about exercises of social cohesiveness among them. Their differences and even
conflicts are mediated and transformed into peaceful togetherness. When they arrive and before they
leave, they shake hands with each other. Shaking hands is a clear act of both honoring and forgiving
which creates and results in baturukan. Those who are involved in such rituals state that they
experience a state of being free from tension and full of solidarity. This kind of ritual is popular among
bubuhan of Hulu Banyu and has functioned as an effective mechanism to a re-contextualize
“brotherhood” (local wisdom) and even for conflict resolution (see Turner, 1997; Morris, 2003).
The Balinese case shows a similar phenomenon. Hindus, who frequently observe rituals such as
birth, wedding and death, often invite Muslims to their meal services, which are always part of the
ritual. Hindus provide special meals for their Muslim guests which they call selam (Islamic) meals, or
lawful meals. Those kinds of meals are different from other meals. The Hindu hosts understand and
respect Islamic dietary laws. They not only recognize the difference practices of Muslims, but also
actively support and facilitate Muslim religious practices, even in their own rituals. Muslims in turn do
the same. Whenever they sponsor rituals which involve meal services, they always invite Hindus to
participate.
Engagement in such practices can also be seen at religious festivals, for instance at the festival of
Nyepi which is celebrated annually. Hindus who live in areas which surround Kusamba Kampung
observe brata penyepian, which means that they stay at home and do not use electricity. Muslims
also participate in this practice by staying at home, keeping the area quiet and not turning on their
lights at night. They do so to show support to Hindus who observe their tradition. If Nyepi coincides
with a Friday, the day of collective prayer for Muslims at the mosque (Friday prayer), Hindus stay at
home and Muslims go to mosque. But, while at other times the adzan (the call for prayer) is called
loudly over the speakers, during the time of Nyepi it can only be heard inside the mosque. This is
how nyama selam is practiced by Hindus and Muslims in their interactions. They both support and
engage with each other’s socio-religious activities.
Local wisdom of menyama is also strengthened through the practice of ngejot (sharing food). When
someone, a Hindu or Muslim, sponsors a ritual, he will invite others by bringing and giving food
(ngejot) to others, both Hindu or Muslim. For example, this is practiced in cultural activities such as
wedding parties. In addition to events of ritual practices, bringing food also extends to everyday
practices. For the people, bringing, giving, and sharing food is a moral responsibility as a person. A
good person (Hindu or Muslim) is someone who is committed to this practice, also in casual visits.
The invited people, in turn, will bring gifts, rice, sugar, coffee and so forth to the sponsor. In this
religious-cultural practice, differences (Hindu and Muslim, indigenous and migrant) are mediated,
peace is cultivated, and brotherhood relations are strengthened.
The phenomena which occur in Bali and Kalimantan are also not uncommon among the Ammatoans
in Sulawesi. They share ideas which are inherent in their rituals and everyday practices. The
Ammatoans observe many different rituals. For the purpose of this paper, some of these activities
which are called akdaga (big rituals) are discussed. Akdaga rituals are those that involve animal
sacrifices, feast, gifts of rice, and gifts of money. Such rituals are sponsored by Ammatoans almost
on a weekly basis. Rituals in the Ammatoan community are everyday practice, like in Bali and
Kalimantan. Rituals are even considered the "heart" or elan vital of everyday life. They have become
one of the most effective means to strengthen social cohesion and conflict resolution.
There are those who have to conceal their derision of traditions when they attend rituals. In fieldwork
for this study, one Muslim respondent was very articulate in ridiculing traditional practices, especially
when he was in the mosque. One night, I found him in a place where a ritual was conducted. When
asked why he was there, he replied: "I come because they invite me. It would be so bad if I did not
come, even though I do not agree with the ritual they are doing." Despite his misgivings, the
respondent participated in money and rice giving, and of course in the feast. He argued that his gifts
had nothing to do with religion, although giving is traditionally part of rituals. The point is, regardless
of how people see such rituals, their social function seems to operate effectively. The Islamist in this
example continues to participate in Ammatoan rituals because those rituals are part of everyday
practices in the community.
Engagement in rituals as part of everyday practices has both religious as well as social purposes.
Such purposes are not separated but integrated, because for the Ammatoans being asocial is the
same as being irreligious. Someone is irreligious if he or she is against ritual, not in a theological or
dogmatic sense, but in a sociological and cultural sense. In other words, religiosity is exercised,
examined, and sanctioned through socio-cultural practices. Religion becomes meaningful in its
contribution to social life. Someone is religious if he or she is social. In practice, to be religious for the
Ammatoans is to observe values, as encoded in their oral traditions. Among their values are what
they call the four fundamentals: lambusuk (honesty), gattang (resoluteness), sabbarak (patience),
and appisona (self-sufficiency). These four key values are to be observed every day in order to be
religious. These values also form the basic principles for solidarity or social harmony. The
Ammatoans explain that rituals are a means to implement those fundamental values. Through rituals
people can change: a stingy person (anti-social) is expected to become generous, because rituals
are also about giving, the powerful ones are protective, the young respects the elders, the men care
for women, and so forth.
That is how many Ammatoans perceive and practice their rituals. Such perception of ritual is
powerful and dominant in the Ammatoan community. The traditional and the Islamist Ammatoans are
alike in this matter. It could explain why the Islamist Ammatoan who ridiculed adat at one time, still
attends rituals. He does so because social sanctions would be too much to handle if he did not
attend. This may be a social burden for some individuals, but the purpose of this kind of community
engagement is to enhance social solidarity, social harmony, and peace. This larger purpose is the
foundation of pluralist multiculturalism in the region. The Ammatoans seem to do whatever it takes to
enhance solidarity among themselves. Ritual as a social institution, is also used in the context of
conflict resolution. Both traditionalists and Islamists may engage in "hate speech" about each other,
or they may be in conflict, which is not unusual, but when they come to a ritual, they shake hands,
share things, and apologize to each other. After performing such rituals, local peace is enhanced.
This, of course, is not automatically the case, but the idea of promoting cohesiveness and peace,
which is clearly instilled in many rituals, is powerful. If someone does not partake in rituals, social
sanction will follow. That is how the Ammatoans generally perceive, articulate, and practice their
rituals.
Local language as an instrument of pluralism

Another area in which local wisdom is exercised is in the use of language. Although the Muslims of
Kusamba Kampung have their own local languages, such as Javanese and Buginese, they mainly
speak Balinese. They use the language of Bali in their daily communication, especially when
communicating with others outside the Kampung. As suggested by Taylor (1994) in order to
understand intercultural communication and to capture the significance of Muslim-Hindu intercultural
communication, we should analyze the use of Balinese language in a broad sense which covers their
verbal communication and other modes of expression. Taylor (1994: 32) rightly points out that people
learn modes of expression through exchanges, interaction and dialogue with others who matter to
them. Muslims have interacted with Hindu Balinese as significant others and learnt their language in
order for them to engage in dialogical interaction and be able to exchange cultural – and other modes
of expression, with Hindus. The evidence of intercultural communication through language is clearly
observable in the traditional market, in the village of Kusamba. The Kampung itself has no market, so
people must go to the market of the village to buy and sell their goods. At the market, they
communicate with different people, including the inhabitants of Kusamba Adat village (Hindus). It is
hard to distinguish between Muslims of the Kampung and Hindus of Adat village, when one observes
the language people speak in the market. We notice that there are Muslims among the people at the
market because we observe that some females wear a headscarf (jilbab). In all other aspects, there
are no easily observable differences, since Muslims immerse themselves in Balinese culture through
language.
This immersion, however, does not suggest that Muslims become Hindu. It rather shows their
engagement in and commitment to intercultural dialogue. Muslims remain Muslim, and Hindus
remain Hindu. Both their identity formation, nonetheless, develops through interaction and
exchanges with each other. When Muslims learn the Balinese language, they also develop their own
opinions, outlook, stance toward things, and to a considerable degree they do this through solitary
reflection. When it concerns their identity, Muslims define themselves in dialogue -and sometimes by
struggling with the characteristics Hindus want to see in them (Taylor: 33). Muslims develop their
identity not in isolation from Hindus, but in dialogue with them. In this way identity formation gives
new importance to mutual recognition. The development of Muslim identities in Bali crucially depend
on their relations with the Hindu Balinese, and significantly through their use of Balinese language in
dialogue with the Hindu Balinese (Taylor: 34).
By sharing the Balinese language, the market has functioned not only as a place for trading for both
Muslims and Hindus. It has also become an space of intensive social interactions among people of
different backgrounds. They bargain, yell and speak to each other, shake hands, and so forth. Those
activities of social interaction signify that they mutually recognize their existence, they realize their
interdependence, and so they support and help each other. By speaking the same language,
Muslims and Hindus can share and develop common cultural values, known locally as menyama-
braya or nyama selam (local wisdom). The local wisdom of menyama illustrates a civic pluralist
model of multicultural citizenship (Soutphommasane, 2005). Hindus and Muslims in the market place
cultivate a common commitment to public discussion and a sense of belonging. They open up the
market as a public sphere for interreligious and intercultural dialogue. Moreover, they do so not
merely as a superficial sense of belonging, but because of their commitment to public discussion and
debate and their recognition of their shared community in which they perceive discussions and
debates as their own (Webber, 1994: 189; Soutphommasane, 2005: 412).
The reproduction of nyama selam extends to other occasions, like during Ramadan, the month of
fasting for Muslims. In this month, many Muslims of Kusamba Kampung sell food for breakfast. Each
afternoon before breaking the fast, the Kusamba Kampung is very alive with a crowd of both Muslims
and Hindus who come to buy foods. Like at the market, during Ramadan, economic activities
become a space to express particular cultures, as well as to experience common cultural habits,
which are shared by both Muslims and Hindus. To make these intercultural interactions possible, the
Balinese language is used as the means for intercultural communication.
Honoring charismatic figures in Kalimantan

Muslim Banjarese have incorporated Dayak rituals into their own practices, especially in agricultural
rituals. The Banjarese, who were mostly known as traders and were foreign to agriculture (Alfisyah,
2005; Radam, 2001), have adopted the Dayak agricultural system over time. The Dayak, who for
instance perceive rice as sacred, always conduct rituals before planting, during the harvest, and
when storing their rice. Such rituals, together with the cultural perception of rice, have been adopted
by the Muslim Banjar. Social interactions lead to instances of "give-and-take". While the Muslim
Banjarese have adopted (or are influenced by) the cultural system of the Dayak, the Dayak have
done the same by adopting some of the Muslim cultural practices (Tsing, 1998: 290). A clear
example of a Dayak adaptation of a Muslim Banjarese religious practice can be seen in honoring
charismatic figures (ulama), both the living and - especially - the dead ones. The Muslim Banjarese
of Pahuluan, like many other Muslims, honor and even mythicize the charismatic ulama. They visit
their graves and put photographs of them on their walls. For them, visiting the graves of the ulama
provides them with a way to express their wishes and convey their thanks and vows for success in
business ventures.
Visiting graves of the ulama has also been a religious practice of the Dayak. They visit the graves
where they live and in other places. They follow and join the Muslim Banjarese. They have also put
photographs of Muslim ulama on their walls, just like Muslim Banjarese. Like the Muslim Banjarese of
Pahuluan, many of the Dayak of Hulu Banyu believe that those charismatic Muslim ulama can bring
apuah (power) or barokah (blessing).
The acceptance of Muslim practices by the Dayak, in addition to religious "rationalization", may be
perceived as their "statement" that they are bubuhan of Hulu Banyu. In doing so, they, as the
minority, can comfortably live side by side with Muslim Banjar, who are the majority. Another reason
for the acceptance of Muslim practices, is related to a local government initiative of developing Hulu
Banyu as a “village of tourism”. Some Dayak have joined this initiative for economic reasons, and
have opened small restaurants. Photographs of Muslim ulama on their walls signal that they have an
"halal certificate", so their customers know that their food is lawfully consumable by Muslims.
Interreligious Marriage in Bali
In Bali, menyama relations have long been established through inter-religious marriages between
Muslims and Hindus. Inter-religious marriages have not been an issue for the familial system of both
groups, which is based on a patrilineal system. If a Hindu girl marries a Muslim boy, she is expected
to follow the religion of her husband. The opposite applies as well. This inter-religious marriage
practice is actually against orthodox Islamic and Hindu teachings. Both Islam and Hinduism,
normatively speaking, forbid such practices. That this practice happens anyway is likely because,
according to Parekh (2000:167), there is ‘give and take’ in cultural encounters, and a broadening of
horizons of thought, in which they alert each other to new possibilities. A shared common culture
(local wisdom) of nyama selam facilitates the possibility of inter-religious marriages. Nyama selam
facilitates inter-religious marriage, and the practice itself reproduces and strengthens the climate of
nyama selam.
Such familial ties (through shared common culture) have effectively contributed to pluralist
coexistence among Hindus and Muslims in Bali and among Muslim Banjarese and Christian Dayak in
Kalimantan. Based on such ties, many Muslims, whose ancestors were migrants, now comfortably
identify themselves as attached to territories where they live and grow up. They prefer to identify
themselves like that, rather than considering themselves migrants. The Muslims of Bali always
declare that their ancestors were from Banjar of Bingin and Banjar Bias of Kusamba village. Some of
them have even used names which are characteristic to local Balinese people, such as Wayan,
Ketut, and Nengah.
Concluding Remarks
The flexibility of local wisdom (menyama, badingsanak, and sillalo tessirapi) is comparable to a civic
pluralist model of multicultural citizenship (Soutphommasane, 2005). The types and practices of local
wisdom which are discussed in this paper, recognize, respect, and celebrate cultural differences.
These practices which are grounded in local wisdom, enhance the development of an open civic
culture (Kelly, 2000:33; Soutphommasane, 2005:408-9). Local wisdom can facilitate selective
receptiveness to change and enables local people to reinterpret and develop cultural practices.
Practices of local wisdom can help people to adjust to diverse interests and forge local social
solidarity across differences.
This kind of local wisdom not only incorporates voices of minorities, but even elevates them to
become included in the voices of the majority. Such practices of local wisdom facilitate interaction
between different cultural groups within communities, in which various parties, such as the Hindus
and Muslims in Bali, Muslims and Christians in Kalimantan, and Ammatoan factions of the
traditionalist and Islamist in Sulawesi, can learn from and transform their respective values (Kelly,
2001:433; Davidson, 1997: 258). In this process, the dominant cultural groups learn about the ways
of minorities as much as the minorities learn from the majority culture (see Kalantzis 2001:120).
The three cases which have been presented in this paper show that practices of local wisdom can be
effective in facilitating pluralism in local communities. The data suggests that local wisdom about
pluralism, and especially about managing cultural diversity, is considered very meaningful in certain
regions of Indonesia. The active use of local wisdom could hence be considered as a fertile approach
to pluralism. Further research is recommended to conceptualize the role of local wisdom to enhance
pluralism in more operational ways.
Victor Turner’s (1967: 20-21) notion of symbols in theorizing rituals may be helpful to further
conceptualize an operational framework of local wisdom for community based pluralism and diversity
management. Local wisdom has different layers and the smallest unit of analysis is the symbol. Like
ritual in Turner’s theory, local wisdom can be theorized to consist of three dimensions. This
classification of dimensions does not imply a sequential order. The first dimension concerns the
observable characteristics, the second dimension is its (symbolic) meaning or interpretation of what
can be observed, and the third dimension is the context in which local wisdom is practiced. The
management of the Kampung and Desa in Bali may be categorized within the first dimension. Here,
practices of local wisdom are observable, and represent the “dominant” symbol, according to
Turner’s theoretical framework. The physical characteristics, however, do not symbolize its
physicality only. For the Balinese, these symbols have complex meanings. The Balinese provide
several interpretations for these social meanings. Menyama-braya and menyama selam are among
the Balinese interpretations of the management of diversity. Those kinds of interpretations and
meanings are the second dimension of Turner’s framework. The management of diversity may be
seen as the result of and, at the same time, generating menyama-braya/selam. Balinese
interpretations extend further to a wider context. The management of menyama-braya encompasses
a wide range of socio-religious-cultural practices. It includes, as discussed earlier, metutulung
(ngiditulung and mesuaka), brata penyepian, ngejot, speaking each other’s language, activities in the
market place, interreligious marriage, and every single Balinese everyday practice. These practices
fall into the third dimension and help to structure culturally diverse Balinese communities. In the wider
context, local people refer particularly to the management and menyama-braya.
In order to deepen our understanding of pluralism and community based diversity management,
practices of local wisdom seem to add a meaningful perspective for further research. The research
for this paper, which was conducted in Bali, Kalimantan and Sulawesi, signals a number of
possibilities and challenges with regard to the enhancement of community pluralism in contexts of
political and economic pressures. The research also suggests that strengthening local wisdom within
those communities may work as conflict prevention. Social advocates who want to increase the
possibilities for pluralism, may want to work with local communities to understand why and how their
rituals and other everyday practices may be helpful to create and maintain peaceful conditions for co-
existence. Examples of such practices are i.e. menyama in Bali, badingsanak in Kalimantan, and
silallo tessirapi in Sulawesi.
Further research could reveal whether a framework of local wisdom could work in other diverse
communities which are vulnerable to conflicts. The term local wisdom as a discursive term has been
popular in Indonesia in the last decade. It has been one of the most discussed topics among
scholars, popular jargon among politicians and an important keyword in Indonesian government’s
programs. However, local wisdom is frequently defined as a romanticized set of ancestral wise
messages. The current dominant understanding generally frames local wisdom as a set of traditional
values, and does not emphasize its contemporary and innovative possibilities for the practice of
pluralism.
Indonesia could be very open to explore the value of the use of local wisdom in situations where
diversity may be problematic. Many, if not all, communities in Indonesia engage in practices of local
wisdom. The term is non-controversial nationally and this may help to seriously consider the active
use of local wisdom as an instrumental framework when peaceful coexistence in diverse
communities is threatened.
A number of cases in which local wisdom played a positive role in conflict resolution, have been
recently documented . In Ambon for example, people have what they call, pela gandong as their local
wisdom. Literally, pela means treaty or conflict resolution made by two peoples of villages. Gandong
means sibling. A result of this ‘pela gandong treaty’ is a system of “twin brotherhood” of villages. It
tells, for example, that founders of two villages were siblings. Descendents of those villages are
therefore also considered to be siblings. The term pela gandong was popularized after a four-year
conflict between Muslims and Christians in 1999-2003. Pela Gandong as a local wisdom practice
was then “revitalized” and used to successfully recover from the conflict.
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LOCAL WISDOM ON PLURALISM: Three

Article · January 2014

KHALID ANIS ANSARI

The Kosmopolis Institute (University for Humanistic Studies)

Humanist Institute for Co-operation with Developing Countries

Centre for the Study of Culture and Society

Cross Cultural Foundation of Uganda

Design by Tangerine – design communicatie advies, Rotterdam, The Netherlands

Author(s).(year). ‘Title’, Pluralism Working Paper series. Paper no.

Title Local Wisdom on Pluralism

Samsul Maarif is … at the Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies,

4 | Local Wisdom on Pluralism Pluralism Working Paper no 912| 2011

A. academic research papers

Caroline Suransky and Ute Seela

Editors of the Pluralism Working Paper series

Introducing three research locations 12

Reconstructing local solidarities to enhance pluralism 13

The role of 'Local Wisdom' 16

Strengthening local wisdom in pursuit of community cohesion 17

Local language as an instrument of pluralism 19

Honoring charismatic figures in Kalimantan 20

Interreligious Marriage in Bali 21

Introducing three research locations

Case study 1: Bali

Case study 2: South Kalimantan

Case study 3: South Sulawesi

Reconstructing local solidarities to enhance pluralism

In Bali, local wisdom is called manyama-braya (brotherhood/family relation). It is called badingsanak

Strengthening local wisdom in pursuit of community cohesion

Local language as an instrument of pluralism

Honoring charismatic figures in Kalimantan

Akib, Y. (2003). Potret manusia Kajang. Makassar: Pustaka Refleksi.

Gutmann, A. (1994). Introduction. In Taylor, C., A. K. Appiah, J. Habermas, S. C. Rockefeller, M.

Katu, M. A. (2005). Tasawuf Kajang. Makassar: Pustaka Refleksi.

Kelly, P. J. (2001). ‘‘Dangerous Liaisons’’: Parekh and ‘‘Oakeshottian’’ Multiculturalism. Political

Radam, N. H. (2001). Religi orang Bukit. Yogyakarta: Semesta.

Soutphommasane, T. (2005). Grounding Multicultural Citizenship: From Minority Rights to Civic

Syam, Nur. (2005). Islam pesisir. Yogyakarta: LKiS.

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