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Financial Accounting Regulations and Organizational Change: A Habermasian Perspective
Financial Accounting Regulations and Organizational Change: A Habermasian Perspective
www.emeraldinsight.com/1832-5912.htm
Financial
Financial accounting regulations accounting
and organizational change: regulations
a Habermasian perspective
289
Mostafa Kamal Hassan
Department of Accounting, College of Business Administration,
University of Sharjah, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates
Abstract
Purpose – This paper seeks to understand the role of financial accounting regulations in a less
developed country in transition, Egypt. It explores the social, political as well as economic contexts
that underlie the processes of setting the Egyptian Financial Accounting Regulations (EFAR) in a
harmony with International Accounting Standards (IASs).
Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on in-depth interviews and an analysis of
documents. It relies on Habermas’ notions of society’s lifeworld, institutional steering mechanisms and
systems in order to link the changes in EFAR to the changes in the wider social, political and economic
contexts wherein organizations operate. The paper also explores the role of EFAR, as “regulative” or
“constitutive” steering mechanisms, throughout two longitudinal episodes; starting with the
beginning of socialism and extending to liberalism.
Findings – The paper finds that the EFAR have had a constitutive tendency during the Egyptian
transformation towards a market-based economy. Although there are remarkable changes in political
philosophy in Egypt, the regulators’ motivations and the processes of the accountancy profession that
mobilized the formulation of EFAR in harmony with IASs, those regulations were acted upon to
constitute organizational members’ values, norms and knowledge in order to overcome the persistence
of the socialist accounting practices. The regulations were also aimed at enhancing professional
conduct and, at same time, increasing organizational members’ adherence to the processes of
privatization as a part of a wider movement towards transparency, democracy, full disclosure and
liberalisation.
Research limitations/implications – The paper emphasises the interface between a macro social
transformation and micro organizational responses in order to understand the role of EFAR. However,
it does not stress how the actual implementation of those regulations is implicated at a micro
organizational change level. Furthermore, the paper covers a timeframe – 1952 to 2000 – that extends
from the start of socialism extending to liberalism. Although the IASs are now known as International
Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), the paper covers a period in which such IFRS were not
applicable in Egypt.
Originality/value – The paper contributes to the understanding of the social, political as well as
economic role(s) of financial accounting regulations in a transitional country during that country’s
transformation towards the market economy.
Keywords Accounting, Regulations, Organizational change, Egypt
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Although much of the existing research dealing with the role of financial accounting Journal of Accounting &
regulations in developing countries investigates the relationship between accounting and Organizational Change
Vol. 4 No. 3, 2008
the context in which it operates, the literature suggests that as the economic environment pp. 289-317
changes so does the demand and use of financial information, leading to the evolution of q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1832-5912
new financial accounting regulations (Chamisa, 2000; Belkaoui, 2004; Xiao et al., 2004). DOI 10.1108/18325910810898070
JAOC However, explaining the role of accounting regulations requires an exploration of the
4,3 complexity of the social, political and economic context wherein these regulations emerge
and change (Hopwood, 1987, Laughlin, 1987), particularly, when the change in accounting
regulations takes place in a less developed country in transition.
The paper broadly defines the term “accounting regulation” to incorporate the
activities of government, regulatory agencies such as capital markets, and professional
290 or trade associations (Taylor and Turley, 1986, p. 1). “Regulation” refers to legislative,
administrative and professional controls over various aspects of accounting activities
performed in the private and public sectors (Roberts and Kurtenbach, 1998, p. 211). The
term refers to the activities of different regulatory agencies and, at the same time, the
imposition of constraints on the preparation, content and form of accounting
statements made by bodies other than the preparers of the statements.
The paper aims to understand the potential role of these regulations during Egypt’s
transformation process from the socialist towards the market economies. It draws on
Habermas’ (1975, 1987) notions of “regulative” and “constitutive” steering mechanisms,
within the general skeletal framework advocated by Laughlin (1987, 1995), in order to
explore how EFAR have contributed to Egypt’s societal transformation.
Although several studies adopt Habermas’ notions, they explore the role of
accounting and financial reforms in schools, education and health organizations,
broadly known as not-for-profit organizations, in the UK (Broadbent, 1992; Broadbent
et al., 1991; Laughlin and Broadbent, 1993), New Zealand (Lawrence, 1999) and the
USA (Dillard and Smith, 1999). Yet few studies have drawn upon Habermas’ societal
theory in order to understand the role of financial accounting systems for
profit-seeking public organizations in less developed countries undergoing
transition. Habermas’ theory is seldom applied in less developed countries except
for Al-Angri and Sherer’s (2001) attempt to explore the changes that took place within
audit firms in Saudi Arabia following the implementation of audit quality review
programmes.
Likewise, several studies have investigated the process of setting accounting
regulations in the public sector (Barton, 2005; Baskerville and Newby, 2002; Ryan et al.,
1999, 2000; Chua and Sinclair, 1994; Campbell, 1989). Some of these studies have
discussed the imposition of accrual accounting on public sector organizations (Barton,
2005), while others have investigated the participation of the public sector constituents
in the accounting regulations setting processes (Ryan et al., 1999, 2000; Baskerville and
Newby, 2002). Some scholars examine the role of professional associations in
developing accounting regulations for the public sector (Campbell, 1989; Chua and
Sinclair, 1994; Barton, 2005). Despite these differences, the common feature among
these studies is that they were carried in countries, broadly known as developed
countries, such as Australia (Barton, 2005; Chua and Sinclair, 1994; Ryan et al., 1999,
2000), New Zealand (Baskerville and Newby, 2002) and UK (Broadbent and Laughlin,
2005b; Chow et al., 2007). In contrast, the processes of setting accounting regulations in
less developed countries are explored in the current paper.
Although less developed countries share similar characteristics, they are not
homogeneous in terms of their levels of economic, accounting, and social developments
(Perera, 1989; Chamisa, 2000; Chand, 2005). Each country is unique and Egypt is no
exception. There are various reasons for choosing Egypt for this study. First, Egypt
has experienced a dramatic move towards democracy and transparency over the last
few decades, while at the same time, it has developed domestic financial reporting Financial
regulations similar to International Accounting Standards (IASs). accounting
Second, Egypt is one of the few developing countries that transformed from a
capitalist economy to planned economy, then returning once more to capitalist regulations
economy. These changes have been dynamic, evolving through different professional,
legal, economic and political systems within a framework of continuous governmental
intervention. The transformation of Egypt from one socio-economic regime to another 291
provides a fruitful ground to explore the richness of Habermas’ theory in explaining
the role of financial accounting regulations. Third, the longitudinal period under
investigation offers another opportunity to reveal deeper insights concerning such a
role in a less developed country undergoing transition.
Finally, the EFAR have been the focus of several studies in Egypt. Most of these
studies seem to question the development of these regulations in relation to the
Egyptian economic regime (Abd-Elhay, 1969; Samuels and Oliga;, 1982; Briston and
El-Ashker, 1984; Abd El-Salam and Weetman, 2003; HassabElnaby et al., 2003) while
ignoring the cultural, social and political contexts wherein the accounting regulations
setting process takes place. Others explore the social context of EFAR by drawing on
Foucault’s power/knowledge relations in order to understand events and conditions
surrounding the development of the EFAR (Zerban, 2002), Gray’s (1988) model of
culture in an attempt to understand how IASs are in conflict with Egypt’s socialist
approach (Dahawy et al., 2002) or institutional theory to explain the legitimation
processes behind Egypt adoption of IASs (Hassan, 2008).
This paper extends the previous studies by exploring the role of the EFAR as
institutional steering mechanisms that link the changes in the Egyptian social, political
and economic context to the Egyptian public sector organizations that are undergoing
a privatization process. The paper draws on Habermas’ (1975, 1987) theory of societal
development whereby accounting regulations become either “regulative” or
“constitutive” mechanisms engendering public organizations to change. Accordingly,
the paper contributes in revealing how the EFAR have contributed to the Egyptian
transformation towards a more liberalized economy as will be explained later.
The paper is organized into eight sections. Following this introduction, section two
presents the theoretical framework. Section three discusses the data collection
methods. Section four describes Egypt historical background. Sections 5 and 6 present
the empirical evidence on the changing role of financial accounting regulations
during the Egyptian transformation. The discussion and conclusion are presented in
the last two sections.
2. Theoretical framework
The role of accounting systems in organization and society, wherein these systems
operate, has been the focus of various studies (Watts and Zimmerman, 1978; Hopwood,
1987; Laughlin, 1987; Broadbent and Guthrie, 1992; Miller and O’Leary, 1987; Hopper
and Armstrong, 1991; Covaleski et al., 1993; Belkaoui, 2004, p. 133; Carnegie and
Napier, 1996). Some of these studies depend on neo-classical economic theory whereby
accounting regulations are seen as a set of techniques responding to the business
environment (Solomon, 1983; Cooper and Keim, 1983; Watts and Zimmerman, 1986).
Others use institutional theory or critical theory to explore the complexity of the social
context wherein accounting systems operate while, at the same time, illuminating the
JAOC role of accounting systems during societal transformation (Burchell et al., 1980;
4,3 Hopwood, 1987; Bryer, 1999).
In order to appreciate the contribution of Habermas’ model of societal development
in studying accounting change, this section aims to discuss a number of key
dimensions of the institutional theory to analyze the role of EFAR. Then the section
explores how the use of Habermas’ model of societal development, as advocated by
292 Broadbent et al.(1991; 2001) and Broadbent and Laughlin (2005a), provides a further
development to institutional theory in order to augment the analysis and commentary
on the empirical findings that will be presented later.
Lifeworld
Knowledge, values, and
norms of stakeholders (i.e.
community and society)
Steering media
Kick or Jolt through the (Steering institutions)
imposition of new steering accounting regulations, state
mechanisms – whether controlling techniques and
regulative or constitutive accounting profession
Micro system
Figure 1. Public organizations and
Relationship between accountants’ response to new
steering mechanisms accounting regulations
(EFAR) and accountants’
responses
Habermas (1987) argues that steering media emerge in response to developments in the Financial
society’s lifeworld. He adds that when society develops, its lifeworld becomes more accounting
complex and separable from societal systems (organizations) (Habermas, 1987, p. 153).
Since societal systems are the tangible expression of the more intangible discursively
regulations
formed lifeworld, there should be some linkages that align the former to the latter.
Accordingly, Habermas sees steering media as institutional mechanisms that link the
society’s lifeworld to organizations. These mechanisms include elements such as 295
“money and power” concretely represented in and through defined societal
“institutions” (Broadbent et al., 1991, p. 3; Laughlin, 2007). These institutions include
“government, professional and financial institutions” aimed primarily at directing
systems or people’s behaviour. This study is interested in the role of various
institutions such as the accounting profession, the Egyptian capital market authority,
the Ministry of Finance and the state’s central accounting administration and, at the
same time, it pays attention to public organizations and accountants’ responses.
Although Habermas (1996) stresses the role of law as the prime steering medium,
Power and Laughlin (1996) argue that the role of other societal institutions should be
highlighted in order to avoid unnecessary simplifications on the nature of institutional
steering mechanisms. In this regard, Broadbent et al. (1991) do not acknowledge
accounting systems as technical systems that communicate financial information
helping in the allocation of economic resources. Instead, they conceptualize accounting
systems as steering mechanisms linking the society’s lifeworld to the society’s systems
(organizations). While communicating financial information, accounting systems
communicate the society’s values beliefs and knowledge. As an element of
communication, accounting becomes a rhetorical device used by the society’s
members in order to justify/rationalize their actions (Lodh and Garffikin, 1997). This
paper adopts this view of accounting systems.
Systems are “functionally definable, tangible [public, private and voluntary]
organizations held together by steering media grounded in the prevailing lifewolrd
(Broadbent et al., 1991, p. 3). Steering media affect the behaviour of the systems through
steering mechanisms represented in the current study at the macro level by the
accounting regulations, professional accounting requirements and the state’s
accounting and controlling techniques. At the micro level, the paper highlights
organizations and accountants” responses to macro institutional mechanisms ( Figure 1).
Habermas’ (1987) notion of “internal colonization” provides deeper insights to
lifeworld, steering media and systems relationships. According to Habermas, changes
in steering media and systems should be grounded in the transformation of a society’s
lifeworld. If steering media go out of control and do not work in accordance with the
discursive and knowledgeable schema of a society’s lifeworld, systems start to change
in a way that is divorced from the lifeworld’s demands. As these non-grounded
steering media and systems become established, the directionality of influence is
reversed. These steering media, instead of supporting the link between the lifeworld
and systems and making sure that the latter works in accordance to the former, impose
their societal values. Habermas (1987, p. 143) refers to this as “internal colonization of
the lifeworld” that results in an inability to evaluate, question or criticise leading to a
loss of meaning, anomie and schizoid (Richardson et al., 1996; Dillard and Smith, 1999).
JAOC 2.3 Societal steering processes and tensions
4,3 The paper seeks to explore the role of the EFAR as regulative or constitutive steering
mechanisms. The accounting regulations are seen as linkages that hold organizations
to society’s lifeword. Since accounting regulations are the product of various activities
performed by different agencies such as the capital market, the accountancy profession
and other regulators (Broadbent and Laughlin, 2005b; Kwok and Sharp, 2005, p. 75;
296 Laughlin, 2007, p. 278), the relative power of whoever involved in the regulations’
setting process will influence the nature of these steering mechanisms (the accounting
regulations). These agencies constitute what Broadbent and Laughlin (2005a; b)
call government and legal ‘institutions’ (see also Broadbent et al., 1991, p. 7).
Broadbent et al. (1991, p. 7) add that each of these “institutions” could have its own
lifeworld and steering media that guide organizations’ behaviour. For example,
governments enact legislation in order to steer organizations, especially when these
organizations are not working in accordance with the society’s lifeworld (Broadbent
and Laughlin, 2005b). Likewise, professional institutions pass codes to guide
organizations’ behaviour in line with the prevailing lifeworld. Alternatively,
these institutions may develop steering media that direct organizations away from
the society’s lifeworld in order to engender those organizations to change.
Governments and other “institutions” may use different steering mechanisms (like
accounting regulations) in order to induce, or as Laughlin (1987) argues kick, systems
to change in accordance with certain scheme of knowledge, values or norms
(Broadbent et al., 1991; Broadbent and Laughlin, 2005b, p. 210) (Figure 1). When the
developed steering media induce organizations to change away from the discursively
agreed lifeworld in which they are grounded, they start what Habermas (1987) refers to
as the “internal colonization of the lifeworld”.
Following Habermas’ societal development model (Figure 1), the relationship
between societal “institutions” and organizations in relation to society’s lifeworld
reveals the role of the EFAR as steering mechanisms. For Habermas, steering media
could be regulative or constitutive. Regulative mechanisms are rooted in the lifeworld
with an aim to regulate some pre-existing ongoing activities and thus can be justified
(Broadbent et al., 1991). They are founded in the lifeworld’s values, norms and
rationalisations in ways that conditioning the organizations’ actions in accordance
with the prevailing values and norms. They are also subject to criticisms and
modifications.
In contrast, if steering mechanisms break out of the society’s lifeworld demands and
drive changes in the lifeworld through controlling societal systems (organizations),
then these mechanisms become constitutive leading to what Habermas describes as the
“internal colonization of the lifeworld”. They constitute some form of legitimate
activities through the support of politicians (Broadbent et al., 1991; Broadbent, 1992).
Constitutive mechanisms are justified through coercion and/or appeals to the authority
or expertise in ways that do not consider human values and norms. The justifications
for these mechanisms are not open to debate.
The role of accounting systems, whether regulative or constitutive, depends on the
manner in which these systems were exercised, the time period considered and the
level at which investigation is being undertaken (Broadbent et al., 1991, p. 9; Power and
Laughlin, 1992, p. 126; Dillard and Smith, 1999). In this capacity, this paper explores
the role of financial accounting regulations, as steering media, to direct public sector Financial
organizations during the Egyptian transformation towards a market-based economy. accounting
Following Habermas’ societal development model (Figure 1), it is possible that
societal steering institutions either cooperate or contradict during the accounting regulations
regulations setting processes. This may happen since each institution could have its
own lifeworld and steering media. As long as steering media are the product of various
institutions, a conflict or a tension between these institutions may arise from the need 297
to legitimate their activities and secure their positions. The tension arises as some
institutions suffer the loss of their self-regulation in comparison to other institutions.
Such a decline in self-regulatory power will be a source of tension or conflict.
The empirical findings illustrate that Egypt has three different kinds of accounting
regulations though similar to the IASs. One is issued by the accounting profession,
while the other by the ECM (Ministry of Economic Affairs) whereas the third is issued
by the Central Accounting Administration known as public auditing organization.
It seems that these institutions aim at legitimating their activities and securing their
self-regulation positions. In fact, each institution was seeking to have the privilege of
undertaking the process of developing the accounting regulations during Egypt’s
transitional process.
4. Historical background
Egypt has a historical nature that makes centralization deeply embedded in the
country’s lifeworld. Throughout Egypt’s history, the River Nile represented one of the
298 main economic resources. As an agriculture-based economy, the River Nile water
supply was essential to irrigate Egypt’s agriculture land. The importance of the Nile’s
water urged the need to centrally control the supply of water (Shahin and Wright,
2004). One person – the Pharaoh – assisted by a top executive controlled Egypt’s
resources including the supply of water. Likewise, under the Arab Islamic rule, Egypt
was controlled by one person – The Wali. The government was highly centralized
with all authority in the hands of the Wali (Ayubi, 1989).
Egypt is an Arab country located in the North of Africa in the Middle East. It has
the Arab families’ traditions that incorporate a tendency towards centralization. In
Arab countries and Egypt is no exception, a person – the father – centrally takes care
of the family. The father has a complete authority over his family and usually takes all
decisions (Shahin and Wright, 2004). Abdel Halim (2004, p. 2) argues that:
Egyptian culture reflects a clear tendency toward centralized decision-making [. . .]. This
cultural effect still exists in the minds of many citizens despite a recent increase in freedom
and relative democratization.
From the 16th century, Egypt was centrally controlled by the Ottoman Empire. Two
hundred years later, Mohamed Ali, an Albanian officer in the Ottoman Empire army,
took over the power and declared Egypt as an independent province. Mohamed Ali,
known as the ruler of modern Egypt, centrally took various decisions to modernize
Egypt. He oriented the Egyptian economy towards cotton production since British
textile manufacturers, at that time, were willing to pay good money for such cotton. He
also strengthened Egypt infrastructure by establishing educational institutions, roads,
canals, factories and military forces (Country Profile: Egypt, 2006).
After the rule of Mohamed Ali, Egypt witnessed several changes that reinforced
centralization in the country’s lifeworld. The first was in 1914 when Egypt became a
British colony. The second was in 1952 when President Abd El-Nasser took over the
power and introduced his socialist vision. The third was in 1974 when President Sadat
introduced his political agenda known as “open door policy”. These continuous
changes led McDermott (1988) to use the term “flawed revolutions” as a series of
socio-political regimes changed the nation politics without consulting the people.
In 1914 Egypt became a British colony and Great Britain had effectively control of
the Egyptian economy. Accordingly, Egypt’s economic system had the characteristics
of a capitalist economy that emphasized the establishment of class-based society in
which people are divided on the basis of their properties (Samuels and Oliga, 1982,
p. 82; Abd El-Salam, 1998, p. 629). The role of the capital market, established in 1903
(Ali El-Dean, 2002, p. 38), has been highly significant, especially for cotton trading that
represented the major and most strategic product of Egypt.
Between the start of the British colonial period in 1914 and the introduction of the
socialist vision by Abd El-Nasser in 1952, civil society organizations, mainly
professional syndicates, demanded the modernization of the country’s legal, political
and economic systems. However, these demands had not been met. Ottaway (2003, Financial
p. 33) argues that civil society organizations consisted of elite and highly educated accounting
members. He adds that those members’ modernization agenda came about without
allowing society’s citizens to participate in the formulation of that agenda. regulations
Accordingly, civil organizations were incapable of bringing a change to the society
as whole because they did not, as Ottaway (2003, p. 34) argues, penetrate society.
Instead, they were thinking about the interests of society rather than allowing the 299
society’s members to express their own preferences. One can argue that during
the colonial period a centralized top-down approach to change existed in Egypt; this
approach became an embedded feature of successor regimes. These regimes, the state
or the government, plan for and/or direct the Egyptians rather than allowing them to
participate.
In Egypt, the first coherent accounting rules emerged as a result of two pieces of
legislation (the Commerce legislation of 1883 and the Tax law of 1939). Both required
organizations to extract their final accounts and balance sheets from “properly kept
books” following accepted accounting conventions (Briston and El-Ashker, 1984,
p. 130). The Egyptian accounting profession, founded in 1946 as a private independent
regulatory body, played a major role in developing the accepted accounting
conventions.
The profession did not only aim at developing accounting conventions but also at
raising the deteriorating level of accounting and auditing professionalism in Egypt
(Briston and El-Ashker, 1984, p. 130). In its attempt to develop accounting regulations
and professionalism, members of the Egyptian accounting profession followed the
patterns of UK educational and professional organizations. Members received
their educational and training courses in UK institutions, then following their return
they kept regular contacts with these institutions. Afterwards, these members became
responsible for drafting the Charter of the Egyptian accounting profession as well as
developing the accepted accounting conventions in Egypt (Amer and Khairy, 1979;
Samuels and Oliga, 1982, p. 83; Abd El-Salam, 1998, p. 629; Rahman et al., 2002, p. 4).
Throughout Egypt’s history, several influences directly and indirectly shaped the
EFAR and disclosure requirements. Direct legislation includes the Accounting Practice
Law 133 of 1951 that governs professional accountants, The Central Accounting
Agency Charter of, 1966 that regulates the process of preparing and auditing the
financial statements of any state-owned organization, Company Law 159 of, 1981 that
requires private companies’ managers to prepare certain financial statements in certain
formats, the Capital Market Law 95 of, 1992, Ministerial Decree (head of Central
Accounting Agency) of 1996 and the Ministerial Decree (Ministry of Economic Affairs)
503 of 1997. The last three enforced the application of IASs. Indirect legislation
includes the Arab and Foreign Funds and Free Zones Law 32 of, 1977 that encourages
private sector initiatives in Egypt and the Public Business Sector Law 203 of, 1991 that
allows the privatization of state-owned organizations.
Each of these laws has its Executive Regulations. Executive regulations do not
amend, add, or delete any provision in the legislation, instead, they set out matters and
details of implementation (Ali El-Dean, 2002). The following sections critically review
these legislations and, at the same time, explain how they have contributed to the
Egyptian transformation towards a market-based economy.
JAOC 5. The socialist legacy: Egypt’s lifeworld
4,3 In 1952, Egyptians revolted to end the British colonialism and an Egyptian
government was established with a centrally planned economy. There had been a
major governmental intervention to move the Egyptian legal, political and social
institutions towards a socialist regime. The state’s socialist vision was: first, to achieve
political independence through removing the domination of foreign investors on major
300 business sectors, second, to guarantee economic development through the government
planning and controlling of the use of economic resources, and finally to achieve social
well-being by redistributing resources equally among Egyptian citizens. The state, in
the form of the government of that day, aimed at discrediting the capitalist system in
terms of its exploitation of the nation’s economic resources (Amer and Khairy, 1979,
p. 312; Hopwood, 1982, p. 99).
As a part of enforcing the state’s vision, the government nationalized the Suez Canal
along with the British and French companies in 1956, the Misr Bank in 1957 and, at the
same time, passed Act 161 of 1957 to regulate the ECM (Darwish, 1997, p. 48). In 1961,
the ownership of more than 50 per cent of private investments were under the control
of the public policy administration and thus the public sector emerged as the dominant
sector (Amer, 1969, p. 50; Hopwood, 1982, p. 130), leading HassabElnaby and
Mosebach (2005, p. 21) to state “The Egyptian government seized almost every
Egyptian company of significance including banks” and therefore the public sector
companies operated as near monopolies (Hindy, 1995 cited in Younis, 1996, p. 20). The
following subsections illustrate how EFAR steered public organizations during that
socialist regime.
Note
1. The accounting profession introduced another translated description of IASs in 1992.
The ECM description of IASs differs from that one issued by the accounting profession.
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Appendix Financial
The main research questions were as follows:
(1) What are the reasons behind the emergence of the Egyptian accounting regulations?
accounting
(2) How have Egyptian accounting regulations have been developed and changed?
regulations
(3) What are the reasons that lie behind the development of regulations that coincide with
the IASs?
(4) Were IASs imposed or voluntarily chosen? 317
(5) What is your opinion about unified accounting systems?
(6) Do you think that Egypt was in need for new financial accounting regulations?
(7) Who contributed to the development of new regulations? And how?
(8) Do you think that IASs are suitable regulations for the Egyptian environment?
Corresponding author
Mostafa Kamal Hassan can be contacted at: mhassan@sharjah.ac.ae