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“Seventh-day Adventism, SJ: The Apocalyptic Vision and Social Justice”

By
Matthew J. Lucio

Adventist Theological Society

2016

Journal of the Adventist Theological Society

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The Early Seventh-day Adventist Position on Social Justice

The early Seventh-day Adventist Church’s record of social justice is often praised by Adventists
today, who recall the bold, public stand on temperance (especially the prohibition of alcohol)
and, to a lesser degree, on military non-combatancy and religious liberty. However, a closer
examination reveals a tense conflict between social justice and the church’s apocalyptic vision,
which prioritized the world-to-come over the present world. Furthermore, Ellen White served a
critical role in maintaining this tension. White’s prophetic voice simultaneous reminded the
church of her unique mission and was the driving force behind all of the church’s social justice
projects.

Without appreciating this tension, the record can seem confusing and ambivalent. One must
reconcile, for example, the church’s vociferous and univocal opposition to slavery with the reality
that such opposition was largely confined to denominational circulation and thus offered very
little to aid to the abolitionist movement.1 Later on, the church was profoundly supportive of the
temperance movement, with Ellen White calling it her “favorite topic” and counseling Adventists
to vote for prohibition, if necessary, even on Sabbath.2 Yet the church was dismissive of other
social justice issues (seen more clearly by modern standards), like women’s suffrage,3 and

1Ellen White’s 1859 call on believers to conscientiously disobey the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was the
only action the church took as a whole (Ellen White, Testimonies, vol. 1 [Pacific Press Publishing
Association, 2002], 202). John Byington’s house was a stop on the Underground Railroad, but this is an
exception that proves the rule, for Byington’s anti-slavery activism was influenced more by his Methodist
past than his Adventist present (John O. Waller, in Adventist Heritage, July 1974, p. 10; See also Brian E.
Strayer’s blog post from his forthcoming book on John Byington, found at adventistpeace.wordpress.com/
2015/01/25/john-byingtons-radical-abolitionism-by-brian-strayer, accessed April 3, 2016).

2In Arthur L. White, Ellen G. White: The Lonely Years, 1876-1891 (Hagerstown, Md.: Review and Herald,
1984), vol. 3, p. 160. It should be noted that this startling claim is based on eyewitness testimony and is
not found in the writings of Ellen White.

3 The Review carefully noted the passage of suffrage bills in various states in the final decades of the
nineteenth century, but these were usually without editorial comment. Ellen White was solicited by a “Mrs.
Graves” to take on the cause of women’s right to vote. White thought on this, but replied that “my mind
was unprepared for any such matter as women voting” (Lt. 40a, 1874). Other Adventists were not so
neutral. A writer known as “T” (perhaps to hide from his own wife) bluntly stated that “woman in public life
will never prove satisfactory” and that women should “marry and become housekeepers” (Review and
Herald, April. 13, 1897). In The Health Reformer (July, 1873), another writer acknowledged the shameful
discrimination against women, but nevertheless concludes that once women free themselves from slavery
to fashion, “we will then discuss with you this question of your voting.”
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suspicion of trade unions generally rendered the church silent on some of the pressing social
justice issues facing the industrialized workforce, e.g., the push for an eight-hour work day.4

Why did Seventh-day Adventists take a strong position on some social justice issues while
ignoring others? How can the answer to that question help us form a decision-making matrix so
that we can fight for social justice without abrogating the church’s apocalyptic vision? This paper
begins by surveying some of the issues which fed the tension caused by the church’s deep
commitment to two different realities—a commitment to the present creation and a commitment
to the new creation inaugurated by the second coming of Jesus. The paper will then conclude
by examining ways to find a harmony between these commitments.

Social Justice in Tension

Early Seventh-day Adventists were committed to the principle of social justice, especially
regarding the importance of justice within the community of faith.5 The first steps towards
denominational organization occurred because its preachers were not being justly
compensated.6 Ellen White also argued against the spiritual manipulation that awarded
denominational employees “the lowest possible figure,” being piously rationalized that
employees “must sacrifice because [they are] connected with the work of God.” Rather, White
wrote, “let strict justice and equality be maintained at any cost.”7 Ellen White’s own prophetic
ministry involved a mandate to form a socially just community of faith. In defining her prophetic
gift, White says that

I was charged not to neglect or pass by those who were being wronged. I was specially
charged to protest against any arbitrary or overbearing action toward the ministers of the
gospel by those having official authority. Disagreeable though the duty may be, I am to

4 Some Adventists were opposed to legislation mandating an eight-hour work day on principle. Quoting a
conservative archbishop, a writer in the Review wondered “if eight hours were agreed upon to-day, [if] six
or four hours might be demanded tomorrow; for who should set a limit to such arrogance and dictation? . .
. . No government could continue to exist under such a system” (July 16, 1872). There was even some
cynical concern that the extra hours off would only be spent in the “still further indulgence of” alcohol
(Aug. 3, 1886). The eight-hour work day wasn’t the real target for most Adventists, but the motives and
attendant demands that often went with it, being championed as they were by the labor unions. Ellen
White added another concern: that of the inherent injustice of being paid for hours “clocked” rather than
actual labor done (see MS142-1903).

5Ellen White was clear about the church's obligation to justice: "The Lord has placed in the care of the
church the poor, the widow, and the fatherless. The character of your Christianity will be shown by the
way in which you treat the Lord’s representative. The best evidence you can give of love for Christ will be
shown by your tenderness and liberality for those about you who need your help" (Review and Herald,
February 20, 1894).

6See James White, Life Incidents (Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 2003), 300-301.
James boasted “the necessity and equality of this system [of Systematic Benevolence].”

7 Lt. 32, 1875. Cf. MS47-1898.

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reprove the oppressor, and plead for justice. I am to present the necessity of maintaining
justice and equity in all our institutions.

Yet the church’s apocalyptic vision as God’s remnant people tasked with the proclamation of the
three angels’ message (Rev. 14) prioritized preparation for the new creation over the old, which
was destined to be destroyed in short order. There were a few reasons which caused Adventists
to shy away from social action in the way other churches did:

First, Adventists were uncertain as to how they should relate to the democratic process. The
General Conference in 1865 resolved that

the act of voting when exercised in behalf of justice, humanity and right, is in itself
blameless, and may be at some times highly proper; but that the casting of any vote that
shall strengthen the cause of such crimes as intemperance, insurrection, and slavery, we
regard as highly criminal in the sight of Heaven. But we would deprecate any
participation in the spirit of party strife.8

This early, foundational statement essentially guided a believer for referendums on single, moral
issues, which are rare in a complex democracy.9 While county-wide referendums on prohibition
were relatively common in the early 1900s, most social issues were not isolated and resolved by
a simple majority vote. So while the 1865 resolution set up the principle of political action on
“behalf of justice,” it neither defined justice nor offered a virtuous path to achieve social justice in
most circumstances. The resolution even discouraged Adventists from voting for justice if their
vote also encouraged any sort of sin. The resolution, therefore, gives minimal net
encouragement to social action for justice.10

Second, Adventist eschatology was pessimistic about the efficacy of social action. Uriah Smith
certainly appreciated the causes of abolition and prohibition but initially felt it was ultimately
useless to try and advance them through political means: 11

To the question, why we do not with our votes and influence labor against the evil
tendency of the times, we reply, that our views of prophecy lead us to the conclusion that
things will not be bettered. . . . We do not therefore feel it incumbent upon us to labor, in
this respect, either to hasten or retard the fulfillment of prophecy. . . .We feel it our duty

8 Adventist Review, May 23, 1865.

9See Samuel G. London, Jr., Seventh-day Adventists and the Civil Rights Movement, p. 69. London
argues that Adventism’s fundamentalist leanings were evidenced in this “Manichean thinking.” Such a
mindset classifies “the world and its phenomena in strictly positive or negative terms. . . . . This tendency
prohibitions compromise on issues pertaining to morality and faith.”

10 Note that the resolution claims that it is only “sometimes highly proper” to vote on issues of “justice,
humanity and right.” This is far from saying that it is always proper to vote when such issues are at stake,
or that the Christian faith requires it. It’s clear that the early position of the church was to maintain a policy
of caution in relating to the political process, even while leaving the ultimate decision to vote and how to
vote up to an individual member.

11 “These principles,” Smith wrote, “are essential elements of religion; and whoever is not sound on these,
forfeits his claim to the title of Christian.” Advent Review, Sept. 11, 1856.
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to confine our efforts to preparing ourselves and others, as far as in us lies, for the great
and final issues already pressing upon us — the revelation of the Son of man from
heaven, the destruction of all earthly governments, the establishment of the glorious,
universal, and eternal kingdom of the King of kings, and the demotion and deliverance of
all his subjections.”12

Tragic as the world’s problems were, Adventists initially believed they could best address these
problems by preparing for the coming of Jesus. The second coming is the ultimate act of social
justice. Ultimately, the church would grow to appreciate the missional value of some social
justice issues, such as temperance reform, religious liberty, etc., but fighting for these issues
were calculated to make the church’s mission easier, not just to make the world better.

Third, Adventists felt social change was best accomplished on a personal level, and so favored
the "charity" component of social justice more than socio-political action. Ellen White wrote:

The government under which Jesus lived was corrupt and oppressive; on every hand
were crying abuses—extortion, intolerance, and grinding cruelty. Yet the Savior
attempted no civil reforms. He attacked no national abuses, nor condemned national
enemies. He did not interfere with the authority or administration of those in power. He
who was our example kept aloof from earthly governments. Not because he was
indifferent to the woes of men, but because the remedy did not lie in merely human and
external measures. To be efficient, the cure must reach men individually, and must
regenerate the heart.13

Ellen White would go on to say that the kingdom of Christ can only be established by “the
implanting of Christ’s nature in humanity….The human agency for the accomplishment of this
work is the teaching and practicing of the word of God.” This is not a private work, but a
personal work. To put it simply, Adventists, like Seventh-day Baptists and others, believed that
just people make just laws, but just laws do not necessarily lead to just people.

Fourth, the mission and means of many of the organizations working for social justice were at
odds with Adventist beliefs, which heavily qualified or discouraged Adventist support. The
statement above—where Ellen White invoked the example of Jesus to remain “aloof from
earthly governments”—was a response to the dominant postmillennialism of her day.

Multitudes, who, as they believe, are working for the establishment of the kingdom of
Christ as an earthly and temporal dominion. They desire to make our Lord the ruler of
the kingdoms of this world, the ruler in its courts and camps, its legislative halls, its
palaces and market places. They expect Him to rule through legal enactments, enforced
by human authority. Since Christ is not now here in person, they themselves will
undertake to act in His stead, to execute the laws of His kingdom. The establishment of

12 Advent Review, Sept. 11, 1856. Equalling Smith in rhetorical flair (a Smith trademark), G.I. Butler,
General Conference president in 1882, would nevertheless echo this sentiment: “It is well known that our
people do not take as active a part in politics as some others….Looking for the Lord Jesus, as we do, to
put an end to all this prevailing corruption, how can we afford to mix in the political strife or bathe in the
dirty pool of politics?” (Advent Review, April 11, 1882).

13 Desire of Ages, 509.

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such a kingdom is what the Jews desired in the days of Christ. . . [But] he would not
accept the earthly throne.14

That this was the motivation for many Christians who fought for social justice is apparent from
an article in the Review on the 1913 World’s Christian Citizenship Conference,15 which quoted
one of the Conference’s leaders as proclaiming that “the great social reformation is coming. The
eternal God is in his world…This is the age of the rediscovery of the kingdom of God…. We are
going to undertake the Christianization of the social order in the name of our God. The spirit of
Christ has entered into the political life of the world.”16 The Review article reflected the Adventist
position perfectly: “When we attempt to compel every one else in the world to accept that
allegiance and that scepter [of Jesus], we unchristianize [sic] ourselves and imbrue our hands in
our brother’s blood.” 17

Liberty Magazine, reporting on the same Conference, observed that “to legislate God’s laws into
the civil codes of the nations will never answer the requirements of the King of the proposed
kingdom.” Jesus demanded people be born again, which is “a far higher standard of
righteousness than civic righteousness.” 18

Other campaigns for social justice used methods Adventists believed they couldn’t be
associated with, such as the Women’s Social and Political Union in England, which took to
breaking windows, committing arson, and vandalism in order to be heard. 19 Some women’s
rights campaigners in America became associated with provocative dress styles, which clashed
with the Adventist commitment to healthy and modest temperance reform. Other reformers,
such as Margaret Fuller, made their case for justice on Transcendentalist principles.20 Even the

14Ibid. Again, this is echoed by Butler (in this case much earlier): “Holding, as we do, that Christ is soon
coming, and that the world will wax worse and worse and corruption constantly increase till the end, we
cannot hope to see a political millennium or any great improvement” (Review and Herald, April 11, 1882).

15 This conference was part of the “National Reform Association,” which had pursued an amendment to
the United States Constitution declaring America to be a Christian nation since the 1860s.

16 Review and Herald, July 31, 1913. Cf. Review and Herald, Jan. 31, 1871, for Uriah Smith’s report on
the same movement. The Conference’s parent organization, the National Reform Association (NRA),
unsuccessfully sought an amendment to the constitution in 1864 which would declare America to be “a
Christian government.” Alarmingly, several senators, including the eminent Charles Sumner, initially
supported it.

17 Ibid.

18Liberty Magazine, 1913, vol. VIII, no. 3. The author defines “civic righteousness” as “the good and
benevolent acts of a man, a municipality, a province, a state, or a nation.” It also includes laws meant to
deter crime.

19The Advent Review referred to those in the UK as the “militant suffragettes of England” (Review,
12-19-1912) for using vandalism to accomplish their goal.

20Tangorra, Gina C. (2010) "Margaret Fuller The Reformer: A Transcendentalist In The Era Of Reform,"
Constructing the Past: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 7. Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/
vol11/iss1/7. Transcendentalism, popularly associated with Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David
Thoreau, had its roots in Unitarian Christianity. It quickly evolved beyond the confines of Christianity to
become a spiritual movement in its own right.
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Women’s Christian Temperance Union eventually advocated for a Sunday law (though this
didn’t break Adventist association with them). 21

Fifth, and finally, Adventists believed their unique mission took priority over social justice. This
priority was partially due to the fact that other churches were already focusing on social justice
causes, somewhat excusing Adventists. Ellen White observed that “The Salvation Army workers
are trying to save the neglected, downtrodden ones. Discourage them not. . . . But the Lord has
plainly pointed out the work that Seventh-day Adventists are to do.”22 Ellen White clarified this
sentiment when she said that “there is no question” that “the Lord has a work to be done for the
outcasts.” This work “will have its place in connection with the proclamation of the third angel’s
message and the reception of Bible truth. But there is danger of loading down everyone with this
class of work.”23 Ellen White went on to note Jesus’ interest in the poor, but that he didn't
“confine His labors to this class” because “the work for the poorer classes has no limit.” This
work “must be treated as a part of the great whole” because it is “the same class of work that
[Jesus] did for suffering humanity.” 24 Ellen White clarified the relation of (one aspect of) social
justice to Adventism’s apocalyptic vision with an apt metaphor: “As the right arm is to the body,
so is the medical missionary work to the third angel’s message. But the right arm is not to
become the whole body. The work of seeking the outcasts is important, but it is not to become
the great burden of our mission.”25

21 Ellen G. White, Temperance (Nampa, Idaho: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1949) 224; Rice,
“Tempered Enthusiasm,” p. 3. Interestingly, Ellen White refused to abandon association with the WCTU.
She wrote S.M.I. Henry that “I thank the Lord with heart, soul, and voice that you have been a prominent
and influential member of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union,” even while cautioning her “not to
learn of them, but of Jesus Christ” and then Henry could “flash all the light possible into their
pathway” (Letter, June 21, 1899). Nevertheless, Adventists sought to minimize contact by setting up their
own, ultimately unsuccessful, temperance society in

22 Ellen White, Testimonies for the Church, vol. 8, 185. Ellen White also contrasted the Adventist mission
with that of George Muller: “Muller did a noble work. But God has given His people a work to do after a
different plan” - Letter 33, 1900.

23 Found in Evangelism (Review and Herald: 2002), 548ff.

24 Ibid. Again, Butler is instructive: “Let us not consider a part greater than the whole, or the prohibition of
liquor-drinking more important than the eternal salvation of our souls and those of our fellow-men. The
cause of God includes all the good there is. The message based upon the ‘commandments of God and
the faith of Jesus,’ embraces temperance as one of its principles, and we should feel an interest in it, and
work to a reasonable extent, for it, and give our voice in its favor when the issue is prominently before us.
but the message and its success is greater than this one issue” (Review, April 11, 1882).

25Evangelism, 549. The phrase “medical missionary work” often involved offering basic healthcare
solutions to those who could not afford it. “The work of the true medical missionary is largely a spiritual
work. It includes prayer and the laying on of hands” - Manuscript 79, 1900.
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The Apocalyptic Problem

In surveying these delimiting principles for social justice, it becomes immediately apparent it is
the church’s apocalyptic vision which makes political engagement potentially dangerous, which
subordinates social justice to a larger, more urgent mission, and which makes social justice
seem futile in light of the world's imminent termination. Yet Adventists aren’t abrogating any
commitment to justice by focusing on their apocalyptic vision. On the contrary, the apocalyptic
vision creates a tension with social justice simply because it represents a different means of
justice—i.e., a sort of "cosmic justice.” The second coming of Jesus solves poverty, income
disparity, etc. not just for a few years, but permanently. This is the nature of the Adventist
dilemma: what is the best way to pursue justice?

Any attempt at an Adventist approach to social justice would first need to deal with the
apocalyptic problem. It is clear even from a glance at Adventist history that the church believed
social justice to be important. The apocalyptic vision of the church is the only lens through which
we can see why the church refused to parlay with issues such as women’s suffrage. Politics was
a “dirty business” and when most Adventist men didn’t vote, why would they be eager to involve
women in such a potentially hazardous practice? Though dismissive (as noted above) of
women’s suffrage on the grounds that it was an issue of political equality, the church seemed
more concerned about the character of the voter rather than the (purely political) question of
women having a “right” to vote.

Thus, when we look closely we see a harmony within the tension created by Adventism’s
apocalyptic vision. The church pursued social justice when it benefited the church’s mission to
prepare the world for Jesus’ return. While Adventists might campaign alongside temperance
advocates, it was a campaign built on a radically different foundation. A sober, disciplined
population was easier to reason with from the Bible, after all.

There are other ways we see a harmony between social justice and Adventism’s apocalyptic
vision that perhaps go beyond what the pioneers envisioned and yet remain consistent with their
principles:

First, Adventist social justice is a means of proclaiming the Adventist apocalyptic vision and
being ready for the second coming. The entire Millerite movement was a denunciation of the
prevailing postmillennial eschatology, which, in recent decades, has been replaced by the
secular humanist vision of progress. Early Adventists eventually realized that exposing the
shaky foundations of this postmillennialism wasn't sufficient. There was also a need to model
what Adventists believe is the only realistic path to human progress: readiness for the second
coming. This readiness includes, among other things, active involvement in social justice.
Reckoning with Matthew 25:31-46, Jon Paulien concluded that “those who are anticipating the
near return of Jesus will be individuals who will be visiting the sick, visiting those in prison,
clothing the naked, and feeding the hungry.”26 Groups aligned with the secular humanist

26 Wilcox, J. (1997) Symposium On Mission and Social Action: The Role of Social Ministry in the Seventh-
day Adventist Church. Silver Spring, MD: Adventist Development and Relief Agency. Ellen White echoed
the same sentiment when she said that the “eternal destiny [of the sheep and the goats in Matthew 25]
will be determined by what they have done or have neglected to do for [Jesus] in the person of the poor
and suffering" (The Desire of Ages [Pacific Press: 2002], 639)
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philosophy feed the sick, clothe the naked, etc., in service of a rival vision of the future. In this
sense, social justice is a form of gospel proclamation. Therefore, social justice cannot be left to
those who do not share the apocalyptic vision because social justice is a key way of proclaiming
that vision.

Second, the biblical pursuit of justice is about incarnating God’s kingdom, not perfecting the
national polity (i.e., civil religion). Adventists are called to live out their eschatology by being
socially just people working to build God’s socially just kingdom. The pioneers were skeptical of
the “great enthusiasm” many had “that all men should have an equal share in the temporal
blessings of God,” which she said “was not the purpose of the Creator.”27 While Ellen White
railed against the “great evil” that would result from “the continued accumulation of wealth by
one class,” she was wary of the idea that everyone deserves an equality of circumstances.
Why? Because Adventism’s focus is on developing character fit for heaven. This inequality of
circumstances “is one of the means by which God designs to prove and develop character.”28
Which is, incidentally, the goal of Adventist social justice.29

Social justice should be appraised by the eucatastrophe30 of the new creation, not the fate of
the present one. Social justice is a futile project in light of the end of this world, but the end of
this world is not the end of Adventism's apocalyptic vision. Therefore, Adventist social justice
has value because it builds on a foundation that will outlast this world. Adventist social justice is
anticipatory justice; it is so confident in the promised creation that it cannot help but begin
creating it.

Third, social justice is compatible with Adventist apocalyptic when that apocalyptic can define
social justice as a part of the church's mission. Thus, Adventist social justice will look different
than the justice practiced by others. The secular humanist meaning of “social justice” has come
to embrace a platform from the elimination of poverty to environmentalism to the acceptance of
same-sex marriage.31 Ellen White affirmed both the biblical basis of all true social justice
concerns and made the link between gospel and society when she declared: "Every true reform
has its place in the work of the gospel and tends to the uplifting of the soul to a new and nobler
life."32 Edson White's work on the Morningstar is a good example of this. Edson White taught
former slaves to read not only because it was important for their social and economic
advancement, but so they could then take Bible studies. Looking at social justice as a strategic
part of the church's mission can bring greater clarity as to what social justice means for
Adventists. Adventist justice will diverge in critical ways because it is based on a different

27 Review, Sep. 17, 1889.

28 Ibid.

29As Bull notes, “the moral and personal qualities [Ellen White] valued were those which would best
equip the redeemed to move easily in heavenly society" (Malcolm Bull - “Eschatology and Manners in
Seventh-day Adventism,” Archives de sciences socials des religions, Jan-Mar, 1988. p. 150).

30J.R.R. Tolkien coined this phase to describe the "good catastrophe" of "a sudden and miraculous
grace" which he describes in his essay, "On Fairy Stories," found in Tolkien's Tree and Leaf (Oxford:
1969).

31 Contemporary usage of "social justice" is profiled in chapter two of Novak and Adams', Social Justice.

32 The Ministry of Healing (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press, 1942), 171-172
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foundation and aims toward a different goal. For example, James Astleford of ADRA suggested
that Adventists ought to fight for human beings to have the right to honor the Sabbath.33 Thus,
Adventists may very well recognize new issues of social justice ignored by others.

Fourth, the pursuit of social justice is a part of the Bible's larger vision of shalom. The Bible’s
vision of a new creation is fundamentally realized as a socially just world. The most expansive
biblical text on the subject describes this new world as a place where one’s labors are never
undone by an enemy, where there is no death or war, and where predator-prey relationships are
eliminated.34 In short, creation returns to righteous harmony with itself and its Creator, or
shalom, which Walter Brueggemann calls the Bible’s “central vision of world history.”35 This
essential harmony is what enables God to meaningfully call this creation “new”—an expression
which is also an indictment of the old. With this vision in mind, Adventist social justice seeks to
restore creative relationships to harmony with God and each other, and is therefore
unconcerned about pursuing a more equitable political entity as an end in itself. ]Paul tells us
that God has “committed to us the message of reconciliation” (2 Cor. 5:19; cf. Col. 1:20). This
word, “reconciliation,” is the Greek apoktallasso, which means: “to establish proper friendly
interpersonal relations after these have been disrupted or broken.”36 “Righteousness,” as aid
worker David Syme tells us, “is both spiritual and social in character.” 37 Therefore, social justice
is considered a sign of a believers’ faithfulness to the eschatological vision. If we are committed
to the future that God is building (i.e., the restoration of righteous relationships), then shouldn’t
we join God in that work now? This is a principle Ellen White herself espoused.38 This reflects
the well-known tension between the “here” and the “not yet here.” we see in Scripture, e.g.,
Jesus’ proclamation that the kingdom is coming, but it is also in our midst (Lk. 17:21).

Fifth, the pioneers’ fear of political entanglements does not rob the church of a prophetic voice in
politics. This voice was clear during the Civil War, where the sins of both North and South were
frequently denounced. Ellen White's timely testimony defused a vigorous debate over the

33James Astleford, "Expanding Our Understanding of Present Truth," Ministry Magazine, February 2016.
Astleford is careful not to argue that Sabbath must be kept, only that everyone should have the legal and
economic protection necessary to truly celebrate it if they choose.

34 Isaiah 65:17-25.

35 Walter Brueggemann, Living Toward a Vision, p. 15. cf. Isaiah 65:17-25; Ez. 34:29-25a.

36 Louw-Nida Lexicon. Ref., taken from “Lost Meaning of the Seventh Day,” p. 270.

37 Syme, David. VP Communications of ADRA. The Role of Social Ministry in the Seventh-day Adventists
Church. Niels-Eric Andreasen concurred: “The gospel is social, not in a sense that it is reduced to social
issues, but in the sense that it extends to the family and larger social groups in a very special way” (Ref).

38 Ellen White established the principle of practicing our anticipated ideal: doing here what we will do in
the world to come. Noting that meat will not be consumed in heaven, she said that “we should ever keep
this end in view, and endeavor to work steadily toward [abandoning meat]” (Christian Temperance and
Bible Hygiene, 119 [available at egwwritings.org]). Again: “God is trying to lead us back, step by step, to
His original design” (Child Guidance, 383). ‘There should,’ she wrote, ‘be a continual effort to imitate the
society we expect soon to join; namely, angels of God who have never fallen by sin” (Testimonies, 216).
This principle seamlessly justifies social justice as well.
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church's role in the war, preventing both sides from idealizing the conflict. 39 The absence of this
voice has been noticed in past decades, especially in the 1960s Civil Rights movement, where it
would have been a powerful advocate for social justice.

While this prophetic voice could be rooted in either the Bible or the charismatic Ellen White, it is
difficult to overestimate the importance of the latter in shaping the church’s work in social
justice. She was the essential force pushing the church to take a cooperative, public stand for
social justice. She was also a critical voice in uniting the church in radical abolition, giving
believers confidence that they were doing God’s will by disobeying the Fugitive Slave Act of
1850. In fact, without Ellen White, the Adventist Church might not have focused on social justice
at all. Her voice both kept the church focused on its unique mission to ready the world for Jesus’
coming and reminded the church to do social justice in this world. Adventism’s laconic track
record in the decades following the prophet’s death suggests the church failed to maintain that
balance.

Conclusion

Adventist social justice is vital to the church’s mission, but it will always be defined by the
church’s apocalyptic vision rather than political or social ideals. To Seventh-day Adventists, the
second coming of Jesus is the greatest and final act of social justice. There can be no greater
service for humanity than readying people for God's new creation, which is defined in Scripture
as a restoration of righteous relationships. This new creation can begin now, reflecting the
biblical tension between the “here” and “not yet here.” While there are many worthy causes in
the world, Adventists social justice seeks to restore relationships to righteousness. In this way, it
is a vital part (not the whole) of the Seventh-day Adventist Church’s mission.

39 Testimonies for the Church (Pacific Press: 1948), vol. 1, 361.