Who Are Herodotus' Persians?

Author(s): ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON

Source: The Classical World, Vol. 102, No. 4 (SUMMER 2009), pp. 457-470
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of the Classical Association of the
Atlantic States
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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians?
ABSTRACT: In analyzinghow Herodotus'descriptionsof foreignsociet-
ies reflectGreekassumptions and prejudices,we have sometimesfailed to
recognizethe extentto whichhe reportspersuasiveand historically valid
information. This is particularlytrueof thePersiansfor whomHerodotus
appearsto have had access to verygood sources,especiallyperhapsamong '
Medesand Persianslivingin Asia Minor.Thispaper arguesthatHerodotus
representationof Persian character and customsand his understanding of
therelationship betweenthekingand his subjectsis based on genuinena-
tive traditionsthatreflectan internaldebate withinPersian elites in the
aftermath of theirwar againstGreece.

Historiansof ancientPersia oftendeploretheirdependenceon

Greekauthors,whose reliabilityis necessarilyundermined by their
special perspectiveand foreignness.1It is truethateven the most
important and fair-minded
Greeksourceon Persia,Herodotus,speaks
to the Greeksabout themselvesthroughhis descriptionof exotic
worlds.He also, however,genuinelyattempts to understandforeign
cultureson theirown termsand, in the case of Persia,he is in an
exceptionallyprivilegedpositionto do so.2
I. King and People
Herodotusis fascinatedby thePersiansand confident in his ac-
cess to informantswho can clarifyforhimwho the Persiansare as
a cultureand wheretheycame fromideologically. His biographyof
Cyrus, the founderof the Persian a
Empire,puts special emphasis
on who Cyruswas, his yéveaiç,and on the opinionof himself(to
òoKceiv)whichthatengendered.3 His portrayals
of Cyrus'successors,
Cambyses,Darius, and Xerxes,are also individualizedto an extent
unparalleledin othersources.4AlthoughHerodotus,needlessto say,
does not get everything
right,he providesa greatdeal of authentic

1 See recentlyM. Brosius,The Persians:An Introduction (London2006) 2-3,

76-78. See A. Kuhrt,The AncientNear East c. 3000-330 B.C.E., Vol. II (London
1995) 647-48.
2 See P. Briant,FromCyrusto Alexander:A Historyof thePersian
Empire,tr.
P. T. Daniels (WinonaLake, Ind.,2002) 7 and passim.For a recentaccountsby clas-
sicists,see M. Flower,"Herodotus and thePersians,"in C. Dewald and J.Marincola,
eds.,TheCambridge Companion to Herodotus(Cambridge 2006) 274-89;A. M. Bowie,
Herodotus: Histories
Book VIII (Cambridge 2007) 1-12. Forthevalidityof an externally
oriented approachthatshowswhatHerodotus learnedfromhis foreign sourcesand not
simplyhow he created"mirrors" forGreekidentity,see I. S. Moyer,"Herodotusand
an EgyptianMirage:The Genealogiesof theThebanPriests,"JHS 122 (2002) 70-90.
3 See 1.204.2with1.95.1 and 1.130.2.
4 Some scholarshave criticizedthese as fictionaland Hellenocentric.
portrayals
See especiallyH. Sancisi-Weersenburg, "The Personalityof Xerxes,Kingof Kings,"in
E. J. Bakker,I. J. F. de Jong,and H. de Wees,eds., Brills Companionto Herodotus
(Leiden2002) 579-90,reprinted fromL. de Meyerand E. Haerink,eds.,Archaeologia
Iranicaet OrientaliaMiscellaneain HonoremLouis VandenBerghevol. I (Gent1989)
346-64.As I will argue,however, Herodotus'representationof Persiankingsseemsto
be based on oral Iraniansourcesand revealsa Persian,and notsolelya Greek,bias.

457

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458 ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON

information. Even some of his inaccuraciesare illuminating, as they

are rootedin Persiantraditions or discourse.
Uniqueto Herodotus is also theextentto whichhe focuseson the
Persiansin general,theirnationalcharacter and theiropinions.In the
Histories,Persiankingship and the collectivityof thePersians,though
also possess a mutualautonomy
interrelated, such as we do notfind
in the availableAchaemenidevidenceof royalinscriptions and art.
The kingand his courtofficialsare prominent actorsin Herodotus'
historical whilethePersiansas an ethnosdominatetheeth-
narrative,
nography. kingand his courtiersare forthemostpartthe doers
The
of deeds and speakersof speechesin the past. The ethnicPersians
also existin the presentas an apparently moredirectobject of the
histor'sexperience:theyoverlapwithwhatwe wouldbroadly(very
broadly)call his sources.
The historicalembodiment of thisdual visionof Persiansociety
(kingshipand ethnos)is preciselythe founderCyrus.Accordingto
the traditionHerodotuschooses to follow- and he acknowledges
therewere others(1.95.1)- Cyrus'motherwas the daughterof the
king of Media, while his father,Cambyses,was simplya Persian
froma good family(oLkít]ç. . . àyaQf'ç, 1.107.2).Now, this is one
of Herodotus'provenhistoricalinaccuracies,since we know from
the Babylonianand Persiandocuments thatCambyses,the fatherof
Cyrus, was actuallyking Anshan, kingdomin Parsa (modern
of a
Fars, in southwestern Iran) thathad survivedthe disintegration of
Elam and had become subordinated firstto the Assyriansand then
perhapsto the Medes.5The firstkingof Anshanwas Cyrus'great-
grandfather, Teispes, followedby an earlier Cyrus,and then by
Cambyses, fatherof our Cyrus.6Herodotusknowsthis geneal-
the
ogy of Cyrus;7he also knows(3.75.1) thatthe firstknownancestor,
the fatherof Teispes,was Achaemenes,althoughthisis probablyan
unhistoricaltraditionstartedby Cyrus'thirdsuccessor,Darius, for
5 For thetimingof a possibleMedianconquestof thePersians,whichHerodo-
tus (1.102.1) attributes
to thereignof Phraortes(647-625 B.C.E.),see M. Diakonoff,
"Media,"in I. Gershevitch, ed., The Cambridge Historyof Iran, vol. II: TheMedian
and Achaemenid Periods(Cambridge1985) 132.
6 Ourearlierevidenceof a Persiankingis theneo-Elamite inscription on a seal
thatidentifies CyrusI (thegrandfather of CyrustheGreat)as "Cyrusof Anshan,son
of Teispes";PFS 93, Englishtrans.#1in M. Brosius,ThePersianEmpirefromCyrus
II to Artaxerxes I (London2000) 4. Accadiancuneiform documents thatcall Cyrusor
his predecessors "kingof Anshan"includethe CyrusCylinder21 (in W. Eilers,"Le
textecuneiform cunéiforme du Cylindrede Cyrus,"Acta Iranica II (1974) 33; #12
in Brosius,ThePersianEmpire,11), and theNabonidusChroniclecolumnii, line 1;
see #7in A. K. Grayson, Assyrianand BabylonianChronicles(New York1975); #11
in Brosius,ThePersianEmpire,8-9. All theseand the otherprimary sourcesI cite
are now collectedin themonumental workby A. Kuhrt,ed., The PersianEmpire:A
Corpusof SourcesfromtheAchaemenid Period,2 vols (London2007).
7 Herodotusmentionsthatthe grandfather of Cyruswas also namedCyrus
(1.111.3); thatPersiankingscame fromthe "phratry" of the Achaemenidsof the
tribeof thePasargadae(1.125.3); thatthefounder of Cyrus'familywas Achaemenes
(3.75.1); andthatXerxestracedhis descentfromAchaemenes, Teispesand CambysesI
(7.11), thoughthislastpassageis confusedand in contradictionwiththemorecorrect
information at 1.209.2.

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 459
the purposeof linkinghis familyto thatof Cyrusand legitimizing
his claim to the throne.8But althoughHerodotuscorrectlyrecords
theAchaemenidfamilyline,he talksaboutit notas a royaldynasty
but,morebroadly,as a noble clan.9Unlike,forexample,Xenophon
(forwhomCyrus'fatheris "kingof Persia"),Herodotusneversays
thatCyrus'fatheror anyof his Persianancestorswas a king,or that
Cyrushimselfwas kingbeforesucceedingAstyages.10 As a Persian,
therefore, Herodotus'Cyrusis the representative
of a Persianelite
notnecessarily identified
withkingship. to theextentthat
Conversely,
he is of royalblood and a ruler,Cyrusis forHerodotusa Mede. He
is, in the wordsof the Delphic oracle,the mule who will become
"kingof the Medes" (1.55).
II. MedianRoyalty
For Herodotusthe Achaemenidroyal traditionis thereforea
Medianinheritance.As soon as he formulates thequestion"who was
Cyrus?"(1.95.1), he immediately goes back in orderto accountfor
theinstitutional
originsand development of thekingshipas a Median
phenomenon. According to his narrative,a man namedDeioces was
firstappointedkingby theMedes at a timeof widespread lawlessness
and createdex nihilothe basic structures of a centralizedkingship:
a privilegedroyal space (the capital fortressof Ecbatana), court
protocol,and law-enforcement procedures(1.98.1-101), featuresthat
will largelybecomethe trappingsof Persianroyaltylateron.11As
a child,Cyrusplays at being king accordingto the institutions of
8 See Darius'genealogy in theBehistun DB I 1-6, #10in R. G. Kent,
Inscription:
Old Persian:Grammar, Texts,Lexicon,American Oriental Society(NewHaven1950);the
newesteditionis byR. Schmitt, TheBisitunInscription ofDariustheGreat.Old Persian
Text.CorpusInscriptionum Iranicarum I 1 (London1991). A new Englishtranslation
appearsin Brosius(above,n.6) 25-40. The Pasargadaeinscriptions thatdescribeCyrus
as kingand an Achaemenid (CMa, b, c; Kent,116) are fromDarius'times.
9 1.125.3 (above, n.7). Herodotuscalls "Achaemenids" a namelessgroupsur-
roundingCambyses(3.65.3) as well as a numberof individualPersiannotables:
Hystaspes,the son of Arsamesand fatherof Darius (1.109.2); Pharnaspes(3.2.2);
Sataspes(4.43.1); Megabates(5.32); Tigranes(7.62.1); andArtachaees(7.117.2). Bri-
ant(above,n.2) 92, 110-11.
10According to Herodotus 1.214.2,however, Cyrusreignedfortwenty-nine years;
sincewe knowfromBabylonian documents thatCyruswas kinguntil530 B.C.E.andthat
he defeated Astyagesin 550, Herodotus' figureonlymakessenseif we attribute partof
it (nineyears)to theperiodwhenCyruswas kingin Anshan.In Xenophon (Cyropaedia
1.2.1),Cyrusis royalon bothsidessincehis mother is thedaughter of thekingof the
Medes,as in Herodotus. Ctesiasgoes entirely in theoppositedirection, makingCyrus
thelowbornson of a banditand a shepherdess fromthemostmarginalPersiantribe,
theMardi;see F8d* 3 Lenfant, fromNicolas of Damascus(Exe. de Insidiisp. 23, 23
de BooT= FGrHist90 F66); D. Lenfant, ed., Ctésiasde Cnide(Paris2004).
11Numerouselementsin Herodotus'Median narrative
reappearlater in the
Historiesor in otherGreeksourcesas partof a Persiancontext.Propernamesof
Medesreturn as namesof Persians(Artembares, 1.114.3).The kingof Media is called
"King,"withoutthe article(1.99.1), as laterthe Persiankingwill be. Eunuchsare
in chargeof variousfunctions (1.113.3, 117.5),as theywill be at thePersiancourt;
thekinghas thecontrolof roads(1.123.3) and publicofficialsare called theKing's
Eye (1.114.2; see 1.100.2,112.2;Aesch.Persians980; Aristoph. Acharnians92; Xen.
Cyr.8.2.10-11;Plut.Art.98).

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460 ROSARIAVIGNOLOMUNSON
Medianmonarchy (1.114). As an adultking,he gainsthe allegiance
of theMedes.12His eventual"opinionthathe was in a certainsense
beyondthehuman"(to òokcclvnAéovti eivai àvQçœnov)internalizes
theMedianDeioces' preoccupation with"seemingto be of a different
nature"(éx£Qoïoçckjhòokcoleivai, 1.99.2).
Also imperialism, accordingto Herodotus,is a royal Median
practiceand not initiallya Persianone. Cyrus'father, Cambyses,is
notonlyof non-royal blood,butalso, as Astyagesis carefulto verify,
a man "of peacefuldisposition"(tqÓ7iou. . . fjauxíou,1.107.2). As
a public term,fjauxfr) denotesa lack of the kind of politicaland
militaryactivismthatis typicalof individualsor stateswithambi-
tionto rule- like the Mediankings.It is by emulatinghis Median
predecessorsthatCyruslaysthefoundations of theAchaemenid policy
of continuous expansion.13 Moreover,Cyrus'generals,Harpagusand
Mazares,are Medes(1.156-177).14Beforehis lastcampaign, thequeen
of the MassagetaecomplainsthatCyruswill never"stay at peace"
eîvai), and she does so in a speechwhereshe addresses
(òi/fjauxLTlç
himas "Kingof theMedes" (1.205.1-2). The perception thatPersian
foreignpolicy continues Medianforeign policyis in thefact
reflected
thatHerodotusand otherGreeks,whentheyspeakof thePersiansas
a conquering power,oftencall them"Medes."15
Like Herodotus,modernhistorians, too, wouldlike to knowthe
antecedents
political of Cyrusand thehistory of pre-imperial
Persia.16
But Herodotus'theorythatPersiankingshipderivesfromMedian
kingshipis historically problematicbecause the veryexistenceof
a largecentralizedMedian statesuch as Herodotusdescribesis not
corroborated eitherby archaeologyor by the documentary texts.17

121.123.1,124.2, 127.3. The NabonidusChroniclein an entryfortheyear550

B.C.E., confirms the last passage,recordingthatthe Median armyrebelledagainst
Astyages;see 106,#7.ii.l-2in Grayson(above,n.6).
13Justas Phraortes "wentfromone peopleto theother"(1.102.1),so "no people
[Cyrus]marched againstcouldescapehim"(1.204.2);see also theconquests of Cyaxares
(1.103.2). For theAchaemenid policyof universalrule,see 7.8a.l and yl, confirmed
by inscriptions; see Flower(above,n.2), 377, citingBrosius(above,n.l) 47, where
Dariuscalls himself"kingof theearthfarand wide."
14As was also Datis,Darius'generalin theMarathon campaign(6.94-101,118-119).
15See especiallytheambiguity at 1.163.3and 185.1.FortheGreekhabitof call-
ingthePersians"Medes"in certaincontexts, see D. F. Graf,"Medism:The Originand
Significance of theTerm,"JHS 104 (1984) 20-24, withcriticism by C. Tuplin,"The
Persiansas Medes,"in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, A. Kuhrt,and M. C. Root,Continuity
and Change,Proceedings of theLastAchaemenid HistoryWorkshop, April6-8, 1990,
AnnArbor,Michigan.Achaemenid History8 (Leiden 1994) 236-38.
16The questionis exploredby P. Bnant, La Perseavant1 empire(un étatde
la question),"Iranica Antiqua19 (1984) 71-118, and, moreconciselyand witha
considerable shiftin position,by Briant,FromCyrusto Alexander (above,n.2) 13-28.
17For theevidence,or lack thereof, see especiallyP. R. Helm,"Herodotus'Mê-
dikosLogos and MedianHistory," Iran 19 (1981) 86; H. SancisiWeerdenburg, "Was
thereevera MedianEmpire?"in A. Kuhrtand H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, Methodand
Theory, Proceedings of theLondon1985Achaemenid HistoryWorkshop. Achaemenid
History3 (Istanbul1988) 205; M. Liverani,"The Rise and Fall of Media,"in G. B.
Lanfranchi, M. Roaf,and R. Rollinger, eds., Continuity ofEmpire(?): Assyria,Media,
Persia. Historyof theAncientNear East Monographs 5 (Padova 2003) 3.

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 461
At least untilalmostthe end of the seventhcentury, thatis to say,
untilthe timeof Herodotus'Cyaxares,cuneiform tabletsrecording
Assyriancampaignsin the Zagros clearlyrepresentthe Medes as
fragmented in differentgroupsled by local chieftains.18 It is hardto
see how theycould have provideda royalor imperialmodelforthe
Persians.In currentscholarlyopinion,the reverseseemsto be more
likely:Herodotus' viewof theMediankingship appearsto be basedon
whattheGreeksknewaboutthePersianEmpirein theirowntimes.19
This does not mean,however,thatHerodotus'Median account
is entirelyunauthentic. The problemof sources is here somewhat
similarto the problemof the sourcesof the Constitutional Debate
in Book 3 (80-84), withwhichthe beginningof Herodotus 'Mêdikos
logos has muchin common.Boththe Constitutional Debate and the
storyof the founding of theMedianmonarchy by Deioces are about
choosing,at thetimeof a powervoid,thebestpossibleformof gov-
ernment to ensurelaw and orderin a state.20 In bothnarratives we
shouldmakeallowancefora considerableGreekelement,especially
of fifth-centurySophisticstamp,but bothpassages also incorporate
Iranianinformation. In the Constitutional Debate, the Iraniancom-
ponent is Persian, as we shall see forthe Mêdikoslogos, it
later;21
maybe partiallyMedian.
This Median strandemergesfromcertainstriking, if sometimes
skewed,correspondences betweenHerodotus' narrativeon theone hand
andAssyrianand Persiandocuments on theother.Herodotus'lasttwo
Mediankings,CyaxaresandAstyages, appearin theBabylonian chronicle
as leadersof a Median coalition,or even perhapsa Median state.22
As faras the firsttwo kingsare concerned, Deioces and Phraortes,
theirnames(at a minimum) seemto be genuineMediannames.23 This
18See Liverani(above,n.17) 4; K. Radner,"AnAssyrian Viewof theMedes,"in
Lanfranchi, Roaf,and Rollinger(above,n. 17) 37-64. For later(Persian)documentary
evidenceon theMedes,see belown.22 and n.23.
19See Strabo11.13.9.Briant(above,n.2) 26. By contrast,A. Panaino("Herodotus
I, 96-101: Deioces' Conquestof Powerand the Foundationof Sacred Royalty,"in
Lanfranchi, Roaf,and Rollinger[above,n.17] 327-38) arguesforIranianinstitutions
commonto Medes and Persians.
20See C. Dewald,"Formand Content:The questionof Tyranny in Herodotus,"
in C. Morgan,ed., Popular Tyranny (Austin2003) 28-29.
21See below.Herodotus'assurance, notoncebuttwice(3.80.1; 6.43.3),thatafter
the deathof Cambyses,the noble Persiansactuallyengagedin deliberations about
theirpoliticalfutureencouragesus to acceptthatHerodotuswas partiallydrawingon
a Persiantradition;contraD. Fehling,Herodotusand his "Sources": Citation,Inven-
tionand NarrativeArt,tr.by J. G. Howie (Leeds 1989) 194.
11For Cyaxares(Umakishtar), see the BabylonianFall of NinivehChronicle,
#3.24-30,38-47 in Grayson(above,n.6) 93-94, whichrecordshis captureof Niniveh
and somewhat corresponds to Hdt. 1.103.1-3and 106.2.Astyages(Ishtumegu) appears
as in theNabonidusChronicleas theadversary of Cyrusof Persia(see Hdt. 1.127);
see #7.ii.l-4in Grayson(above,n.6).
23A Daiakku appearsas a governorof Mannaea in the annals of
SargonII
(724-25 B.C.E.); see D. D. Luckenbill, AncientRecordsof Assyriaand BabyloniaII
(Chicago 1927) 27; A. G. Lie, A. TheInscriptions of SargonII KingofAssyria.The
Annals(Paris 1929) 16. The identification of thisDaiakkuwithHerodotus'Deioces
is no longergenerallyaccepted;see Helm (above, n.17) 86; Diakonoff(above, n.5)

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462 ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON

evidenceindicatesthattheprominent roleof Medesin Herodotus' story

of Cyrusis notmerelya Greekconstruct (see 1.55),butis also based
on Mediantraditions. Sourceswho had particularinterest
in transmit-
tingthesetraditionsaboutthe importance of the Mediancomponent
in the Persianimperialmonarchy may have included,accordingto
some scholars,thedescendants of Harpaguslivingin Lycia.24This is
an attractive becauseotheraspectsof Herodotus'represen-
possibility,
tationof the Persiansalso pointprincipally,
thoughnot exclusively,
to Asia Minoras a clearing-house of information.Both Medianand
Persiansources,independently motivated, to
appear have cooperated
in shapingHerodotus'view of Cyrusas a noblePersianwho became
kingwhenhe succeededthe MediankingAstyages.
III. Persian(High) Society
If Mediansourcesinsistedon thederivation of Persiankingship
fromMediankingship, on theotherhandthesourcesthatde-empha-
sized Cyrus'royalheritageon his father'sside seem to have been
Persian:noble Persians,who admiredCyrusbut also viewed him
not as a superiorbeing,but as one of theirown, and who perhaps
even held a differentconceptionof royaltythanwhathad become
orthodoxin theirown times.25 AfterCyrus,the Persiankingshipas
Herodotusrepresents it crystallizesand expandsthe Median model,
butwithout acknowledging it as such.26
This agreeswiththeevidence
of Persianinscriptions,
wheretheAchaemenids underline
theirPersian
ethnicityand nevercall themselves kingsof Media or of theMedes.27
83, 90-91. TheAssyriandocuments, however, to Daiakkuin compound
testify Median
names(Mashdaiakku, Mashdakku) thatwerenotuncommon amongMedes; see S. C.
Brown,"The MêdikosLogos of Herodotusand the Evolutionof the MedianState,"
in A. Kuhrtand H. Sancisi-Weerderburg (above,n.17) 76. Phraortes appearsas Fra-
vartishin Darius' BehistunInscription, as a laterMedianrebelwho claimedto be
thedescendant of Cyaxares:DB 2.13-7 and 2.64-78,92-93, ##24, 31-32, 35 in Kent
(above,n.8). See Diakonoff (above,n.5) 104-7, 113; Brown,76-78; D. Asheriin O.
MurrayandA. Moreno,eds.,A Commentary on HerodotusBooksI-IV, by D. Asheri,
A. Lloyd,and A. Corcella(Oxford2007) 151-52.
24R. Drews,The GreekAccountsof EasternHistory Mass., 1973)
(Cambridge,
82; J.M. Cook,"The Rise of theAchaemenids and Establishment of theirEmpire,"in
Gershevitch (above,n. 5), 202; Asheri(above,n. 23), 68 and 197. This suggestion is
mainlybasedon Herodotus1.176,whichreports thatwhenHarpaguscaptured Xanthus
in Lycia,theinhabitants whowerepresentin thecityall died in battle,so thatin his
timemostof theLycianswerenewcomers. The recurrence in inscriptions
of thename
Harpagus(LycianArpakkuh) suggeststhateitherHarpagushimselfor someonefrom
his familysettledthereand foundeda Harpagiddynasty. But fordifferentviews see
Helm (above, n.17); Sancisi-Weederburg (above, n.17), 21-12, and "The Oralityof
Herodotus'MedikosLogos," in Sancisi-Weerderburg, Kuhrt,and Root (above, n.15).
For Herodotus' use of oraltraditionsin general,see especiallyO. Murray, "Herodotus
and OralHistory," in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg andA. Kuhrt(eds.), TheGreekSources.
Achaemenid History2 (Leiden 1987) 93-115.
25See, e.g.,thesourcesthatdo notwantto reportexcessively celebratory
legends
aboutCyrus'upbringing at 1.95.1 (see also 1.122.3).
26Of theMediankingsonlyAstyagesis mentioned outsideof Book 1, and only
as thePersians'firstopponent(3.62; 7.8a), notas thepredecessor of theirkings.
27See above,n.7. ContraGraf(above,n.15) 17-29,who arguesthattheAchae-
menidspresented themselves as continuators of theMediankings.

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 463
Herodotus'accountalso subtlyand insistently communicates theidea
thatthePersianmonarchy afterCyrusdivergedfromthevalues that
Herodotushimselfrepresents as genuinelyPersian.This is quitepos-
siblynot so muchthe resultof Herodotus'Hellenocentric mind-set
as the sign of a currentPersianpolemicthatwas still alive at the
timewhenHerodotuswas writingabout thesethings.At one point
we learnthat"the Persianssay" (in the presenttense)thatwhereas
Cyruswas a fatherto them,his firstsuccessorCambyseswas a des-
pot (forhis abuses of power)and his secondsuccessor,Darius,was
a "shopkeeper" (Ká7irjAoç),a contemptuous termreferring to Darius'
fastidiousexactingof tributesand his runningof the empirelike a
shop (3.89.3). Leslie Kurkehas brilliantly analyzedthis statement
in relationto Greekaristocratic ideology.28But whataboutPersian
ideology?Who are thePersianswho say thisabouttheirlaterkings?
If we look closely,we mightcome up withan interesting window
intoa Persianpoliticalworldcontemporary to Herodotushimself.
Herodotus'Persiannarrative afterCyrus,especiallyin thesections
thatcoverthe end of Cambyses'reignand the beginningof thatof
Darius,featuresa numberof aristocrats who ultimately remainloyal
to themonarchy as theirancestralcustom(3.82.5), butwho are dis-
enchantedwithwhatit has become.The firstof theseis Prexaspes,
who disavowshis earliercomplicityin Cambyses'wrongdoings and
hurlshimselffroma tower;beforedoingso he proclaimshis moral
obligationto tellthetruthand praisesCyrusone lasttime(3.75). The
existenceof thisman is not corroborated by othersources,29 but in
the crisisthatfollowsthe seven veryhistoricalPersiannobleswho
organizedthe conspiracyagainstthe Magus considered,according
to Herodotus,thepossibilityof eliminating monarchical rule (in the
Constitutional Debate; see above). Two of them,Otanesand Mega-
byzus, arguedrespectivelythat democracyor oligarchywould be
morebeneficialforthe Persians.Both came aroundin the end, but
Otanesearneda special dispensationso that"to this day the house
of Otanes is the only house in Persia whichremainsfree,subject
to the kingonlyas muchas theywant,withoutviolatingthe nomoi
of the Persians"(3.83.3).30WithDarius,the kingshipis re-founded:
his killingof the MedianMagoi reenactsCyrus'defeatof the Mede
Astyages.Like Cyrusin Herodotus,Darius is an aristocrat, not the
son of a king,and the sevennoble conspirators put new egalitarian
rules in place (3.84.2). These do not last long,however:whenone
of thegroup,Intaphrenes, challengestheDeioces-likeisolationof the
new kingin his palace, he and his male relativesend up executed
(3.118-19).
28L. Kurke,Coins,Bodies,Gamesand Gold: ThePolitics
ofMeaningin Archaic
Greece(Princeton1999) 68-89.
29J. M. Balcer,A Studyof theAncientPersiansRoyal and
Prosopographical
Noble c. 550-450 B.C. (Lewiston,N.Y., 1993) 93.
30For laterdevelopments of the traditionof Otanesand his family,see Briant
(above,n.2) 133-35.On theConstitutional Debateand surroundingnarrative,see most
recentlyC. Pelling,"Herodotus'
Debateon theConstitutions,"
PCPhS 48 (2002) 123-58.

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464 ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON

In theworldof thenarrative, then,severalPersianscommunicate

discontent withtheirkingsafterCyrus.31 In the worldof Herodotus'
research, mayhavedonethesame- it is menlikethese
theirdescendants
whocall Cyrus"father," Cambyses"despot,"and Darius"shopkeeper."
Herodotus himself mentionsa Zopyrus,wholivedin his timesandwas
thegreat-grandson ofMegabyzus, thespeakerin favorofoligarchy in the
Constitutional Debate.ThisZopyruscontemporary of Herodotushad a
grandfather, also namedZopyrus, whoachievedheroicfeatson behalfof
Darius(3.153-59).Butbothhe andhis father (MegabyzustheYounger)
had considerable troublewitha subsequent king,Artaxerxes I.32It is
likelythatZopyrustheYoungerwas directly or indirectly
Herodotus'
sourceforthe storyof how Zopyrusthe Elderrecaptured Babylon.33
It is, at anyrate,ideologically thatHerodotus'narrative
significant of
thisevent,whileproleptically to
referring the youngerZopyrus, also
praisestheelderZopyrusas thegreatest Persianbenefactor (according
to Darius),asidefromCyrus(3.160.1). Are thesethetermsin which
Zopyrusjr. spoketo Herodotusabouthis grandfather?
But Herodotus,of course,would have had access to otheroral
sourcesamongPersiansliving in Asia because of land grants,or
amongthe staffsof the satrapiesof his times.As D. M. Lewis has
observed,therewas no "politicaland linguisticironcurtainbetween
Greeksand Persiansin Asia." It is therefore notnecessary, as well as
notrealistic,"to look forveryspecificholes in thiscurtainthrough
whichHerodotus'information mighthave come."34Whatwe should
ratherask is this: whatkindof information was Herodotusable to
collect?The answeris perhapstwofold.On theone hand,Persiansof
theilk of Zopyrus,as we have seen,no doubtsharedwithHerodotus
theirversionsof historicalevents;in these familytraditions, their
ancestorsplayeda moreprominent or heroicrole, and the monarch

31This groupdoes not includerebels like Oroetes(3.120-27) and Aryandes

(4.166-67).
32Megabyzosthe Youngerwas one of the generalsin the campaignagainst
Greece(7.82, 121.3) and he subsequentlyfoughtagainsttheAthenians at thetimeof
theirexpedition to Egypt,whichendedin 454 (3.160). As satrapof Syriahe rebelled
againstArtaxerxes and was eventuallypardonedaround448 (Ctesias FGrHist688
F 93.2). His son, Zopyrusthe Younger,who had supported him in the revolt,fled
to Athensafterhis father'sdeathand triedto negotiatethe surrender of Caunusto
theAthenians, possiblyin the430s (CtesiasFGrHist688 F 14 [40 and 45]). See R.
Meiggs,TheAthenian Empire(Oxford1972) 436-37.
33The theory by J.Wells,"ThePersianFriendsof Herodotus,"
was firstsuggested
JHS 27 (1907) 37-47. In its mostgeneralformulation, it is stillacceptedas likely.
See Drews(above,n.24) 83; P. Briant,"Sourcegrecqueset histoireachémenide," in
Rois, tributset paysans:Étudessur les formationstributaires du Moyen-Orient an-
cient(Paris 1982) 494; M. A. Dandamaevand V. G. Lukonin,TheCultureand Social
InstitutionsofAncientIran, Englisheditionby P. L. Kohl withthe assistanceof D.
J. Dadson (Cambridge1989) 391; Flower(above,n.2) 279.
34D. M. Lewis, "Persiansin Herodotus,"in M. H. Jameson,ed., The Greek
Historians:Literatureand HistoryPaperspresentedto A. E. Raubitschek (Saratoga,
Calif.,1985) 104. ContraP. Georges,BarbarianAsia and theGreekExperience(Bal-
timore1994) 49-58, who thinksthatHerodotus, like otherfifth-century Greeks,had
littleopportunityforcontactwithPersians.

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 465
was portrayed moreambivalently, thanin officialroyaldocuments.35
But,on theotherhand,thesePersianscould also be glimpsedbehind
"thePersians"in theHistorieswho explainthemselves, theirworld-
view and theirnomoiin the presenttense,contributing information
on whichroyaldocumentshave littleto say.
It is an extraordinaryportrayal:thePersians'sense of propriety,
theirbeliefthattheyare thebestculture(1.134.2), and theiropinions
on a varietyof subjectsare on displayespeciallyin Books 1 and 3.
In Herodotus'Persianethnography (1.131-140), evenpracticalnomoi
tendto be describedcognitively, in termsnot of whatthe Persians
normallydo, but of whattheythinkit is rightto do (e.g., theydo
not simplycelebratebirthdays witha big dinner,they"considerit
proper"to do so; 1.133.1). This collectivityis the mostvocal and
opinionated in thework,withthepossibleexceptionof theEgyptians.
Unlikethe Egyptiansof Herodotus'Book 2, his Persianshave
changedwiththeirhistory. At thetimeof Croesus,theLydiansused
to identify themby thelistof thethingstheydid nothave: theywore
nothingbut leather,theygot littleto eat and drankno wine.36When
"the Persians"speak in the presentof narration, however,theydo
notmentionthispast,whentheyallegedlywerethepoor and tough
primitiveopponentsof a wealthierculture.They are the wealthier
culture,and still toughat the same time.They acknowledgeno in-
dependent historybeforeCyrus'conquestof Lydia,whichtheytake
as a given.They have an "ideologyof prosperity";37 theyconsume
plentyof good things,drinklargequantities of wine(1.133.3) and,in
fact,theycriticizeothers(thatis to say,the Greeks)fornot having
enoughto eat. Theirown lavish banquets(1.133.1-2) represent the
perfect fulfillment
of an of
earlypromise Cyrus. Beforeleading them
againstAstyages,Cyrusgatheredall the Persiansin one place and
madethemclearbrushfora wholeday.The nextday,he slaughtered
his father'scattleand treatedthemto a big feast.He thenaskedthem
to choose: yesterday or today,theirpresentsubjectionor beingfree
underhis leadership.Theychose freedomand feasting(1.126.1-6).

35These eventswould have includedthe conspiracyagainstthe Magus, some

versionof the Constitutional Debate,and circumstances of Darius' accession.Cook
(above,n.24) 202. The similarities
and discrepanciesbetweenpartsof Herodotus' Book
3 and Darius' BehistunInscription corroboratethe hypothesis thatHerodotusrelied
on genuinearistocratic Persianoral traditionsthatdifferin interesting ways from
the officialtradition
promulgated by the king.J. M. Balcer,Herodotusand Bisitun,
HistoriaEinzelschriften49 (Wiesbaden1987); D. Asheri,"Erodotoe Bisitun,"in E.
Gabba, ed., Presentazionee scritturadella storia: storiografìa(Corno 1999) 112;
Briant(above,n.2) 107-37; M. Moggi,"Artabanoin Erodoto,"in M. Giangiulio,ed.,
Erodotoe "il modelloerodoteo":Formazionetrasmissione delle tradizionistoriche
in Grecia,(Trento2005) 203-205. See JacobyRE 2 (1913) 431.
36 1.71.2-3 (voice of Sandanis).See 1.72.4 (voice of the narrator):theyhad
nothinggood or luxurious(aßoov). 1.89.2 (voice of Croesus):theywereviolentand
withoutpossessions(áxQrnaaxoi).
37I am borrowing a phraseused by C. Herrenschmidt, "L'empireperse aché-
menide,"in M. Duverger, ed., Le conceptd'empire(Paris 1980) 89, to describethe
historicalPersians.

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466 ROSARIA VIGNOLO MUNSON

In thePersianethnography negativestatements are a pointofpride,

indicatingnot whatthe Persianscannothave,but whattheychoose
notto have or do. The Persiansdo notrepresent gods in humanform
and considerfoolishthose who do so [like the Greeks](1.131.1);
theysacrificewithno fires,no libations,no pipes,no filletsor bar-
ley (1.132.1), butneverwithouta Magus at hand(1.132.3). Theydo
noturinate,vomit,or spitintoriversor in public(1.138.2; 1.133.3)
- and so on and so forth.In the same polemicaltone,as we learn
elsewhere,theydo not- absolutelynot- use marketplaces.38 Cyrusis
again theirman, who once said "I have no respect for people (i.e.,
the Greeks)who have a designatedplace in the middleof the city
wheretheygatherto deceiveeach other"(1.153.1). This putsin even
sharperrelieftheirgibe aboutDarius "the shopkeeper"at 3.89.3.39
HerodotusindicatesthatPersiansocietyincludesdifferent social
classes.40But the overwhelming impression is thatthosewho appear
to be the press agentsof Persianidentityforma ratherhomoge-
neous group.They are magnificent people withmagnificent names
(1.139), who value couragein battle and teach their sons onlythree
-
things archery, ridingand telling the truth (1.136.1-2). Theythink
thatlyingis the worstpossiblebehaviorand, nextto that,beingin
debt,because it leads to lying(1.138). In this,theyare like Cyrus
(who despisesthe Greeksas liars, 1.153.1) or Prexaspes(who dies
in the act of tellingthe truth,3.75.2), but theyresemblenot at all
laterkings.In the Behistunand Naqsh-iRustaminscriptions, which
represent manifestoesof Persianroyal ideology,Darius claims the
Zoroastrian principleof swornenmityto theLie (grauba).41But the
tradition reportedby Herodotusattributes preciselyto hima convo-
lutedspeechthattheorizes thepoliticalnecessityof lying(3.72.4-5).42
The PersianshonorCyrusbecause he has made themwealthy
and dominant and thevalues thathe represents are also theirvalues.

38A
very strongnegation: aùtol yàq oí Uéçoai àyoq-qoi oùòèv ecóoaai xçàoQai,
oùòé ox{hèatl tò naqánav àyoçr' (1.153.2). For a narratologicaldiscussionof Herodotus'
Persian ethnography,see R. V. Munson, Telling Wonders:Ethnographicand Political
Discourse in the Workof Herodotus (Ann Arbor 2001) 149-56.
39Cyruslets the sack of Sardis go on as a privatefree-for-all untilCroesus
suggestshe apply some fiscal control(1.88.2-3). Afterthe conquestof Lydia,he
entrusts Lydiantreasures to a local official,Pactyas(1.153.3-4). Historiansattribute
theseinstancesto Cyrus'inexperience in financialmatters,in comparison to themore
business-orientedDarius. Herrenschmidt (above, n.37) 93; M. Corsaro,"Autonomia
cittadinae fiscalitàregia:le cittàgreched'Asia nel sistematributario achemenide,"
in Le tributdans l'empireperse. Actesde la Table Rondede Paris 12-13 Décembre
1986 (Paris 1989) 61.
40Rich and poorpreparebirthday banquetsaccordingto theirmeans(1.133.1);
people of differentstatusgreeteach otherdifferently in the street(1.134.1); see the
hierarchy of tribesand clans at 1.125.3.P. Briant,"Hérodoteet la sociétéperse,"in
G. Nenci,ed., Hérodoteet les peuplesnongrecs.Entretiens XXXV.FondationHardt
(Geneva 1988) 71-91.
41DB 1.26-35,4.33-40, 61-69, ##10, 54-55, 63-64; DN b 11-15,#8in Kent
(above,n.8) 119, 131-32, 140. Balcer(above,n.35) 46-47.
42FortheMazdaic/Zoroastrian themeof lie/truth,see Briant(above,n.2) 124-27.
recursin Herodotus'Book 3; see 3.21.2,27.3, 35.1 forotherreferences.
It insistently

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 467

They see themselvesas a multinational power,heir to the Median

Empire;43they love quantity in everysphere(and in thistheyresemble
theirlaterkings);44theyborrowmuchfromabroad,frompederasty
to Median clothes.45 These are the same Persianswho in the Pref-
ace appearto have imported heroicGreeksagas- aboutIo, Europa,
Medea, and theTrojanWar- whichtheymanipulateas experts,as if
theseweretheirown stories.46
Herodotusattributes thenotionthat,before
to Persianaristocrats
Cambyses"thedespot,"Cyrus"thefather"foundedthePersianmon-
archyin theveryact of makingthePersiansfreeand,in spiteof the
apparentparadox,I thinkthatwe shouldtake him seriously.47 This
ideologypervadesHerodotus'Persianethnography, whichenhances
the people's sharedpracticesand convictionsand insertsthe king
intoa broadsocietalcontext.48 Here the generalizedprivatePersian
is the centerof attention, managinghis oíkoç by the same rules
which,theoretically, also the kingis boundto followin the public
sphere.49Whenthe Persianmakes a sacrifice,he is not allowed to
prayforhimselfalone and ratherpraysforall the Persiansand the
king,because "he is himselfone of the Persians."50 The proskunêsis
43See theanalogyat 1.134.3.
44 1.135-136.1.For the Persiankings'tendencyto thinkin quantitative terms
see D. Konstan,"Persians,Greeks,and Empire,"in D. Boedeker,ed., Herodotusand
theInvention of History.Arethusa, 20 (1987) 59-70.
45 1.135: thispassage establishesa linkbetweenthe Persianethnography and
thenarrative aboutthenoblePersianOtanes,who receivesthegiftof a Mediansuit
everyyear(3.84.1).
46 1.1-4. Some scholars,of course,maintainthatthe attribution to Persiansof
versionsof Greekmythsin thispassage is entirelyHerodotus'invention; see, e.g.,
Fehling(above,n.21) 50-59; H. Pelliccia,"Sappho 16, Gorgias'Helen,and thePref-
ace of Herodotus'Histories" YCIS 29 (1992) 63-84; S. West,"Demythologizing in
Herodotus," Xenia Toruniensia 6 (2002) 1-48. But the Persians'adoptionof Greek
heroictraditions is confirmed by Ctesiason theTrojanWarin FGrHist688 F Ib (22);
see F 5 (32.4). On the absenceof local Persianheroictraditions, see Cook (above,
n.24) 200. On the Persianking'suse of Greektraditions forpoliticalreasons,see,
e.g., Herodotus7.150.1 (with7.61.2-3); see 7.11.4,7.43. A Persiancritiqueof Greek
mythsis perhapsalso detectablein theethnography, where"thePersianssay" thatno
one kills his fatheror mother(1.137.2).
47Thisargument thatmonarchy madethePersiansfree,madeby Darius(3.82.5),
clenchesthe outcomeof the Constitutional Debate in favorof thisformof govern-
ment.See 1.126.6; 1.210.2;3.65.7,7.2.3. H. C. Avery, "Herodotus'Portraitof Cyrus,"
AJP93 (1972), 533. For theparadox,see Pelling(above,n.30) 146. The theorythat
theconceptof freedomis a Greekinvention, re-formulated
recently by O. Patterson,
Freedomin theMakingof Western Culture(New York1991),has beenmuchrevised;
see D. C. Snell,Flightand Freedomin theAncientNear East (Leiden2001).
48Thisis notthecase withtheonlyothercontinuous Greekdescriptionof Persian
customs,in Strabo15.3.13-24;see esp. 15.3.17and 21. The Hippocratic treatiseAirs,
Waters, mention
Places (22, 23, 24) thoughit does notspecifically Persians,represents
Asiaticsin generalas naturally subjectto despoticruleon accountof theirclimate.
49 1.137.1. In the historicalnarrative,
the nomosof balancingservicesagainst
offensesbeforepunishingsomeoneis followedby the kingonly once (7.194) and
violatedmanytimes;see D. Lateiner,The HistoricalMethodof Herodotus(Toronto
1989) 153-54,fora listof passages.
50
|aèv òf]Topöuovti Lôlt]'iovvcpou oí èyyívezai àqàoQai àyaQá, ó òè toîch
écüuxcjj
7iãai néQaqcTiKateuxetai £ÜyiveaBai Kai xcpßaaiAel- év yàç>bi] toîctiànaoi YlÉQur'ai

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468 ROSARIA VIGNOLO MUNSON

is thepropergreeting thatnoblePersiansreceivefromtheirinferiors;
thereis no mentionat all of royalproskunêsis, whichthe narrative
elsewheredescribesas a humiliating prostrationto the groundonly
due the king.51
In our onlyPersianhistoriographie textforthisperiod,Darius'
BehistunInscription, the king speaks in the firstpersonabout his
divinelysanctioned power,his campaigns, followers(ban-
his faithful
daka), and his defeatedenemies.The Apadanareliefsat Persepolis
show the kingenthroned in the center,flankedin perfectharmony
by his courtand bearers of gifts.52Modernhistorians of theAncient
Near-Eastmoreoftenthannot speak in termsof Achaemenidideol-
ogy,history, and art("Achaemenid" in thedynasticsense)ratherthan
Persian.But Herodotus,morethanany othersource,Greekor non-
Greek,allows us to hearthe strongvoice of menwho expresstheir
Persianidentityas different from,and even standingin opposition
to, theways of theirkings.
In Book 3, as we have seen,someof theseindividualsare quite
visible,butas thenarrative proceedstheyalmostdisappear.Most of
the namedPersianswe meet forman echo-chamber forthe king's
policies and are inextricably tied to the benefactionshe grantsand
exacts.53But manyhigh-ranking Persiansseemto have silentlydisap-
provedof Xerxes'decisionto marchagainstGreece(7.13.3). On the
eve of the finalPersiandefeatat Plataea, at a banquetin Thebes,
one of them,perhapsafterdrinking muchwine,speaks out in pro-

mt aÙTÒcyivexai (1.132.2) (my translation).The emphasis is on the entirecommunity

as the recipient of divine blessings; see Briant, "La Perse avant l'empire" (above,
n.16) 104 and From Cyrus to Alexander (above, n.2) 241.
51 1.134.1. The
precise meaning of the termis debated. Royal proskunêsis is al-
readyperformedin frontof the Median king (1.119.1). For the Persian king,see 3.86.2,
7.13.13.3, 8.118.4, and especially 1.136.1: ". . . when the spear bearers commanded
and tried to force [Sperthias and Boulis] to fall forwardand prostratethemselves to
the king (7iQoaKuvéeivßaaiAea 7iQoa7iL7iTovxaç) they said that not even if their head
was pushed down by them would they ever do that; for it was not their custom to
proskuneinbeforea humanbeing. . . ." See also the descriptionsin Plut. Them.21 AS
and Aelian VH 1.31. On the otherhand, reliefs of the Apadana building at Persepolis
show a visitorbending forwardslightlyto the king while puttinghis hand to his lips.
See E. J. Bickerman,"À propos d'un passage de Chares de Mytilène,"La Parola del
Passato 18 (1963) 241-55; R. N. Frye, "Gestures of Deference to Royalty in Ancient
Iran," Iranica Antiqua 9 (1972) 102-107; Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander (above,
n.2) 222-23; L. Allen, The Persian Empire (Chicago 2005) 42. This seems a more
realistic formof salute also between non-royalPersians in the street.Herodotus also
attributesthe proskunêsis to ordinaryEgyptians,for whom it involves bowing down
afterplacing one's hand on the knees (2.80.2).
52 For the
representationof kingship in Achaemenid art, see M. C. Root, The
King and Kingship in AchaemenidArt: Essay on the Creation of an Iconography of
Empire (Leiden 1979) esp. 231-40.
53A notable
exception, besides Artabanus (7.10-12), is Artabanus son Tntan-
taechmes,who praises Greek athleticcontestantsfor competingfor excellence (àoetrí)
ratherthanmoney(8.26.3). For the Achaemenidsystemof benefactionsand its accurate
representationin Herodotus, see Briant, "Hérodote et la société perse" (above, n.4O)
97-101; see From Cyrus to Alexander (above, n.2) 303-304.

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 Who Are Herodotus' Persians? 469
test.The characteristicPersianself-assuranceis herecombinedwith
discouragement: "Verymanyof us Persiansjust know,he says, but
we followconstrained by necessity. . . Thereis no greatergriefthan
understanding manythingsand havingpowerover none."54
Herodotushas learnedthisepisode froma Greeksource,likely
thefamilytradition of a Theban,namedTerpander, who attendedthe
party;the speechof the anonymous Persian,as reportedby Herodo-
tus, soundsveryGreek.But at the same time,the criticismof the
monarchy it impliesis consistentwiththe way we have seen other
Persiansin Herodotusdistancethemselvesfromtheirkings.In this
case thecriticismhas to do withtheking'schoiceto wage war,and
may reflecta truerversionof Persiansentiment thanwhatRobert
Gravesimaginedin his well-known poem.55
IV. The Last Appearanceof Cyrus
This anonymousguest,who says he is leaving his host "the
memorialof [his] opinion,"is the last dissentingvoice and the last
representativeof "the Persians"in Herodotus.The referencepoint
of thesemenis, consistently, Cyrus,withwhomHerodotusin a sur-
prisingmove has in factchosento end his work.Cyrusis brought
back fromthe dead as it were,in a flashbackwherehe advises the
Persiansnot to covet fertileterritories, because ruggedcountries
producetough men who are free while soft countriesproducesoft
menwho becomeslaves (9.122.2).
Cyrus'last speechbringsus back to thetimesafterhe replaced
Astyagesas the rulerof Asia (9.122.2), but it is not about kings.
It centerson the collectivityand its choices,presentingan ideal of
austeritythatthe Persians,forthe firsttimein the Histories,now
appearto claim.The passage is hardto reconcilewithCyrus'almost
contemporary promiseto thePersiansof continuousfeasting(1.126),
withhis careeras a conqueror,and withthe ideologyof prosperity
549.16.2-5.I am adaptingthetranslationof M. FlowerandJ.Marincola,
Herodo-
tus: HistoriesBookIX (Cambridge2002) 132.
55This is not to say thatthe King's powerwas affectedby theirdefeats;see
Bowie (above,n.2) 5. "The PersianVersion"by RobertGravesgoes as follows{Col-
lectedPoems[1914-1947] [London1948] 210):
Truth-lovingPersiansdo notdwellupon
The trivialskirmishfoughtnearMarathon.
As fortheGreektheatrical tradition
Whichrepresents thatsummer'sexpedition
Not as a merereconnaissance in force
By threebrigadesof footand one of horse
(Theirleftflankcoveredby someobsolete
LightcraftdetachedfromthemainPersianfleet)
But as a grandiose,
ill-starred
attempt
To conquerGreece - theytreatit withcontempt;
Andonlyincidentally refute
MajorGreekclaims,by stressing whatrepute
The Persianmonarch and Persiannation
Wonby thissalutarydemonstration:
Despitea strongdefenceand adverseweather
All armscombinedmagnificently together.

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470 ROSARIAVlGNOLO MUNSON
of a people thatHerodotusportrays as proudof beingbothwealthy
and toughat the same time.But if we are leftguessingabout its
meaning, thatmaypartlybe becausethislastanecdotein theHistories
represents(withthePreface[1.1-5], thePersianethnography, and the
Constitutional a of a
Debate) fragment largerongoing conversation
betweenmid-fifth centuryPersianelites and theirGreekneighbors,
Herodo-
especiallyin Asia, abouthowto be Persian,rulersand free.56
tus' recordof this conversation to
is one of his greatcontributions
the historyof ancientPersia.
Swarthmore College ROSARIA VlGNOLO MUNSON
Classical World102.4 (2009) rmunsonl@swarthmore.edu

56The lastchapterof theworkis all basedon theoppositionbetweenàoxeivand

aQxecrOai,withòouAeúeLv as the last word(9.122.4). The emphasison the Persians'
choiceparallelsthechoiceformulated by Cyrusat 1.126.5-6.For a fulldiscussionof
thispassage,see C. Dewald,"WantonKings,PickledHeroes,and GnomicFounding
Fathers:Strategiesof Meaningat theEnd of Herodotus'Histories," in D. H. Roberts,
F. M. Dunn,and D. Fowler,eds., Classical Closure:ReadingtheEnd in Greekand
LatinLiterature (Princeton1997) 62-82.

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