THE IMMIGRANT

PARADOX IN
Children's Education & Behavior
Evidence from New Research
We dedicate this policy brief in memory of Brown graduate student and DREAM Act
activist Tam Ngoc Tran who passed away at the age of 27 on Saturday May 18, 2010.

Tam embodied everything that this country expects of its citizens: virtue, love of country,
civic engagement, community activism and support for each other.

She was a daughter and a sister. She was born in Germany to Vietnamese refugee
parents who fought Communism in their country. When Tam was six years old, the
family moved to the United States. They requested asylum here, but their application
remains in limbo. Tam and her family are stateless: Germany will not accept them back
because they are not of German origin and return to Vietnam is impossible given the
family's anti-communist history.

A budding scholar, Tam was pursuing her Ph.D. in the Department of American
Civilization at Brown University at the time of her death. Her dissertation planned to
merge historical inquiry with participant observation, documenting the trajectory and
power of student politics over the last half-century.

Tam Tran was a dedicated and fearless leader for immigrant rights. She advocated on
behalf of undocumented immigrant youth in search of education. As an undergraduate
at the University of California, Los Angeles, she worked with fellow undocumented
and documented students to extend public funding to undocumented students. On
May 18, 2007, Tam took the courageous step of testifying in Congress in support of
the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act (The "DREAM Act"), a bill
that would provide pathways to citizenship by granting a six year conditional permanent
legal residency to undocumented students who met certain criteria. Although the bill
failed, Tam continued to work for its passage and was a tireless activist until the day of
her untimely death.

Most of all, Tam embodied true citizenship. She overcame significant obstacles,
embraced an American identity, and fought for justice and equality for all just as the
Founding Fathers did. As she said before Congress, "the truth is, I am culturally an
American...I consider myself a Southern Californian. I grew up watching Speed Racer
and Mighty Mouse every Saturday morning." But ultimately, although not deportable,
she was denied formal legal citizenship, which would bring her full rights and security.

Tam was an organizer for the conference on which this report is based and gave
significant guidance and assistance in the production of this report. In particular, she
put together a panel of undocumented college students who provided testimony of the
needs of this population. Another member of the panel, Cinthya Felix, also died in this
accident. Her unique perspective and strong voice will continue to guide our research.
She was greatly looking forward to the release of this report.
THE IMMIGRANT
PARADOX
Children's Education & Behavior
IN
Evidence from New Research

2 Foreword 14 What Explains the Positive

Educational and Behavioral
Performance of Children of
Immigrants?
4 Introduction

18 Word for Policymakers

8 The “Immigrant Paradox”
Findings in Detail

21 Information on the Research

Findings Behind this Report

22 References
2

Foreword
The conventional view in the United States has been that children of
immigrants are a challenge for the American educational system and for
local communities. Many of them don’t speak much English, the thinking
goes, and they are not familiar with American traditions and practices. This
can only make them educational “laggards” and a concern for educators and
policymakers across the country. This conventional view is fundamentally
wrong: new data and research that scholars in education presented at a
conference convened at Brown University last year shows that the children
of immigrants do well in school and in the community. In fact, many studies
show that the children of immigrants outperform their American-born peers
both in school performance and in out-of-school positive behaviors.

We have called this phenomenon the “Immigrant Paradox” because it

contradicts the conventional view. Although the conference explored the
“Immigrant Paradox” across all stages of child development, this report
covers research findings for the critical stages of childhood and adolescence.
Children from various ethnic and racial backgrounds were included in these
rich and interesting studies. Some studies were national in scope while others
took a deep look at a specific community. Some looked at school performance
and others looked at out-of-school social behaviors. All came to the same
conclusions: immigrant children far from being “the problem,” are a source of
potential answers to some of the problems that plague our schools and our
communities.

We are grateful to all our colleagues who participated in this conference

and shared their exciting research findings with us. Special thanks are also
accorded to the Center for the Study of Human Development and the Center
for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America at Brown University which
hosted the Conference and allowed us to begin this dialogue. In order to link
the research findings presented at our conference to educational policy, two
Foreword 3

of our colleagues from the Taubman Center for Public Policy and American
Institutions at Brown University, Professors Marion Orr and Alexandra
Filindra, provided some thoughts and insights about how these findings apply
to questions of policy. We thank them for their support and ideas.

A number of institutions provided financial support for this project without

which this effort would not have been possible. We thank them for
recognizing the importance of this initiative and cherish their partnership with
us. Additionally, Flannery Patton was a significant contributor in providing
administrative support and organizational expertise.

Now, we want to share some of these very important new data that
challenge the way we think about immigrant children, with educators, school
administrators, policymakers and parents across the country. Our goal is to
start a new dialogue on how to further support immigrant children in their
journey to integrate into American society, and how to learn from their
experience. Through this initiative, we hope to enable students, families,
schools, and government to sustain and strengthen the resiliency that
underlies the immigrant paradox. Children of immigrants have a lot to teach
us about how to foster a love of learning and an appreciation for schooling
among all our students, regardless of their citizenship status.

We invite teachers and principals, superintendents and administrators,

education researchers, reformers, activists and policymakers, immigrant
advocates and politicians at all levels of government, to peruse this brief
report. All are also welcome to share their thoughts with us.

Professor Evelyn Hu-DeHart, Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America
Professor Cynthia Garcia Coll, Education Department
Research Assistants, Flannery Patton and Tam Tran
4

Introduction
In 2009, President Obama made education a priority for America. The
American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (the “stimulus”) included
substantial investments in education, including $77 billion for primary and
secondary education reform, $5 billion for early childhood programs, and
$5 billion for educational innovation. Improving educational outcomes and
ensuring a better future for all of America’s children is a top concern for the
Administration and for communities across the nation. According to the
White House: “Providing a high-quality education for all children is critical
to America’s economic future. Our nation’s economic competitiveness
and the path to the American Dream depend on providing every child with
an education that will enable them to succeed in a global economy that is
predicated on knowledge and innovation. President Obama is committed to
providing every child access to a complete and competitive education, from
cradle through career.” 1

Figure 1. Children by Parents' Nativity, 1994 – 2008

100

80
60
40
20
0
1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008

Children of native-born parents Children of foreign-born parents

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplements

Children of immigrants are the fastest growing segment of the American

youth population. In 2008, children of immigrant parents made up almost
one-fourth of all children in the United States (Figure 1). By 2040, the U.S.
Introduction 5

Census projects that these children will comprise about 50 percent of

America’s youth. The majority of children of immigrants today are Hispanic
or Asian: in 2008, 53 percent of all children of immigrants were Hispanic and
22 percent were Asian.

Children of immigrants are more likely to live in low-income families, with

parents who have had little if any formal education in their home country,
and speak little or no English. These parents are also less familiar with the
American school system. In 2008, almost one in three foreign-born children
of immigrant parents and 20 percent of American-born children of immigrant
parents lived below the poverty line, compared to 16 percent of children
whose parents were American-born. Also, more than one fourth of immigrant
parents have not completed high school, compared to 7 percent of American-
born parents (Table 1).

Table 1. Family Income and Parents’ Education by Nativity, 1994-2008

Income 100% below poverty level No High School Diploma

American- American-
Foreign-born parents Foreign-born parents
born parents born parents

U.S.-born U.S.-born Foreign-born U.S.-born U.S.-born Foreign-born

children children children children children children

% % % % % %

1994 20 28 41 14 38 48

1996 18 27 39 13 39 49

1998 17 25 39 12 37 45

2000 15 20 30 11 36 43

2002 14 20 27 10 36 41

2004 15 21 30 10 34 42

2006 15 20 30 10 33 39

2008 16 21 30 7 26 29

Source: U.S. Census, CPS, Annual Social and Economic Supplements, 1994-2008
6

These differences in income and education between American-born and

immigrant parents have led to concerns about the educational performance
of the children of immigrants and worries that lower levels of educational
success and weak integration in American society may lead to higher levels of
juvenile delinquency, lower civic engagement and more risky behaviors. The
conventional view on the children of immigrants asserts that because of their
social and economic environment and their lower levels of assimilation, they
are more at risk to fail in school and to become delinquents.

In March 2009, we convened a conference at Brown University to share new

data and results from a variety of new studies on the children of immigrants
and the children of the American-born second and third plus generation.
The findings from this conference strongly confirm earlier findings which
show that often times the educational performance and overall behavior of
the immigrant children is better than that of the more assimilated second
and third plus generation children. We have called this phenomenon the
“Immigrant Paradox” because it contradicts the conventional view. The
conference explored the “Immigrant Paradox” across all stages of child
development: infancy, childhood, adolescence and young adulthood, looking
at a number of educational and behavioral outcomes. The conference paid
particular attention to Hispanic and Asian children of immigrants who
together constitute 72 percent of all children of immigrants. Smaller numbers
of European, Canadian, Caribbean and African children of immigrants are
also included in this research.

The research compared first, second and third plus generation children in
terms of a variety of educational and behavioral outcomes. The key findings
of this new research are:

 First generation immigrant adolescents exhibit lower levels of juvenile

delinquency and risk behaviors than second or third plus generation children.

 Some first generation immigrant children are outperforming second and

third plus generation children in standardized test scores.
Introduction 7

 First generation immigrant children often start behind American-born

children in school but they catch up quickly and have high rates of
learning growth. While some start behind in elementary school, by middle
to late elementary school many of these children catch up or even surpass
their peers.

 First generation immigrant children have positive attitudes towards school

and teachers.

 The research presented at this conference suggest that findings for the
immigrant paradox may be uneven across groups.

A note on terminology

In this report, the term immigrant refers to individuals who are foreign-
born, regardless of their immigration status (e.g., naturalized citizens,
permanent residents, undocumented). Immigrant families refers to
families that are headed by foreign-born parents. The children in these
families may be foreign-born or American-born. Further we define first,
second and third plus generations as follows:

First generation: Foreign-born children of foreign-born parents

Second generation: American-born children of foreign-born parents

Third plus generation: American-born children of American-born parents.

8

The "Immigrant Paradox"

Findings in Detail
In March 2009, Brown University invited researchers whose work has
focused on immigrant children and adolescents from across the nation to
present research findings on the children of immigrants from the first, second
and third plus generations.

Lower Levels of Risk Behaviors among Children of

Immigrants
Research conducted since the late 1990s, both nationally and at the regional
level, has shown that first generation immigrant adolescents exhibit
significantly lower levels of juvenile delinquency and substance abuse than
second or third plus generation, American-born children. 2

First generation immigrant youth are…

 Significantly more likely than their second or third plus generation peers to
report that they have never tried alcohol, tobacco or other drugs. 3 (Fig. 2)

 Less likely to commit property or violent crimes than their American-born

peers. 4 (Fig. 3)

 Significantly more likely to have their first sexual experience at an older age
than their second or third plus generation peers. 5 (Fig. 4)
The "Immigrant Paradox" Findings in Detail 9

Figure 2. Rates of Abstaining from Substance Use and Sexual Activity During
Adolescence by Immigrant Generation, Among U.S. Asians & Latinos
45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

0
First Generation Second Generation Third Plus Generation

Figure 3. Violent Delinquency in Adolescence Across Generation Groups

2.8
Mean Level of Delinquency

2.4

1.6

1.2

0.8

0.4

0
White Black Asian Latino

First Generation Second Generation Third Plus Generation

10

Figure 4. Mean Age of Sexual Initiation of Latino Adolescents Across

Generation Groups
15.4

15.2

15

14.8

14.6

14.4

14.2

14

13.8
1st Generation 2nd Generation 3rd Generation

Mexican Cuban Puerto Rican

First Generation Youth Show Positive Academic Outcomes

Research indicates that for some groups and at certain ages children of
immigrants perform better on standardized scores than American-born
children. Furthermore, first generation immigrant children have higher GPA
than their peers. 6 First generation immigrants perform better academically
than American-born children even though they are more likely to attend
lower-performance schools that suffer from higher levels of absenteeism,
substance abuse, disorder, lax school rules and student delinquency. In
addition, first generation immigrant adolescents report stronger attachment
and commitment to school and are more likely to report liking school than
American-born adolescents. 7
The "Immigrant Paradox" Findings in Detail 11

A study of children and adolescents in New York shows that… 8

 Immigrant children in 3rd through 8th grade outperform their American-

born peers in standardized tests. (Fig. 5)

Figure 5. Standardized Test Scores of 3rd through 8th graders for American-
born and Immigrant Youth, New York Sample
0.050
0.045
0.041
0.040

0.030

0.020

0.010

0.000

-0.010 -0.007 -0.008

Reading Math
-0.020

Native-born Immigrant

Figure from Conger, D., Schwartz, A., Stiefel, L. (2003) Who Are Our Students: A Statistical
Portrait of Immigrant Students in New York City Elementary and Middle Schools. New York, NY:
The Urban Research Center. (New York Public School Data, 1999-2000, 3rd – 8th grade.)

 First generation immigrant 1st – 8th graders have stronger school

attendance rates than their American-born peers.

 First generation immigrant 1st – 8th graders are less likely to attend special
education classes than their American-born peers.
12

First Generation Children Show High Rates of Learning

During Elementary School
Findings show that during the early elementary school years, first generation
immigrant children that start out lagging behind their American-born
peers are able to narrow and sometimes even close the gap in academic
performance. 9

Studies of Latino first generation children show that…

 Low-income Latino first and second generation immigrant children have

similar levels of reading proficiency to third plus generation Latino children
in preschool. However, by 3rd and 4th grade, the reading skills of first
generation Latino immigrant children are significantly better than those of
American-born Latino children.

 Low income first and second generation immigrant Latino preschoolers

show lower math scores at school entry but greater gains during the
elementary school years than third plus generation Latino children. 10

 First generation Latino immigrant children attending kindergarten exhibit

similar levels of aggression and hyperactivity (externalizing behavior) as
third plus generation American-born Latino children. However, by 5th
grade, first generation Latino immigrant children have significantly lower
levels of such behavior than American-born Latinos or American-born
Caucasian children. 11

 First generation Mexican immigrant kindergarten students have lower

levels of social skills than American-born Caucasian kindergartners.
However, by 5th grade, first generation Mexican children exhibit higher
levels of social skills than their American-born Caucasian peers. 12
The "Immigrant Paradox" Findings in Detail 13

 Latino kindergartners who are fluent in two languages (93 percent of

whom are foreign-born) have lower reading and math skills than Latino
peers who speak mostly or only English (55 percent of this group is foreign-
born). By 5th grade, however, bilingual Latino children have higher scores
in math and reading than their English-speaking peers. 13

Figure 6. Trends in Math Scores for Latino Kindergarten through Fifth Graders
Across Language Groups
52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45
Kindergarten Kindergarten First Grade Third Grade Fifth Grade
(Fall) (Spring)

English Monolingual English Dominant Fluent Bilingual

Non-English Non-English
dominant Bilingual monolingual

It must be noted that these trends are documented within the Latino population.
While foreign-born Latinos show resilience across many outcomes there is
still a significant gap between Latino children and White or Asian children in
standardized measures of academic achievement.
In addition, while foreign-born children show incredible resilience during early
education for foreign-born Latinos there appears to be a loss of advantage
during high school. While school attitudes and school behaviors (i.e. time spent
on homework) remain high, educational achievement and attainment do not
reflect this positive trend. In 2009, the high school drop-out rate for foreign-
born Latinos was 33 percent. 14 Policy should aim to capitalize on early learning
gains of foreign-born youth and support transitions to middle and high school.
14

What Explains the Positive

Educational and Behavioral
Performance of Children of
Immigrants?
Recent research in sociology, psychology and other social science disciplines
has looked at the circumstances that enable the children of immigrants to
perform well in school and in the community. This research has focused
on the character of the neighborhoods/communities within which first
generation immigrant children live, as well as on the school and family
contexts. The family, the school and the neighborhood are vital in fostering
positive behaviors and academic success among first generation immigrant
children.

The Role of the Family

Immigrant parents place a strong emphasis on attending school and going
to college. Academic discipline is enforced through high levels of monitoring
and high parental involvement in children’s and adolescents’ lives. Immigrant
parents provide structure and boundaries which have strong positive effects
in school performance and overall behavior. Immigrant parents manage to
provide these structures for their children even though they tend to have less
community support than American-born parents.

 Parents of first generation immigrant children have high educational

expectations of their children. 15

 First generation adolescents (both white and Latino) report more parental
control than their third plus generation peers. 16

 First generation adolescents (both white and Latino) have stronger

feelings of attachment to their parents than do their third plus generation
peers. 17
What Explains the Positive Educational and Behavioral Performance 15
of Children of Immigrants?

 First generation Latino immigrant adolescents are less likely to report

arguing with their parents than second or third plus generation Latino
adolescents. 18

 Lower levels of juvenile delinquency among first generation Latino and

white immigrant adolescents is, in part, explained by the stronger
relationships that these children have with their parents. 19

 The vast majority of immigrant families (82 percent) maintain a two-

parent household compared to 71 percent of non-immigrant families. 20

 100 percent of immigrant families with mixed language skills maintain

two parent families.

“My mother always

made education the most
important thing. She always
told me that she didn't want
to see me working the same
jobs that she was working.
My school was always her
priority, so it also became
my priority. My mother
wanted me to go to college”

—Juliana, First Generation

Latina College Student
16

The Role of the Community

Ethnic neighborhoods and communities play vital roles in supporting
immigrant families and enabling children of immigrants to perform well in
school. Some ethnic communities provide afterschool care and various
programs designed to help students improve their academic performance
and reinforce positive social behaviors. Many communities share values and
goals which makes the work of supporting children and limiting delinquency
easier.

Researchers have identified specific ethnic community

resources that support educational success. Chinese
communities provide an interesting example of the
ways that certain immigrants organize around their
children's educational needs in order to advance their
achievements. Chinese communities in Los Angeles
support children’s educational progress in several ways,
such as buxiban (afterschool tutoring), community-
run standardized test and college preparation classes,
and enrichment programs in academic writing, math,
non-academic leadership training, music and the
arts. Education is stressed and valued throughout the
community; Chinese language newspapers feature
ads for educational programs, offer detailed school
information and publicly acknowledge community
members for providing funding for scholarships. 21
18

A Word for Policymakers

Contrary to the conventional view, children of immigrants today are generally

thriving. What they lack in English language skills upon arrival, they make up
in strong family and community support that helps them stay in school and
enables them to perform better than their American-born peers. Policymakers
need to promote and nurture immigrants’ strong belief in education as a
vehicle for social and economic mobility. They should also recognize and build
on the community cohesion and strong values that many immigrant families
share. Developing programs that help these first generation immigrant
children to finish high school and go to college is the best way to ensure social
mobility and success for immigrant youth. This includes both educational
programs and programs that help immigrant children overcome bureaucratic
barriers to permanent residency and citizenship and thus access to a variety
of educational resources that are reserved for legal permanent residents
and citizens. Encouraging and supporting the first generation is particularly
important in view of findings that they show early gains in elementary school
but may lose this advantage by adolescence. These findings resonate with
the results of major national studies of immigrant communities, especially
Latino communities, which show that social mobility becomes stunted with
each successive generation.

Helping these children of immigrants secure their share of the American

Dream requires the combined effort of schools, communities and families.
School administrators should encourage programs of language immersion
and language assistance that help bilingual, or non-English speaking children
to adapt faster to the American school curriculum. Furthermore, schools must
secure parental engagement in the process by scheduling parent-teacher
conference at times that do not conflict with low-income immigrant parents’
work schedules. In many low income immigrant families, both parents work
long hours at jobs that are not salaried but rather paid by the hour. This makes
it quite difficult for these parents to take time off for school-related functions.
A Word for Policymakers 19

Alternative modes of communication, such as phone conferences rather than

in-person meetings, would enable parents to stay more involved with their
children’s education.

Parent-teacher communication is key for fostering strong educational

performance among all children. While immigrant parents absolutely want
their children to excel in school, some do not have the knowledge of what is
required to achieve academic success in schools in the United States. Thus,
while these parents made a priority of helping their children with homework,
they lacked the knowledge and ability to help them succeed at higher levels
of education. Programs that assist immigrants to prepare their children with
pathways toward higher education should be encouraged.

In the case of children of immigrants, it is critical that schools have access

to bilingual teachers or translators who can communicate with non-English
speaking parents and work with them to ensure their children’s strong
educational performance and to open up pathways to high school and college.
Partnering with non-profit immigrant service providers and community
volunteers who can provide translation and language interpreting services
free of charge or at a low cost would greatly enhance the working relationship
between schools and non English-speaking immigrant parents.

Policymakers, school officials and advocates can also seek out important
lessons from the educational and social practices of some immigrant groups
whose community institutions have great success at helping children excel
in school and outside. Careful study and migration of these practices into
other communities could have beneficial effects and further support these
children. Public-private partnerships that develop innovative ideas for
in-school and afterschool programs must be supported with public and
institutional funding. And the educators among us, both those in primary or
secondary education and those in colleges and universities, should develop
a public forum for the exchange of ideas and the sharing of new research and
information. This report is a step in that direction.
20

The children of immigrants today are being viewed with suspicion in many
states and localities: their educational performance is doubted, their progress
in school contested, their morality and social behaviors questioned. Political
leaders are concerned about the economic effects of immigrant children to
their budgets and the social effects to their communities. The conventional
view may be wrong, but it is strong and widely held. It is our responsibility and
duty to these children who will be the future leaders of our country to provide
them with an educational environment that fosters learning and to support
them in their quest to overcome the challenges of poverty, foreignness and
social exclusion.
Information on the Research Findings Behind this Report 21

Information on the Research

Findings Behind this Report
For more information on the findings presented in this report, including
downloadable reports and videos please visit our Website at:

http://brown.edu/Departments/Education/paradox/
22

References

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http://www.whitehouse.gov/issues/education

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References 23

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24

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Differences in the Relationship between Immigration Status and Delinquency
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18 Bui, H. N. (In Preparation) “Segmented Assimilation and Racial/Ethnic

Differences in the Relationship between Immigration Status and Delinquency
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a developmental risk? New York, NY: APA.

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Acknowledgements
This report was made possible through
generous funding by:

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation

The Spencer Foundation
The College Board
The Wayland Collegium, Brown University
The Center for the Study of Human
Development, Brown University
WT Grant Foundation

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