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Japan-A Macroeconomics Perspective
Japan-A Macroeconomics Perspective
Japan—A Macroeconomics
Perspective
Aug 21, 2016 • Loic Merckel
J
apan has seemed unable to thwart its massive and sustained Note: This essay is an
macroeconomics performance deterioration markedly observed during the incomplete—due to
copyrights—replication of
last few decades (Vogel, 2013). Japan has a national debt of approximately 240
the macroeconomics
per cent of its GDP, swallowing nearly 25 per cent of its annual budget in interest assignment I submitted in
and principal repayments (BMI, 2016)—This is the highest level of debt among partial ful llment of the
the OECD countries (OECD, 2015). Fast aging population increases public requirements for the
Degree of MBA (Judge
spending and hinders potential growth (OECD, 2015). “The dependency ratio … is
Business School,
the highest among the OECD nations” (MarketLine, 2015, p. 3). University of Cambridge,
UK).
Having drawn a rather gloomy picture, Japan enjoys a high GDP per capita, a
high human development index, is technologically one of the most advanced countries in the world
(MarketLine, 2015) and owns massive external assets, and has been sustaining a substantial current
account surplus—which makes Japan a rare, if not a unique case given its exorbitant scal debt (BMI,
2016).
In the remaining of this report, we further discuss ve macroeconomics issues about Japan.
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Another strength stems from its appealing technological landscape (MarketLine, 2015). Japan is the
home of numerous globally-renown high-tech companies in various key areas such as, e.g., telecom,
automotive, electronic or heavy engineering (MarketLine, 2015; BMI, 2016).
Weaknesses
The public debt has been steadily growing over the years to reach an alarmingly high level with a gross
debt neighboring 240 per cent of the GDP (150 per cent in net terms). More worrisome is the fact that
experts anticipate no drastic improvement on the long term, but only a gradual improvement (BMI, 2016)
as shown on the gure labeled Fiscal and Public Debt Forecasts, Gross Debt and Fiscal Balance (2007–
2025) of the BMI (2016, p. 12)’s report.
The rapidly ageing population constitutes another source of major concerns. The gure labeled Falling
Active Population Ratio Will Be a Major Drag on Savings, see BMI (2016, p. 19)’s report, presents the
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gloomy forecast of the demographic pro le, whereas the gure labeled Worst Demographics in the
Developed World (BMI, 2016, p. 20) shows that Japan has the worst demographic outlook among
developed countries. “The working-age population (15–64) is already falling by more than one million per
year and is projected to decline by 17% by 2030 and by nearly 40% by 2050” (OECD, 2015, p. 15). A direct
consequence is a shortage in labor force; a situation that could be addressed via fostering gender equality
and reforming immigration policy (OECD, 2015; BMI, 2016).
This demographic situation hinders the measures to address the massive debt, as social security
expenses are likely to further increase in the coming decades (BMI, 2016). The chart in the gure labeled
Social Security The Main Drain Government Spending Breakdown, FY2016 Budget of BMI (2016, p. 11)’s
report unambiguously shows that social security already constitutes by far the main expense, followed by
the debt; more than 55 per cent of the annual budget is allocated to these two related items.
Competitive advantage
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The yen’s buying power has markedly weakened since 2012 (OECD, 2015, g. 25). Although this has
certainly, to a certain measure, contributed to improving net exports—by reducing imports when
alternatives exist domestically, the shortage of energy due to the Fukushima nuclear crisis has been
pushing the need for importing oil and gas up (Japan’s main imports, see the table labeled Main Import
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and Exports of the BMI (2016, p. 14)’s report), negatively impacting the net exports, a phenomenon
exacerbated by the considerable depreciation of the yen.
The rst Abenomics’ arrow focused on drastic monetary easing and led to yen depreciation (OECD, 2015).
However, some observers report a rather deceptive result regarding the positive impact on net exports
(Soble, 2014; ECB, 2015; BMI, 2016). BMI (2016, p. 22) notes that:
[A]rti cially weakening a currency is only bene cial if the reduction in prices received for a country’s exports are more than
offset by an increase in export volumes, and the production of exports can be increased with no opportunity cost in
terms of reduced production of domestically focused goods. These conditions almost never hold, and in the case of
Japan, the weak yen policy has essentially just subsidised the rest of the world at the expense of the domestic economy.
It must be borne in mind that depreciation is a double-edge sword. On the one hand, it improves the
competitiveness of Japanese goods abroad; but on the other hand, it increases the cost of foreign
products in Japan. In particular, Japan must import a great deal of energy to compensate the shortage
engendered by the 2011 earthquake (see the table labeled Main Import and Exports of the BMI (2016, p.
14)’s report).
We could argue that we are observing a J curve effect (Kitson, 2016, pp. 14 & 15), and that the long-term
bene ts of the depreciation have yet to be observed. Depreciation alone might not be enough to noticeably
improve net exports. Reinforcing competitive advantages (increase exports) and drawing level with
“competitive disadvantages” (decrease imports) should help in leveraging the weaker yen.
The third arrow of the Abenomics attempts to achieve those challenging goals with a set of reforms, see
Table 3 of the OECD (OECD, 2015, p. 14)’s report. Those reforms should lead to the regain of somewhat
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Besides, Japan is actively addressing the energy crisis. Focus is set on renewable energy and e ciency so
as to lower the consumption (DeWit, 2015; OECD, 2015). On the shorter term, nuclear plans shutdowned
after the 2011 nuclear accident (OECD, 2015, p. 24) are being certi ed by new enhanced safety regulations
and restarted (Soble, 2014). These should have the effect of reducing energy imports.
For instance, considering the EU-Japan Free Trade Agreement (European Commission, 2016), although a
narrowing trend is observed, Japan’s net export to EU remains positive—see the table titled Total goods:
EU Trade ows and balance, annual data 2005–2015 in the European Commission (2016, p. 3)’s report—
and thus it is reasonable to believe that voiding the tariff will accentuate this situation and thus improve
Japan’s net exports.
To optimize the bene ts brought about by those agreements and increase the odds of noticeably
improving net exports, it is wise to support tariff protected industries that might otherwise suffer from
those agreements (with the consequence of increasing imports, and consequently damaging net exports
—in addition to create other domestic problems). Agriculture is especially of concern, tariff on farm goods
(especially on rice) is the main nancing vehicle of the Producer Support Estimate (OECD, 2015), which
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“averaged 48% of gross farm receipts in 2013–15” (OECD, 2016), and “consumer spending on agricultural
products was 1.8 times what it would have been in the absence of government policies” (OECD, 2015, p.
17). The Abenomics’ third arrow’s ninth reform has been enacted speci cally to address this agricultural
issue—see Table 3, Reform 9 of the OECD (2015, p. 14)’s survey—and “aims to double the income of
farmers and farming communities within ten years and double exports by 2020” (OECD, 2015, p. 17).
At the onset of the nancial crisis in 2008, Japan enjoyed a brief respite from the domino effect that was
devastating other rich nations (Fackler, 2008; Vogel, 2013; Kawai & Takagi, 2009). But the crisis eventually
gravely hit Japan3 (Vollmer & Bebenroth, 2012).
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The gure labeled Heading Lower, Industrial Production Index of the BMI (BMI, 2016, p. 9)’s report shows
the industrial production index—which “measures the real production output of manufacturing, mining,
and utilities” (Wikipedia, 2016, para. 1)—and reveals that the industrial production has been being
remarkably poor since the two crises, suggesting that Japan is still struggling in the aftermath of those
crises.
Figure 4 depicts the long-term damages in icted by the crisis on the GDP.
Among the policy responses to recession by the government and the Bank of Japan (Vollmer & Bebenroth,
2012), SMEs (99.7 per cent of the registered rms) have been substantially supported by the government
helping them to face the crisis down. The number of bankruptcies has noticeably decreased in Japan
since (and during) the two crises (considering the 2011 earthquake), while “bankruptcies increased by an
average of 66% in OECD countries over 2007–12” (OECD, 2015, p. 23). However, excessive SMEs support
has long-term negative effects for the economy such as hampering the development of market-based
nancing, keeping undesirable “zombie” rms alive and discouraging rms from expanding. The
government should now address those issues by revising its support scheme to SMEs before the burden
becomes unbearable (OECD, 2015, p. 23).
There are Japanese corporations established in Greece (MOFA of Japan, 2016); those rms might be
exposed to various accounting and tax risks as discussed by Ernst & Young (2015). However, due to the
small number of concerned rms, it seems unlikely that perceptible repercussions on the Japanese
economy would subsequently occur.
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Greece would probably default on its colossal national debt after a Grexit (Mercier, 2015). The debt is held
mostly by the ECB, the IMF and other European countries (Mercier, 2015; Kottasova, 2015). Those
European countries would somewhat suffer from losses, with some impact on their economy. Besides,
the entire Eurozone economic climate would be shrouded into vast uncertainty and fear; e.g., it would
“reintroduce underlying convertibility risk, reviving nancial fragmentation within the monetary union” and
“the integrity of the euro zone would come under fresh threat with each episode of political uncertainty
within member countries” (Mercier, 2015, p. 4). Consequently, the euro would be gravely struck and its
value against the yen would likely plummet; which would dramatically impact trades between Japan and
the entire Eurozone, leading to a drop in the Japanese exports to the EU, causing a serious blow to the
Japanese economy that relies on those exports—EU 28 constitutes the third export destination, with 10.6
per cent of its total exports; see the table Total Goods: Top trading partners 2015 of the European
Commission (2016, p. 8)’s report.
The recent Brexit referendum had led to a surge of the yen with various worrisome consequences for
Japan (Nagata, 2016). It is reasonable to speculate that a Grexit would trigger a similar upheaval. ■
References
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2. Bosworth, B. P. (2015). Impact of the Financial Crisis on Long-Term Growth. Center for Retirement
Research at Boston College. Retrieved from http://goo.gl/9nujmQ
3. DeWit, A. (2015). Japan’s Bid to Become a World Leader in Renewable Energy. The Asia-Paci c Journal
| Japan Focus, 13(39).
4. ECB. (2015). Japan’s recent net export performance. Economic Bulletin, (3).
5. Fackler, M. (2008). In Japan, Financial Crisis Is Just a Ripple. The New York Times. Retrieved from
http://nyti.ms/1QArRP4
6. Kawai, M., & Takagi, S. (2009). Why was Japan Hit So Hard by the Global Financial Crisis? Asian
Development Bank Institute, (153). Retrieved from http://goo.gl/WzZ7uw
7. Kitson, M. (2016). Macroeconomics—Brie ng notes for cycle 2 part 3.
8. Kitson, M. (2016). Macroeconomics—Classic Macroeconomic Issues - Exchange Rates, (slides).
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9. Kottasova, I. (2015). Greek debt crisis: Who has most to lose? Retrieved from http://goo.gl/cLBVI1
10. MarketLine. (2015). Japan, In-depth PESTLE insights, (ML00002-018/Published 09/2015).
11. Mercier, T. (2015). Grexit: Lose-Lose. Flash Recherche, Recherche Economique Groupe—BNP Paribas,
(14–15). Retrieved from http://goo.gl/zpkwHF
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from http://goo.gl/uvervV
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16. Soble, J. (2014). Japan’s record trade de cit raises fresh doubts about Abenomics. Financial Times.
Retrieved from http://on.ft.com/1z6ExWM
17. Soble, J. (2014). Japan trade de cit narrows as exports rise. Financial Times. Retrieved from
http://on.ft.com/1AyjtZZ
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The Asia-Paci c Journal | Japan Focus, 11(45).
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Third Globalization: Can Wealthy Nations Stay Rich in the Twenty-First Century? (pp. 350–371). Oxford
University Press.
20. Vollmer, U., & Bebenroth, R. (2012). The Financial Crisis in Japan: Causes and Policy Reactions by the
Bank of Japan. The European Journal of Comparative Economics, 9(1), 51–77.
21. Wikipedia. (2016). Industrial production index—Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved from
https://goo.gl/O0gish
22. Ernst & Young. (2015). Potential tax risks from a Greece exit of the Euro. Japan Tax Alert—Ernst &
Young Tax Co. Retrieved from http://goo.gl/aqovoc
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24. European Commission. (2016). European Union, Trade in goods with Japan. Retrieved from
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Retrieved from http://goo.gl/lh0zfz
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1. Other observers believe that the net exports will remain negative and even deteriorate on the long
term, see, e.g., the table labeled Net Exports Forecasts from the BMI (2016, p. 10)’s report. ↩
2. Since 2012 the so-called Abenomics (Wikipedia, 2016) has been attempting to boost growth (the third
arrow), and therefore Japan has been/is already implementing measures towards improving net
exports (OECD, 2015); meaning that we can already observe some preliminary results of some policy
options. ↩
3. Kawai and Takagi (2009) attempt to explain some of the factors that made the crisis especially
painful for Japan. ↩
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