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Huskinson, J. Some Pagan Mythological Figures and Their Significance in Early Christian Art-Used PDF
Huskinson, J. Some Pagan Mythological Figures and Their Significance in Early Christian Art-Used PDF
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SOME PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES AND THEIR
SIGNIFICANCE IN EARLY CHRISTIAN ART
(PlatesIII-VI)
Seepages 85-91 belowfor Appendices 1 and 2; pages 91-5 for Notes,and pages 96-7
for abbreviations
usedand SelectBibliography.
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 69
the one hand thereare the denunciations of pagan art and mythology, legislation
by Christianemperorsagainstpagan cults,and the Christiandestruction ofpagan
shrinesand statues:4and on theother,evidenceofan awarenessofbeautyin classical
artand a respectfortheartisticheritage.5 Classicalstatuarywas re-usedto adorn
Constantinople, and in Rome measuresweretakento preserveworksof the past.6
Blatantly pagan subjects,whichmightbe thought tohavebeenoffensive to Christians,
frequently found theirway into Christiansettings, presumably because theywereat
hand to be used fordecorativepurposes,or because theywerepart of the pagan
background thatwas takenforgranted.7 In theearlyperiod,too,manyartistswho
producedsuch worksas sarcophagusreliefs,were pagans or Christianstrainedin
workshopsthat turnedout pagan, Christian,'neutral', and sometimesJewish,
designsto please all customers.8Moreover,most educated pagans had by this
time long discardeda literalbeliefin the tales oftheirmythology, preferring to
interpretthemas allegorieswithsome cosmicor moral significance, and in the
late thirdand fourthcenturiescan be tracedthe emergenceof moremonotheistic
beliefs,particularly amongstintellectualcirclesin Rome.
Such a varietyof reactionsunderlinesthe need fora greatawarenessof the
different - religious,artistic,and political
factors - that may be involvedin early
Christianart. Geographytoo may play an importantpart; and social class may
to assess,sincemanyofthe exampleswhich
also be relevant,althoughit is difficult
will be examinedmusthave been sponsoredby the relativelywell-to-do, and the
attitudesofhumblerChristians are accordingly lesswelldocumented.9By examin-
ing all theparticularinstances(knownto me) in whichpagan mythological figures
featurein Christiancontexts,I hope to identify the possiblereasonsforthe choice
(or toleration)ofsuch scenes,and to discoverwhetherthesereasonshold good for
all, or most,of theseexamples,or vary accordingto locality. In thispaper the
terms'christianus', and thelesselegant'christianised' are used
and 'christianisation'
onlytoindicatea fullassociationwithChristHimself, and not the
simply appearance
of the figurein a Christiancontext,whetherwith Christiansignificance or not.
The geographicallimitsare the boundariesof the Roman Empire at the startof
thefourthcenturya.D.
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70 JANET HUSKINSON
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 71
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72 JANET HUSKINSON
contrastbetweenthe two singersand theirsongs: Orpheus' is deceitfuland en-
slavesmento a lifeofvice,whilethesongofGod subduesthewildpassionsofMan
and leads him to Salvation. Eusebius,on the otherhand, comparesthe singers
(De laudibus 14) : as Orpheusis said to have charmedNatureby hissong,
Constantini,
so theSaviouroftheWorldstillsmen'ssoulsand fillstheworldwiththeharmonious
musicthatHe playsuponHis choseninstrument, humannature. Althoughone can
scarcelyassessthe numberand typeof people who would be familiarwiththese
passages,it seemslikelythatin thethirdand earlyfourthcenturyat leastOrpheus
may have been consideredas an allegory,if not as a typeof ChristWho brought
peace to men and overcamedeath by His new Gospelthatsupersedesthe songsof
Orpheusand Apollo.
This interpretation is easilyrelatedto the factthat thesechristianised scenes
occur onlyin funerary settingsand so may have a primarilyeschatological signi-
ficance. The tame animals listeningto Orpheus' song can therefore represent
the blesseddead who have submittedto the Word of God, enjoyingthe musicof
Christin a pastoralparadise. Such an interpretation is confirmedby thethemeof
deliverancethat underliesthe biblical episodes which are associatedwith the
Orpheusscenein thecatacombs,21 and by theuse ofsheepand dovesas symbolsof
Christiansoulsenjoyingimmortality on otherearlyChristianmonuments;22 while
thevisualsimilaritybetweenthesescenesofOrpheusand tamecreatures, and those
oftheGood Shepherdin thepastoralparadiseis surelynotirrelevant.23
Althoughthosesceneswhichretainthe traditionalform,with all mannerof
beasts,wild,tame,and mythological, occurin a greatervarietyofsettings(thatis to
say,in the twofrescoes in the CatacombofDomitilla (cf PI. Ill, a)> the Intercisa
bronzereliefs,and theJerusalemmosaic),a similarinterpretation maybe valid for
them: theymayrepresent thetamingofMan's passionsas a conditionforSalvation,
just as Clementdescribedin Protreptikon i, 4. The Jerusalempavement(froma
Christianfunerarychapel) illustratesthis,for Pan and the Centaur (as repre-
sentationsofuntamedNature? M) are shownlistening entrancedto Orpheus'song;
and in the Intercisareliefsthe juxtapositionof the Orpheusscene with biblical
deliverancescenesand Christiansymbols, suchas theChi-Rhomonogramand dove,
suggests the aversionofdeath and evilas a predominant theme. It is possible,too,
thatsomeoftheseOrpheusscenesmaycontainan allusionto theMessianickingdom
whereall creatureswouldlivetogether in peace underGod's rule;25and in termsof
be
compositiontheymay relatedto theparadeisos motif,particularlypopularin the
fifthand sixthcenturies,of whichsome examplesinclude a biblical figurethat
impartsa Christiansignificance to theanimals.26
The chronology ofthesedifferent typesis somewhatconfusedby the difficulties
of datingthe catacombfrescoesexactly;but it clearlyshowsthat the Christian
transformation of the pagan type began in the thirdcenturyand continuedin
Christianfunerary sculptureand paintingat leastto themidfourthcentury. This
wouldseemto confirm our interpretation ofthetwodifferent versionsofthescene:
the 'tame beast' versionbelongsin timeand spiritto the earlierperiodof Chris-
tianityand ties in withthe themeof deliveranceso prominentin the art of that
time. The traditionalpagan versioncontinuedalongsidethe Christianpastoral
type,and survivedlong afterit, partlybecauseit depicteda thememoresuitedto
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 73
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74 JANET HUSKINSON
of Bellerophonin floor-mosaics.He believesthat the inscriptionaccompanying
theBellerophon sceneis an invitationto theguestto enjoythefruits ofeveryseason,
and he seesthisas an appropriatethemeforthedecorationoftriclinia and one thatis
apparently repeated in the various motifs- all takenfrom the natural world- that
recur in other Bellerophonmosaics. Brandenburgdoubts (1968, 71 ff) that
Bellerophonhimselfhas any deep symbolismin such mosaics,but rather,as a
mythicalhunter,represents theheroicideal ofthevilla-owner and the virtusmani-
festin thehunt,and, as we shallsee later,he thenappliesthisthesisto themosaics
thatshowBellerophonin associationwithChristianmotifs.
Althoughone maycertainly agreewithmanyofthepoints,specificand general,
thatBrandenburg makesconcerningthe significance ofthe Bellerophonscenes,his
basic interpretation seems to contain certainfundamentalweaknesses. One of
theseis the greatemphasishe places on the use of the scenein the decorationof
triclinia.Accordingto his accountat leastthreeofthefifteen Bellerophonmosaics
of the Roman periodoccurin triclinia, namelythoseat Nîmes,32 Lullingstone, and
Ravenna. Butat Nîmesand Ravennasucha use has notdefinitely beenestablished
forthe rooms,33 while at Lullingstonethe scene that decoratesthe raised apsidal
sectionoftheroomwherethediners'coucheswouldhavestood,is notthatofBellero-
phon and the Chimaera,but Europa and the Bull, whichhas littleimmediate
relevanceto thehuntand acquisitionofgame.
But a moreimportant flawin Brandenburg's thesisis his apparentreadinessto
rejectthe likelihoodof any deep symbolism forthe Bellerophonscene (as in 1968,
67 ff,86), or the possibilityof otherinterpretations.For surelythe episode of
Bellerophonand the Chimaeraillustrates, not the merehunt aftergame forthe
table,but the conquestofevil by theforcesofgood,whichmay be seen in moral,
cosmic,eschatological,or prophylacticterms. These different aspects are re-
flectedin the variousmotifschosento accompanythe Bellerophonscenein these
mosaicswhich,in theirown turn,oftencontaina wide rangeofsymbolism.The
Ravenna mosaic providesa good illustration.The Seasons,forinstance,could
carry prophylactic,34 cosmic, or funerarysymbolism;the inscriptionmightbe
interpreted in a prophylactic veinas a wishforuniversalprosperity; whilethevery
arrangement ofthemosaicin threerowsofthreepanelswithcornerroundels(that
is, somewhat'old-fashioned' forits period) mightecho the patternsof circlesand
squares,so evidentin the earliermosaics,which,as symbolsof heavenand earth
would reinforcethe cosmic nature of Bellerophon'scombat.35 Admittedly,a
funerary significance seemsunlikelyforthe Ravenna scene- all the moreso since
Bellerophon and theChimaeraappearedso rarelyon Romanfunerary monuments;36
but it should be rememberedthatin pagan eschatologythe wingedhorsewas a
commonsymbolof apotheosisand the Chimaeraa creatureof the Underworld.37
Such a close intertwining of themes,funerary, cosmic,and prophylactic, therefore
showsthatone cannotfavourany one interpretation forthesceneto the complete
exclusionof others. One mustbe aware of themall (thoughat timesparticular
ideas willbe to thefore)sincethemainsignificance ofBellerophon's combatwiththe
Chimaera,thevictoryofgood overevil,also relatesto thevictoryoflifeoverdeath,
and to thecontinuedprosperity and safetyofthehousehold.
In themosaicfromthecolonnadeoftheGreatPalace oftheByzantineEmperors
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 75
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76 JANET HUSKINSON
mosaicat Ravenna,a varietyofideas mighthave inspiredtheoriginalchoiceofthe
Bellerophonsceneto adornthe triclinium (althoughthereis insufficient evidenceto
support Hiller'spoliticalinterpretation). The dolphins and mussels introduced into
the scenesas a probableallusionto Bellerophon's voyageacrossthesea,47pointto a
parallelwithEuropa's sea-journey whichis shownin the upperpartof the room,
and thussuggestsome commonthemeforthe pavementas a whole. This could
have been funerary, relatingto the soul's journeyafterdeath to the Isles of the
Blessed,or, as seemsmorelikely,it mayhave had a prophylactic purposesincethe
Europa sceneand its inscription may also be interpreted in thissense.48 Further-
morethiselegaic couplettestifies to a knowledgeof,and enthusiasm for,classical
literatureand mythology on the partofthisfourthcenturyprovincialvilla-owner.
Whateverthe reasonforthe originalchoice of the Bellerophonscene here, one
can onlyguessas to whyit was toleratedaftertheintroduction of Christianity into
thevilla. Perhapsthevilla-owner was simplythrifty, perhapshe foundhisinterest
in classicalcultureand faithin pagan superstitions notincompatible withChristian
beliefs,or perhapshe eveninterpreted themosaicsin a Christiansenseas allegories
ofthevictoryofgood overevil,or ofthesoul'sjourneyto Heaven.
At Framptonand HintonSt. Mary thelinkbetweentheBellerophon scenesand
Christianity is much moredirect,in thatboth pavementsincorporatespecifically
Christianfeaturesalongsidetheirrepresentations ofthepagan hero. At Frampton
thisis a Chi-Rho monogram,conspicuously placed in the friezeof floralscrolls
thatseparatesthe small apse fromthe main part of the mosaicin whichare the
Bellerophonpanel and fourscenesofVenus and Adonis. At HintonSt. Maryit is
a bust of Christ,set in front49 of a Chi-Rhomonogram,whichformsthe central
featureof the largersectionof the mosaic,whilethe smallersectioncontainsthe
Bellerophonpanel flankedby twohuntingscenes. In bothcases (at leastas faras
one can tellat Frampton)theBellerophon sceneremainsunalteredin itstraditional
iconography,and its 'Christianity' derivessolelyfromthe Christianmotifswith
whichit is juxtaposed.
Brandenburgmakesa fundamentalpoint about thisrelationship betweenthe
pagan and Christianmotifs. He -
argues convincingly as it seems to me- thatin
is
both mosaicsit theseChristian features thatseem out of place, as the settingis
otherwiseconventionally pagan, and that they must therefore be explainedin the
light of the surrounding pagan motifs, not vice-versa.60 He goes on to demon-
stratethat thesepagan motifs - huntingscenes (amongstwhichhe includesthat
of Bellerophon(1968, 71 ff)), craters,personifications ofnaturalforces - are drawn
fromthe repertory of natureand fertility symbols which have prophylacticsig-
nificance;and he concludesfromthis (1969, 78 £f ) that the Christiansigns,like
the symbolsof pagan mystery cultsused in decorativesettingsmay be interpreted
simply as tokens ofgood fortune withprophylactic value.
This theoryseemsto be convincingin the case of the Framptonmosaicwhere
theChi-Rho,thoughin a prominent position,is accordedno moreimportance than
otherpagan features. Moreoverthe Neptune/Oceanus maskand dolphinsin the
borderof the main section,the huntingscenesand the crater in the apse are all
conventionalmotifsrelatedto well-beingand prosperity;the figuresof Bacchus
and Venus and Adonismay be interpreted as allegoriesoffertility and rebirthin
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 77
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78 JANET HUSKINSON
of the myth. Because of this,and the factthatthe HintonSt. Mary
terpretation
mosaicis the only certaininstanceof an intimatelink betweenBellerophonand
it seemsimpossiblethatone can speak of a 'Bellerophonchristianus*
Christianity,
in thesenseofBellerophonbeingexplicitly consideredas a pagan typeofChrist.
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 79
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80 JANET HUSKINSON
to similarcases of 'christianisation' in Christianliterature
of Sol and his attributes
and liturgy.61
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 81
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82 JANET HUSKINSON
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 83
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84 JANET HUSKINSON
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 85
Bellerophon
1. Floor-mosaic,Lullingstone,Kent; in situ. About a.d. 330.
G. W. Meates, LullingstoneRomanVilla, 1955, 19 ff;pls. 3,5,6,and 7; Toynbee, 1962, no.
193,pl. 228; Hiller, 1970,66 ff,fig.25.
The parts of the villa convertedfor Christianuse were made quite self-contained(Toynbee,
withthesemosaics.
1968, 186f), and did notincludethe triclinium
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86 JANETHUSKINSON
as PL IV, a), which makes Bellerophonand the Chimaera the subjectof the scene. This solves
both of the problemsraised by Lysons'version,forthe emptyspace whichhe leftin frontof the
animal's head is now occupied by the lion's head of the Chimaera,and the object in frontof the
rider'sleg becomesthe end of Pegasus' wing.
Hercules
4. Frescoes;Via Latina Catacomb,Rome; Cubiculum N. Mid (?) fourthcentury.
Ferma, 1960,78 f,pls. LXXVI, 1; LXXX, 1; LXXXI, 1; CXI ff.
For otherscenesdecoratingthiscubiculum
see Ferma, 1960,76 ff.
5. 'The Oceanus Dish' fromthe MildenhallTreasure; BritishMuseum (Reg. no. BM 1946 10-7
1). Early fourthcentury.
Toynbee, 1962,no. 106,pl. 117.
The drunkenHercules,supportedby two satyrs,appears in the outerband of figureswho form
a Bacchic thiasos.
The Christianspoons included in this Treasure simplyindicate possible Christianownership
forthesilverwareat one time,and do not necessarilyimplythatthe pagan sceneson thisand other
plates mustbe interpretedin a Christiansense. Cf K. Painter,'The MildenhallTreasure: a Re-
ÄM&xxxvii, 1973, 166 ff.
consideration',
Orpheus
Contraryto suggestionsmade elsewhereno specificChristianassociationsmay be establishedfor
the ivorypyxidesin Bobbio and Florence (Volbach, 1961, no. 84; cf. H. Graeven,'Pyxide en os',
Mon. Piotvi, 1899, 160- thoughlegend describedthe Bobbio pyxisas a giftfromS. Gregoryto S.
Columbanus); nor for the Romano-BritishOrpheus pavements(Toynbee, 1968, 188 f; Smith,
1969,88 ff;Painter,1971, 166); norfortheAnnasfigure,once thoughtto have come froma church
(E. Naville,Ahnasel Medinah,1894,pl. XIV, 32 ff; cf.E. Kitzinger,'Noteson earlyCopticsculpture',
Arckaeologialxxxvii,1937, 192).
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 87
9. Fresco; Catacomb of Domitilla, Rome, Cubiculum III. Lost. Late third or early fourth
century(?).
Bosio, 1632,239 (thoughhe mistakenly assignsit to the Catacomb of S. Callixtus); Wilpert,
1903,224, pl. 55 (afterthe removalof the Orpheusscene).
Orpheusplays to wild and tame beasts; two treesindicatethe landscape. The scene occupied
the centreofthe vault,and the eightsurrounding panels containedbiblicalscenesalternatingwith
landscapeswitha bull or ram.
13. Fresco; Catacomb of SS. Peter and Marcellinus; Via Segni region, I, 6. Second half of
fourthcentury(?) (PL III b).
Ferma, 1958,55, pl. XVIb; 1968,72; Friedman,1970,47 ff,fig.5.
Orpheussits,holdingthe lyreand plectrum hands,betweentwo largetreeswhich
in outstretched
containa dove and an eagle (?). In the lunetteof an arcosolium
, but the lowerpart (whichmay
have includedsome animals) is lost.
15. SarcophagusfromOstia; Ostia Museum (no. 1202). About a.d. 230 (PL VI, a).
D. Vaglieli, Notiziedegliscavi,1910,96 ff,figs.3 and 4, 137 ff;WilpertS ii, 351, pl. CCLVI,
6; Calza, 1964,220 ff,XL, figs.42 and 42a; RS i, no. 1022,pl. 164.
A strigillatedsarcophaguswith a centralscene verysimilarto that of the Vatican fragment
(no. 14 above). The cornerpanels showa man (right)and a woman (left)beforelooped curtains.
In thepast thissarcophagushas been describedwithoutquestionas Christianon accountofthe
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88 JANETHUSKINSON
circumstances ofitsdiscovery. It was foundin the ruinsofa smallapsed buildingnear the theatre
at Ostia where,accordingto tradition,several early Christianshad been martyred. They were
commemoratedby a small shrineerectedin the earlymiddle ages, whichlater became knownas
theChurchofS. Cyriacus(Ostiai, 162; R. Meiggs,RomanOstia,secondedition,1973,563; cfFévrier,
1958,303) ; and servingas a lid to thissarcophaguswas a fragmentary marbleslab inscribedHIC/
QUIRIACUS/DORMIT IN PACE (Vaglieri,op.cit.,137 f,fig.4) . Whetherthisrefers to Cyriacus,
bishopof Ostia martyredin the thirdcentury,or to a namesake,cannotat presentbe settled. For
neitherthe inscriptionnor the shrinecan be dated withany accuracy; and it is also possiblethat
the slab may have been moved at a later date fromthe tomb of Quiriacus,which it origianally
covered,to the Orpheussarcophaguswhereit was later found(cf.Vaglieri,op. cit.,138; and also
Février,1958,297 ff).
One cannottherefore be certainthatthissarcophaguswas intendedfor,or used by, a Christian
named Quiriacus (whetherthe bishop himselfor a follower),but its presencein the later shrine
suggeststhatit was used by Christians, at any ratein theperiodafterthePeace ofthe Church.
16. Fragmentof a sarcophagusfromOstia; Ostia Museum (no. 101). About a.d. 230.
G. Pesce, Sarcofagiromanidi Sardegna,1957, 103, note 4.
The Orpheussceneis similarto thosecitedabove.
17. Sarcophagus fromPorto Torres, Sardinia; Basilica di San Gavino, Porto Torres. About
a.D. 230.
G. Pesce, Sarco/agi
romanidi Sardegna,1957,no. 57, figs.113 ff;Calza, 1964,218, XXXIX,
figs.41 and 41a.
Very similarto Ostia no. 1202 (no. 15 above), althoughPesce, op. cit.,103 exaggeratesthe re-
semblance;perhapsit originatedin the same Ostian workshop.
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 89
25. Bronze casket-coverings fromIntercisa; Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Müzeum (nos. 64/1903
20 and 21 ; 67/1261). Second halfof the fourthcentury.
G. Supka, 'Frühchristliche Kästenbeschlägeaus Ungarn', ÄQ, xxvii, 1913, 178 ff,no. 2,
fig. II; A. Radnoti, 'Möbel-und Kästenbeschläge',Intercisaii (Archaeologia
Hungaricaxxxvi)
1957, 324 ff,no. 10, fig.60; E. B. Vagò, 'Ausgrabungenin Intercisa1957-1969', Alba Regia
xi, 1970, 117,pl. XLVII, 2.
The arrangementof the scenescan be reconstructed fromseveralfragments. Orpheus plays,
surroundedby wild and tame creatures.
Sol
28. Vault-mosaic;Tomb of theJulii (Tomb M), Vatican Cemetery. Mid or late thirdcentury
(PL V).
Toynbee,1956,72 ff,pl. 32; Perler,1953,5 ff.
30. Fresco; Catacomb of SS. Peter and Marcellinus,Cubiculum of the Tricliniarch. Firsthalf of
fourthcentury(PL VI, c).
Wilpert,1903,30, 2, pl. 160,2; Perler,1953,38 f,pl. VI.
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90 JANETHUSKINSON
32. Bronzecasket-coveringfromCsâszâr,Hungary. Fourthcentury.
Kästenbeschlägeaus Ungarn', ÄQ, xxvii, 1913, 168 ff,no. 1,
G. Supka, 'Frühchristliche
fig.1.
36. Fragmentsofa sarcophaguslid (or lids); Museum ofthe Catacomb of S. Priscilla. Mid third
century.
Klauser JbACvi, 82, no. 10, pl. 12c.
See Klauser forthe problemofrestoring thesefragments.
37. Lid of the sarcophagusof AureliusfromAguzzano; Rome, Museo Nazionale delle Terme
(no. 113227). a.d. 230-240 (PL VI, b).
G. Mancini, 'Recenti ritrovamenti di antichitàcristianea Roma', Attidel III Congresso
di
1934, 198 f; Klauser JbACvi, 83 f,no. 12, pls. 13 and 14b.
cristiana,
archeologia
38. Fragmentsofa floor-mosaic; Ostia, Frigidarium of the Bathsof Mithras. Hadrianic.
Ostiai, 160,219; ii, 32 f, 139; iv, 32, no. 56, pl. CVI; Février,1958,311, fig.4, plan B.
These two fragments of a black-and-white pavementwere apparentlyretainedafterthe con-
versionof thispart of thefrigidarium intoa Christianchapel in the late fourthor earlyfifth century
(cfCalza, 1964,241, figs.50 and 50a; R. Meiggs RomanOstia,(secondedition),1973,396 f). It is
possiblethat the Christiansthemselvesdamaged the mosaic (just as theyapparentlydestroyedthe
statuarygroupof Mithrasin the Mithraeumbelow thefrigidarium), but it seemsunlikelythatthey
would have leftthesefragments in the chapel floor.
39. Bronzelamp, reputedlyfromAsia Minor; VirginiaMuseum,Richmond,Virginia(no. 67-20).
Fifthor sixthcentury(PL IV, b).
M. C. Ross 'Byzantinebronzes',Artsin Virginia,
x, 2, 1970,32 f,no. 1.
Rome
Catacomb of S. Callixtus:8, 18, 33*, 34*, 35*.
Catacomb of Domitilla: 9, 12.
Catacomb of SS. Peterand Marcellinus:10, 13, 30.
Catacomb of S. Praetextatus : 19.
Catacomb of S. Priscilla: 11, 20, 36*.
Catacomb ofVia Latina: 4*.
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 91
Britain
Frampton(Dorset): 3.
HintonSt. Mary (Dorset): 2.
Lullingstone(Kent): 1.
MildenhallTreasure(Suffolk) : 5*.
Hungary
Csâszàr: 32.
Intercisa:25.
Tunisia
Mactar: 23*.
Cyprus
Salamis: 6.
Syria
Edessa: 22*.
Israel
Jerusalem:24.
Unknown 27*.
provenance:
Notes
I am verygratefulto Professor on this
J. M. C. Toynbeeforherkindnessin readingand commenting
D. Bulloughforreadingit priorto publication.
paper,and to Professor
Abbreviationsusedand SelectBibliographyare givenon pages96-7.
1. E.g. Boulanger,1925,156; cf.Stern,1955,63.
2. E.g. Venus(as on theTrojectaCasket':Toynbee,1968,190),Neptune(on theSanta Maria Antica
sarcophagus:AS"i, no. 747),andJunoPronuba(in marriagesceneson Christiansarcophagi:Wilpert,
1938,251f).
Alsoomittedhereare thepaganfrescoes in theHypogaeumofVibia in Rome (see Ferma,1971,
in the Hypogaeumof the
56 ffforpagan and Christianburialsthere);and thegnostic(?) frescoes
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92 JANETHUSKINSON
Aurelii, Rome (J. Carcopino, De Pythagore aux apôtres,1956, ii, 83 ff,pls. 2-15a). As I have not been
able to verifyfor myselfthe identificationof the figurein the Catacomb of S. Sebastian, Rome,
described by Wilpert (1903, 217, pl. 158, 1) as 'figuravirile ornamentale', and by Klauser (JbAC x,
93, no. 13; 97 f) as 'Hermes Psychopompus* , I cannot comment on Klauser's suggestionthat 'muss
das Bild wohl Jesus als Seelengeleiterwiedergebenwollen*.
3. The catacombs in Rome must have been subject to some degree of officialecclesiastical control in
view of the appointmentof S. Callixtus circaa.d. 200 by Pope Zephyrinusto organize the Christian
'cemetery': Testini, 1966, 226.
4. For attitudesto pagan mythologysee M. Carena, 'La critica della mitologia pagana negli apologeti
greci del II secolo', DidaskaleionNS i, 1923, 2, 23 ff; 3, 3 ff. For legislation: Alföldi, 1937, 31 ff
(cf. Stern, 1953, Ulf, and 98 ffforcontinuationof certainpagan festivals). For cases ofdestruction:
E. Mâle, La findu paganismeen Gaule, 1950, 36 ff,46 f; Ostia ii, 139; C. Mango, 'Antique statuary
and the Byzantinebeholder', Dumbarton Oaks Papersxvii, 1963, 55 f.
5. See F. A. Norwood, 'The attitude of the ante-Nicene Fathers toward Greek artisticachievement'.
Journalof theHistoryof Ideas viii, 1947, 443 ff; A. Prandi, 'L' arte nel pensiero dei primi scrittori
cristiani',Attidel convengo - tardoanticoe alto medioevo
sul tema
internazionale 1967, 1968, 114.
6. Mango, op. cit., 55 ff(Constantinople); P. H. Grisar, Roma alla finedel mondoantico(second edition),
i, 1943, 108 ff. Also D. Brinkerhoff, A Collection in Classical and earlyChristianAntioch,
of Sculpture
1970, 54 ffforcollectionsof classical statuaryin this period.
7. E.g. opussedile decoration (including a scene of the Rape of Hylas) retained in the Basilica ofJunius
Bassus, Rome afterits conversion into a church: T. Ashby and G. Lugli, 'La basilica di Giunio
Basso', RACr ix, 1932, 224, 248 ff; the Christian inscriptionadded to the bust of Venus on 'The
Vyne ring': Toynbee, 1968, 189 f; the use of the formulaD M S on Christianfuneraryreliefs:DACL
i, 1, 165 ff.
8. E.g. Hanfmann, 1951, i, 34 f,49 f, 58, 60 f (forsarcophagus workshops;r/also Van der Meer, 1958,
fig. 559 for the funeraryrelief of the Christian sculptor Eutropos, shown working on a 'neutral'
design); H. d'Escurac-Doisy, 'Verrerie chrétienne de Timgad', Libycavii, 1959, 72 (glassware);
Salomonson, 1969, 29 (pottery).
9. For the social standing of some known sponsorsof early Christiansarcophagi see Hanfmann, 1951,
ii, 26 f, note 3.
10. Notably Bosio, 1632, 627 ff; M. Boldetti, Osservazioni de9santimartiri
soprai cimiteri ed antichicristiani
di Roma, i, 1720, 27 ff; Raoul-Rochette, 1838, 117 ff; G. B. De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea ii, 2, 1867,
355 f; Wilpert, 1903, 36, 222; Wilpert S ii, 351; Boulanger, 1925; de Fraipont, 1935; P. Trempela,
'Orpheus in early Christian art' (in Greek), Byzantinisch- Jahrbuchxi, 1935, 270 ff;
Neugriechische
Friedman, 1970, especially 38 ff.
11. Appendix 1,8-10, 14-2 1. Also ofthisperiod, but omittedfromthisdiscussionas being too peripheral
are the Edessa mosaic (Appendix 1, 22), and the gems in Berlin (Appendix 1, 26 and 27). In the
case of the hematite (27), Friedman (1970, 59 ff) clearly describes the background to this type of
representation,but seems to me to stresstoo much the association between Christand Orpheus here
(especially given that the Crucifixionof Christ was not regularlyshown in orthodox Christian art
beforethe early fifthcenturya.D.).
12. For these monumentssee Appendix 1, 11-13, 23-25. For the general compositional types see G.
Guidi, 'Orfeo, Liber Pater, e Oceano in mosaici della Tripolitania', AfricaItaliana vi, 1935, 120 ff;
and Stern, 1955, 49 ff. Contemporarymosaics include: Piazza Armerina (G. V. Gentili, La villa
erculiadi Piazza Armerina:i mosaicifigurati,1959, 26 ff,fig. 10); Tolmeita, Libya (Harrison, 1962,
13 ff,pls. Iff); Brading, I.O.W. (Toynbee, 1962, no. 195). Minor objects include: sculptural
del
reliefsfromseveral sites (M. Squarciapino, 'Un gruppo di Orfeo', Bull. Comm.lxix, 1941, Bullettino
Museo dell9imperoromanoxii, 70 ff; cf Toynbee, 1973, 291 ff-just possiblyChristian ?); textile(H.
Peirce and R. Tyler, Uart byzantinii, 1934, 122, pl. 159a); North Africanterracottaware (Salomon-
son, 1969, 60, 87, figs.88, 122).
13. H. Leclercq, Manuel d'archéologie i, 1907, 127; O. Kern, Orphicorum
chrétienne, fragmenta,1922, 45,
no. 149; and Boulanger, 1925, 153 compare the figureof Orpheus on the sarcophagi with that of
Mithras tauroktonos; but despite the superficialsimilarity,the pose of Orpheus is that adopted by
other lyre players,such as Apollo (Reinach RR iii, 338, 4), while the popular type of Mithras;may
derive froma figureof the sacrificingNike (Cumont, 1899, i, 179f). Friedman (1970, 77) describes
the figure as 'Christ in the pose of Mithras Tauroctonus but wearing the Phyrgian costume of
Orpheus', but does not explain whythe figureshould be identifiedas Christ at all. In fact the only
featuresthatlink thesesarcophagusreliefswith Christianityare the sheep that accompany Orpheus
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 93
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94 JANET HUSKINSON
1969, 39 f for Constantine and his
30. Cf. Levi, 1947, i, 243 f. Also A. Grabar, ChristianIconography,
sons shown overcominga dragon; and E. Piot, 'Sur un missorium' xi, 1886, 185
', Gazettearchéologique
for Constantine shown as Bellerophon (but the missorium is now lost, and the identificationseems
ratherunlikely).
31. See also Brandenburg,1968, 62 f (and 1971, 167 forcriticismof Hiller's interpretation).
32. Third century. J. Aymard,'La mosaïque de Bellérophonà Nîmes', Gallia xi, 1953, 249 ff.
33. See note 28; Aymard,op. cit.,262. Cf. Brandenburg,1968, 66, note 37.
34. Aymard, op. cit., 264 ff; A. Merlin and L. Poinssot, 'Deux mosaïques de Tunisie à sujets prophy-
lactiques', Mon. Piot,xxxiv, 1934, 129 ff.
35. Aymard,op. cit.,267.
36. For examples see Hiller, 1970, 41 ff*
37. E.g. Gumont, 1942, 466, note 5; J. Bayet, 'Hercule funéraire,MEFR xi, 1923, 52 ff.
38. Probably late sixthcentury(but included here as the last in a long seriesof representationsof Bellero-
phon and the Ghimaera in mosaic): cf. Brandenburg,1968, 58, note 15.
39. The removal of a mythologicalscene froma central to a lateral position,or to a place subordinateto
the whole design is found in other instancesin late antique art and may be a stylisticdevelopment,
ratherthan an indicationof the diminishedsignificanceof the mythologicalscene; cf.also Orpheus in
the Woodchestermosaic (Smith, 1969, pl. 3, 13; cf. 86, note 1 ; perhaps a small movable fountainor
tank of lead may have covered the central octagon, providing a good reason for the removal of
Orpheus), and the Carthage Venus mosaic (G. C.-Picard, La Carthagede Saint Augustin,1965, pl.
on 101).
40. G. Brett,'The mosaic of the Great Palace', JWCI v, 1942, 40 f.
42. Brandenburg, 1968, figs. I and 2. Cf. the earlier mosaic in the Villa Borghese showing the victor
in a gladiatorial contestnamed Bellerofons
(Hiller, 1970, 64 ff,fig.24).
44. For 'Capitoline tensa*see Reinach RR i, 378, IV. Cf. motifsof Sol in a frontalquadrigaand imperial
busts that occur in 'medallion friezes'on some North Africanterracottaplates, and which may be
traced back to Pannonian bronze reliefs,and thence to a numismaticsource: Salomonson, 1962,
83 ff; and A. J. B. Wace, 'Late potteryand plate', Bulletinde la sociétéroyaled'archéologie
d'Alexandrie
xxxvii, 1948, 51.
45. But Hiller's interpretation(1970, 73 ff) is coloured by his conviction that the officialnumismatic
'
originof the scene . . . den Kästchen einen gewissenoffiziellenCharakterverleiht'.
46. For dating see G. W. Meates, Lullingstone
RomanVilla, 1955, 45, 146.
47. For thisvoyage see Aymard,op. cit.,267.
49. Now generallyaccepted as such (see Toynbee, 1964, 11 ffforthe evidence), but cf. Hiller, 1970, 82.
50. Brandenburg, 1968, 53 ff; 1969, 76; Simon, 1966, 894. Cf. Toynbee, 1968, 181 ff.
51. Nor forthe Frampton 'Grid mosaic'; cf. Toynbee, 1968, 182 ff(also Smith, 1969, 118).
52. Alföldi, 1969, 22.
53. Cf. mid fourthcenturymosaics in the mausoleum at Centcelles,Spain fora similarassociationof the
Seasons and huntingscenes withspecificallyChristianbiblical and funeraryscenes,that is apparently
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 95
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96 JANET HUSKINSON
72. Simon, 1964, 334 f; cf. Simon, 1955, 130 ffforHercules in late antiquity.
73. E.g. Rahner, 1963, 89 ff.
74. Smith, 1965, 100 ff.
75. Secular art also provides few examples in this period: e.g. fragmentof a terracottadish, Sabratha
(Salomonson, 1969, 45, fig. 53; 108, E 3); mosaic, Gherchel (early fourthcentury? G. Poinssot,
'Mosaïques de la Maison de Dionysus et d'Ulysse à Thugga', Actesdu colloqueinternational sur 'La
t Paris, 1963, 1965, 222 f, no. f, fig.8). The two major series of monuments-
mosaïquegréco-romaine*
sarcophagus lids and mosaics in Italy and North Africa) seem to have finished,for the most part,
beforethe Peace of the Church.
76. Cf. Friedman, 1970, 40, 56, 58.
Select
bibliography
The followingabbreviationshave been used:
BMQ BritishMuseumQuarterly.
Bull. Comm. Bullettinodella commissione archeologica comunale di Roma.
CRAI Comètesrendusde l'AcadémiedesInscriptions et desBelles-Lettres.
DACL Dictionnaire d' archéologie chrétienne et de liturgiei ff, 1907 ff (edited by F. Cabrol and H.
Leclercq).
EAA Enciclobedia deWarteantica,classica,e orientale, i ff,1958 ff.
JbAC JahrbuchfürAntikeundChristentum.
JHS Journalof HellenicStudies.
JRS Journalof RomanStudies.
JWCI Journalof theWarbureand Courtauld Institutes.
Klauser JbAC T. Klauser, 'Studien zur Entstehungsgeschicte der christlichen',JbAC,i ff.1958.
MEFR Mélangesd' archéologie (Ecolefrançaisede Rome).
et d'histoire
Mon. Piot FondationEugènePiot. Monuments et mémoires.
Ostia i G. Calza and others,Scavi di Ostia: i Topografia, 1953.
Ostia ii G. Becatti Scavi di Ostia: ii I Mitrei,1954.
Ostia iv G. Becatti,Scavi di Ostia: iv Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei, 1961.
RACr Rivistadi archeologia cristiana.
Reinach RR S. Reinach, Réòetoire desreliefsgrecset romains,i ff,1909 ff.
Reinach RP S. Reinach, Répetoire despeintures grecqueset romaines, 1922.
Rend.Pont. Rendiconti dellaPontificiaAccademiaromanadi Archeologia.
RO Römische Quartalschrift.
RS Reòertorium derchristlich-antiken Sarkophage:i RomundOstia, 1967.
Wüpert S J. Wilpert,/ sarcofagicristiani antichi,i ff,1929 ff.
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PAGAN MYTHOLOGICAL FIGURES 97
Goodenoueh, E. R. (1962). 'Catacomb Art', JournalofBiblicalLiterature, lxxxi, 2, 113 ff.
Hanfmann, G. M. A. (1951). The SeasonSarcophagus at Dumbarton Oaks, i and ii.
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PLATE III
(Photo:F. Kenworthy)
a The Orpheus Fresco, catacomb of domitilla, rome, cubiculum iv
(Bosio, 1710,plate facing310)
(Photo.Pont.Comm.di ArchSacra)
b The Orpheus Fresco, catacomb of SS. Peter and Marcellinus (Via Segni region)
Pagan MythologicalFiguresbyJanetHuskinson
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PLATE IV
a Reconstruction of the central roundel of the frampton 'neptune and chi-rho' mosaic
(Drawingby D. Neal)
(Photo:VirginiaMuseumofFine Arts)
b Ulysses bronze lamp
Pagan MythologicalFiguresbyJanetHuskinson
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PLATE V
(Photo:Pont.Cotnm.di Arch.Sacra)
The Sol Mosaic, tomb of the julii, Vatican cemetery
Pagan MythologicalFiguresbyJanetHuskinson
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PLATE VI
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