PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 2009, 42 (2), 153-174

COPYRIGHT@ 2009 PSYCHOLOGICAL AsSOCIATION OF TIlE PHILIPPINES

Expectations and resources in different

contexts ofdevelopment:
Towards positive developmental
outcomes among Filipino youth
Madelene A. Stat Maria
Melissa Lopez Reyes
Roseann Mansukhani
May Ann Garo-Santiago
De La Salle University

The field of positive youth development gives value to young persons'

capacities to actualize their potentials and to volitionally work towards
their own development. Young persons' efforts, however, need to be
sustained by the resources and support provided by adults and peers in
various contexts of development. This special issue of the Philippine
Journal of Psychology contains focus groups studies of Filipino youth s
articulations and perspectives oftheir experiences in thefamily. peer group,
school, and workplace. There are also papers examining select
developmental outcomes (mental health, political participation, and
spirituality). This introduction to the special issue gives an overview of
how Filipino youth are socialized into performing duties for the family,
nurturing relationships, and working towards one s personal growth.
Various resources are available to the youth to pursue these tasks.foremost
of these are supportive relationships and their own valuing of both self
and others. Together, these expectations and resources engender in youth
prosocial involvement and lakas ng loob (strength of inner self). In
conclusion, this paper proposes that the integration ofself and others in
the young person s emerging identity is a central theme ofFilipino positive
youth development.
Keywords:positive youth development, identity. youth, Philippines

The field of positive youth development is built on the tenet that young
persons, given the needed resources and support, can harness their qualities
for healthy development (Damon, 2004; Lerner, et aI., 2005). The term

"E-mail;madelene.Slamaria@dlsu.edu.ph
 154 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

"thriving" (Lerner, Dowling & Anderson, 2003) aptly describes how the
youth's community involvements and relations with caring adults and peers
(e.g. Damon, 2004) set them on the path towards becoming mature adults
who contribute to self, others, and society (Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde,
2006).
Just what characterizes a "thriving" young person has been identified.
There is the "Five Cs" of positive youth development (1) competence in
academic, social, emotional, and occupational areas, (2) a sense ofconnection
to self and others (even the transcendent), (3) confidence in one's identity,
(3) a character based on virtues and values, and (4) caring or compassion
(Lerner, et al., 2003; Lerner, Fisher & Weinberg, 2000). There also are the
"character strengths" of positive psychology, deemed as protective factors
against physical and mental health problems and as enabling factors for
development (Peterson & Seligman, 2004). Relatedly, youth development
programs aim at developing character and critical life skills, such as self-
determination, self-efficacy, resilience, belief in the future, spirituality,
bonding, and prosocial involvement (Catalano, Berglund, Ryan, Lonczak,
& Hawkins, 2004; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003).,Youth programs also target
"developmental strengths" (cf. Benson, Scales, Hamilton, & Sesma, 2006),
or personal attributes, competencies, and dispositions for successful
engagement with the community..Whether referred to as thriving, outcomes,
or strengths, these constructs represent positive youth development and can
even be considered as markers for successful young-adult development
(Benson & Scales, 2004).
An important question about positive youth development pertains to
the factors that facilitate the developmentofyouth 's capacities, such as life
circumstances and experiences (Catalano et aI., 2004), and family and social
capital resources and support systems(Edwards & Taub,2009; King & Furrow,
2004). It is not only external factors, however, that facilitate development
but so do the youth's own qualities, such as their perceptions ofcaring from
others (Garno-Overway et aI., 2009) and their intentional self-regulatory
capacities (Gestsdottir & Lerner, 2007).
Research inquiries on how external factors and personal qualities jointly
contribute to development are consistent with the systems development
viewpoint of human development theory, which emphasizes the dynamic
and systemic relations among the biological, psychological, and ecological
levels of organization of the human development system (Lerner, 2006).
Ofparticular importance to youth development research is the predication
of the systems development viewpoint that the key process to human
development lies in the relations between the individual and his or her
 STA. MARIA, REYES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 155

ecological contextsof development (Gestsdottir&. Lerner, 2007; Kagitcibapi,

2007),withcontextsincluding the family, the community, and culture(Lerner.
2006). These contexts provide the youth with the regularity and complexity
of interactions that are necessary for development (Bronfenbrenner &. Morris,
2006).

The Papers in this Special Issue

It is the perspective of positive youth development, together with the

systems development viewpoint of human development theory, that serves
as basis for the investigations on Filipino positive youth development that
now appear in this special issue of the Philippine Journal ofPsychology.
Exploratory in nature, these investigations involve seven sets offocus
group discussions (FGDs) conducted among Filipino middle-to-Iate
adolescents with heterogeneous socio-economic and geographical
backgrounds. The objective is to document Filipino youth's accounts of
their socializationexperiences in importantcontexts of development.Thus,
there are papers about the family, the school, the peer group, and the
workplace (in the case of working youth).
The paper "Adolescent identity in the context of the Filipino family"
(Garo-Santiago, Mansukhani, &. Resurreccion, in this volume) shows the
centrality of role taking and enactment in forming adolescent identity.
Through meaningful and strategic role-taking and involvement in family
activities, which isanchoredon adult support,adolescents acquire an identity
supportive offamily and aware of social concerns affecting it. On the other
hand, the adolescents' negotiations with adult family memberson how they
ought to fulfill their roles and obligations form in them a sense ofautonomy.
The paper"Motivational and socialaspectsofthe Filipino collegeexperience
(Reyes &. Galang, in this volume) shows that even in a task-oriented setting
such as the school, Filipino youth's motivationsfor completing school work
go beyond desires for task mastery and personal achievement. While the
youth have motivations that are academic or professional, they also have
motivations that are social: the positive and edifying relationships between
themselves and their classmates and teachers, the development of self that
goes beyond the acquisition of professional knowledge and skills, and the
filial and familial piety and gratitude that drive them to excel.
The paper "Barkadahan: Astudy ofpeergroup normsand valuesamong
Filipino adolescents" (Lajom, Canoy,Amarnani, Parcon, &. Valera, in this
volume) exploresthe role of the barkada (peer group) as socialization agents.
Belonging to a barkada enables the youth to discover their capacities as
 156 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

social beings, to broaden their understanding of self and the other, and to
develop social-emotional maturity. These outcomes are achieved as the youth
take part in processes salient in the life ofthe barkada: pagiging kadamay
(empathizing and commiserating), which leads to the development of
prosocial perspective and behavior; and,pakikisama (smooth interpersonal
relationship), which teaches adolescents the rules for participation in
collective life outside ofone's family.
The paper "Filipino working adolescents' conceptions of work" (Yabut,
Amarnani, Mendoza, Lee, & Valencia, in this volume) looks at the meanings
and values ascribed to work by working adolescents. On one hand, working
adolescents perceive work as an important way of showing their concern
for and support for their families, specially in difficult financial situations.
On the other hand, adolescents perceive work as a means towards personal
growth, as it gives them experience and the wherewithal for their schooling.
Thus, while work provides adolescents the opportunity to perform prosocial
acts towards their families, work also enables them to exercise personal
agency as they initiate and act upon their own personal goals.
While some papers in this special issue focus on a specific context of
development, there also are papers that focus on some positive developmental
outcomes. Thus, there are papers on mental health, political participation,
and spirituality.
The paper "Filipino youth's concerns and worries and their ways of
coping (Lapefia, Tarroja, Tirazona, &.Fernando, in this volume) documents
youth's common problems and how they cope with these. The youth
participants worry about the lack of resources for meeting their families'
needs, the uncertainty of their futures, and the confl icts they experience
within and with others. They manage to maintain a stable mental health
because of support from a wide social network that includes family, peers,
and older figures and authorities in the community. While these persons
have provided them with material resources, they also support the youth
primarily by listening to, empathizing, and guiding them. Certain perspectives
and skills also help the youth cope: hopefulness and youthfulness, faith in
the strength of their inner selves (lakas ng loob) and in God, cognitive and
emotional management, and resourcefulness and perseverance.
The paper "The youth speak: Forms, facilitators and obstacles to their
political participation" (Sta. Maria & Diestro, in this volume) aims to
determine the reasons for political participation and nonparticipation of
Filipino high school students. Discussions with the participants reveal that
young people engage themselves politically only when they see that they
have fulfilled certain expectations, such as valuing education, possessing
 STA. MARIA, REYES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 157

sufficient knowledge for participation in the adult world, and being motivated
to directly contribute to the betterment ofothers. The participants offer an
array of forms of pol itical partieipation, from taking their studies seriously,
engaging in prosocial acts, being good citizens, to participating in community
activities while rightfully availing ofcommunity resources. Interesting is a
rural-urban difference, with rural participants emphasizing community
involvement and urban participants emphasizing civic activities learned in
school.
The paper "Spirituality and the development of positive character among
Filipino adolescents" (Mansukhani & Resurreccion, in this volume) examines
adolescents' spiritual experiences and development, and their conceptions
of spirituality. Spiritual engagement is fostered through the socialization
provided by adults, the positive influence of peer models, and participation
in community spiritual activities. The adolescent participants think of
spirituality largely as pertaining to faith in and relationship with God, which
they see as embodied in positive qualities for developing selfand for relating
to others. Pertaining to development of self, the participants discuss spiritual
experiences as self-transforming and they regard spirituality as a guide for
developing character and for attaining personal growth, adjustment, and
well-being. On the other hand, with regard to relating to others, the
participants see the spiritual person as embodying morality, altruism, and
prosocial behavior.
The works presented in this special issue contribute findings and insights
on how socialization processes in different developmental contexts shape
Filipino youth to be resources for their own development. The papers that
focus on a context of development underscore the importance of providing
the youth the opportunity to craft roles that are meaningful to the family,
the school, the peer group, and the larger community. On the other hand, the
papers on mental health, political participation, and spirituality show how
these dimensions ofdevelopment are shaped in different contexts. Findings
from these studies can deepen our understanding of the contextual
requirements that will inspire and enable young persons to invest their
emerging capacities and strengths in the pursuit of so-called positive life
trajectories (Damon, 2004; Larson, 2000) that, in turn, will benefit society
and others.
The following sections offer an integration and analysis of the papers'
conclusions. First, it discusses what the youth participants perceive as
expectations others have of them across different socialization contexts.
Next, it discusses the resources availed by the participants to meet these
expectations. Finally, we offer specifications of developmental outcomes

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 158 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

that we think are engenderedby these expectationsand resourcesand are of

concern to, or valued by, young Filipinos.

ExpectationsConveyedto the Youth through Socializations

in the DifferentContextsof Development

The family, peer group, school, and the workplace convey certain
expectations on the youth on how they should be or what they should do.
Oftentimes, these norms of behaviors are not explicitly articulated to the
youth, but are conveyed through day-to-day social interactions (Arnett,
1995).
Theseexpectations havebeendocumented in literature, suchas assisting
in household tasks (Liwag, de la Cruz, & Macapagal, 1999),being loyal to
one's peer group (Lanuza, 2000), doing well in school (Gastardo-Conaco,
Jimenez, & Billedo, 2003), and keeping ajob to contribute to the family's
finances (Liwag, et a\., 1999). The Filipino youth in fact has been noted to
capably assume multiple roles and responsibilities (Puyat, 2003). Many
expectationsdescribed in literature are also included in the findings of the
papers this issue. That this journal issue presentsthese expectationsacross
contexts facilitates an examination of commonalities. Oneobservation is that
expectations from differentcontextscan be categorized into (a) performing
dutiesto the family andto others,(b) nurturing relationships with others, and
(c) taking advantage of opportunities for personal growth.
The expectation to perform duties for the family. The Filipino youth's
participation in improving thewelfare of thefamily hasbeenwell-documented
in literature (e.g., Liwag,et a\., 1999;Telzer & Fuligni, 2009). The articles
that appear in this issue also document this kind of participation.
The article on the Filipino family (Garo-Santiago, Mansukhani,
& Resurreccion, in this issue) documents the duty of the youth to help in
household tasks and in the care and bringing up ofyounger siblings. Also
documented inthis articleare the parentaldemands on the youth to improve
one's and the family's social and financial status by getting an education
and even by holding a job to help with the family's current expenses. In
fact, it is evident from the FGDs about school and work that the youth see
theirschool andwork involvements as instrumental to meetingtheirfamily's
economicaspirations.
Anotherfamilial expectationon youth is to exhibit sociallyappropriate
choicesand behavior, for example, intheir clothing,appearance,demeanor,
and choice of friends (Garo-Santiago, et a\., in this issue). The fact that
many of the participants in the FGDs on the family not only articulated

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 STA. MARIA, REYES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 1 S9

these behavioral expectations, but also their need for continued parental
approval of their behaviors, suggests that the family continues to have a
major say on what behaviors are socially acceptable or desirable. That the
family continues to exert influence on the youth in this regard is not at all
surprising considering how family socialization literature has highlighted
the strong influence ofthe family in youth's beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors
(Arnett, 1995; Barber, 1997; Liwag, et aI., 1999).
The expectation to maintain and nurture relationships with others.
FGD participants for the family, school, and peer-group contexts mention
the norm ofmaintaining reciprocal obligations with others. As they recognize
the good that others have done to them, so also do they feel the need, OJr at
least recognize the expectation, to reciprocate. For example, participants
recognize that the give-and-take in the peer group enables acceptance of
oneself by peers and nurturance of peer relationships. The expectation to
maintain and nurture relationships with others may be salient in the minds
ofthe participants given that they define the salient construct of "family" in
terms of mutuality of support. The youth may well be aware of such
expectations not only in the family but also in larger contexts given previous
findings of Filipino youth's endorsement of volunteerism and community
involvement coupled with their awareness of rewards in exchange for these
practices (Ogena, 1999).
Filipino youth, however, do not necessarily subscribe to a strict
reciprocity in which one party makes an accounting of what the other party
has given and then gives exactly just as much. In the article on youth's
political participation, for example, there are no clear indications that the
youth are looking for gains, whether material or nonmaterial, from politicaf
involvements. Previous literature, in fact, tells ofthe unselfish qualities ofa
politically mature individual, in particular, the demand on oneself to be a
good person and to be good to others, even to the extent ofsacrificing personal
interest for the common good (Gomez & Fausto, 1986 as cited in Ogena,
1999). Even in contexts outside the political arena, helping may be done
volitionally for the good ofthe other, rather than out ofthe desire to please
others, to obey commands, or to feed one's ego.
The expectation to take advantage ofopportunitiesfor personal growth.
Filipino youth respect others' expectations and wishes (Puyat, 2003) but
without necessarily sacrificing their individuality or personal goals (Ogena,
1999). The youth participants for both school and work in fact recognize
that the reasons for their engagement in these contexts are not limited 10
pragmatic reasons but also include character development and personal
growth.
 160 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

While the participants in the study about school aim to develop academic
and professional competencies in order to fulfill their family's aspirations,
some ofthem recognize, too, the intrinsic value ofthese competencies and
thus seek to acquire knowledge and skills for their own advantage. They
also value education as it develops self and provides one with the criteria
for right living.
A similar appreciation ofthe contribution of work to self-development
is evident among participants in the FGDs about work. They recognize that
participation in the workforce calls for maturity and responsibility ("to be
an adult") and that it can very well prepare them for future adult roles. It is
important for youth to see work as critical to one's development and maturity
given findings that work seen as personally meaningful has been found to
be more satisfying than work seen as means for monetary and material
gains (Chaves, et aI., 2004).
The expectation to take advantage ofopportunities for personal growth
is present in the peer group as well, albeit this expectation assumes a different
form. Indicated in the findings are two behaviors much expected in the peer
group. First, the young person is expected to interact in a genuine, sincere,
and consistent manner. This behavior is seen as necessary for gaining and
maintaining membership in the peer group. Second, the young person is
expected to show adherence to beliefs, to exhibit traits, and to practice
behaviors that the peer group subscribes to. Thus, while young persons
have to be true to oneself so as to live up to the first expectation, they are
also expected be to loyal to the peer group's beliefs and norms. Balancing
these two expectations requires authenticity to, and consistency in dealings
with, one's self and one's peers. Authenticity and consistency in tum
presuppose or require that the young person comes to know and acknowledge
who one is, perhaps seeing oneself with the peer group as backdrop, and
then presenting one's true selfto the peers. When this true selfis consistent
with the group's beliefs and norms, the person gains and maintains
membership in the peer group. We interpret these behavioral expectations
as expectations for personal growth and identity formation, given the findings
from personal narratives of identity formation of young adults (Schachter,
2002) that consistency and authenticity are two basic structural criteria for
adopting or rejecting an identity. .J

Resources Given to the Youth through Socializations in the Different

Contexts of Development

Apart from conveying behavioral expectations on the youth, the different

contexts of development also provide youth the various resources to meet
 STA. MARIA, REVES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO ~61

these expectation (Hobfoll, 1989). In this section, we look at youths'

relationships with significant socializing agents as resource. While young
persons' relations place expectations on the youth, they also provide the
support and the wherewithal for meeting expectations.
Another resource discussed in this section is the set of values into
which youth are socialized through their interactions in different contexts
(cf. Allen, Weissberg, & Hawkins, 1989). Values are often reflected! in the
expectations placed on the youth (e.g., looking after the family's needs
while setting aside one's concerns reflects valuing the family). It should
be noted, however, that values are not located in obligations per se, but in
the self, that is, in how one wants to act in ways that reflect such valuing
(Wringe, 1998). In other words, if obligations are valued or as seen as
important, then they are owned and one's behaviors become governed not
so much by others' expectations but by one's initiative and volition. In
this section, we discuss the valuing of relationships, of self, and of family.
The findings reported in this issue suggest that these values together lead
to a social agentic self, who shows sensitivity, responsiveness, and
responsibility to others.
Family and peers as resources. The major role of the family and of
parents in child and adolescent development is almost universally
acknowledged. By emulating their parents' behaviors and through the
opportunities accorded to them in the family,children develop their potentials
and acquire values and interpersonal and communications skills (Carandang
& Lee-Chua, 2008). How a child behaves in part mirrors the family. Thus,
when trying to understand or explain a child's behavior, a clinician must be
aware ofthe goings-on in the family and examine how these events trigger;
maintain, or sustain the child's behavior (Carandang, 2002). Even a child's
future behaviors may in part be traced to family. Tan (2002), for example,
relates a child's potential for coping well as an adult to the father's active
involvement in the child's life and his show of positive affect to the child.
How the youth see their fami Iy as contributing to their development is
documented in this issue's article on the family. The youth participants
acknowledge the financial support for their education oftheir parents, older
l siblings, or extended family, often amidst economic hardships; the mutual
care and support among family members; and the advices given by their
parents and older family members.
The peer group is another important resource for youth development.
Although negative influences of peers on the young person has been
documented (e.g., drinking), peers are documented to be doing worthwhile
activities together, such as studying, playing sports, and going to church
(Miralao, 2004). Peers also give each other help and support by being open
 162 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

to each other about their views and problems; they can easily understand
each other, given their common experiences (Miralao, 2004).
The article on the peer group also documents peer companionship, help,
and support. In particular, pakikisama (smooth interpersonal relationship)
is mentioned in the form of genuinely wishing to be involved in the peer
group's conversations, experiences, and decisions. For these youth,
pakikisama is the vehicle for showing emotional support and concrete forms
of help, such as giving advises and helping in their friends' studies. The
articles on school and mental health issue also document other sources of
support for the youth, including a wider circle of classmates and school
acquaintances, extended family, teachers, and authorities in the community.
Valuingrelationships as a resource. The articles in this issue consistently
indicate that valuing relationships is a primary value for the youth. While
Cruz, Laguna, and Raymundo (2002) describe Filipino adolescent as
"socially restrained", because only about half engage in social activities
such as parties and sports. The FGD participants' frequent and clear
articulations of their relationships reveal the richness oftheir social selves
and their valuing of relationships. Admittedly, the participants refer to mere
day-to-day ordinary social dealings, but what is striking is how the
participants value these for the mutual care and support they experience.
That Filipino youth are social and that they value relationships are
consistent with social concepts being salient to and valued by Filipinos, as
documented in literature. For example, Filipinos ranked the concepts of
concern for others and interpersonal warmth (Church, Katigbak, & Castaneda,
2002) as top healthy concepts. A study on the Kapwa theory (Clemente,
et aI., 2008) shows the youth's endorsement of kagandahang-loob (goodness
of heart), katarungan Uustice), pakikipagkapwa (relating benevolently or
compassionately with others), and paggalang (respect for others). This study
also shows that values can be set on two dimensions: a continuum between
self and others and a continuum between one's immediate circle and the
larger society.
Valuing family as a resource. Notwithstanding literature on the
importance of peers during the period ofadolescence, it is family relationships
that are valued most by the FGD participants across this issue's articles.
This is suggested by the participants' articulations of strong positive
sentiments towards family members (especially to parents), their respect
and obedience to parents, and their participation to processes that lead to
family harmony. Not only do the youth put a premium on filial love and
family cohesion and support, they also ascribe to family as their primary
motivation for meeting the expectations of school and of present and future
employment.
 STA. MARIA, REYES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 163

The primacy ofthe family in the youth's hierarchy of values is evident

in how the youth regard economic and emotional problems brought about
by separation of parents, unemployment in the family, or a sibling's early
marriage. Although these circumstances lessen the support the youth receive
from family (e.g., decreased financial support, decreased parental guidance
and attention), the youth nevertheless understand these circumstances in
terms of self-ascribed expectations, for example, to strive harder in school,
to bear the situation with greater fortitude, and to be more dependable and
responsible. It is possible that, at least for some youth, the expectation to
put family before self is internalized early on with little ill-feeling or
resentment. This is not to say that the youth tend to develop a servile attitude
or blind obedience to family, given how participants are reported to negotiate
with parents their roles in the family. The youth's willing but intelligent
assumptions ofexpectations suggest that the tagasalo personality (Arellano-
Carandang, 1987; Tian, 2004), or someone who shoulders the problems
and anxieties of others, has a positive and healthy slant.
Admittedly, family is not always a resource. That family problems do
arise and children and youth are negatively affected by these have been
documented by Carandang and colleagues. Carandang and Lee-Chua (2008),
for example, discuss how familial expectations on academically gifted
children to excel may lead to unhappiness in these children, who miss out
on the joys of play and who become too hard on themselves. Arrelano-
Carandang (1987) discusses how stresses in the family negatively influence
its young, vulnerable members, and Arellano-Carandang, Sison, and
Carandang (2007) examine Filipino family difficulties when mothers leave
home to work abroad.
What the articles in this issue remind us, however, is the positive side of
valuing the family. While the traditional Asian value offamilialism (that is,
a reliance on family in dealing with one's concerns, problems, and conflicts)
is recently undermined by globalization trends (Inoguchi, Mikamim &
Fuj ii, 2007), it remains to be a resource for the youth, a value they can hold
on to, as anchor and guide, given the rapid changes happening to them
developmentally and societally.
Valuing selfas a resource. The self can be seen as a resource for its
own development since it is the young persons themselves who take on
duties and responsibilities; ultimately, their relations cannot do these for
themselves. The concrete ways in which the youth can and do depend on
themselves are documented in the articles on mental health, political
participation, and spirituality. Thus, the youth cope positively with their
problems (e.g., seeking help, talking about and actively resolving their
problems, managing one's emotions and cognitions); they are engaged in
 164 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

their studies and in prosocial activities and see both ofthese as contributing
to political participation; and, they practice altruism, religion, and forms of
spiritual coping, seeing meaning, and deriving strength in them.
The fact that the self is valued may very well be true for a significant
number of youth. The youth's valuing oftheir contributions, for example,
runs across the different focus groups accounts. That adolescents derive a
sense ofpUrPOse and fulfillment from assisting their families (Telzer & Fuligni,
2009) also points towards adolescents' appreciation ofthemselves.
Still the self can be seen as a resource for its own development in a
different, perhaps deeper, sense. A recurring underlying theme in the articles
in this issue is the youth's understanding ofthe importance and necessity of
the roles they play in different contexts, especially in the family, and in their
acceptance of these roles. What these roles are and how the selfaccepts and
enacts them are taken to be integral components ofa young person's emerging
identity, not only evident in the young person's emotions and behaviors
(Hogg, Terry, & White, 1995 cited in Goldblatt & Eisikovits, 2005), but
also potentially becoming integral aspects of how they come to see and
define themselves.
The conclusions of the articles in this issue suggest how the youth's
current and future roles may become integrated into their adult identities.
Thus, the young, maturing person is in the process of having a positive
view of self, defined in terms ofcommitment to and trust in the family and
other relationsh ips; ofauthenticity and consistency in one's behaviors; and,
of katatagan (fortitude), lakas ng loob (courage), and trust in oneselfamidst
adversities. Obviously, these so-called aspects of self-commitment,
authenticity ofcharacter, fortitude, and the like - make for a strong self, are
needed in many situations, and are in themselves (inner) resources.

Positive Developmental Outcomes Possibly Engendered by Expectations

and Resources Present in Different Contexts of Development

Literature has shown how the opportunities, support, and resources

provided by different developmental contexts promote positive youth
development (Benson, et aI., 2006). The papers in this special issue also
suggest so; that is, when young persons respond positively to expectations
and when they take on the values socialized therein, they develop
competencies for successfully engaging with the world. While it is not the
objective ofthese papers to conclusively attribute positive outcomes to certain
characteristics of developmental contexts, these papers provide Filipino
youth's accounts of what they have acquired, learned, or developed.
 STA. MARIA, REYES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 16~

Specifically, two developmental outcomes mentioned in literature are clearly

and consistently depicted across the papers in this issue: prosocial
involvement and (strength of inner self).
Across developmental contexts, youth participants are involved in
activities and roles with the expressed goal ofassisting and serving others.
Thus, their engagements, to the extent that these are voluntary and intended
to help or benefit others, can be called "prosocial behavior" (cf. Eisenberg,
Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006; Schwartz & Bilsky, 1990; Weinstein & Ryan,
2010).
In the peer group, on the other hand, the youth participants report learning
and exhibiting skills intricately linked to the development of prosocial
attitudes and involvement (Lajom, et aI., in this volume). These skills include
regulating emotions and empathizing so as to understand and relate to peers;
consensus decision-making and managing conflicts so as to get along with
others; and, performing mutual acts of(depending on each other in times of
need) so as to provide support and protection to peers in need. These social
skills correspond to some of the skills identified by Barr and Higgins-
D'Alessandro (2007) as necessary for prosocial behaviors, namely, being
perceptive of the feel ings and perspective ofothers, getting along well with
others, and being generous and thoughtful.
Even in the more personal domains of spirituality and mental health,
the youth regard prosocial behaviors as relevant and important. Participants
in the FGDs on spirituality consider as spiritual their experiencing a sense
of well-being when they act altruistically towards someone in need without
expecting anything in return. In the domain of mental health, on the other
hand, the youth participants acknowledge as a valuable resource for coping
with their problems the prosocial behaviors in the family (theirs and their
family members), in particular (mutual helping) and (unity).
The fact that, across developmental contexts, prosocial involvement
emerges as a theme, along side its established correlates, supports existing
conjectures on the development of prosocial involvement. For example, the
youth's accounts of prosocial involvement documented in this issue are
congruent with the finding ofa six-culture study that Filipino children (as
well as those from Kenya and Mexico) scored relatively higher in offering
help and support and in making helpful suggestions than do children from
other cultures (Whiting & Whiting, 1975, as cited in Eisenberg, Fabes, &
Spinrad, 2006) . These authors note that prosocial behavior possibly stems
from assigning chores to children at an early age and these children's
accepting responsibility for their family's welfare and well-being. Moreover
- and as documented in this special issue - youth's prosocial attitudes and
 166 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

behaviors continue to develop as they are socialized into cultural values of

relating meaningfully with others, such as pakikiramay (empathy for the
suffering ofanother person) and malasakit (deep concern for the other).
Apart from the socialization of youth into prosocial values, another .,
way of understanding the development of prosocial involvement is through
the concept ofloob (inner space). The quality ofFilipino youth's interactions
in different environments engenders in them a consciousness that, according
to Alejo (1990), allows the young person's damdamin (feelings) to encompass
both sarili (self) and kapwa (others) within loob (one's inner space). As
Alejo (1990) succinctly and aptly puts it,"Dama ko, abot ng akingpandama:
may kapwa sa loob ng tao" (p. 93) (My feelings can encompass, it is within
my feelings' reach, there is the other in a person's inner space); and, "Hindi
lamang ang sarili ko ang aking naisasaloob. Pati ang aking kapwa ay
nasa loob ko" (p.86). (My consciousness of my inner space encompasses
not only myselfbut also other people). Alejo (1990) even expands the concept
of loob by having it encompass daigdig (the world) and Maykapal (the
divine).
With sarili, kapwa, daigdig, and Maykapal fused or intertwined within
loob, the self readily connects to others, affording the young person to
understand and take on others' perspectives, to regulate emotions for others'
benefit, and to empathize with others-skills that are important in the
development of prosocial involvement (Anderson, Sabatelli & Kosutic,
2007). Thus, the fusion of self and others in loob can perhaps explain why
goals that are, on the outset, personal, such as determination to succeed in
school or to continue working, are done for the sake of family and mirror
the young person's prosocial attitude. The centrality of loob is also aptly
captured in the youth's deep-seated and emotion-laden descriptions ofhelping
behaviors (damayan, or helping each other in times of need), of mutual
support among peers ("..nagiging dingding ...haligi... sandalan", becoming
a wall, a foundation, something to lean on), of feeling so deeply about a
friend's suffering that that they will be moved to show malasakit (genuine
concern) and pakikiramay (bearing another's burden) (Lajom, Canoy,
Amarnani, Parcon, & Valera, in this volume).
Strength ofinner selfand related attributes. Lakas ng loob (or strength
of inner self) is a developmental outcome consistently alluded to in the
participants' articulations of positive attributes: tiwala sa sarili (trust in
oneself or self-efficacy), katatagan (fortitude), determinasyon
(determination), and diskarte sa buhay (resourcefulness). These attributes
are akin to what Benson, et al. (2006) refer to as developmental strengths.
Developmental strengths enable the youth to deal with various demands,
challenges, and problems in life (Benson, et aI., 2006). In particular, strength
 STA. MARIA, REVES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 167

of inner self likely develops initiative (the ability to direct attention and
effort towards a goal) and its supporting skills (Watts & Caldwell, 2008).
Having initiative allows the youth to set realistic goals, to exercise effort
and perseverance, to apply time management skills, and to assume
responsibilityfor one's actions, with all ofthese servingthe adolescentwell
into adulthood (Dworkin, Larson & Hansen, 2003; Larson, 2000). Thus,
what appearsto be concomitantto initiative is a sense of agency in pursuing
life goals.
Indeed,the youth participantsthemselvesperceivestrengthof inner self
as crucial in accomplishing personal life goals and tasks and, thus, see it as
much called for in the goal- and task-oriented contexts of school and work.
Student participants, for example, identify focus and determination as
enabling them to achieve academic goals, and trust or faith in oneself as
strengthening themso theypersevere despiteobstacles. In experiencing stress
and variouschallenges,working-student participantsdraw fromthe strength
of their inner selves so as to remain engaged in the interlockingcontexts of
school and work.
The fact, however, that the youth's acknowledged reasons for school
engagement are not limited to practical reasons but also include character
and self development (Reyes & Galang, in this volume) suggests that,
likewise,strengthof inner self is developednot only for practical reasonsor
for goal attainment, but also for character development - or, at least, the
youth participantssee characterdevelopmentas an outcomeconcomitantto
the development of strength of inner self.
Asidefromgoalattainmentand characterdevelopment, anotherpossible
correlate ofthe developmentofstrength of inner self is social engagement.
The participants acknowledge Goldblatt, H. & Eisikovits, Z. (2005). Role
taking of youth in a family context: Adolescents exposed to interparental
violence. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 75:644-657., invariably,
that they develop lakas ng loob and tiwala sa sarili for civic or political
engagement, consistent with the reported link in literature between positive
developmentaloutcomes on the one hand and a moral and civic identity on
the other hand (Lerner, et al., 2003). Some participants even report
experiencing self-transformation when they changed from a disconnected
self(i.e., misguided and lacking in spirituality) to a positive selfcapable of
spiritual and civic engagements (Mansukhani & Resurreccion, in this
volume).
An important theoretical and empiricalquestionsuggested bythe papers
in this issue, therefore, is the extent to which the development of strengths
andofcharactercan, or cannot be, disentangled fromthe relationalcharacter
of the different contexts of development. For one, these qualities possibly
 168 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

are engendered by positive, caring relationships. Participants in the peer-

group FGDs, for example, articulate how their tiwala sa sarili (trust or
faith in self) is fostered by the peer group's trust in them and even by their
capacity to trust their kabarkada. Moreover, while describing how they
muster inner strength in pursuing personal goals, participants in the FGDs
on the family unavoidably link personal goals to family goals, giving vivid
portrayals oftheir caring for siblings and parents and the positive qualities
of family relationships and dynamics (warmth, harmony, acceptance,
forgiveness ).

The Integration of Self and Others as a Central Theme of Filipino

Positive Youth Development

Across the papers in this special issue are the youth's accounts of the
expectations set and the resources provided by different socialization agents
in different social contexts, as well as their accounts oftheir capacities and
potentials for engaging in their tasks and roles and with their social worlds.
The themes emerging in these accounts are discussed in this paper and
lead the authors to think that youth's identity cannot be altogether
disentangled from its social contexts: that is, what appears to develop from
youth's socializations is an identity that bears the qualities ofan independent
self (e.g., competence and autonomy) harmoniously intertwined with the
qualities of an other-oriented self (e.g., connectedness and commitment).
That much of the self can be understood when set at the stage of one's
relationships and interactions is a position earlier taken by Sta. Maria (1999).
Specifically, Sta. Maria says that meanings and representations of self are
very much linked to one's interactions, say in how one understands and is
understood by others, or how one takes on responsibilities in relationships,
or how one gives importance to relationships. That self can both be
independent and other-oriented and that relationships are central to meanings
and representations ofselfare consistent with Alejo's (1990) notion of loob
as an encapsulation of self and of others.
We are inclined to believe that Filipino positive youth development is
propelled by the loob (inner space) increasingly encompassing selfand others.
Thus, the development of agency in young persons, as they attetnpt to
individuate and expand the self and to develop their potentials and
independence, is not contradictory to the development of communion, as
young persons try to engage in the world and to integrate into wider social
circles (c.f Abele & Wojciszke, 2007).
 STA. MARIA, REVES, MANSUKHANI & GARO-SANTIAGO 169

Put another way, the main message conveyed to the youth in the different
socialization contexts is to achieve their potentials through and along side
their involvement and integration in society. This integration is consistent
with what Kagitcibapi's (2007) model of human development that sees the
developed selfas an autonomous-related self.
Kagitcibapi's (2007) view of self represents a movement towards
theorizing in terms of both autonomy and relatedness. This view, according
to Neff (2003), springs from a growing consensus among developmental
psychologists that the developmental goals of independence and
interdependence are too sharply dichotomized, and that an increased amount
ofevidence is available to show adolescent development is characterized by
increased individuation that is facilitated by, and likewise results in close,
connected relationships with others.

Concluding Comments on the Cross-contextual Perspective of Positive

Youth Development

The papers in this special issue affords readers a cross-contextual

perspective of positive youth development and the opportunity to explore
similarities in expectations, resources, and outcomes across the contexts of
family, peers, school, and work. In their assessment offormulations ofyouth
development, Anderson, Sabatell i, and Kosutic (2007) observe that studies
have shifted from investigating single sources of influence on the youth to
investigating multiple sources. Furthermore, Anderson, et al. (2007) note
the various labels attached to these sources of influence: external
developmental assets by Benson in 2002, positive developmental settings
by Eccles and Gootman also in 2002, and multilevel ecology of human
development by Bronfenbrenner in 2005, labels that capture the pivotal
roles of environments to positive youth development. Behind theorists'
emphasis on multiple sources of influence to positive youth development is
the recognition ofthe finding that the more sources of influences accessible
to the youth, the more likely they are to develop positive outcomes, to avoid
risk behaviors, and to be more positively engaged with self, family, and
community (Anderson, et aI., 2007).
Through a cross-contextual approach, researchers can identify which
of these competencies, endorsed by different contexts at different levels,
will allow the youth to be productively engaged in society. The present set
ofarticles in Filipino positive youth development presents an initial attempt
to document the outcomes emphasized to the youth through the expectations
 170 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

communicated and the resources provided to the youth in the different

developmental contexts.It is hoped,too, that the presentset of articles will
provideresearchers the ecologically validconstructsand modelsneededfor
researchon Filipinopositiveyouth development.

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AUTHOR NOTE

Madelene A. Sta. Maria, Melissa Lopez Reyes, Roseann Mansukhani,

and May Ann Garo-Santiago, Department of Psychology, De La Salle
University-Manila
The writing ofthis paper was supported by the De La Salle University
Office of the President and Chancellor and by the College of Liberal Arts
College Research Fund. The authors wish to thank Mari Minapearl D. Perez
for some ofthe local literature .
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Madelene
A. Sta. Maria, Department ofPsychology, De La Salle University - Manila,
2401 Taft Avenue, 1004 Manila.