Mahani Musa 2013 Women in The Malayan Communist Party, 1942-89 (Jseas) PDF

Department of History, National University of Singapore
Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1942-89

Author(s): Mahani Musa
Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 44, No. 2 (June 2013), pp. 226-249
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National
University of Singapore
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226
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 44(2), pp 226-249 June 2013.

© The National University of Singapore, 2013 doi: 10. 10 17/S00224634 13000052
Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1 942-89

Mahani Musa
Women's involvement in the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) since its establish-
ment in 1930 until they laid down their arms in 1989 contributed much to the
strength of the party. Women in the MCP have been presented largely as nurses ,
cooks , seamstresses, couriers , and wireless /radio operators , but they went through
hardship and danger and fought the same battles as the male guerrillas. A few
even climbed to the top party posts through hard work, intelligence and personal sacri-
fice. This paper recovers the role of women in the Malayan communist movement
during the Second World War , the Emergency and after by tracing the careers and
lives of party heroines / female role models as well as some ordinary cadres. Major
questions include the motivations of women who joined the MCP and the challenges
they faced in their roles as propagandists, comrades , guerrilla fighters and in the com-
munist villages. This investigation provides more insight into how the revolutionary
struggle transformed these Malayan women.
Introduction
A number of studies on the communist movement in Malaya and Singapore have

been published by historians, social scientists and former British Army personnel.1 Of
late, ex-police or military personnel who fought against the communists have also
published their memoirs.2 Yet, apart from Agnes Khoo's collection of interviews
with 16 female ex-cadres of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) from the Peace
Mahani Musa teaches Malaysian history at the School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM),
Penang. Correspondence with regard to this article should be addressed to: mahani@usm.my. I would
like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments that greatly improved the essay.
I am also grateful to USM for financial support under a grant entitled 'Re-examining the 1946-1957
period in Malaysian history' and to the National Library, Singapore, for a Lee Kong Chian Research
Fellowship (July 2009-Jan. 2010) which enabled research on this essay.
1 These include Anthony Short, The communist insurrection in Malaya 1948-1960 (London: Frederick
Muller, 1975), based partly on Shorťs military service in Johor in 1948-49; in 2000 it was republished as
In pursuit of the mountains rats: The Communist insurrection in Malaya (Singapore: Cultured Lotus).
Other studies are Richard Stubbs, Hearts and minds in guerilla warfare: The Malayan Emergency
1948-1960 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989); Harry Miller, Jungle war in Malaya: The cam-
paign against Communism 1948-1960 (London: Barker, 1972); Cheah Boon Kheng, The masked com-
rades: A study of the Communist United Front in Malaya, 1945-1948 (Singapore: Times Books) and
Red Star over Malaya: Resistance and social conflict during and after the Japanese Occupation, 1941-
1946 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1983).
2 They include Yuen Yuet Leng, Operation Ginger (Kuala Lumpur: Vinpress, 1998); Aloysius Chin, The
Communist Party of Malaya: The inside story (Kuala Lumpur: Vinpress, 1995); J.J. Raj, The war years and
after (Subang Jaya: Pelanduk, 2000); A. Navaratnam, The spear and the kerambit: The exploits of VAT 69,
Malaysias elite fighting force, 1968-1989 (Kuala Lumpur: Utusan, 2001).
WOMEN IN THE MALAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY, 1942-89 22 7
Villages3 in southern Thailand, no comprehensive study o

the Malayan communist movement has been attempted
study, Khoo's book is a preliminary effort at piecing tog
the many women who were MCP guerrillas. Nor is her wor
itical or historical analysis. This led me to extend the resea
of gender and historiography in order to better understan
challenges of women in the Malayan communist moveme
leaders and comrades. In short, this paper intends to look
during war and revolution, a role which has been neglected
women as 'victims' and men as 'perpetrators' during arm
views with ex-members of the MCP remain important so
are memoirs written by leaders and ordinary cadres, new
websites and printed material from the 'Peace Villages'.
Motivations for joining guerrilla movements

Women's involvement in and experience of guerril
viewed as being synonymous with those of women in
the army undergo rigorous selection and training, but they
aried, served healthy food and have opportunities to
through mess parties and other festivities.6 Conditions ar
opposite number in guerrilla warfare, who generally lack
have to negotiate mountainous or hostile terrain and reso
Why would any woman choose such an unusual and d
patriarchal system men are perceived as strong, active and
to the public sphere, while women are their antithesis - w
relegated to the private or domestic sphere. This gender d
should not be involved in warfare, as it is always exclusi
who enter the war zone, more so as guerrillas, are seen as
they project the image of liberated women which threate
3 Agnes Khoo, Life as the river flows: Women in the Malayan anti-
Strategic Information Research Development [SIRD], 2004). These four
Thai assistance after 1989. Thailand played an important role in the
the MCP. For further details, see, Kitti Ratanachaya, The Communis
Thailand: The last role of Chin Peng (Bangkok: Sahadhammika, 2007)
4 See articles in 'Women as warriors in Asia', Special issue, HAS Newsle
asia/article/women-warriors-asia (last accessed on 15 Feb. 2013). Adrian
warriors of the Malayan Communist Party' (ibid.: 12-13) outlines the
personal lives (marriage, divorce and parenthood) of ex-women MCP
on Khoo's Life as the river flows, however. A study by Roziyati Komar
women leaders - Shamsiah Fakeh, Lee Meng and Suriani Abdullah
mudik: Kisah 3 wanita dalam Parti Komunis Malaya [Paddling upstr
the MCP] (Kuala Lumpur: eSastera, 2011).
5 Caroline O.N. Moser and Fiona C. Clark, Victims , perpetrators or act
political violence (London: Zed Books, 2001), p. 4.
6 Anne-Marie Hilsdon, Madonna and martyr: Militarism and violenc
Allen & Unwin, 1995), pp. 51-5.
7 I.F.W. Beckett, Encyclopedia of guerilla warfare (Santa Barbara: A
8 Sharon Macdonald, 'Drawing the lines - gender, peace and war
228 MAHANI MUSA
historically, women have never distanced themselves completely from war

the ages there have been female rulers and warrior queens.
With the spread of feminism the issue of women's subordination, the stru
equality and efforts to change the system became more pronounced among
women. Although feminism is always thought of as a Western imposition,
Jayawardena claims historical circumstances were equally responsible in pr
ideological changes that affected women.9 The early women's movement corr
to, and was determined by, wider social movements. Feminist struggles em
Asia in the context of general resistance against imperialism, colonialism, feu
archies, and traditional patriarchal and religious structures.
In Malaya, the nationalist struggles provided a base for women's particip
politics. Women's associations had emerged well before the Second World W
were linked to political groups in the postwar period. The struggles became
pull that enticed women from the domestic sphere. With a higher proportio
being educated and of women entering the labour force, the women's eman
movement and nationalist struggles in decolonising Asia provided mutual enc
ment for major change.10 In Malaya, this movement led to two situations. E
emancipation, by both male and female reformers who had benefited from
educational opportunities, initially put women back in subordinate pos
they themselves were more interested in being liberating from certain cust
economic and political constraints. A case in point was Kaum Ibu, the w
wing of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the largest p
women's organisation, whose platform represented continuity between the t
world of the village and the political world of the emerging nation. Kaum Ib
bers were encouraged by party leaders to participate in politics, but to be su
to UMNO and its male leaders.11 A similar situation held for the Malayan C
Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC).12 It was the mor
ical women in the MCP who were willing to take the struggle further; they c
the oppressive patriarchal structure and advocated revolutionary political a
alternatives.
Women in the MCP were deeply influenced by the global feminist movem
by Clara Zetkin.13 Zetkin had initiated the formation of the Communist W
International during the Second Congress of the Communist Internat
Moscow in July 1920. Notably, when the Chinese Communist Party (
formed in 1921, Mao Zedong mobilised the revolutionary potential of
women in peace and war: Cross-cultural and historical perspectives , ed. Sharon Macdonald,
and Shirley Ardener (Basingstoke: Macmillan Education with Oxford University Press, 198
9 Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and nationalism in the Third World in the 19th and early
turies (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 1982), pp. 2-10.
10 The Chinese revolution of 1911, the Young Turks revolution of 1908 and the Russian re
1917 all left a deep impact on Asian nationalism.
11 Lenore Manderson, Women , politics and change : The Kaum Ibu UMNO , Malaysia
(Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 202.
12 See, Virginia H. Dancz, Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia (Singapor
University Press, 1987).
13 Abdullah C.D., Memoir Abdullah C.D.: Zaman pergerakan sehingga 1948 [The memoirs o
C.D.: The movement until 1948] (Petaling Jaya: SIRD, 2005), p. 228.
WOMEN IN THE MALAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY, 1942-89 229
especially those who were students, teachers and workin

women and the improvement of their social position be
egy in the early 1920s.15 From then on, efforts to brin
became more organised; women propagandists trave
explain communist policy to peasants and female work
activity, espionage and sabotage.16
A similar situation is seen in Malaya. The economi
labouring class in hardship and poverty. Although the e
1933, wages did not rise. The MCP targetted workers as new
on the colonial government. Many educated young C
Ching (henceforth referred to as Suriani Abdullah)17 and
the fight to improve workers' welfare and liberate Mala
fighting for women's emancipation. Suriani, who was influ
while studying at Nan Hwa High School in Sitiawan, Pe
could only be achieved by joining the communist movem
ber in 1940 and was sent with her friends to organise a
women labourers in Perak.18 Shamsiah Fakeh, who was
Wanita Sedar (AWAS) and then became an influenti
Regiment, besides being influenced by the global wome
by her own marital breakup and wish to free women f
capitalism, imperialism and masculine oppression. For
tasks, but 'a liberated country is the first step in bringing
Suriani and Shamsiah fit nicely with Khoo's conclusio
educational and social backgrounds had joined the MCP p
lion against [the] feudalistic, patriarchal oppression th
women'.20 One of her interviewees, Zhu Ning (bor
from a conservative Chinese family. She had endur
14 Suzette Leith, 'Chinese women in the early Communist movem

social change and feminism, ed. Marilyn B. Young (Ann Arbor: Cent
Michigan, 1973), p. 57. Women in the labour force made for fertile r
and other forms of discrimination they faced.
15 Women's welfare and equality was included in the right to vo
freedoms of speech, assembly, publication, association and strike in
1922) and in the manifesto of the Second National Congress of
Conrad Brandt, Benjamin Schwartz and John K. Fairbank, A
Communism (New York: Atheneum, 1966), pp. 54-65.
16 Jayawardena, Feminism and nationalism , pp. 192-3.
17 Eng Ming Ching is better known as Suriani Abdullah, the nam
Abdullah C.D.
18 Suriani Abdullah, Memoir Suriani Abdullah: Setengah abad dalam perjuangan [The memoirs of
Suriani Abdullah: Half a century of struggle] (Petaling Jaya: SIRD, 2006), pp. 9-12. See also, Shan
Ru-Hong, Gold in the south: The story of an immigrant (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbitan Abad Dua Puluh
Satu, n.d.), p. 58. The areas covered include Menglembu, Lahat, Papan, Pusing, Siputeh, Tronoh, Batu
Gajah, Kampar, Tapah and Tanjong Tualang in the south. In the north, the area included Silibin,
Kepong, Ampang, Chemor, and Sungai Siput. Ipoh remained the nerve centre of these activities.
19 Shamsiah Fakeh, Memoir Shamsiah Fakeh: Dari AWAS ke Rejimen ke-10 [The memoirs of Shamsiah
Fakeh: From AWAS to the 10th Regiment] (Bangi: Penerbit University Kebangsaan Malaysia [UKM],
2004), p. 45.
20 Khoo, Life as the river flows, p. 11.
230 MAHANI MUSA
was married off at the age of fifteen by her family. Ill treatment by her mother-in-l
an absent husband, the urge to get out of poverty, and anger against feudalism led
to join the MCP in 1967.21 Her story is shared by many others from several coun
who were interviewed by Khoo, and who had joined the movement as early as t
1930s and remained until the signing of the Hat Yai Peace Accord in 1989.
Many women joined the MCP during the Japanese Occupation of Malaya (194
45) and the Emergency (1948-60) for patriotic and nationalistic reasons. Patrioti
was an important factor for many Chinese women and their families, as in the
of Lin Guan Yin (born in China in 1923, but brought up in Negeri Sembil
especially since the 1937 Japanese invasion of China. Lin claims that nearly every
in her village in Negeri Sembilan had joined the resistance against the Japa
Occupation. She joined the MCP in her late teens; coming from a poor family sh
believed in the communist ideology of fighting against capitalism.22
Many Malay women who joined the MCP to liberate Malaya did so secretl
most Malays viewed involvement in communism as being anti-Islamic. Encourag
by propaganda by Malay nationalists and the MCP during the Japanese Occupati
Malays were also involved in the anti-Japanese movement in Perak. In Joh
Malay guerrilla organisation, the North Johor Brigade, was established on
September 1948. Led by Jasman Sulaiman and his wife, the brigade was involved
the anti- Japanese movement from May 1942 23 In Pauh village, Arau, Perlis, the fami
of Malay revolutionaries Pak Saud and wife Mak Tijah had actively organised Ma
women's groups to fight the Japanese. In fact, Arau was considered a strong base
the anti- Japanese movement.24 Pak Saud and Mak Tijah later joined the MCP.
According to Short, folklore about the 1890s Pahang rebellion led by D
Bahaman influenced Malays in the state to join the communists.25 Having b
ties with Bahaman inspired Malays like Siti Norkiah, the Benta AWAS leade
join the MCP. Her paternal grandfather was one of Bahaman's followers. Pah
was also a stronghold of several radical Malay movements such as the KM
(Kesatuan Melayu Muda), Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), Angka
Pemuda Insaf (API) and AWAS. Siti Norkiah was born in 1920 in Raub, on
the main API and AWAS bases. Siti Norkiah's father was a strong MP AJA suppor
while her sister Zainab Mahmud (Pahang AWAS leader and national secretary) an
brothers were also active members. Besides Raub, Temerloh, Benta and Kuala Lip
strongly supported the PKMM and its affiliates, API and AWAS. Later Pahang w
chosen by the MCP as a base for its propaganda work.26 Many Malays from
21 Ibid., pp. 86-104.

22 Ibid., pp. 50-64.
23 See further, Mahmud Embong, 'Perkembangan Rejimen ke-10 Melayu, Parti Komunis Malaya
1949 hingga 1989' [The development of the MCP's Malay 10th Regiment, 1949-89] (Ph.D. t
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 2009).
24 Abdullah C.D., Memoir Abdullah C.D., pp. 192-223.
25 Short, In pursuit of the mountain rats, p. 208. See also Jang Aishah Mutalib, Pemberontakan Pah
1891-1895 [The Pahang Rebellion, 1891-1895] (Kelantan: Pustaka Aman, 1972); Aruna Gopin
Pahang 1880-1933: A political history (Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soc
Monograph no. 18, 1991).
26 Lubok Kawah in Temerloh became a hideout for former PKMM, API and AWAS leaders
Shamsiah Fakeh and Zainab Mahmud. It was here that their lives as guerrillas began.
state joined the MCP in 1948.27 The story of the

anti-colonial struggles was a favourite theme in the theat
camps in south Thailand.28
Feminism, patriotism and nationalism were not alway
Chinese women joined the MCP during the Emergency t
British banned all labour organisations in 1948 or in
Chinese middle-school students were under strict surveillance. Guo Ren Luan
(born in Singapore in 1937) was influenced by one of her classmates at the Na
Chiao Girls' High School, but she joined the MCP on her own free will after th
1953 rape and murder of a girl by a man who was heavily influenced by pornogra
phy.29 This incident sparked the beginning of the 'anti-yellow culture' campaign i
Chinese middle schools in which Guo actively participated.30
The 'anti-yellow culture' campaign was directed against imported, 'degenerate'
culture that weakened and corrupted individuals and the public. T.N. Harper claims
the 'anti-yellow' campaign paralleled the revitalisation of the Communist Unite
Front in raising political awareness among intellectuals. In Singapore, it was widely
supported by student bodies, trade unions, radical politicians like Lee Kuan Yew, as
well as Malay and Indian cultural associations, including the Malay literary associ-
ation ASAS 50.31 Colonial authorities saw the campaign as a vehicle for the dissemi
nation of communist ideology and placed all imported publications (mostly fro
China) under surveillance.32 They viewed efforts to oppose yellow culture a
anti-colonial actions and a form of communist threat.33 The government claimed
the campaign was aimed at stirring political consciousness using moral issues.34
Women entered the fray as organisers and participants in the 'anti-yellow cultur
campaign between July-September 1956. The Singapore Women's Federation (SWF),
a newly organised leftist body, was among the sponsoring organisations and t
earliest to promote the formation of a permanent anti-yellow culture secretariat.
27 See Mohamed Salleh Lamry, Siti Norkiah Mahmud: Srikandi dari Pahang Utara [Siti Norkia
Mahmud: Heroine from North Pahang] (Petaling Jaya: SIRD, 2011), pp. 1-46.
28 One of these productions was entitled Children of Pahang river . See Chin, The Communist Party o
Malaya , p. 100.
29 Khoo, Life as the river flows , pp. 253-80.
30 See the web page, Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, The Cold War in A
(1945-90)', '1956 Report of the MCP as a force in Singapore', http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/article_vie
asp?id=861 (last accessed on 15 Feb. 2013). Among the schools actively involved in the campaig
were Chinese High School, Chung Cheng High School, Chung Hwa and Nanyang Girls' High School
31 T.N. Harper, The end of empire and the making of Malaya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1999), pp. 294-5.
32 National Archives United Kingdom (NAUK) Public Records Office (henceforth PRO) 2 153/5
(Confidential) Singapore review of imported publications 1953. Most of the publications which were co
fiscated in Feb. 1953 were for children and youth. The highest number of books confiscated was in Oc
1953 with 161 titles (out of 176) declared prejudicial to the state while 334 packets (out of 1,659 packet
of second-class mail were placed in a similar category.
33 Straits Timesy 22 Sept. 1956.
34 PRO 27 330/56 Anti-yellow culture campaign. The British authorities were not only concerned with
the direct attacks on the colonial government, but alarmed that the Chinese leftist group had successful
dragged Malay and Indian organisations into their campaign; 444 associations and unions (197 Mala
associations, 234 Chinese organisations and 13 Indian bodies) were invited to participate in the proposed
'Anti- Yellow Culture Convention of all races'.
232 MAHANI MUSA
The issues raised by SWF such as equal pay, equal employment opportunities
abolition of polygamy persuaded many educated young Chinese women to jo
organisation.35 The anti-yellow culture campaign resumed in early 19
SWF's leader, Linda Chen, appointed as President of the Anti-Yellow C
Council. However, Chen was arrested before her delegation met the new chief
ter, Lim Yew Hock,36 to submit resolutions on how to stop yellow culture.3
his predecessor David Marshall, Lim took strong actions to eradicate com
influences in Singapore. Linda's arrest with six others on 19 September 1
linked to her involvement in an organisation seen to be under communist in
and the government's decision to deregister the SWF put the campaign on hol
move was widely perceived by the left as a colonial effort to deprive locals
rights and freedom.39 This made Lim Yew Hock unpopular40 and at the sam
forced many women to go underground to avoid detention.
Some women, notably those who had lived in areas considered revolut
zones during the Japanese Occupation, joined because of their surroundings
any comprehension of the party's struggles. Chen Xiu Zhu (born in Bukit G
Kedah in 1937), for one, had known communists at a young age.41 She
other children were familiar with the communists who dropped by to conduc
ganda classes, harping on the unjust treatment of the masses, including wom
both Japanese and British imperialists. Sometimes the girls became 'informa
iers, sending letters and making purchases for the communists. Slowly,
and older girls like Chen Xiu Zhu developed a revolutionary consciousness an
the movement. The path became more obvious if they were born into a fam
supported the revolution. Luo Lan (born in Bentong, Pahang in 1947) an
Ya Yin (born in Batu Gajah, Perak in 1955) were both born into families
had supported the communists since the anti-Japanese war. Family invo
was one of the reasons that pulled them into the MCP's armed struggle.42
The MCP benefited from the existing social structure and values within C
society which put kinship and friendship networks above everything. This me
family members or close friends who had joined the guerrillas would be giv
port, which enabled the MCP to achieve a strong position in the initial s
the Emergency.43 Besides friendship the MCP provided services such as
(financial aid, literacy classes for workers, village infrastructure repair, farm
35 Lee Ting Hui, The open United Front: The Communist struggle in Singapore 1954-1966 (S
South Seas Society, 1996), pp. 95-6. In May 1955, SWF applied for registration which was app
following year despite the fact that there was little doubt that this organisation was another co
front. For further details, see, Kartini Saparudin, 'Colonisation of everyday life in the 1950s a
Towards the Malayan dream' (M.A. thesis, National University of Singapore, 2005).
36 Lim Yew Hock was chief minister of Singapore from June 1956 to June 1959.
37 PRO 27 330/56 Anti-yellow culture campaign.
38 The banishment of Linda Chen to China was given wide coverage by local newspapers. See
to Britain says banished teacher', Straits Times , 15 Nov. 1956; 'Britain won't have you, Lind
told', Straits Times , 9 Feb. 1957.
39 PRO 27 330/56 Anti-yellow culture campaign.
40 'A stooge is born', Fajar , 30 Sept. 1956.
41 Khoo, Life as the river flows, pp. 65-85.
42 Ibid., pp. 120-8, 148-63.
43 Stubbs, Hearts and minds , pp. 90-91.
and recreational activities (music, literature, sports and ga

reational activities were interspersed with party propagan
Malay women who joined the MCP were often influence
party's female leaders. Siti Meriyam alias Atom from Lu
stand much about the struggle, but was inspired by the
like Shamsiah Fakeh and Zainab Mahmud. She believed these women were imbued
with the spirit of Bahaman and Mat Kilau (another Pahang warrior).45 Siti Nong
Ishak and Siti Zamiah Abdul Latif, both first generation Malay women in the
MCP, joined the party for similar reasons. Born in Kampung Buntut Pulau,
Temerloh, Siti joined in 1948 at the age of 13 without any comprehension of com-
munism. She left the MCP and returned to Temerloh in 1955.46 Siti Zamiah joined
in 1948 at the age of 16, not out of political awareness but because her mother,
Aminah Teh Bakar was the Temerloh AWAS leader. She joined the movement
because its youth section was under her mother and their home in Lubok Kawah
was a meeting place for AWAS members.47 After joining the MCP, she began to
study party ideology, later moving to the jungle to escape the British dragnet.
Personal interviews with former female guerrillas and memoirs written by former
MCP members indicate, however, that different factors motivated some women to
join the movement after the MCP relocated to southern Thailand in 1953. The
MCP policy to open its doors to new blood in the early 1960s created a new gener-
ation of women guerrillas (the second generation cadres) whose motives for joining
differed from those women who joined before the MCP withdrawal to southern
Thailand (first generation cadres). Nationalistic reasons like the liberation of the
fatherland had become inconsequential for the Thais who joined after the 'open
door' policy. Ibrahim Chik of the 10th Regiment claims that socioeconomic reasons
were more important for the second generation cadres. The failure of the 1955
Baling Talks between the Malayan government and the MCP forced party leader
Chin Peng to strengthen party security and strategy. In 1961 the New Political Line
was adopted after the MCP proclaimed that 'the revolutionist line be exposed and cri-
ticised and that the line of persistent armed struggled be reaffirmed'. This new directive
ordered a major recruitment of new blood and extensive participation in mass work.48
In retrospect, Ibrahim Chik believes that the recruitment of new blood brought
more problems for the party. Most recruits from the 1960s came from the local
Thai community and very few Malaysians joined. Most of the Thais were not whole-
heartedly for the party struggle; they were motivated by socioeconomic need rather
than anything else. According to Ibrahim, after the MCP had moved to the
44 Lee Ting Hui, The communist organization in Singapore: Its techniques on manpower mobilization
and management, 1948-66 (Singapore, ISEAS, Field report series no. 12, 1976), pp. 12-13.
46 Noriza bt. Said, 'Projek dokumentasi sejarah lisan: Tokoh pejuang nasionalis Melayu kiri (Siti bt
Nong Ishak)' [Oral history documentary project: Nationalist fighters of the Malay Left] (Bangi: Pusat
Kajian Sejarah Lisan, Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemasyarakatan, UKM, 1992).
47 Sahari Bulan bt. Nuhung, 'Regimen Ke Sepuluh Parti Komunis Malaya [The 10th Regiment of the
Malayan Communist Party] (Bangi: Pusat Kajian Sejarah Lisan, Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemasyarakatan,
UKM, 1993).
48 'Xiulan', I want to live: A personal account of one woman's futile armed struggle for the Reds (Petaling
Jaya: Star Publications, 1983), p. 39.
234 MAHANI MUSA
Illustration 1. Party cadres during a musical show

Source : Photo taken from an exhibition at the Khao Nam Khang Histor
Tunnel, Nathawee district, Songkhla, courtesy of Leong Yee Sing of t
Historical Tunnel, 14 Mar. 2009.
Illustration 2. Revolutionary drill dance performed by cadres

Source : Photo taken from an exhibition at the Khao Nam Khang Histor
Tunnel, Nathawee district, Songkhla, courtesy of Leong Yee Sing of t
Historical Tunnel, 14 Mar. 2009.
Malaysia-Thai border, access to food sources had c

attracted many local villagers to join the guerrillas, bri
children along.49
My interviews with the second generation women co
and Sadao, Southern Thailand, support Ibrahim Chik's
less family squabbles forced Muna or Mek Pik, Chan
Daud to live in the jungle as guerrillas.50 Khatijah c
women in her camps had joined because of poverty alth
because they believed in communism. Most of these in
they joined the movement to follow their husbands or
and friends.51 Poverty was nothing new to the first g
not the main reason they left for the jungle. For Siti M
instance, living in poverty was nothing new as their mo
lutionary movement and liable to be arrested at any tim
she was inspired by women like Shamsiah and Zainab M
Despite such narratives, Short believes that poverty in
an important factor that was utilised by Chinese guerr
the MCP with the promise of a better life.53 The MCP
spirit of the Pahang rebellion to create a strong base in
Clearly women of the second generation joined the m
non-ideological reasons such as to escape poverty, or to
or lovers. There were cases of young women who w
brought to the jungle - as in the case of Rosimah A
from Kampung Gajah, Perak. Kidnapped by commun
age of 17 while working in a paddy field in Changk
much of her life with the communists. She lived with
was forced to abandon Islam and Muslim culture and fo
munist although she was already married to a Malay at
to her family in Perak in 1994. The fear of kidnappin
force their daughters to join the Women Special Con
49 Ibrahim Chik, Memoir Ibrahim Chik: Dari API ke Rejimen ke-

From API to the 10th Regiment] (Bangi: Penerbit UKM, 2004), p
50 Muna aka Mek Pik, 60, living at the Khao Nam Khang Histori
Regiment base (interviewed 1 Jan. 2009); born in Pattani, she
1978 at the age of 29. Chang Li Li, 55 (interviewed 1 Jan. 2009
Village No. 10, Yala; born in Betong, Thailand and joined the
Rokiah, 58, a Thai national living in Narathiwat (interviewed 4 De
and joined the guerillas in 1966 at the age of 12 because of pover
Pattani and joined the MCP in the 1970s (interviewed 25 Feb. 200
51 Khatijah Daud, Muna, Suti, Maimunah, Wayah, and Rokiah are
cited poverty and the influence of friends as reasons for joining the
by Khoo also claim poverty as one of the reasons they joined th
Thailand in 1951) who cited poverty and the desire to escape from a
for joining the guerrilla movement although she did not understan
Life as the river flows, pp. 35-49.
53 Short, In pursuit of the mountain rats , p. 208.
54 Utusan Malaysia , 30 May 2009.
236 MAHANI MUSA
of Munah bt. Husin of Kampong Malau, Kenering, Gerik, who joined WS

early 1950s.55 Gerik was a communist stronghold during the Emergency.
Women as strategists in the MCP

Women's rights became part of communist doctrine at the 1922
Conference of International Communists, when it was decided that a special c
tee to incorporate women should be established in the Communist Part
countries.56 The MCP only began to address the issue seriously after the Japan
render, however, when there was a pressing need to disseminate party ideolog
masses and to strengthen the membership base in line with the goal of libe
Malaya. Justus Van der Kroef divides the development of the MCP into four
from the early 1920s to the birth of the anti- Japanese resistance in mid- 1
guerrilla war against Japan (1942-45); constitutional and legal activity; and th
to violence and guerrilla war (1948-60)57 while others like Collin Abraham str
date to the 1989 Hat Yai Peace Accord, which he claims ushered in 'real i
dence' for Malaya. According to Abraham, the Accord ended the guerri
which the MCP had waged for the previous 40 years58 although historian J
Fernando is of the view that the MCP threat had become marginal by 1
What is clear is that women had played crucial roles through all the MCP's p
of expansion and operation.60
The Japanese invasion of China beginning with Manchuria in 1931 and Bei
1937 followed by the outbreak of the Second World War in December 1941 res
British overtures to the MCP and the subsequent formation of the Malayan
Anti- Japanese Army (MP AJA) in January 1942. The move saw the recruit
more women into the organisation. By mid- 1945, the MPAJA had abou
armed soldiers and thousands of supporters.61 Only a handful of women we
the jungle as fighters, however, as will be discussed later. The recruitment of
entered a new phase after the war ended in August 1945. With the MCP bec
legal under the postwar British Military Administration (BMA) the party wid
support base. It was involved in the Advisory Council in Singapore; its greatest
was the establishment of the General Labour Union (GLU) in Singapore, follo
Malaya. Just as the CCP in China, the MCP placed great importance in contr
workers' organisations and trade unions. Throughout 1945 and 1946, t
55 Interview with Munah bt. Husin, 24 May 2009 at her house in Kampong Malau, Kenerin
Perak.
56 See, Leith, 'Chinese women in the early Communist movement', p. 49.
57 Justus M. Van der Kroef, Communism in Malaysia and Singapore (The Hague: M. Nijhof
p. 20.
58 Collin Abraham, ' The finest hour : The Malaysian-MCP peace accord in perspective (Petaling Jaya:
SIRD, 2006).
59 Joseph M. Fernando, The alliance road to independence (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press,
2009), p. 5.
60 Van der Kroef, Communism in Malaysia and Singapore , p. 22. In the 1930s, the MCP experienced a
surge in new membership. By 1931 its membership was estimated at around 1,500, supported by some
10,000 organised labourers and a smaller number of women agents.
61 Freedom News: The untold story of the communist underground publication , intro. by Kumar
Ramakrishna (Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological
University, 2008), p. 6.
orchestrated strikes and labour rallies which became marke

The party had also penetrated youth groups, women
groups. Equality for women became a major platform
efforts to improve the British image after the war thro
an opportunity for communist women to strengthen
BMA Emergency Relief Committee which first met in
sentatives of various charities, Chinese business
Anti-Japanese Union (AJU) were co-opted under one r
of the MP AJA, had begun to register refugees at the
female representative in the AJU claimed that by 26 S
had registered 80,000 refugees (out of a total of 700
later became part of the official party operation and b
or resistance associations were running 8 out of the 18
Labour organisations, youth groups, women's asso
strove to attract mass support for the communists. The
the communist network which created tension in MCP-British relations. To make
the party attractive to the non-Chinese, the MCP embarked on 'Malayanisation' and
quietly dropped its goal of a Malayan democratic republic. 'Malayanisation' was later
replaced with a minimum democratic program: the establishment of self-rule in
Malaya, the right to vote and the introduction of democratic institutions, improvement
in wages, working conditions and the education system and equality for women.64
While the MCP focused on peaceful struggle, it also faced internal problems
when the government eventually assumed full control of labour associations. Chin
Peng's rise was a turning point for the party. He believed a revolution was necessary
for the party to seize power in Malaya, and his ideas were immediately made known
to all cadres. Sabotage and violence towards imperial functionaries marked the start of
the communist revolution, forcing the government to declare an Emergency in
Malaya on 18 June 1948, followed by Singapore on 24 June 1948. The government
declared its resolve to deal with the MCP, which was banned on 23 July 1948. This
forced many Malay leftists, including those from the PKMM and its affiliates, API
and AWAS, to follow the MCP underground. They became the core of the 10th
Regiment, which was formed in May 1949.
June 1948 marked the start of the armed struggle between the MCP and the colo-
nial government. In the second half of 1949, there was an average of one major inci-
dent per week with heavy casualties amongst the security forces and civilians.65 This
led to counter-attacks by government forces, including the anti-bandit campaigns in
the early 1950s with the government declaring ťred areas' as controlled areas. As a
result the communists faced shortages of arms, ammunition and food.66 With
62 Ho Hui Ling, Darurat 1948-1960: Keadaan sosial di Tanah Melayu [The Emergency 1948-1960:
Social conditions in Malaya] (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya, 2004), pp. 12-13. Between
December 1947-May 1948, the MCP managed to control 130 out of 335 labour associations while
another 70 were under its influence.
63 Harper, The end of empire , p. 66.
64 Cheah, The masked comrades , p. 26.
65 Short, In pursuit of the mountain rats , pp. 148, 206.
66 NAUK Colonial Office (henceforth CO) 717/205 52932 1951, Association of British Malaya,
Malayan Bulletin , vol. 5, no. 55, dated 25 July 1951. The food denial campaign started much earlier
238 MAHANI MUSA
Map 1. Long March to south Thailand, 1953
continual attacks by security forces and MCP morale at its lowest Chin
forced to relocate to south Thailand at the end of 1953.67 This relocation involved
hundreds of women.
Throughout the history of the MCP, women had played their part in strengthen-
ing its military strength and strategy. Besides cooking, growing vegetables, transport-
ing food, and nursing, women played an important role in the MCP underground
network, as couriers and even as important party figures. Indeed, the party communi-
cation system depended on female couriers68 since they were less likely to be subjected
in states with certain areas that were under communist threat classified as 'food restricted areas*. See:
National Archives of Malaysia (NAM), Kedah/Perlis Branch, Kedah Secretariat 1295/1369
Anti-bandit month: Control of the movement of commodities and medical supplies; NAM, Johor/N.
Sembilan/Melaka Branch (henceforth JNSMB) J/SUK 1 State Secretary Johor 2009/49 Denial of food-
stuffs to bandits; JNSMB J/PD SG 1 Segamat District Office AOS 10/50 Anti-bandit month Segamat.
See also Straits Echo and Times of Malaya, 18 Aug. 1950.
67 Short, In pursuit of the mountain r<ļtsy p. 472. By 1955 the number of MCP armed guerillas had gone
down to 3,000 from a high of 8,000 in 1951. For state by state figures on the strength of the MCP in the
federation until Oct. 1955, see, 'Report on the Malayan Communist Party in the Federation of Malaya',
http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/docs/SEA-China-Interactions-Cluster/TheColdWarInAsia/1956 (last accessed
on 15 Feb. 2013).
68 An open courier travelled by road, rail, bicycle, on root and so forth and always able to avoid military
or police checkpoints.
to close searches by police or the army. This saw the rec

network covering southern Thailand through to Johor
figure in this network was Lee Meng or Lee Ten (Tian)
leader of the Kepayang team which operated in Ipoh
in connecting Ipoh with Singapore and the MCP C
Thailand.69 In My side of history , Chin Peng recog
Meng whom he describes as ťa dedicated comrade', but
in her apprehension on 24 July 1952 in Lahat Road, Ipo
but escaped the gallows and was exiled to China. Chi
another female comrade, Li Jhen, who was the MCP's
Mentakab MCP headquarters in mid- 1949. Former I
Feng was one of his best couriers. Yin Feng, according
courier group of several women and quickly managed
Perak and Selangor to Mentakab.70
While the government was kept busy with labou
Singapore regular raids on schools saw the arrests of m
chers. On 28 April 1953, a female Chinese school tea
Farrer Road. She was in possession of a quantity of com
Chinese female was arrested at No. 224, Jalan Besar - a
centre - on 22 October 1953. Subsequent raids resulted
Chinese students - a girl from Nanyang Girls' Sch
High School.71 On 22 October 1953, a Chinese st
School was detained after police identified her
Communication Centre.72 The most important pers
was a Chinese woman who was responsible for direc
MCP's underground activities in Singapore in the early
sible for all communication routes between Singapo
Johor, contact with the Central Politburo. Her arrest
other women couriers attached to the MCP Special Ser
sible for all communist activities in Singapore.73
The important role played by female comrades in or
network that linked the MCP in Singapore, Malaya
proof of the party's recognition of female members' ab
sibilities. There were many other female comrades res
organising large-scale operations. Two such figures we
Yen. Both were extremely capable organisers, highly re
bers, men and women alike. Both were heavily involved
determined party survival.
69 Leon Comber, Malaya's secret police 1945-60 : The role of t

Emergency (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), pp. 219-37.
70 Chin Peng, My side of history; as told to Ian Ward and Norma
2003), p. 336. See also Straits Times , 10 Mar. 1952.
71 CO 1022/210 Pan-Malayan review of political and security intelli
72 CO 1022/20 7 Political situation report from Singapore: For
Singapore Intelligence Committee; Political report for the period
73 Ibid., Political report for the period 2nd to 16th Oct. 1953.
240 MAHANI MUSA
Like the women guerrillas in the Philippines, Vietnam and Zimbabwe, h

women generally occupied a lower position in the MCP hierarchy, except f
brave and intelligent ones. Suriani possessed both qualities plus invaluable e
in the MCP revolution from long before the Occupation and her later stru
improve the lives of fellow comrades after 1989. She had joined the par
age of 16; being the only girl in the family, it was a tough decision for he
parental objections, her desire to liberate Malaya was too strong. Smart, high
ated and a good speaker, Suriani was often asked to give talks to the masses
MCP and their struggles.74
Initially Suriani led the labouring class in the Kampar area, but her cha
leadership opened the way for greater responsibilities, including secretary o
committee in Ipoh in 1942. She joined the 5th Regiment, and led its pr
unit in Perak during the Japanese Occupation. She was captured and tor
the Japanese in 1945; for this she was labelled the ťanti- Japanese fighter among
international communists. Her male comrades regarded Suriani as a ch
figure who had shown a firm fighting spirit and dedicated her life to the party
being tortured by the Japanese.75 After the war she was appointed as Pera
representative and the MCP representative in the BMA. During the Emerge
served in the Johor Committee, before joining the 6th Regiment in Pahan
she assisted the relocation of the 10th Regiment to south Thailand.
Surianťs leadership qualities became more evident when she was with th
Regiment. She was tasked to assist Abdullah C.D., the 10th Regiment comm
to coordinate the move from Pahang to south Thailand, liaise with loca
groups, take care of medical needs, and work as a translator. She was also a
liaison officer between the regiment and the party central committee. In 195
appointed member of the regiment's senior officer corp. Her highest accolad
1975 when she was appointed to the central committee.76 She also led
Regiment when Abdullah C.D., whom she had married in 1955, fell ill due to
ing in September 1975. Suriani did not see her responsibility as an easy one
to carry out all directives given by headquarters, and to ensure that all re
fighting units operated effectively.77 Her marriage to a Malay and conver
Islam is also indicative of the high degree of interracial tolerance within t
Both decisions were her own choice. While interracial marriage was unavoi
such situations and there were many such cases in the jungle camps,78 Suria
riage was important because it involved the union of two influential figur
10th Regiment and the MCP.
Other than the armed struggle, Suriani also contributed to the spread o
culture and language in the camps. Her memoirs indicate her interest in
74 Suriani, Memoir, p. 69.

75 Ibid. See the preface by Rashid Maidin.
76 For details of Sudani's achievements, see her Memoir . See also, Suriani, Serikandi Suria
[The heroine Suriani Abdullah] (Petaling Jaya: SIRD, 2005).
77 Suriani, Memoir, p. 150.
78 Rashid Maidin, an important figure in the 10th Regiment, had married Selamah, a Chines
in 1959 at the Sadao camp, Thailand. See, Rashid Maidin, Memoir Rashid Maidin: Daripada
bersenjata kepada perdamaian [The memoirs of Rashid Maidin: From armed struggle to peace]
Jaya: SIRD, 2005), p. 77.
Illustration 3. Cover of book titled Bei Ma Ju Po H

truth behind the detention of spies by the Northe
(Sadao: Committee of the Khao Nam Khang Histo
and language activities through the formation of a cul

the 1980s. This body performed poetry, songs, dances a
of fellow cadres or as propaganda in villages.79 Sud
language was driven by her conviction that it was i
arts and not the Western hybrid (popular culture).
important but felt that a national culture should integr
ter unity.80 The MCP had already recognised Malay as
1965; but Suriani nevertheless painstakingly worked to
pen her knowledge of Malay culture.
Another equally remarkable figure is Ah Yen. Ah Y
Zainun was a Penang-born ChiAese trained as a teacher
School (Penang Chinese Girls' High School). She was
79 Suriani, Memoir , pp. 165-8.

80 Suriani, Serikandi Suriani Abdullah , pp. 46-7.
242 MAHANI MUSA
despatched to conduct party work among women labourers in Perak.81 Her

achievement was to become a member of the party central committee
appointed party adviser in the peace negotiations involving the Malaysian and
ernments in 1988. She was often entrusted to look into strategies to strengthen t
Besides giving lectures on communist ideology, she was responsible for exposing s
the 12th Regiment in 1968. Later she was tasked to inform all camps of thes
These spies, who included women and children, were sent by the Thai mili
Yen apprehended 22 suspected spies mainly among new party members. Ah
involved in the subsequent trials and meted out punishment to those found g
It is still unclear how and to what extent the women leaders determine
policy, but they worked closely with their male comrades to ensure all pol
implemented. In fact based on reports and suggestions by women lea
Suriani, militia units were formed in a number of villages under
Regiment.83 International Women's Day on 8 March was always celebrated
MCP as a mark of respect for the contributions of its female cadres.84
Women as guerrilla fighters: Challenges and sacrifices

Many women also played an active role in the actual armed struggle, lead
toons and fighting units. Their involvement as guerrilla fighters started du
MPAJA era. Except for one platoon in Perak which was comprised entirely o
girls,85 there were usually only a few girls in each MPAJA camp. Spencer F.
who was the British liaison officer to the MPAJA during the Second W
reported only two girls (out of twenty guerrillas) at the Ulu Slim ca
Tanjong Malim), three to four girls (out of forty guerrillas) at the Ku
camp, five girls (out of seventy) at the Batu Caves camp and three gir
Manchis camp.86 Although few in number, lacking in arms and beset by un
camp conditions, Chapman had high praise for them. Their role was identi
women of the Chinese Red Army whose guidelines were followed by t
According to this decorated British officer, the better-educated female gu
taught Mandarin and singing while the stronger ones helped in the kitchen
them were involved in patrols, guards of honour, and many acted as courier
and seamstresses. They were very disciplined and keen to fight the J
Chapman related how a courageous female guerrilla with a tommy gun
81 Suriani, Memoir , p. 12. Ah Yen was responsible for the underground network in the P
82 For details on the detention of spies in the 12th Regiment, see, Bei Ma Ju Po Huo Di Jian
[The truth behind the detention of spies by the Northern Peninsular Department] (Sadao: Co
the Khao Nam Khang Historical Tunnel, 1999). See also 'Xiulan', I want to live , pp. 40-41
83 Chin, The Communist Party of Malaya, p. 101.
84 The festivals celebrated included Party Day on 30 April, Labour Day on 1 May, the anniver
formation of the 10th Regiment on 21 May and the major festivals of the Malays, Chinese, I
Thais. See, Suriani, Memoir, p. 134.
85 Harper, The end of empire , p. 48.
86 Spencer F. Chapman, The jungle is neutral (London: Chatto & Windus, 1963), ch. 7
Dorothy Thatcher and Robert Cross, Refugee from the Japanese (Kuala Lumpur: MB
Monograph no. 24), pp. 74, 89. Nona Baker, an Englishwoman who had lived in an MPAJ
Sungai Lembing during the Occupation, claims at one time she was the only woman in th
saw five women at the Sungai Riau camp; they worked in the kitchen, nursed the sick/
mended the soldiers' clothes.
WOMEN IN THE MALAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY, 1942 - 8 9 243
provided cover for a group of leaders attending a meeting d

in Kuala Lumpur. She was killed, but the majority of
Chynoweth, a platoon leader in the Malay Regiment fro
about his encounter with guerrillas at Fraser's Hill, Paha
The guerrillas were led by a woman named Ah Wong w
tommy gun. Chynoweth describes her as a 'hot poppet'.88
During wartime there were no clear gender boundaries.
batants had to undergo the same hardships and were e
Japanese, and later British security forces during the Em
women guerrillas being caught, killed or wounded by British
in local newspapers and government correspondence. O
ambushed and killed a Chinese woman in a house in Tap
45 rounds of ammunition, detonators, communist literatur
Other reports touched on the arrests of two female Chi
Ayer Kuning, Perak, who were involved in guerrilla activiti
female guerrillas in Jerangsong, Pahang.90 The Straits Ech
23 September 1949, reported the detention of a 24-year
Ipoh who was a suspected bandit (guerilla); on 9 October
people screened in Ulu Yam Bahru and Ulu Yam Lama, f
men - spies, suppliers, couriers, three part-time bandits and
On 8 October, the police detained an Indian and a Chines
pected of aiding the guerrillas in Chetty Estate at Sungai C
in Johor, a captured and wounded female guerrilla who was
treatment by hospital staff attracted the attention of the J
Principal Medical Officer subsequently directed doctors at
provide the necessary treatment so she could provide valua
munist activities in the state.92 Until 1957, 6,398 communist
another 1,245 captured, including many women.93
In the 10th Regiment, women were attached to diffe
Mahmud was the Women's Section Leader. As discussed
women joined the MCP during the Emergency just to av
no understanding of party aims and ideology. In the ju
aware of these matters as courses and military training wer
into fighters and platoon leaders. Although few in number
were not spared from undertaking heavy tasks. For the long
which started in June 1953, Abdullah C.D. reorganised h
smooth journey. One of its formations, the Hang Jebat
Abu Samah. This was divided into four sections with th
87 Chapman, The jungle is neutral, pp. 149-51.

88 John Chynoweth, Hunting terrorists in the jungle (Gloucestershire:
89 Ibid., 17 May 1949.
90 Ibid., 22 May 1949.
91 Straits Echo and Times of Malaya, 10 Oct. 1949.
92 JNSMB Johor State War Committee 1601/1955 Medical treatment
93 The danger and where it lies (Kuala Lumpur: Information Services, Fed
244 MAHANI MUSA
entirely of women and led by a woman, Rosmah.94 The women's section m

endured the great hardships of the long march north, which took 18 mon
lacked ammunition, arms, food and were ambushed by security forces.
Many women guerrillas perished during skirmishes with security forces,
contributions have been acknowledged by former MCP leaders. Most of the
mentioned in the memoirs of these leaders were from the first generation. Their
spirit and readiness to face hardship during the Emergency explained why
ť Srikandi (heroines) was given to them and not to those from the second gen
For the sake of the party, some sacrificed having children. Siti Norkiah and her h
Abu Samah kept postponing having a family as they were not willing to give away
babies for adoption. To avoid pregnancy, Abu Samah used birth control and
undergo minor reproductive surgery. When peace finally came in 1989 the
was ready to have a family, but Siti Norkiah was then 69 years old! For Siti
suppressing the family lineage was one of her greatest sacrifices as an MCP m
This is not to say that the second generation lacked a fighting spirit. The
two women cadres (one of them pregnant) who were lost for 21 days in the
gle in southern Thailand because of an ambush by the Thai military in 195
example of the strength of women's belief in the party. Hunger, cold and wil
did not weaken their resolve; both were willing to die rather than surrend
Thai armed forces.97 But, perhaps due to the diminishing frequency and n
armed encounters after the relocation to south Thailand, these women wer
tested to the full.
Interestingly, while memoirs written by MCP leaders claimed that all com
were treated fairly and equally regardless of gender, interviews with former wom
batants from the second generation claimed otherwise. They reiterate that it was
the men who were chosen for military operations although selection was claim
made without gender consideration. Only women with considerable stamina, e
nary bravery, good eyesight, and who were healthy, active and loyal to the l
were selected for the military expeditions into Malaya. The limited arms av
were usually given to male comrades rather than women, except those who were s
for the campaigns into Malaya. Except for Chang Li Li, most of the women in
said they were never involved in an armed skirmish.98 They reiterated that wome
the last to be given weapons training; instead, they were given comparatively easi
due to their physical build although at times they were assigned to transport food
camp, a task which many considered difficult.99 Sentry duty, cooking, plan
etables, breeding animals, sewing and nursing the sick were tasks generally
to the female combatants especially after the relocation. A shortage of arms and a
nition meant that it was not unusual for women not to have weapons. This wa
94 Abdullah C.D., Abdullah C.D. Memoir Abdullah C.D: Penaja dan Pemimpin Rejimen ke-1
Java: 2005), pp. 300-302.
95 Suriani, Memoir , ch. 13.
96 Mohammed Salleh Lamry, Siti Norkiah Mahmud , pp. 92-3.
97 Quan Zhongren, Jianku Douzheng Suiyue [The years of difficult struggle], (Sadao: Commit
Khao Nam Khang Tunnel, 2000), pp. 17-47.
98 Aishah alias Suti, 47 years old, interview, 7 Jan. 2009, Yarom village, Yala.
99 'Xiulan', I want to live> p. 12.
even with the first generation cadres. One of the female le

Zamiah (Ibrahim Chik's wife) claims that the first time
1954 in Belum, Perak, although she had joined the MCP
Life in the hostile jungle and breakdown of gender

The above discussion brings up another issue about th
in the jungle. MCP leaders and the party organ Freedo
women as crucial assets in the revolution:
In the Malayan revolutionary history, especially during the period of resistance against
Japan and the present period of anti- British war, numerous fine women Communist
party members, women cadres and the masses of women revolutionaries made their
appearance. Like men, they have conducted struggles, toiled and shed their blood [...]
Malaya's revolutionary history is inseparably linked with the undertakings of these
women.101
The Party claimed that only the MCP could offer women the justice they deserved,
but does this mean that gender boundaries were absent in the jungle? In a way
women guerrillas were manifestations of the 'new woman' as they challenged the pol-
itical order and society's oppressive patriarchal structures, but most of the leaders and
combatants came from the same society beset with gendered social and cultural
values. Thus, did women guerrillas abandon their notions of motherhood and
womanhood?
Women's involvement in the MCP should be viewed through the different phases
of party development. During the early years of the armed struggle, all guerrillas
focused on party survival and mutual safety which temporarily broke down male-
female divisions. To avoid distractions (sexual problems and unwanted pregnancies)
married couples were placed in different platoons. As a result complications caused by
sexual relations were unheard of during this time.102 In fact between 1948 and 1953
when the 10th Regiment was still in Pahang, there were no new marriages among
members.103 Gender boundaries became more discernible after the move to southern
Thailand. With fewer skirmishes, sexual relationships and family issues came to the
fore.
To control social problems relating to sexuality, certain regiments put in place
strict policies. Polygamy was strictly prohibited in the predominantly Muslim 10th
Regiment, for instance. Most male combatants (including the leaders) had left their
wives behind during the relocation. They then either married local Thai or
Malayan women who had joined the long march. Some, like Ibrahim Chik, had to
100 Siti Zamiah Abdul Latif, 68 years old; Interview, 28 May 2011, at her house in Setapak, Kuala
Lumpur.
101 Freedom News , 35, 15 Mar. 1953; cited in Freedom News , pp. 123-4.
102 Dialogue with Chin Peng: New light on the Malayan Communist Party , ed. C.C. Chin and Karl Hack
(Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2004), p. 7.
103 Mohamed Salleh Lamry, Siti Norkiah Mahmud , pp. 88-9. Other camps seem to have followed a
similar policy, as did those involved in party broadcasts in China. For details, see 'An expose of the
MCP's Secret radio transmission station in Hunan China', http://www.ari.nus.edu.
sg/docs/SEA-China-interactions-Cluster/TheColdWar In Asia/2000 (last accessed 15 Feb. 2013).
246 MAHANI MUSA
file for divorce after their spouses were caught by the Thai/Malayan security forc
A special unit was set up by the 10th Regiment to deal with the many ma
that took place after the move. It is difficult to determine, however, if the r
adhered strictly to Islamic marriage rituals as various sources provide d
answers. According to Ibrahim Chik, when the party started recruiting new
in the early 1960s, the regiment had to set up a Religious Committee to handl
monial matters.105 Ibrahim relates that sometimes marriages took place with
sent of the wali (father or brother of the new recruit) in accordance with I
procedures. Others like Pak Kassim and Hajah Haslina claim that marriage
jungle were performed as secular rituals as there were no religious officials
to solemnise the union: mutual consent and the consent of their superiors w
that was required for two cadres to live as husband and wife.106 Another fac
the almost fivefold increase in the size of the regiment in the 1970s.107 By t
of the Peace Agreement in 1989, there were 320 cadres in the regiment, with
equal numbers of men and women (there were about 20 more males than fem
Despite the strict rules and discipline, love affairs sometimes ended in un
pregnancies. The MCP knew about this, but could not provide clear guideline
matter as even some of the upper echelon were involved in illicit affairs, marr
childbirth. Some leaders viewed illicit affairs as a serious problem that contri
moral decline among party cadres, but others gave the impression that it was
condoned. The affair involving the commander of the 5th platoon of th
Regiment, which was then based in Upper Rambong, Betong, shocked platoo
bers. The affair was exposed in 1964 during the rectification campaign of th
Party School of North Malaya. It was during this campaign that senio
Laosheng revealed his affair with comrade Guiying, who was known to h
many affairs with other fellow cadres. The revelation stunned platoon mem
many were confused about how a hero of the anti-Japanese war could be inv
in such a scandalous escapade. Yet there were other similar relationships tha
led to the births of babies without anyone claiming fatherhood.109
In reality unwanted pregnancies, whether from unapproved or secret liais
'legal marriages' - the latter were those sanctioned by military officers - w
mal occurrences especially after the relocation. A former member claims th
had used women as sex objects in the camps. Former political detainee, C
Gen, writes that women were robbed not only of their money and chas
were sent to the jungle to satisfy the lusts of MCP leaders.110 Pregnan
104 Ibrahim Chik, Memoir Ibrahim Chik, p. 135. Ibrahim and Rahmah agreed to separate after
was caught by Thai security forces in 1955. She was handed over to the Malayan governmen
later married Siti Zamiah Abdul Latif.
105 Ibid., pp. 137-9.
106 Apa khabar orang kampong , DVD, directed by Amir Muhammad (Singapore: Objectives Films,
2007). This documentary focuses on the lives of former Malay communist guerillas who now live in
Sukirin village, south Thailand. See also Rohani binti Mat, 'Projek Dokumentasi Sejarah Lisan.
107 Mohamed Salleh Lamry, Siti Norkiah Mahmud , p. 83.
108 Information from Mat Amin, former 10th Regiment member, email communication, 18 Mar. 2012.
See further, his blog, http://matamin02.blogspot.com (last accessed 15 Feb. 2013).
109 'Xiulan', I want to live , pp. 18, 22.
110 'Reds use women as sex objects', Straits Times , 8 May 1979.
WOMEN IN THE MALAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY, 1942-89 24 7
occur despite the risks of either abortion or giving away

or relatives as the jungle was not conducive for child-re
9-month-old baby girl was found by a military patrol in
Segamat-Jementah Road. The baby's father, Ching Chee
in Jementah), was killed earlier on 25 July 1951 while th
in her late husband's unit. In another case, a two-mont
by police on 14 July 1951 near a latex collecting stat
Segamat-Labis Road). Her parents were unknown, bu
food, ostensibly by the communists.111
According to Ibrahim Chik, women were also manipu
forces to sabotage the MCP. They were sent to MCP
within through illicit affairs, espionage and poisoning
focus on political struggles and communist ideology.112
ular method of sabotage by women in the camps, given
duties; many cases of sabotage by poisoning were highlig
leaders. As for espionage, Ah Yen had exposed the enem
when female leaders went to the toilet the spies wh
would start searching for information and other party s
The defectors
The 16 former MCP members interviewed by Agnes Khoo represent those who
remained loyal to the party. However, not all of them shared the same views with
regard to their involvement in the communist movement. Some left on their own
will while others went along with decisions made by their spouses. Those who
defected are viewed as traitors by the party; their spouses too were accorded similar
treatment. Perhaps the most well-known case was that of Musa Ahmad and his
wife, Zainab Mahmud, who surrendered to the Malaysian government in October
1980. Musa was roundly criticised by party leaders and members; his action was
regarded as cowardly and traitorous.114 His wife was accorded similar treatment.
Fellow comrade Siti Zamiah, while having some sympathy for Zainab who might
have had no other choice but to follow her husband, also believes Zainab could simply
have refused to tag along if she was a true fighter. To Siti Zamiah, Zainab was not a
true revolutionary and weak in party ideology, which rendered her unable to make an
independent decision. In reality women were always affected by their spouses. Efforts
to apprehend spies in the party in 1968 saw many women who had to endure punish-
ment because of their spouses' wrongdoings. Li Andong who was assistant to a senior
official of the party central committee was dismissed from his party post because of
his opposition to the anti-spy campaign. His wife was accused of being the leader of
an enemy espionage team organised by the Thai military and condemned to death
while their daughter was labelled a spy and later repented.115
Ill JNSMB J/PD SG 1 Pejabat Daerah Segamat A.O.S 13/51 Bandit Baby.
112 Ibrahim Chik, Memoir , p. 202.
113 Bei Ma Ju Po Huo Di Jian Zheng Xiang.
114 Suriani, Memoir , p. 160.
115 Bei Ma Ju Po Huo Di Jian Zhen Xiang , see report by Ma Ren.
248 MAHANI MUSA
The autobiography of a lesser-known cadre by the pseudonym of 'Xiulan

vides a very different perspective about women as MCP guerrillas and the par
She had joined the MCP in 1963 at the age of 19 at the instigation of her lover
Her 12 years in the jungle with the 5th Platoon purportedly to 'liberate the
proved futile. 'Xiulan' saw the MCP as a problematic organisation saddled wi
dership problems. With regard to internal power struggles, 'Xiulan' claimed t
tification campaign in her camp between the late 1960s and early 1970s only
the injustice perpetrated by high-ranking officials and severely affected mor
campaign, which was rooted in the mass recruitment for new blood in t
1960s, had resulted in more sabotage, which in turn led to the purge of party
bers by the North Malaya Bureau. 'Xiulan' writes that many of the new
became victims of the purge as leaders acted on rumours and hearsay. The v
(including herself) were cruelly tortured. Some became insane while othe
mitted suicide.116 In the 1970s the MCP also launched military expeditio
Malaya which proved futile. Many comrades who took part in these exp
such as one in 1971 subsequently died (including her husband) due to st
and exhaustion - and not just at the hands of the Malaysian army. For her,
eration' struggle was a mere slogan to fool others which led her to surrende
Raub police in March 1974.117
Another cadre, Hajjah Haslina or Siti Aishah Haji Khatib (born in 1927
Langat, Selangor), decided to live as a guerrilla when she was 20 to avoid
arrest after AWAS was banned in 1948. She lived in the jungle for 10 years an
rendered in 1958 in Segamat. Like ťXiulan', Haslina also saw the futility of th
struggle because it had failed to solicit enough support from the Malay m
because communism was viewed as anathema to Islam. Personally, the
fight with the MCP did not bring any good: she lost most of her property
hometown due to neglect. What she most deplored, however, was having had
don Islamic teachings during her years with the party.118
Khadijah Daud (from Pattani) also reflected on her time as a guerrilla as
She joined in 1975 at the age of 34 and lived in the jungle for six years. Khad
the jungle in 1983 with her spouse as they could no longer endure the hards
the separation from their children. Khadijah was also convinced that she cou
fulfil the aims of the struggle to liberate Malaysia given her Thai nationalit
recalled that many women at her camp wanted to leave the jungle, but could
do so for fear of party retribution.119
It is clear that not all women guerrillas shared the same views of the revo
ary struggle. Khoo's 16 informants, Suriani, Shamsiah, Siti Norkiah and many
who had remained in the party until the Hat Yai Peace Accord may have sha
same fighting principles, which was to liberate Malaya and emancipate wom
other combatants who had left before 1989 did so because they no longer be
in the MCP's cause and goals. They also missed the world that they had left
116 'Xiulan', I want to live , pp. 26-40.

117 Ibid., p. 157.
118 Rohani bt. Mat, 'Projek dokumentasi sejarah lisan'.
119 Khadijah Daud, interview, 25 Feb. 2009.
especially their children and families. These defectors' perce

inevitably did not conform with MCP ideology.
Conclusion
The above discussion suggests that, as elsewhere in the world, women guerrillas
in Malaya have their own space in war history. They joined the MCP for myriad
reasons and survived in a male domain by fighting and working alongside their com-
rades. Women born in China, Malaya/Malaysia, Singapore and south Thailand were
involved in the Malayan Communist movement - and war and revolution trans-
formed many of them into agents or actors as strategists, propagandists, instructors
and unit leaders. Even as ordinary cadres women had important responsibilities cru-
cial to party survival as cooks, seamstresses, nurses, wireless operators, sentries, and
drivers besides combat duties. Like their male counterparts, they were vulnerable to
being caught and killed in combat. Yet while combat may have breached the boundary
between men and women, their gender was never a totally separate issue for female
comrades. In peacetime or during lulls in fighting, issues such as individuality, gender
identity, sexuality, and the need for love, intimacy, and desire for motherhood reap-
peared. This meant that illicit love affairs, pregnancies and motherhood were not unu-
sual in the guerrilla camps which sometimes led women to defect. Undeniably the
party leadership's lack of trust also contributed to this phenomenon.
What can be concluded here is that women's voices were never monolithic and
theirs is not a single story; all are part of the history of women in the Malayan guer-
rilla war. The sources for such a study, whether official or from the communist side,
are not easy to obtain and have to be continuously mined; this means that existing
research on women in the guerrilla war is still far from complete.

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Department of History, National University of Singapore

Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1942-89

Cambridge University Press, Department of History, National University of Singapore

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 44(2), pp 226-249 June 2013.

Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1 942-89

A number of studies on the communist movement in Malaya and Singapore have

Villages3 in southern Thailand, no comprehensive study o

Motivations for joining guerrilla movements

historically, women have never distanced themselves completely from war

especially those who were students, teachers and workin

14 Suzette Leith, 'Chinese women in the early Communist movem

21 Ibid., pp. 86-104.

state joined the MCP in 1948.27 The story of the

and recreational activities (music, literature, sports and ga

Illustration 1. Party cadres during a musical show

Illustration 2. Revolutionary drill dance performed by cadres

Malaysia-Thai border, access to food sources had c

49 Ibrahim Chik, Memoir Ibrahim Chik: Dari API ke Rejimen ke-

of Munah bt. Husin of Kampong Malau, Kenering, Gerik, who joined WS

Women as strategists in the MCP

orchestrated strikes and labour rallies which became marke

Map 1. Long March to south Thailand, 1953

to close searches by police or the army. This saw the rec

69 Leon Comber, Malaya's secret police 1945-60 : The role of t

Like the women guerrillas in the Philippines, Vietnam and Zimbabwe, h

74 Suriani, Memoir, p. 69.

Illustration 3. Cover of book titled Bei Ma Ju Po H

and language activities through the formation of a cul

79 Suriani, Memoir , pp. 165-8.

despatched to conduct party work among women labourers in Perak.81 Her

Women as guerrilla fighters: Challenges and sacrifices

provided cover for a group of leaders attending a meeting d

87 Chapman, The jungle is neutral, pp. 149-51.

entirely of women and led by a woman, Rosmah.94 The women's section m

even with the first generation cadres. One of the female le

Life in the hostile jungle and breakdown of gender

occur despite the risks of either abortion or giving away

The autobiography of a lesser-known cadre by the pseudonym of 'Xiulan

116 'Xiulan', I want to live , pp. 26-40.

especially their children and families. These defectors' perce

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