Handbook DTCP

«I
World Population Year
THE POPU
OF
AUSTRIA
Austrian Academy of Sciences
Institute of Demography
1974 World Population Year
The Population
of
Austria
By Peter Findl and Heimold Helczmanovszki
Vienna, 1977
Printed by Austrian Central Statistical Office
Vienna 1977
Preface
On the occasion of the World Population Year

197^ the United Nations invited all countries
to prepare monographs giving for each country,
following a common plan, information on past,
present and future trends of population. In
response to this invitation more than fifty
countries, among those Austria with the pre=
sent publication, contributed to the series of
monographs which was coordinated by the
Committee for International Coordination of
National Research in Demography (C.I.C.R.E.D.)»
under the chairmanship of Jean Bourgeois-
Pichat, on behalf of the United Nations.
The editorship for the monograph,of Austria was

undertaken by the Institute of Demography
which was founded in 1976. The individual
chapters of the monograph were prepared by
the authors in the Austrian Central Statistical
Office.
Lothar Bosse
Director
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. POPULATION GROWTH 19 .
1. Population Growth Since the Fifteenth
Century 19
2. The Influence of Foreigners on the
Natural Movement of the Population in
Recent Times 30
II. COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH' 3if

1. Fertility
1.1. Number of Births and Birth Rate. 35
1.2. Fertility Rates - General, and
according to Age and Marital
Status of the Mother 37
1.3. Effects of Fertility Development
on Reproduction 44
1.4. Contribution of the Sex Ratio .. 45
1.5- Legitimate Births by Parity 46
1.6. Fertility Comparisons between
Urban and Rural Areas ' 47
1.7. Socio-Economic Differences in.
Fertility 49
2. Mortality 52
2.1. Number of Deaths and Death Rate. 52
2.2. Age and Sex Specific Mortality . 53
2.3. The Development'of Expectation
of Life 60
2.4. Causes of Death 62
2.5. Socio-Economic Differences in
Infant Mortality 64
TABLE OP CONTENTS - continued
Chapter Page
2.6. Intereuropean Comparison of Mor-

tality 68"
2.6.1. General Comparison of Mortal-
ity ' 68
2.6.2. Comparison of Mortality ac-
cording to Cause of Death .. 69
2.6.3. Comparison of Infant Mortal-
ity 76
3. External Migration 78
III. POPULATION COMPOSITION 82

1. Sex 83
2. Age 90
3. Marital Status 99
3.1. The Structure and Historical De-
velopment of the Population Com-
position by Marital Status 99
3.2. Marital Status and Degree of Ur-
banization 103
. 3-3. Marital Status and Educational
Attainment 105
4. Families 107
4.1. Definition and Classification .. 107
4.2. The Population according to its
Family Membership 109
4.3. Family Types Ill
4.4. Families according to the Number
of Children 114
4.5. Families according to Household
Types, 1971 •• 116
Table OF CONTENTS - continued
Chapter Page
5- Households • Il6
5.1. Private Households according to
the Household Size Il8
5.2. One-Person Households 119
5.3- Households and Population accord-
ing to Household Types 122
6. Religion 124
7. Language Groups 127
8. Nationality 130
9. Education 13I1
9.1. Educational Attainment by Age
and Sex 136
9.2. Education by Size Class of Com-
' munities 144
9.3. Age-Specific School Attendance . 1¿|6
IV. REGIONAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT

AND DISTRIBUTION 148
1. Population Development of the
Provinces 148
1.1. Long Term Trends in Population
Development and Distribution ac-
cording to Provinces 148
1.2. Internal Migration 1966 to
1971 . 157
2. Population Development in Urban and
Rural Areas 162
2.1. Population and Population Devel-
opment according'to Size Classes
of Communities 'i . 162
2.2. Population and Population Devel-
opment according to Urban Regions. 167
TABLE OP CONTENTS - continued
Chapter' Page
3- Population Density 172
V. THE LABOUR FORCE 174

1. Participation in Economic Life 17^1
1.1. Livelihood^ General Activity
Rate 174
1.2. Age and Sex Specific Labour Force
Participation 177
1.3- Labour Force Participation by
Marital Status and Number of Children l8l
1.4. Labour Force Participation by
Educational Attainment ......... 133
2. Structure of Economically Active
Population 185
2.1. Economically Active Persons by
Occupational Status 185
2.2. Economically Active Persons by
Industry 187
VI. POPULATION PROJECTION 189

1. General Remarks 189
2. Model of the Natural Population Devel-
opment 1971 - 2001 190
3. Projection of Labour Force 1971 - 2001. 203
¿I. Projection of Households 1971 - 2001. 20/
VII. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, LAW, POPULA-

TION P O L I C Y " ' 210
1. Economic Development • 210
2. Legal Order 219
3. Population Policy 230
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
CHAPTER I
1 Population of A u s t r i a , 1527 -
1975 20
2 Components of Population Growth in
Austria, 1869 - 1971 24
3 Births, Deaths,, and Natural In=
crease in Austria Since 1871/75-•• 26"
4 Natural Movement of Alien Popula=
tion Since 1970 31
CHAPTER II
5 Live B i r t h s , B i r t h R a t e , General
F e r t i l i t y Rate, and Population Size
i n A u s t r i a Since I880 38
6 General and Age Specific Fertility Rates... 41
7 T o t a l F e r t i l i t y R a t e , 1900, 1937,
1951 - 1975 43
8 Reproduction Rates in Austria, 1900,
1937, 1951 - 1975 45
9 Percentage Distribution of Legit=
imate Births (Live Births and
Stillbirths) by Birth Order 47
10 Urban - Rural Variations in General
Fertility Rate 48
11 Completed Fertility of Currently
Married Women by Socio-Economic
Group, and by Labour Force Sta=
tus, 1971 50
LIST OF TABELS - continued
Table Page
12 Deaths, Death Rate, and Infant

Death Rate in Austria Since 1871.. 5^
13 Age and Sex Specific Death Rates... 56
Ik Percentage Change of Age and Sex
Specific Death Rates, and Ratio of
Male to Female Mortality by Age... 5-7
15 Expectation of Life, 1865/75 and
1970/72 in Austria 6l
16 Socio-Economic Differentials in
Infant Mortality, Illegitimacy
Ratio, and Premature Births, 1968. 65
17 Intereuropean Comparison of Mor=
tality, 1971 70
18 Mortality According to Cause in the
European Countries, 1971: Cardio=
vascular Diseases; Malignant Neo=
plasms All Sites 72
19 Mortality According to Cause in
the European Countries, 1971: Ma=
lignant Neoplasms of Trachea, Bron=
chus and Lung; Cirrhosis of Liver. 73
the European Countries, 1971: In=
fective and Parasitic Diseases;
Motor Vehicle Accidents 74
the European Countries, 1971: Sui=
cide; Symptoms and Ill-defined
Conditions 75
22 International Comparison of Infant
Death Rates, 1973 77
TABLE OP CONTENTS - concluded
Chapter . Pape
APPENDIX A: THE SOURCES OF POPULATION DATA
APPENDIX B : TABLES 235
BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 ¿41
LIST OF TABLES - continued
Table ' Page

CHAPTER III
23 Population' by Sex . . 85
24 Sex Ratio by Age 86
25 Per Cent of Population 65 Years
Old and Over in the European
Countries, 197-1 94
26 Population by Broad Age Groups,
Dependency Ratios 96
27 Population by Marital Status 101
28 Cumulative Divorce Rate by Marriage
Cohorts Since 1959 104
29 Distribution by.Marital Status of
Women 15 Years Old and Over by
Size Class of Communities,'1971. .. 105
30 Per Cent Single and Divorced by
Educational Attainment, for Women
50 to under 55 Years Old, 1971 106
31 Percentage Distribution by Family
Type of Population and Families,
1961 and 1971 Ill
32 Distribution of the Families by
Age of Mother (Wife) and by Family
Type, I971 112
33 Percentage Distribution of Families
by Number of Children, 1971 115
34 Percentage Distribution by Type of
Family and Household.of Families
in Private Households, 1971 117
35 Private Households by Size 118
36 Persons in OnerPerson Households
by Age and Sex 120
Table Page
37 Percentage Distribution by Household

Type of Households and Population. 123
38 Persons in Private Multi-Person
Households by Relationship to
Head of Household.. 124
39 Population by Religious Denomina=
tion . 125
40 Language Groups, 1971 129
41 Aliens by Nationality, 1971 '. . 132
42 Percentage Distribution of Persons
15 Years Old and Over by Education=
al Attainment 135
43 Percentage Distribution of Popula=
tion by Educational Attainment and
Age, 1971 137
44 Percentage Distribution by Educa=
tional Attainment of Population 15
Years Old and Over, by Size
Class of Communities and Sex, 1971 145
45 School Attendance by Type of School
and Age, 1971 146
CHAPTER IV
46 Growth Rates of the Population by

Provinces, 1869 - 1971 149
tion, Austria by Province, 1869 -
1971 151
Table Page
48 Components of Population Growth,

Austria and the Provinces,, 187O -
1971 '. 159
49 Internal Net Migration between Pro=
vinces, 1966 - 1971 - . 161
50 Communities and Population by
Size Class of Community, 1971 163
51 Per Cent Change of the Population
by Size Class of Community, 1951 ~
I96I - 1971 165
52 Per Cent Change of Population. In=
side and Outside of Urban Regions
(KLEIN), 1951 - I96I - I97I I67
53 Components of Population Change by
Type of Location (GISSER) and Size
Class of Community, 1961 -'1971... 168
54 Population Density by Provinces,
1971 173
CHAPTER V
55 Percentage Distribution of the

Population of Austria by Source of
Livelihood, 1900 - 1971 • 175
56 Labour Force Participation Rates,
1934 - 1975 •• . . 176
57 Labour Force Participation Rates
by Age, Sex, and Marital Status,
. 1961 and 1971 178
of Married Women by Selected Age
Groups, and the Number of Chil= •
LIST OF TABELS - concluded
Table Page
. dren Under 15(14) Years Old, 1961

and 1971 (Per Cent) 183
by Educational Attainment, Age, and
Sex, 1971 184
60 Labour Force by Occupational Status,
193/1 - 1971 186
61 Percentage Distribution of the
Labour Force by Industry, 1934 -
1971 ".. 187
CHAPTER VI
62 Projected Population Movement 199

63 Projected Population Composition.. 202
64 Projected Labour Force by Age and
Sex 206
65 Projected Households 208
TABLES OF APPENDIX B
1 Legitimate and Illegitimate Fer=

tility Rate, Illegitimacy Ratio and
Proportion of Married Women 235
2 Austrian Life Table 1970/72 236-237
tion by Age and Sex, I88O - 1975.. 238
4 Proportions of Marital Status by
Age and Sex, I88O - I971 239
5 Private Households by Type, 1971-• 240
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 The Population of Austria, 1527

- 1975 21
2 Average Annual Growth Rate, 1527
- 1975 22
3 The Natural Movement of the Pop =
ulation Since 1880 30
4 Indices of Age Specific Fertil=
ity Rates 40
5 P r o b a b i l i t i e s of Death, 1970/72 55
6 Deaths According t o Selected
Causes Since 1921 63
7 Per Cent of Death from Speci=
fied Causes by Age and Sex, 1975 64
8 Age S t r u c t u r e , 1971 91
9 Comparision of t h e Age Pyramids
1910, 1934, 1951, 1971 93
10 Per Cent of Broad Age Groups,
1880 - 1971 95
11 Dependency Ratios, 1880 - 1971. 98
12 ' Educational Attainment by Age
and Sex, 1971 i4l
13 Births and Deaths, 1971 - 2000. . 198
14 Dependency Ratios, 1971 - 2000. 201
CHAPTER I
POPULATION GROWTH
In the following chapter a description of pop=

ulation growth and its splitting into the com=
ponents of net migration and natural increase
will be given. As the latter is represented as-
the result of the movements of birth and mor=
tality rates, the reassignment of net migration
to the volume of immigration and emigration is
very limited if not impossible due to the lack
of adequate migration statistics. At the end
of this chapter special consideration will be
given to the influence of foreigners on the
birth rates, which shows increasing importance
in the last years. In Chapter II, the indivi=
dual components of population growth will be
considered separately and more thoroughly.
1 . POPULATION GROWTH SINCE THE FIFTEENTH

CENTURY
The description given in the following is di=

vided into periods, beginning with the six=
teenth century and going through the years
1869, 1913, 1951 and ending with the year 1975.
These figures can be based more on pragmatic
considerations than on a homogeneous population
growth within the individual periods. At the
beginning of the. sixteenth century, a basic
population estimate was conducted for the firs.t-
time: in 175^ the first census took place.; .in
Table 1
Population of Austria 1 ', 1527 - 1975
Change over Index

Average
preceding
annual
Popula- number
Year growth rate
tion
1527=100 1869»loo (per thou-
sand )
Number Per cent
1527 1,500.000 100

1618 1,900.000. 1)00.000 26,7 127 2,6
1700 2,100.000 200.000 10,5 ll)0 1,2
1T51* 2,728.000 628.OOO 29,9 182 >),9
1780 2,970.000 21)2.000 8,9 198 3,3
1790 3,01)6.000 76.000 2,6 203 2,5
1800 . 3,061).000 18.000 0,6 201) 0,6
1816 3,060.000 - U.000 - 0,1 20U - 0,1
1830 3,1)76.500 1) 16.5OO 13,6 232 9,2
181)0 3,61)9.700 173.200 5,0 2l)3 >),9
1850 3,879.700 230.000 6,3 259 6,1
1857 1),075.500 I95.8OO 5,0 272 7,1
1869 l),li98.9B5 1)23.1)85 10,1) 300 100 • 8,3
188O li,963. ll)2 1)61). 157 10,3 331 110. 9,0
• 1890 5,1)17.352 l)5l).210 9,2 361 120 8,8
1900 6,003.778 586.1)26 10,8 1)00 133 10,3
1910 6,61)8.310 61)1». 532 10,7 1)1)3 11)8 10,2
1923 6,53l*.Tli2 - 113.568 - 1,7 1)36 11)5 - 1,1*
1931) 6,760.233 225.I491 3,5 1)51 150 3,1
1951 6,933.905 173.672 2,6 1)62 151) 1,5
1961 7,073.807 139.902 2,0 1)72 157 2,0
1971 7,456.1)03 382.596 5,!< 1)97 166 5,2
1975 7,519.900 63.1)97 0,9 501 167 2,1
1) Today's t e r r i t o r i a l borders.
Source: 1527-1857:• Kurt Klein (1973}; 1869-1975= Austrian Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office.

Results of estimations, censuses and current calculations.
1869 the census took a more modern aspect,

giving useful data in quality and quantity;
1913 was followed by a period of irregularity
due to the two World Wars and the Economic De=
pression; in 1951 the first census was taken
following the Second World War, and the latest
available data are given for 1975. A summary of
the population growth is given in Table 1 and
Figure 1.
21
Figure 1
The Population of Austria. 1527 - 1975
Million
8
— —'
1 1 I I I 1 I 1 1 I 1
1500 1560 1600 1650 1700 1750 1B00 1850 1900 1950 ?oon
1. 1. Beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the Middle of

the Eighteenth Century
The earliest basic estimates of the population

within the territory of today's republic was
.undertaken by KLEIN (1973) and yielded some
1,5 million persons for-the year 1527. Up to
the beginning of the Thirty Year War (I6l8),
the population increased steadily to 1,9 mil=
lion. Although Austria was much less affected
by the wars in the following decade than other
countries of the German Reich, it was never=
theless subjected to a depreciation in the in=
crease of the population due to epidemics (pest)
and the Protestant expulsion during the Counter
Reformation. Thus,the population growth re=
raained relatively negligible until the turn of
the century (in 1700: 2,1 million). After an=
other period of epidemics and wars, the period
22
1684 - 1754 was again a phase of growth. The
first completed census which was conducted
during the reign of Maria Theresia in 1754
showed a population level of 2,7 million. This
signified an increase of 0,6 million or approx=
imately 30 per cent within half a century.
Figure 2
Average Annual Growth Rate, 1527 - 1975
Per thousand
12
L
- 2 >- r
1500 1560 1600 1650 1700 1750 1800 1850 1900 1950 2000
1.2. 1754 - 1869
During this period, the purpose of a census was

to.serve military aims and due to this limited
scope, the census techniques were not fully
developed. Between 1754 and 1869, the population
in the territory of today's Austria grew from
2,7 million to 4,5 million. This growth came to
a temporary halt during the years 1790 to I815
which were the years of the wars with France,
the following economic depresssions and epi=
demies and also the crisis years of 1846 to
23
9j the climax of which was reached in the
Revolution of 1848.
The regional differences of this growth are

notable : during the entire period, the Alpine "
regions had the weakest population increase,
whereas the population of the remaining agri=
cultural regions had the strongest growth until
I8l5, whereas the industrial developing.regions
showed a more increasing growth afterwards. The
existing differences in the population growth
of Alpine and outer Alpine'regions1 are in close
connection with the differentiating agricul=
tural. system; in the outer Alpine regions di =
vision of inheritances and intense cultivation
was practised which led to an economic basis
for a fast population growth. In the Alpine
regions the heritage system was confined to a
direct inheritance and less possibilities for
intensive cultivation which led to a lower
birth rate (owing to a high rate of single per=
sons), and apart from that there was an in=
crease of emigration (KLEIN 1971a: 48)..
1.3. 1869 up to World War I
In 1869 'the first census was taken, which as

regards quality, would be accepted in the
modern interpretation of this term. From then
on the birth "and death rates for the present
territory of Austria can be traced without a
gap, and the population growth can be analysed
in the two components natural movement of the
population and migration. Between I869 and
1910 the population size in the area of today's
24
republic grew from 4,5 million to 6,65 million
which equals an increase of 48 per cent. The
average annual growth rate fluctuated between
3,8 and 10,3 per thousand. Thus, this period shows
the strongest longer prevailing growth of the
history of Austria's population, which indeed
had already started in 1850. The increase of the
population in the second half of the. 19th cen =
tury v;as twice as high as in its first. Compared,
to the European average (55 per cent), and the
German Reichs rate of 68 per cent, Austria's
growth of. 48 per cent "(1869 - 1910) was rather
modest (WINKLER, 1931).
Table 2
Components of Population Growth in Austria ' , 1869 - 1971
Change (in thousands) Percentage change

Intereensal
period Natural Net
Total Natural Net Total
increase increase migration increase increase migration
1869 - 1880 1.61», 1 223,5 2¡4O,6 10,3 5,0 5,3

1880 - 1890 1(51»,3 257,1 ' 197,2 9,2 5,2 l»,0
1890 - 1900 586,3 It 1 3 . 1 173,2 10,8 7,6 3,2

1900 - 1910 61. It,6 502,6 1¡i2,0 10,7 8,1» 2,3
1910 - 1923 - 113,6 - 128,6 15,0 - 1,7 - 1,9 0,2
1923 -19311 225,5 258,9 - 33,1» 3,5 h,0 - 0,5
1931» - 1951 173,7 •20,6 153,1 2,6 0,3 2,3
1951 - 1961 139,9 268,9 - 129,0 2,0 3,9 - 1,9
1961 - 1971 382,6 3l»o,8 ¡(1,8 5,1» •»,8 0,6
1869 - 1910 211.9,3 1396,3 753,0 1»7,8 31,0 16;8

1910 - 1951 285,6 150,9 131»,7 >>.3 2,3 2,0
1951 - 1971 522 j 5 609,7 - 87,2 7,5 8,8 - 1,3
l) Today's territorial borders.
Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office. Results of censuses and vital

statistics.
Table 2 demonstrates the quantitative con=

tribution of the influences of natural in=
crease and net migration on the population de=
25
velopment. This shows that the growth from 1869
to 19IO was two thirds due to an excess of
births over deaths, and for the considerable
part of one third, it was due to a surplus of
net migration. In this period the number of
immigrants exceeded the number of emigrants by
three quarters of a million, putting Austria
into a position of being a distinct immi=
gration country. The development within this
period shows a reverse trend of natural in=
crease and net migration. While the migration
surplus was at its peak in the first decade
and then continually decreased, the birth ex=
cess showed a strong upward trend, i.e. not only
in absolute numbers but also in relation to 'the
population size. The growth of the birth excess
reached its peak in 1901/05 with a value of
8,4 per thousand which was more than double
that of I871/75. See Table 3.
This 'high natural growth is not the result of

increased fertility - on the contrary, the
birth rate decreased between 1871/75 and 1901/05
by 12 per cent - but of the rapid retrogression
of mortality; the death rate shrank by 29 per
cent which was much higher than that of the
birth rate. In this period the birth and death
rates had a growing gap between each otherwhich
meant a rising rate of excess births (see Table
3 and Figure 1 ) .
After 19-1/05 a downward trend of natural growth

set in, the cause of which was an accelerated
decline in fertility and a less diminishing
rate of mortality. The birth rate sank by l8
per cent until 1911/13, v;hereas the death rate
sank by only 14 per cent.
26
Table 3
Birth«, Deaths, and Natural Increase in Austria 11 Since 1871/75
(Average Numbers and Rates per Thousand)
Rate of~
Period' Births Birth Deaths Death Natural
natural'
rate rate
18T1 - 1875 l6oljli7 3l4,5 it 1(208 31,0 16239 3,5

1876 - 1880 165180 3l(,0 139959 ' 2B,8 25221 5,2
1881 - 1885 166763 32,9 11(2868 28,1 23895 1(,8
1886 - 1890 169707 32,0 11(2187 26,8 27520 5,2
1891 - 1895 176328 31,7 11(1688 25,5 31(61(0 6,2
1896 - 1900 181(507 31,5 136523 23,3 U798l( 8,2
1901 - 1905 187071 30,3 135226 21,9 5181(5 8,1(
1906 - 1910 I8ol»l)6 27,8 13178!+ 2Q,3 1(8662 7,5
1911 - 1913 167608 2I4,9 126587 18,8 1(1021 6,1
1921 - 1925 11(5393 22,2 103377 . 15,8 1(2016 6,1(
1926 - 1930 117^05 17,7 96312 I1»,5 21093 3,2
1931 - 1935 9701(5 11(,1( 90936 13,5 6109 0,9
1936 - 1938 891(76 13,2 91289 13,5 - 1813 - 0,3
19^6 - 1950 1169 It 1 . 16,8 88655 12,7 28286 U, 1
1951 - 1955 10l*2Ul 15,0 81(930 12,2 19311 2,8
1956 - i960 120923 17,3 ' 87935 12,6 32988 U,7
1961 - 1965 132678 18,5 9Û292 12,6 1(238_6 5,9
196é - 1970 123155 16,8 96085 13,1 27070 3,7
1971 - 1975 1OO351! 13,14 95158 12,7 5196 0,7
1) Today's territorial borders.
Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office
7.4. World War I to 1951
The First World War caused a national ,catas=

•trophe costing the lives of some 190.000 and
bringing about an extremely high deficit of
births with an annual average of 42.000 in the
years 1915 to 1919. This was due to a high
birth shortage following the abscence of the
men who were in military service, and an in=
creased mortality rate among the civilian
population. Thus, in the census interval be=
tween 1910 and 1923, Austria's population de=
creased by 1,7 per cent (114.000 persons)
27
despite a slightly increased balance of mi=
gration. The war and the following Revolution
of 1918 (which led to the dissolution' of the
Austrp-Hungarian Empire and the establishment
of the s-uccessor states Austria, Hungary.,
Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) could only
interrupt but not end the continuity of the
natural movement of the population. However, a
profound turning point of the population his=
tory was brought about by a reduction of the ;
traditional immigration flow into the area of
the new republic. In spite of a strong post-war
influx of refugees, only a low net immigration
of 15.OOO persons, d.ue to an almost as strong
emigration, was noted from 1910 to 1923. After
1923 until pre-World War II, Austria even suf=
fered a negative net migration.
As already mentioned, the trend of natural move=

ment continued during the years between the
warsj an increase which had already been.indi=
cated before World War I: the birth rate sank'
heavier than the death rate thus bringing about
a decline in the excess of births over deaths.
This development led to an excess of deaths over
births in the years of the Economic Depression "
1935 to 1938 (annual average 2.300 or 0,3 per
thousand).
The comparison of the censuses in 1923 and 1934

shows a low net out-migration (0,5 per cent)1.
However, owing to the high excess of births in
the beginning of this, period, the population
nevertheless showed an increase of 3,5 per cent
(see Table 2 ) .
28
In World War II, Austria suffered a loss of
about 247.000 war deaths and 24.000 civilian
deaths giving a total of 271.000 which re=
presented 4 per cent of the population in 1939.
Apart from the year 1945, this war showed no
birth loss but on the contrary could record a
heavy increase in birth excesses due to the
Nazi economic and demographic policy following
Austria's annexation by the German Rerch. After
the high excess of deaths over births in 1945,
there followed a period of a "backlog demand"
for births which brought about considerable
natural increase.
Between 1934 and 1951 the post-war influx .of .

refugees made the balance of migration sharply
positive by 153.000 persons and within this
period - including a slight excess of births
over deaths (balance of the deficit of the
thirties and of the surplus of the war and
post-war years) - jointly produced a population
growth of 2,6 per cent.
A general view characterizes the period between

1914 and 1951 as being strongly affected by
military, economic and political crises, thereby
causing demographical irregularities. However,
despite this, the basic trends are unmistakeable.
Firstly, the continuous and "quasi rural
exodus" migration into Austria was cut off by
World War I. Secondly, the so-called "double
scissors movement" of demographic curves, gen=
erally observed in north-west European areas,
also appeared in Austria . In the first phase
(in Austria, till 19OI/O5), the scissors open
in the form of a growing gap between fertility
29
and mortality. In the second phase, the scissors-
are closing - birth and death.rates reconverge
- due to a strong decline of the birth rate
with a relatively constant decline of the death
rate (in Austria, this second phase may be ter=
minated by 1938). This pattern of population
development corresponds with, the pattern of
economic development, i.e. from being an agri=
cultural state to an industrial state, and is
characterized by the term "demographic tran=
sition".
7.5. 7957 to 1975
In the first decade of this period, relatively

high excesses of births over deaths occurred
which were halved in their effectiveness due
to a significant net out-migrâtion (129.000
persons) which lowered population growth from
4 to 2 per cent. In the following census inter=
val (1961 to 1971), even higher excesses of
births appeared, which were accompanied by a
positive balance of migration due to increas=
ing employment of foreign workers, and gave a
5,4 per cent population growth.
The curve of the rate of natural increase which

had an ascent of about'3 per thousand in the
early fifties to more than 6 per thousand
between 1961 and 1964 and which was followed
by a descent to -0,3 per thousand in 1975, is
the result of a considerable fluctuation in
fertility. In comparison to this, the ,in=
fluence of mortality fell back, whereby the
death rate lowered the excess of births by a
30
slight increase since the first half of the fif =
ties. This reversion of the trend of the death
rate was mainly caused by a change in the age
structure and not by a real increase in mor =
tality.
Due to the high decline of births in the last

years, 1975 was the first year since the end of
the war which had a birth deficit, even if only neg=
ligible (-2.3OO persons or -0,3 per thousand).
This excess of deaths over births has occurred
for the first time since the "medical revolution"
of the nineteenth century in a period of ,rel=
ative wealth and without signs of irregular
military or political events.
The Natural Movement of Population

Since 1880 Figure 3
Per thousand inhabitants
A* ru ess of births o ver i eath B

1 1
1 1
n-S
\- \ IB
*S 0 dea hso w b rttiB
-
\s w!
- Li\ ebir1hs
f
H[
k ,- Deaths')
s* — ......
• • ' "
'•••
V.
1 i '
I
\J --V
rriaf es
....
Me
L
0
1880 85 90 95 1900 05 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 56 60 66 70 1975
*) Excluding military deaths
2. THE INFLUENCE OF FOREIGNERS. ON THE NATURAL

MOVEMENT OF THE POPULATION IN RECENT TIMES
The growing number and importance of foreign

employees made i t necessary to take a quan=
t i t a t i v e record of their influence on birth
31
development. Accordingly,- live births and
deaths have been tabulated according to their
nationality since 1970. As Table 4 shows, the
birth excess of foreigners has multiplied since
1970 due to a doubled birth rate and an only
slightly increased death rate.-
Table k
Natural'Movement of Alien Population Since 1970
Nat ive
A l i e n R e s i d e n t s
Resi-
dents
Year Live births Deaths Natural increase
Per Per Per

Number Number. Number Number
cent cent cent
1970 3.630 3,2 1 .445 1,5 2.185 16,2 11.297

1971 • U.U82 11,1 1.593 1,6 2.889 25,9 8.287
1972 5.3^9 5,1. 1.622 1,7 3.727 ^2,8 it.983
1973 6.910. •7 ,0 1.650 1,8 5.260 99,8 13
1971* 8.202 8,h 1.681 1,8 6.521 . - 3.^15
1975 7-920 8 1.661 1,7 6.259 . - 8.5^3
1) The percentages relate to the total of the natural

movement of the alien and native population and there=
fore represent the alien quota of live births, deaths
and natural increase.
The fact that the excess of births over deaths

was already quite substantial in 1970 lies in
the favourable age structure of the foreign
population. The census of 1971 showed that 45
per cent of the foreign resident population
belonged to the age group of 15 to 35 which has
32
a high fertility and low mortality rate. Only
27 per cent of the total resident population
belong to this' age group.
The fact of increasing excesses of births over

deaths may be explained By changes within the
age structure due to the rising immigration of
foreign workers and their families from
Yugoslavia and Turkey, who have an essentially
more favourable age structure: 64 per cent of
the Yugoslavian resident population belong to
the age group 15 to under 35, while the share
of the Federal Republic of Germany, which repre=
sents a quarter of the foreigners resident, is
equal to the share of the domestic population.
This favourable development of the surplus of

births to aliens can partly compensate the re=
verse trend of domestic births whose excess of
births over deaths have acceleratingly decreas=
ed and were at zero in 1973, and in 1974 turned
into a birth deficit (see Table 4 ) . Thus, the
small excess of births over deaths of the total
population in 1973 and 1974 was exclusively pro=
duced by foreigners. However, in 1975 the highly
increased birth deficit of the domestic popu=
lation (-8.500' persons) could not be completely
compensated by the foreigners. Due to the re=
cession of the economy, many foreign workers
returned to their homeland thereby reducing -
when only slightly - the number of births of the
foreigners. However, the quota of foreign births
on the t'otal of live births did not change.
33
In conclusion, it should be pointed out that
the phenomenon of the. strong influence of for=
eigners on the natural movement of the popula=
tion is in no way new to Austria. For example,
the foreigners who lived in Austria immediately
after the Second World War (especially refugees
from the east European states and the so-called
"displaced persons"), helped to create almost
half of the total natural increase in the year
1946, i.e. 13,5 per cent of the live births
(HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1975a).
CHAPTER II
COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH
The following presentation of the components

of population growth,fertility, mortality and
international migration in the territory of
the present republic is confined to the last
hundred years as official statistics containing
sufficient data are only available for this
period. The consideration was applied during
the time of increasing industrialization in the
last quarter of the past century in which birth
rates sank with less rapidity than death rates.
However, besides the resulting natural increase
of the population, a significant gain on the
positive net migration was noted. At the end of
the period under consideration, Austria's pop=
ulation development was determined almost
wholly on the natural movement of the popu=
lation, and particularly on the development of
births. This occurred after a stabilization of
mortality on a lower level, and the emergence
of an almost balanced net migration.
35
1. FERTILITY
1.1. Number of Births and Birth Rate
In the last decades of the past century, the

number of births in Austria steadily increased.
However, at the turn of the century a reverse
trend came into effect: after a maximum of al=
most 192.000 live births in 1902 within the
territory of the present republic, the number
of births decreased rapidly and steadily until
1937j being only interrupted by the birth
shortages during World War I. 1937 represented
t'-he lowest level of recorded population de =
velepment in Austria within the last hundred
years with 86.000•births, whereby the number of
births were less than half the average of the
years 19O1/O51.
Contrary to the number of births, the birth

rate (number of live births per 1.000 population)
had already decreased since the seventies of
the past century.. Thus, the growth of the number
of births in the last quarter.of the nineteenth
century was only the result'of a population
growth and not' of a development in fertility.
This was determined by a decline in mortality
and the significant migration surplus of that
time in the territory of the present republic.
In 1903» the birth rate sank for the first time
below the 30 per thousand limit; after 1906/10
it declined rapidly and in 1937 it reached a
minimum of 12,8 per thousand. Thus, between
36
1901/05 and 1937, the birth-rate sank by 58
per cent and the number of births by 5^ per
cent, whereby the difference•of the rates of
decline indicated an increase in the population
of almost 10 per cent.
The low number of births due to the Economic

Depression of the thirties was increased in a
baby boom after Austria's annexation by the
German Reich in 1938. This baby boom was follow=
ed by a birth shortage in 19^5; thus, the birth
shortage of World War II was relatively negli=
gible in comparison to the years during: •
World War I. After a "catching up".period for
a higher number of births which was substan=
tially carried out by 19^9, the first half of
the fifties brought a low level of fertility
with somewhat over 100.000 births per year and
a birth rate of approximately 15 live births
per thousand inhabitants.
From 1955 onwards, there was a relatively

strong increase in the number of births till in
1963 it again reached a climax of 135-000
which neared the results of the middle of the
twenties, and appeared to conclude the his=
torical trend of the secular birth rate decline.
A similar birth wave occurred in many other
developed countries at the end of the fifties .
and beginning of the sixties.
However, since 1964 we observe a continuous

decline in the number of births and since 1969
a more intense increase of the same, which in
I975 led to the lowest number of births (9^.000)
since the Second World War (lower numbers were
only reached in the period between 1934 and 1937).
37
The change of the birth rate follows a similar
pattern to the number of births (see Table 5 ) .
Between 195^ and 1963 the birth rate.rose from
15,0 to 18,8, whereby this growth, owing to a
3 per cent population growth, only amounted to
two thirds of the rise in the number of births.
Following this, the birth rate sank again, this
time somewhat stronger than the number of.
births; 1975 with 12,5 per thousand it even fell
under the exceedingly low level of 1937- Thus,
between 1963 and 1975, the birth rate has de=
creased by exactly one third.
Internationally, Austria is considered as being

among the countries with the lowest birth rates.
In 1974 Austria's birth rate (12,9 per thousand)
lay lower than in other countries with the ex=
ception of the Federal Republic of Germany
(10,1), the- German Democratic Republic (10,6),
Luxembourg (11,5) and Belgium (12,6). Switzer=
land showed the same position as Austria.
1.2. Fertility Rates - General, and according to

Age and Marital Status of the Mother
The analysis of fertility behaviour can be fa=

cilitated by calculating general fertility
rates. The latter relates the yearly live births
to the number of women in childbearing age and
can to a great extent eliminate the changes of
the sex ratio and female age structure. The
changes in the fertility rate run to a great
extent parallel with that of the birth rate (see
Table 5 ) . Between 1900 and 1937, the fertility
38
rate decreased by the same percentage as the
birth rate, i.e. by approximately 60 per cent.
This means that the proportion of women in
childbearing age among the total population
(here between 15 and U5) did not particularly
vary between the years 1900 and 1937 (from 23
to 2k per cent). Thus, the birth decline of
this period is wholly a result of a decline
in fertility.
Table 5 Live Births, Birth Rate, Ceneral Fertility Rate, and

Population Size in Austria1' Since 1880
Live b i r t h s
Year Population
(in thousands) Per 1000- Per 1000 women 15 to
Number population Less than 1(5 years o l d 2 )
1871 i t . 562 153.502 33,6

1880 165.1+66 33,5 142,1
1900 5.973 187.09!! 31,3 134,3
1910 6.6llt 176.588 26,7 111,1
1920 6.I455 1U6.6UU 22,7 85,6
1937 6.755 86.351 12,8 53,0
19117 6.971 128.953 18,5
1951 6.936 102.76U 14,8 67,5
19511 6.9!io 103.985 15,0 71,2
1957 6.966 118.712 17,0 82,0
1960 7.048 I25.9lt5 17,9 88,5
1961 7.087 131.563 18,6 ' 92,5
1962 7.130 133.253 18,7 ' 92,2
1963 7.172 13!).8O9 18,8 91,9
196U 7.215 133.8U1 18,5 90,6
1965 7.255 129.92I1 17,9 88,2
1966 7.290 128.577 17,6 88,0
1967 7.323 127.l|0lt 17,It 88,0
1968 7.360 126.115 17,2 87,9
1969 7.393 121.377 16,5 85,2
1970 7.426 112.301 15,2 79,2
1971 7.h 56 IO8.5IO lit,6 76,4
1972 7-1+95 104.033 13,9 73,0
1973 7.525 98.01)1 13,0 66,7
197 it 7-533 97. U30 12,9 65,8
1975 7.520 93.757 12,5 63,1
1) Today's territorial borders.
2) General fertility rate-

39
In 1951, the fertility rate (67,5) improved its
position on the low level of 1937 (53,0)
whereas the birth rate rose by only 2 per cent
(1951: 14,8, 1937: 12,8). This was due to the
fact that the share of potential mothers in
the total population had decreased to 22 per
cent (1951). The following year-s of the baby
boom also showed a strong increase in the
fertility rate until 1961» and between 1961 and
1963 it reached a peak of some 92 per thousand.
Subsequently, the birth rate declined by a low
percentage till 1968 (87,9), after which it
then showed a stronger decrease resulting in a
rate of 63,1 in 1975, which lies between the
low level attained in 1951 and the earlier
absolute minimum of 1937»
In a comparison of the growth of the birth and

general fertility rate, the latter shows a
higher increase between 1951 and 1963 (36 per
cent as against 27 per cent), which stems from
the lower proportion of potential mothers (22
per cent to 20 per cent). This implies that the
rise of births would have been much stronger
had the quota of women exposed to the risk of
fertility remained on the same level as 1951.
The subsequent birth rate decline was also re=
garded as a decline in fertility. Between 1963
and 1975, the drop of the fertility rate by 31
per cent was only insignificantly lower than
that of the birth rate as the proportion of 15
to less than 45 year old women was somewhat
more reduced. However, changes in t'ro general
fertility rate do not necessarily relate to
changes of fertility behaviour'but could be
caused by a change in the age structure between
40
women in their main childbearing years and age
1)
groups with a lower fertility . In fact such
changes have occurred, e.g. the decrease in the
percentage of women aged between 25 and 30 in
the years 1951 to 1963 went from 19,3 to 13,3
per cent. Thus, it is recommendable to take
age-specific fertility rates into account
which eliminate the influence of differences in
population size between the individual age
groups. Table 6 and Figure 4 show an initial
increase of age-specific fertility rates with
a subsequent decrease in all age groups (1951
to 1975)- The decline occurred earlier in higher age
groups than among the under 25 year olds whose
rates rose until 1968 (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1974a).
Figure 4
Indices of Age Specific Fertility Rates1 '
(1951 - 100)
Age group
( from. . . to
less than „Years)
••.15-20
«•^232!^
25-30
v
40-45
40 I 1 i 1 1 — | — ; i—i i I 1 1 i—i—I—n 1 : 1 1 1 1—i—r

1951 1955 I960 1965 1970 1975
^ Live births of mothers of specified age groups per thousand women of the same age groups.
1) Eventually, more children were' torn by the 20 to less

than 30 year old women than by the remaining women in
the reproductive age ( 1 5 to under 20, 30 to under 1+5).
41
Generally, there appeared to be a-distinct
connection between the extent of changes in
fertility and age: the higher the age group,
the lower 'the relative increase of fertility
rates in the period of birth growth and the
Table 6 General and Age Specific Fertility Rates
A/;e specific fertility rates'
General
fertility rate 15 to 20 to 25 to 30 to 35 to ¡40 tO
ess than less than less than less than less chaii l e s s than
23 25 30 35 lio
1937 53,0 13,3 67,3 87,5 7I1,0 '•7,5 19,3

1951 67,5 33,9 11I4,2 112,0 83,7 lili ,6 15,9
1952 68,9 3U.U 118,3 115,8 8it,6 lil». i 15,5
1953 69,9 33,5 r23,'i 118.it 83,7 Us,6 15,1
1951» 71,2 31,3 121),9 120,2 814,1 Jilj ,!• 15,5
1955 TM 30,7 131,3 128,7 89,5 l>9,9 15,3
1956 79,6 32,1 11)2,6 139,2 95,6 55,2 15,9
1957 82,0 35,3 iii6,i) 1*15,7 96,It 56,7 15,5
1958 83,3 ' 1*0,9 150,0 1l45,9 97,0 - 5M lli.li
1959 86,9 Ii6,8 15i4.lt 150,8 97,7 5li,l4 15,6
i960 88,5 lit,8 171,0 11.7,8 9^,7 53,1 17,6
1961 92,5 52,1 167,8 ¡62,3 102,9 51« , 1 19,'•
1962 92,2 53,7 l6l4,l| i6it,a 10I4,1| 53,2 18,7
1963 91,9 55,1 i61i,2 165,5 106,3 52,8 17,2
ig6U 90,6 5><,9 161,9 162,2 10lt,lt 52,0 17,2
1965 88,2 56,6 158,6 15"),5 100,0 50,3 15,5
1966 88,0 63,9 160,1 Ilt6,6 97,0 It8,8 Il4.fi
1967 88,0 61i,3 I6lt,6 ilii.O 9'i,3 ''7,0 13,5
1968 87,9 ' 65,2 169,0 132,9 91,2> 145,8 12,7
1969 85,2 6k, 7 167,3 123,3 86,2 1,1. ,7 11,9
1970 79,2 61,2 158,7 111,It 77,9 Uo,'l 11,!t
1971 76,1» 58,9 156,6 105,6 71,9 39,8 11,7
1972 73,0 58,2 151,0 1Olt,o 61t,l) 36,8 11,1
1973 66,7 5>',2 132,8 97,8 58,3 33,2 9,8
1971» 65,8 52,6 133,9 ' 100,1 5'., 5 31,'i 9,6
1975 63,1 ''7,9 130,7 100,2 51,9 28,5 8,3
Live births per 1.000 «omen 15 to less than U5 years old.

Live births or mothers of the specified aê ftroup per 1.000 woi.-.en of the
age group. '

42
higher the relative decrease of fertility rates
in the period of decline. Consequently, the per=
centage of hig\er age groups on the total briths
was reduced, i.e. a tendency towards "younger
mothers". This trend is also valid in long term
consideration: thus, fertility of the young ma=
ternal ages (under 25) is presently higher than
at the turning of the century due to the lower
age at marriage and the high percentage of mar=
ried women (GISSER, 1975: 21).
An age-standardized measure of fertility rep=

resents the total fertility rate which
eliminates all effects of changes in the age
composition on fertility 1) . It can also be
interpreted as the total number of births per
woman which a hypothetical cohort of women
would bear, if they reproduce according to a
given set of age-specific fertility rates of
one calendar year throughout the reproductive
years (and under the assumption of survival up
to the cessation of the reproduction period).
In I95I, the total fertility rate was 2,0 live
births; I963: 2,8 and 1975: 1,8 (see Table 7 ) .
The direction and extent of these changes sub=
stantially correspond to those of the general,
fertility rates. Therefore^ the effects of the
changing age composition on the total fertil=
ity were mutually compensated.
The secular fertility decline included both

legitimate and illegitimate births. The legitimate
fertility rate has decreased to a value of one
third of its original peak since the turn of
1 ) Calculated as the sum of the age-specific fertility

rates of the single age years.
43
Table 7
Total Fertility Rate, 1900, 1937, 1951 - 1975 1 1
1900 U,1 1958 2,5 1967 2,6

1937 1,5 1959 2,6 1968 2,6
1951 2,0 1960 2,6 1969 2,5
1952 2,1 1961 2,8 1970 2,3
1953 2,1 1962 2,8 1971 2,1
195^ 2,1 1963 2,8 1972 2,1
1955 2,2 1961+ 2,8 1973 1,9
1956 2,U 1965 2,7 19lh 1,9
1957 2,5 1966 2,7 1975 1,8
1) Today's territorial borders with the exception of

1900: then "Alpine provinces".
the century However, the percentage of married

women in the childbearing population rose from
42 in 1900 to 61 in 1975! The illegitimate
fertility rate which was still very high at the
turn of the century, has since sank to some 40 '
per cent of the value of 1900. In the last
fifties and sixties it has remained remarkably
constant (see Table 1 in Appendix B).'This leads
to the observation that the growth and the de=
cline of births during the post-war period were
in effect the result of changes in the fertility
of married women and not of unmarried women.
From the respective illegitimacy ratio and total
fertility rate, it can be assumed that in 1900
an average per woman of 3,2 children were le=
gitimately born and 0,9 illegitimately, as against
44
the data of 1911, where 1,91 were legitimately
born and 0,29 illegitimately (GISSER, 1975: 2 1 ,
22).
1.3. Effects of Fertility Development on Reproduction
In the last decades, the question has been fre=

quently raised in Austria, if and to what ex=
tent the f e r t i l i t y level is sufficient in order
to ensure a s t a b i l i t y of the population size. A
reply for this can be found in the gross and
net reproduction rates (GRR and NRR ) whose
development is shown in Table 8. In the
t h i r t i e s , the level of reproduction was tempo=
r a r i l y in a state which over an extended period
would only have led to a 72 per cent replace=
ment of the mother generation. In 19515 the
reproduction level again reached a minimum
which would have led to a decrease of 9 per
cent. The net reproduction rate then rose to
1,3 in 1961 and remained at this position until
1964, after which i t sank again and in 1973 fell
once again under 1,0, so that in 1975 repro=
auction was found to be 13 per cent below the
level necessary for the replacement of the
mother generation.
1) The GRR is the number of female children which a

female just horn may expect-to bear .during her repro=
ductive l i i e , calculated from the age-specific fertility-
rates of the given calendar year if the possibility of
death before the end of the reproductive period is ignored;
the ÎIRR takes into account this possibility of death
according to the mortality of the given period and t e l l s
us the ratio of numbers in successive female generations.
45
Tatle 8 Reproduction Rates in Austria 1 )
1900, 1937, 1951 - 1975
Gross Net
Year (GRR) (NRR)
1900 2,010 1,360

1937 0,750 0,720
• 1951 0,981 0,907
1952 0,998 0,922
1953 ^.,0^k ' . 0,937
' 195^ 1,025 0,9^7
1955 1 ,.O8O 0,997^
1956 1,170 1,081
1957 1,200 1,109
'1958 1,228 1,135
• 1959 1,258 1,163
i960 1,285 1,187
1961 1,35^ 1,300
1962 1,361 1,306
• 1963 1,375 1,320
196I+ 1,352 1,296 .
1965 1,306 1,21*3
• 1966 • 1,297 1,21J3
• 1967 1,273 1 ,220
1968 1,253 1,201
1969 1,218 1,167
' 1970 1,120 1.07U
1971 1,088 1,073
1972 1 ,oU6 1,003
19T3 0,9^3 0,916
197^ 0,93*+ 0,907
1975 0,896 0,870
Today's territorial' "borders.
1.4. Contribution of the Sex Ratio
The numerical relation between the sexes- can

influence the chance of finding a partner for
marriage, and thus the development of fertil=
ity. In Austria the question is particularly
46
to be raised as to how the disturbance in the
sex ratio (1951: 866 male per 1000 female
persons) caused by war losses (430.000 -
440.000 war deaths in both World Wars) effected
the development of fertility.. It can be seen
that the effect could only have been tran=
sitory* The birth cohorts 1915 to 1920 which
were 30 to 34 years old in 1951 had a sex ratio
of 745 men per 1.000 women in the latter year.
However, an irregularity of this kind can in
its effect on the number of births be tempo=
rarily compensated by other influences, e.g. a
backlog demand. In the last years, fertility
development is totally unaffected' by the war
combatant generations as they have since reached
their 45th year. A demographically caused diffi= .
culty in finding a marriage partner of reproduc=
tive age - despite a continuous surplus of women
in Austria (see Chapter III.l) -does not exist-
as the sex ratio of 15 to 45 year olds have been
stabilized, e.g. in 1971, there were 1.013 men
per 1.000 women in the age group 20 to undergo,
whereas in 196I there were only 941 men and in
1951 only 820 men.
1.5. Legitimate Births by Parity
A breakdown of legitimate births by parity

between 1951 and 1975 shows that the growth of
the birth rate from 1954 to 1963 was exceedingly
affected by an increase in the number of children
of higher birth order and much less affected by
first-born children. The subsequent birth
decline again affected the number of children
of higher birth order more than first-born
children (Table 9 ) .
47
Table 9-
Percentage Distribution of Legitimate Births
(Live Births and Stillbirths) by Birth Order
Order of birth 1951 1963 1975
First child 39,9 3^,5 39,9

Second child 29,5 29,2 • 33,2
Third child 1U,3 16,9
Fourth and higher 16,3 19,^ 12,8
Total, per cent 100,0 100,0 100,0

Total, number 86.176 120.709 8I.7U1
Between 1951 and 1963, the number of f i r s t -briths

increased by 21 per cent, of second b i r t h s by 39
per cent, of t h i r d b i r t h s by 65 per cent and of
fourth and further b i r t h s by'67 per cent, while
between 1963 and 1975 the corresponding decreases
amounted to 21, 23, 4 3 and 56 per cent.
1.6. Fertility Comparisons between Urban

and Rural Areas
Fertility varies greatly between urban and

rural areas as shown by the general fertility
rates in Table 10. With the increasing size of
the community or city, the f e r t i l i t y rates
constantly decrease.
48
Table 10
Urban - Rural Variations in General Fertility Rate
General f e r t i l i t y rate 1)
Typ of community
1951 1961 1971
2)
Rural 73,7 96,6 72,9
3) U8,6 65,7 55,3
Urban
h) 26,7 . i+7,0
Vienna ^5,5
Austria 55,6 76,2 61,5
1) Live births per 1.000 women 11+ to k-9 years old.

2) Communities up to 5*000 inhabitants.
3) Communities with 5.001 to 250.000 inhabitants.
k) 1,6 million inhabitants.
The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of development in the l a s t

two decades shows a tendency towards a reduc=
t i o n of f e r t i l i t y differences between large
and small communities. This occurs mainly due
to an increase in the f e r t i l i t y l e v e l of
Vienna which showed a trend approaching the
l e v e l of the remaining urban communities of
A u s t r i a . Between 1951 and 1971, f e r t i l i t y , in
r u r a l areas, decreased, and increased in urban
and l a r g e c i t y a r e a s . This means t h a t the
decline in the number of b i r t h s in r u r a l
communities i s not only due to the emigration
of the population and the consequent changes
of age s t r u c t u r e , but also to a différent
fertility behaviour of the i n h a b i t a n t s
(HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1974b).
49
1.7. Socio-Economie Differences in Fertility
The rapid industrialization of Austria in this

century and the resulting decline of agricul=
tural employment from 42,6 per cent in 1923
to 14,7 per cent of the total labour force in
1971, as well as the increase of the service
sector, produced significant changes in fertil=
ity, as fertility was traditionally higher
among the agricultural population than among
other occupational groups. However, not only
the regrouping of female occupation between
economic sectors and the general regrouping of
socio-economic groups is informative for fer=
tility research, but the comparison of active
and inactive economic status is also revealing.
The secular birth decrease of this century is
in theoretical discussions often related to the
increase of that kind of female employment
which results in a spatial separation of
household and place of employment. On the other
hand, the existence and direction of such a
consequence is questioned.
.1
Starting from a simple socio-economic breakdown
in groups of blue collar workers, white collar
workers, non-agricultural and agricultural self-employed
or employers, and considering the occupational
position of the head of the household ás an
indicator of the social status of the family,
the data of 1971 containing the average number
of children ever born of married women in the age
group 35 to under 55 (Table 11) witness,
significant differences in fertility in this
respect: as expected, farmers wives of whom
almost all are occupied, have the largest number
50
of children; thus, they have an average of 3,5
live births up until their 45th year of age.
They are followed by the group of blue collar
workers (approximately 2,5), the non-agricul=
tural self-employed or employers (2,1) and the
white collar workers who have the lowest fertile
ity with l',8 live births.
Completed Fertility of Currently Married Women by

Socio-Economic Group, and by Labour Force Status
(Microcensus June 1971)
Average number of children

ever born per married woman
Age of woman
Socio-economic ßroup (from . . . to less
(head of household) Labour force status of woman
than . . - years)
Hot in
labour force
Farmer (incl. 35 - 1*5 3,1*2 x" 3,1*2

family worker) 1*5 - 55 3,1*5 x" 3,1*5
Self-employed and
35 - 1*5 2,27 2,62 2,1*2
employer, non-farm
1(5 - 55 1,91* 2,30 2,09
(incl. family worker)
35 - 1*5 1,1*1 2,31 1,98

White collar worker 2,08 1-.83
1*5 - 55 1,39
35 - 1(5 2,16 2,92 2,61

Blue collar worker 2,11 2,73 2,1*6
1*5-55
35 - 1*5 1,90 2,62 2,32
Non-farm, total 1,80 2,35 2,12
1*5 - 55
35 - 1*5 2,29 2,62 2,1*6
Total 2,35 2,31
1*5 - 55 2,27
1) Farmers'wives always were classified as being in labour force.
The differentiations of non-agricultural groups

according to female economic activity or non-activity show
a substantially lower f e r t i l i t y of economically
active women which is'extremely significant
among white collar worker families. This is
51
followed by families of blue collar workers
.and families of self-employed or employers who
show the least differences. This empirical .
result can be interpreted by the pattern of the
rational limitation of the .number of children,
in favour of a continuous economic activity or
an easier return of the woman into the labour
force. On the. contrary, a high level of fertil=
ity due to the lack of birth control can hamper
the economic activity of the woman. The dif=
ferentiations according to female employment
are weakest in the group of self-employed and
employers, as the women in this group are more
flexible to participate in employment.
The income of the head of the household seems

to be of less importance than the above
mentioned factors, as a varying direction and
strength of influence is shown according to
the socio-economic status of the male and the
economic activity status of the woman. Gen=
erally, income does not effect a very strong
differentiation in fertility. '
The proportion of economically active married

women of childbearing ages has noticeably
remained constant between the last two censuses
of 1961 and 1971 (in comparison to the Federal
Republic of Germany where employment increased in all
age groups with the exception of,15 to 19 year
olds) Further differentiations, between women
with and without children in the household
interestingly show that the labour force
participation rates of childless married women
of childbearing ages have increased consider=
ably, while the respective women with one or
52
more children had negligible lower rates
(further details on this issue can be found
in Chapter V.I, especially in Table 57 and 58).
2. MORTALITY
The development of mortality - understood here

as the development of statistical life expect=
ation which is independent of the age structure
of the population - follows the worldwide
phenomenon of decreasing secular trends in the
last hundred years which is due to economic,
social and medical progress. Generally, it is
to be recognized by a strong decline up to the
middle of the twentieth century, followed by a
more negligible decline which increasingly
slowed and which at the moment appears to be at
a standstill. However, the death rate which is
also dependent on age and sex structure, and the
number of deaths which is additionally dependent
on the size of the population, made a less
constant progress in comparison to the above
mentioned mortality.
2.1. Number of Deaths and Death Rate
Up until the thirties of this century, the

death rate experienced an accelerated decline
followed by a slowed downward trend till the
early fifties, and within the last twenty years
it has experienced a slight increase. Due to
the long term population growth in Austria, the
decline of the death rate resulted in a weaker
decrease in the number of deaths. In a five
53
year average 1871/75, the number of deaths lay
at 144.000, the death rate at 31,0 .per thousand
(see Table 3 ) . In the following thirty years,
the death rate decreased by 29 per cent to 21,9
(I9OI/O5). However, the number of deaths
following the strong growth of the population
during this period decreased by a mere 6 per
cent to I35.OOO.'In 1910, the death rate sank
for the first time below the twenty per
thousand limit and further diminished bo 13,5
in 1931/35 and 1936/38. Thus, the death rate
sank by 38 per cent in a thirty year period
between, 1901/05 and 1931/35; the number of deaths also
decreased following a diminished population
growth ,still by 33 per cent. In the first half
of the fifties, the number of deaths and the
death rate resulted in the lowest recorded
level of 85.OOO, i.e. 12,2 per thousand (1951/
55)- Since then the death rate (and also the
number of deaths) has increased somewhat: to •
an average of 12,6 in the following ten years
and to 13,1 in the years 1966/70, the latter
partly according to the fact that the years-
1969 and 1970 were strongly affected by flu
epidemics during which the death rate climbed
to 13j4. In the last five years it sank again
to an average of 12,7 with a minimal value of
12,3 in 1973. (See table 12).
2.2. Age and Sex Specific Mortality
A consideration of age-specific death rates in

five year age groups (see Table 13) shows the
well - known picture of a U-shaped dis=
tribution; the curve of the probability of
54
Table 12
Deaths, Death Rate, and Infant Death Rate in
Austria 1 ) Since 1871
2) Infant death
Year Deaths Death rate
rate 3)
1871 135.81+7 29,8 289,6

1880 135.76U 27,5 252,0
1900 138.509 23,2 22l+,5
1910 127,21*3 19,2 181+,O
1920 122.775 19,0 156,8
1937 90.035 13,3 91,9
19^7 90.027 12,9 78,3
1951 88.253 12,7 61,3
I95I+ 8U.632 12,2 1+8,3
•1957 89.298 12,8 1+1*,2
I960 89.603 12,7 37,5
1961 85.673 T2.1 32,7
1962 90.851* 12,7 32,8
1963 91.579 12,8 • 31,3
196U 89.081 12,3 29,2
1965 9U.273 t3,0 28,3
1966 91.1+1*0 12,5 28,1
1967 95.1+38 13,0 26,1+
1968 96.01U 13,1 25,5
1969 98.715 13,1* 25, h
1970 98.819 13,1* 25,9
1971 97.33I+ 13,1 26,1
1972 95-323 • 12,7 25,2
1973 92.768 12,3 23,8
197U 9U.32U - 12,5 23,5
1975 96.01*1 12,8 20,5
1) Today's t e r r i t o r i a l borders.
2) Deaths per 1.000 population.
3) Deaths under 1'year old per 1.000 live births.
death according to single age years (Figure 5

with Table 2 in Appendix B) shows the following
specifications: a relatively high infant
mortality and a mortality minimum of both sexes
55
at the age of eleven is followed by an increase
to an intermediate maximum at the end of the
teenage years (for males at the age of 20 and
for females at the age of 16 to 1 9 ) . Only
after a second minimum (27 to 28 year old men,
20 year old women) does a continuous increase
of mortality occur.
Figura 6
Probability of Daath. 1970/72
Probability of death
( logarithmic scale)
0,5
0,1 0,1
0,05
0.06
0,01 0.01
0.005 0.005
0.001 0.001
0,0006 0,0006
0,0002 0.0002
70 75 80 86 90 96 100 Exact age
Since I87O, the decrease in mortality has ex-

tended to all age- groups but not to the same
extent. The decline of infant and child mor=
tality was of great, significance both due to.the-
over-proportional reduction in these stages of
life and the quantitative results: in 1900, Hi
per cent of all deaths were under 10 years of
age-(30 per cent were infants) ; this figure
decreased to 2,6 per cent (2,0 per cent) in
1975.
1) Austria within its present boundaries excluding

Burgenland.
56
Age and Sex Specific Death Rates
Deaths per 1000 population

Age group
(from ... to less 1950/52 1960/62 1970/72
than ... years)
Male Female Male Female Male Female
0-1 68,7 52,7 38,1» 29,9 29,2 22,1

1-5 2,6 2,3 1,5 1,2 1,0 0,8
5-10 0,9 0,7 0,6 0,1. 0,6 0,3
10-15 0,8 0,5 0.5 0,3 0,6' 0,3
15-20 1,6 0,9 1.3 0,5 1,6 0,6
20-25 2,2 ',3 1,9 0,6 2,0 0,6
25-30 2,1 I.1* 2,0 0,8 1.9 0,7
30-35 2,14 1.8 2,1 1,1 2,0 0,9
35-ko " ' 3,1 2,2 2,7 1,6 3,1 1,3
U0-115 "<.3 3,2 3,8 2,5 l»,li 2,1
U5-50 7,2 >>,7 5,6 3,5 6,3 3,'t
50-55 12,2 7,0 10,0 5,1» 9,9 5,1
55-60 18,3 10,1 1T.U 8,3 15,1. 7,5
60-65 27,6 16,6 28,5 13;6 26,6 12,7
65-T0 1(2,6 . 28,6 t2,9 22,8 1.11,0 22,2
To-75 66,7 1.9,6 65,8 1»1,6 69,0 i»o,i»

75-80 103, U .86,1» 100,3 7k,0 10'» ,7 70,9
80 and over 192,1 173,1 187,1 157,2 192,8 157,5
1) Deaths under 1 year old are related to 1.000 live "births.
Within the last hundred years, infant mortality

has dropped to less than a tenth of its
original position (Table 12). Between 1871 and
I875 an average of 287 infants per 1.000 live
births -died before completion of their first
year. In 1975-, there were only 21 deaths.
However, the reduction has increasingly
weakened since 1950. Whereas the infant death
rate dropped by 44 per cent (male) and by 43
per cent (female) between 1950/52 and 1960/62-,
the decrease caine to only 24 per cent and 26 per
cent, respectively, in the following decade.
This was mainly due to a stagnation between
57
1968 •and 1971. In the last years the decline
has become somewhat stronger, especially •
between 197^ and 1975-
Apart from the mortality of infants, the mor=

tality of the following age groups also
declined by a strong proportion: the probabil=
ity of death of 10 year old boys fell from
7,25 per thousand to 0,^9 per. thousand, i.e. by
93 per cent between 1865/75 and 1970/72. Also,
during the same period, the reduction of mor=
tality of 20 year old women was still con=
siderable, whereas *the reduction of the males
was somewhat weaker. The decline of mortality
in older age groups was the most negligible.
This tendency can also be recognized in the
past twenty years (see Table 14).
Table 1>< Percentage Change of Age and Sex Specific

Death Rates, and Ratio of Male to Female
Mortality by Age
P e r c e n t a g e change of death rates

Ratio of male t o
Aße group female mortality
Í from . . . to l e s s 1950/52 - 1960/62 1960/62 - 1970/72 (female death
than . . . years) r a t e s = 100)
Male Female Male Female 1970/72
0-1 - lilt - 1(3 - 2lt - 26 132

1-5 - U3 - tí - 33 - 31 119
5-10 . - 33 - 39 . - 3 - 23 176
10-15 - 37 - 1.0 + 10 0 183
15-20 - 16 - 1»2 + 21 + 19 265
20-25 - 114 - 55 + 1) - 3 3i-7
25-30 - 7 - 1*3 - 5 - 19 286
30-35 - 11 . - 37 - 5 - 23 232
35-to - Hi - 29 + 16 - 15 235
I1O-I15 - 12 - 23 + 17 - 15 211
I45-50 - 22 - 25 + 12 - 3 185
50-55 - 18 - 22 - 1 - 7 196
55-60 - 5 - 18 - 11 - 9 205
60-65 + 3 - 18 - ' 7 - 7 210
65-70 + 1 - 20 + 2 3 198
70-75 - 1 - Í6 + 5 - 3 171
75-80 - 3 -•- l l i + It - It 11)8
80 and o v e r - 3 - 9 + 3 0 123

58
The slight increase of the crude death rate
since the second half of the fifties is bas=
ically the result of a regrouping in the age
structure, as most of the age-specific death
rates have further decreased between 1950/52
and 1970/72 (see Table 13). This means that
the increase in the crude death rate can be
traced back to the effect of age structure i.e.
the increasing number of old people who naturally have a
higher probability of death. Thus, on the one
hand, the proportion of 70 year olds and over
on the total population grew from 6,4 per cent
to 8,8 per. cent between 1951 and 1971 (aging
of population); on the other hand the birth
wave of 1958 - 1968 increased the crude death
'rate insomuch as the reduction of the infant
death rate could not result in a decrease in
the absolute number of dead infants to the same
•extent.
In collaboration" with this momentum and some

flu epidemics, a certain amount of consideration
must be given to the increase of mortality in
many age groups of the male sex between 1960/62
and 1970/72. Here there appears to be a reverse
trend towards secular development; this can be
enduced from a rise in the death rates of men
aged 10 to under 25 years, 35 to under' 50 years,
and 65 years and over. The fact that during
this period the expectation of life of a newly
born boy nevertheless rose by one year is basically
due to a decrease in the mortality of infants
and small children; the further life expectancy
of a five year old boy was already reduced when
only insignificantly. In contrast to this, the
females experienced a higher decline of mor=
59
tality in almost all age groups although this
was greatly weakened when compared with the
fifties. In only one age category of the
females - teenagers from 15 to under 20 - did
mortality show an increase (Table. 1 4 ) . In
general the female expectation of life at birth
rose by 1,7 years. An explanation of this
phenomenon of retrogressive life expectancy
which also exists in other economically well-
developed countries, can among others be
related to the statistics of causes of death.
It can be proved that the increase of teenage
mortality is wholly a result of a rise in fatal
accidents due to the motoring craze. However-,
in older age. groups other, as yet mainly unknown -
factors, must be attributed to this increase.
The sex-specific differentiation of mortality

was at its lowest level at the turn of the
century. If one follows the life table of
1901/05 it can be seen that a newly born girl had
a life .-expectation of only two years more than a
newly born boy (41,1 against 39,1 years). After
completion of the first year of life the average
life expectation of males (49,8 years) even lay
by a small margin over the female (49,6 year.s).
The excess mortality of the male has contin=
uously increased since the turn of the century
and presently amounts to a little over 7 years.
Notable are the age-specific differences of
male excess mortality (see Table 14) which
among infants presently totals 32 per cent,
among 1 to 4 year olds a minimum of 19 per
cent and among 20 to 24 year olds a maximum of
247 per cent which means that the probability
of death for the 20 to 24 year old male is
60
nearly 3,5 times higher than'that of the -female.
With increasing age diminishes the excess mor=
tality of males but does not disappear complete=
2.3. The Development of Expectation of Life
The measurement of life expectation does not

depend on the age structure of a population,
and consequently life expectation serves as an
age-standardized index for the mortality of a
country. In collaboration with its suitability
for international and inter-temporary comparison,
it is distinguished with particular vividness-
and can express the result of efforts in the
combat against mortality in the number of gained
years of ones life.
According to the life table of 1970/72, the

life expectation of a male new-born amounted to
66,6 years and for a female to 73,7 years. Com=
pared to the life table of 1865/75, the life
expectancy of a male improved by 36 years and
by hi for the female. This was in the first
place due to a decline in the mortality of infants
and children, and to a smaller extent to the
decrease of mortality in the remaining age
groups. Nowadays women aged 60 years can expect
to live a further 19; a hundred years ago they
could only expect a further 12; men of the same
age can expect a further 15 years and according
to the life table of 1865/75 only 12.
A hundred years ago 5 year old boys had a

substantially higher further life expectation
61
1
Table 15 Expectation of Life in Austria ) ;
1865/75 and 1970/72
Expectation of l i f e (in years)
Exact age Male Female

Gain in
1865/75 1970/72 , years 1865/75 Í 970/72 3ain in
years
at "birth 30, It 66,6 36,2 33,1 73,7 1*0,6

1 1*0,7 67,6 26,9 1+2,1 7h,h 32,3
5 ^5,3 63,9 18,6 1+6,5 70,6 2l+,1
10 1+3,2 59,0 15,8 UU.3 65,7 21,U
20 ' 35,9 13,7 37,0 56,0 19,0
30 29,7 1*0,5 10,8 30,5 1*6,3 15,8
Uo 23,3 3-1, h 8,1 2l+,1 36,8 12,7
50 17,3 22,8 5,5 17,6 27,6 10,0
60 11,8 15,2 3,1* 11,7 19,1 7,1*
70 7,3 9,2 1,9 7,1 1.1,6 >+,5
80 >*,1 5,3 1,2 3,9 6,1 2,2
1) 1865/75: Cisleithanian part of the Austro-Hungarian

Empire..
than a l l lower ages due to the high mortality

of infants and children, i.e'. 45 years in com=
parison to .the life expectancy of only 30 years
for a male newborn. This means that during
this period a 5 year old boy could expect to
die at the age of 50, whereas a new-born could
expect death at the age of 30. Similar can also
be said of the female sex. Due to the strong
.reduction of infant mortality, children today
who have completed t h e i r s t i l l dangerous first
year of l i f e as well as children who have already
62
reached their fifth year of age can expect an
average age at death of nearly 69 years for males
and of somewhat above 75 years for females.
Since 1950, the increase of the life .expectation

of both sexes has steadily slackened. Although
the life expectancy of women of all age groups rose
between 1959/61 and 1970/72, especially for
new-borns, the expectancy of the males rose to
aft appreciable extent only for newly •borns; in the
remaining ages it stagnated:1 small increases can it
only be attributed for almost half of the single
age years, whereas a negilible decline can be
recorded for the other half. Thus, in 1970/72 .
the 65 and 70 year olds have a further life
expectancy which is lowered approximately by
three months in comparison to the life table
of 1959/61.
2.4. Causes of Death
Cardiovascular diseases followed by cancer are

for many decades the most frequent causes of
death (see Figure 6 ) . Within the last ten years
the upward trend of deaths due to cardiovascular
diseases has been continuing, whereas deaths
from cancer have reached a period of stagnation;
deaths due to accidents have increased during
this period, especially deaths caused by motor
vehicle accidents. On the other hand, the
significance of the once dreaded tuberculosis
disease has further strongly decreased.
63
Figure 6
Deaths According to Selected Causes Since 1921
Deaths per
100.000 population
400
Cardiovascular diseases( excluding cerebrovascular diseases
300
Malignant neoplasms
100
Tuberculosis
Accidents
1921 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 19S5 1960 1965 1970 1975
If one examines mortality in separate age groups,

it can be seen that accidents and suicides are
the most frequent causes of death for teenagers,
especially for the male sex. In 1975 three
quarters of all male deaths and half of all
female deaths in the age of 15 to under 20 were
due to accidents. 10 to 20 per cent of all male
and female deaths in the age of 20 to under 40
were caused by suicide. Death by cancer is the
greatest danger for women in the middle' ages:
almost half of all female deaths in the age of
45 to under 55 is due to cancer, whereas death
in older ages is more due to cardiovascular
diseases. Among the male sex, death by cardio=
vascular disease is more frequent than death .
by cancer. This can already be said for men in
their middle ages. The highest proportion of
deaths by cardiovascular disease occurs among
men in the 60 to 70 year old age group (ap=
proximately30 per cent) (see Figure 7 ) .
64
Figure 7
Per Cent of Death from Specified Causes

by Age and Sex, 1975
Male Female
• i * ' i ' i ^ i ' r •" r ' T ' 7 ' •

20 30 40 50 60 70 80 85 a.o. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 85 a.o.
Age groups from.. . to less than . . years
2.5. Socio-Economic Differences in Infant Mortality
The infant mortality rate is approximately 40

per cent higher for female blue collar workers
than for white collar workers. This important
socio-epidemiological fact can be obtained
from a special analysis carried out in 1968 by •
the Austrian Central Statistical Office (GISSER,
197^) • Children whose mothers were blue collar
workers had an infant mortality of 29 } 5 per
thousand, whereas the respective rate for white
collar workers amounted to only 20,7 per
thousand (Table 16).
It could be presumed that these considerable

class-specific differences are caused by the
65
Table 16 Socio-Economie Differentials in Infant Mortality,

Illegitimacy Ratio, and Premature Births, 1968
Occupational status of mother
In labour force
Not in
Blue White labour Total
collar collar Farm Total force
worker worker 1)
Infant mortality rate 2)

Unstandardized
Total 29.5 20,7 25,7 25.1 26,0 25,5
Legitimate 28.6 19, It 25,It 23,9 25,0 2lt,lt
Illegitimate 31,3 29,0 28,8 30,1t 52,3 33,5
Standardised I 3) 26,0 19,8 '27,0 23,9 27,5 25,5
Standardized II 10 26,1t 19,8 26,9 23,9 28,9 25,5
Excess mortality of illegit-
imate births, in per
cent 5) 9,lt It9,l) 13,It 27.2 109,2 37,3
Excess mortality of
premature births °)
Total 19,5 • 27.6 H>,7 20,3 18,1 19,0
Legitimate 18,6 28,6 '5,3 20,3 18,1 19,0
Illegitimate 21,T 22,0 10,9 20,3 13,7 18,7
Illegitimacy ratio 32,6 13,1 8,5 12,0 3,6 12,0
Premature ratio
Total• 7,6 6,5 5,1* 6,6 5,'" 6,0
Legitimate 6,9 6,0 5,1 6,1 5,2 5,6
Illegitimate 9,0 9,2 8,U 9,0 9,7 9,1
1) Including a small number of self-employed, employers and family workers in non-

farm occupations.
2) Deaths under 1 year old per 1.000 live births.
3) Computed under the assumption of the same premature ratio for all occupations.
h) Computed under the assumption of both the same premature ratio and illegitimacy
ratio for all occupations.
5) {(Illegitimate infant mortality rate/legitimate infant mortality rate) - 1 ) x 100.
6) Ratio of infant mortality rate of live births with a birth weight less than
2.500
!.500 gram
gr to infant mortality rate of live births with a birth veigth of 2.500
gram and more.
7) Illegitimate live births in per cent of total live "births.
8) Live births with a birth weight of less than 2.500 gram in per cent of total live
births.
Source: Austrian Central Statistical Qffice
66
illegitimacy ratio of the blue collar workers '
according to the well-known fact that the in=
fant mortality is much higher among illegit=
imately born children than among legitimately
born. This hypothesis is however not definite,
as among infants of the'same legitimacy a
relation between the lower.class and higher
mortality has also occurred although with no=
table differential intensity: legitimate children
born by blue collar females are liable to a 47
per cent higher death risk as those from white
collar females, whereas the difference of ille=
gitimate children is merely slight in comparison
(8 per cent). This result brings us to the in=
teresting point that the infant mortality of
white collar females is strongly affected by
legitimacy. This is not the case with blue
collar females. The death rate of illegitimate
children from white collar females is sub=
stantially higher than that of legitimate
children (by ca. 50 per cent); this excess mor=
tality amounts among blue collar females to only'
some 10 per cent. These results leadto the'inter=
pretation that single mothers from working
classes are not regarded as outsiders to the
same extent as those from higher social classes.
The stress and lack of welfare which a single
mother normally experiences is thus lessened,
which also partially prevents the negative
effects, of these factors on an unborn fetus or
even after the birth of a child. However, there
is also an alternative argument which pertains
to the already mentioned results, and that is
1) One third (!) of all children from female blue collar

workers are illegitimately born as against one eight
from female white collar workers.
67
that the blue collar females are already within
close range of the possible superior limit of
infant mortality in our society, and thus, fac=
tors of added difficulty are of little effect in
comparison to the white collar females who react
much more sensibly in this respect.
The fact that the .high infant mortality of blue

collar females is not just caused by the living
conditions of the child after birth but is also
caused during pregnancy is shown in the average
lower weight of their newly born infants, whereby
it is well known that a low weight at birth leads-
2)
on average to a stronger risk of death ' Never=
theless, the birth weight as well as the legiti=
macy does not represent a decisive intervening
variable because the infant mortality rate,
standardized for birth weight and.legitimacy
is still one third higher among the blue collar
females, than among the white.
Apart from these two socio-economic categories

of employed mothers,the over-averáge infant
mortality rates of the agriculturally working
women (25,7 per thousand) and the non-working
women (26,0 per thousand) are also to be
mentioned. Unfortunately it is not -possible to
2) It is interesting to note that the ratio of premature

'births(ratio of births weighing under 2500 grams) from
blue collar females is only among legitimate births
higher thai; those of the white collar females, but this
is not the case with illegitimate births: here the ratio
of premature births of the white collar females is a
little higher. This result also leads to the interpre=
tationof a stronger stigmatization of the single mother
in the "middle classes"
3) Due to standardization, the influence of birth weight
and legitimacy on infant mortality is eliminated.
68
subdivide the latter numerically strong category
and classify it among social classes.
A simple explanation of these class-specific

differences which can also be observed in other
countries is virtually impossible. It appears
that the total of differential conditions of
living in the various social classes is re=
.sponsible for this unexplained fact, which apart
from materialistic factors such as income,
working and living conditions,, nourishment etc.,
also includes subcultural behaviour, mentality
and knowledge, whereby materialistic factors
are to a certain extent also culturally formed.
2.6. Intereuropean Comparison of Mortality
2.6.1. General Comparison of Mortality
For the purpose of an international comparison

of mortality, three measures can be quoted,
each of which can characterize the mortality
level of a country: the crude death rate, the
age-standardized death rate and the expectation-
of life at birth-.
A comparison of the crude death rates for 1971

would lead to the erroneous conclusion that
Austria has a very high mortality (second
highest for the women, third highest for the
men amongst European countries; see Table 17).
This result is however due to the-unfavourable
age structure of Austria. As can be seen in
69
Chapter III. 2, Austria's population is pres =
ently the second oldest in Europe. A comparison
on the basis of the age-standardized death rate
1)
gives a totally different picture . According
to these rates, Austria lies in seventh (male,
first quartile) and twelfth (female, near the
median) position among 28 European countries
(whereby male mortality in Austria is in a
comparatively more unfavourable international
position in comparison to women). Therefore,
Austria remains a country with a higher mor=
tality than her neighbours Federal Republic of
Germany and especially Switzerland and Italy,
but shows a lower mortality than her pther neighbours
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia. Portugal
has the highest mortality rate in Europe,
Sweden the lowest. Table 17 also shows the life
expectancy at birth of most countries: boys
born in Yugoslavia can expect to live 65,7 years,
in Greece and Sweden 72,0 (Austria 66,6); girls
born in Yugoslavia can expect to live 70,7 years,
in Sweden 77,6 (Austria 73,7)- However, e.g.
Portugal, the country which has certainly the
lowest life expectancy in Europe, is not in=
eluded in this list. (See table 17).
2.6.2. Comparison of Mortality according to Cause

of Death
A comparison of selected causes of death was

undertaken on the basis of the age-standardized
•death rates. From Table 18 it is evident that
Austria's rate of mortality from cardiovascular
1 ) Data sources of this comparison: World Health

Statistics Annual 1971, Vol. 1, Geneva 1971*.
70
Table IT
Intereuropean Comparison of Mortality, 1971 "
Hank Death rate (per Hank Life

according thousand population) according expectancy
t o stand.
Country to crude at birth
death r a t e Standardized 2 '! Crude death r a t e (years )
M a i e
1 Portugal 13.6k 11,98 10
2 • Finland 13,1)3 11,09 15 .
3 Luxembourg 13,06 Ik,23 1 66,3
]
(
Czechoslovakia 12,68 12,59 7 66,5
5 Hungary 12,38 12,81 5 66,1
6 Poland 12,36 9,5k 23 66,2
7 Austria 12,33 13,67 3 66,6
8 Scotland 12,18 12,60 6 67,6
9 Yugoslavia 11,85 9,31. 25 65,7
10 Germany: Federal
Republic 11,81 12,53 6 67,5
ii Northern Ireland 11,75 11,38 12 68,1
12 Belgium 11,73 13,3k k 67,8
13 Malta 11,65 10,38 20 66,6
Ik Romania 11,51 9,93 22 66,k
15 German Democra-
t i c Republic 11, k5 13,86 2
16 England and Wales 11,01 12,15 9 69',2
17 Ireland 10,83 11,60 11 69,3
16 Bulgaria 10,83 10, 1J 5 19 68,6
19 France 10,63 11,33 13 69,0
20 Italy 10,59 10,5k 18 68,7
21 Spain 10,29 9,kk 2k 69,5
22 Switzerland 9,66 9,97 21 70,2
23 Denmark 9,53 10,91 17 70,6
2k Netherlands 9,53 9,28 26 71,1
25 Norway 9,2k 10,98 16 71,2
26 Iceland 8,91 8,12 28 70,9
27 Sweden 8,82 11,27 Ik 72,0
2B Greece 8,35 8,8k 27 72,0
F e ma l e -
1 Portugal 12,69 10,35 10
2 Malta 12,05 8,69 21 72,7
3 Romania 11,71 9,07 . 15 70,9
k Yugoslavia 11,59 8,11) 2k 70,7
10,99 8 1
5 Hungary 11,kk 72,1
6 Bulgaria 11,13 8,97 17 73,2
7 German Democra-
t i c Republic 10,97 13,71 1
8 Luxembourg 10,97 11,32 5 73,3
9 Czechoslovakia 10,73 10,36 9 73,6
10 F-inland 10,72 8,91 18
11 Ireland 10,72 9,80 12 7k,1
12 Austria 10,60 12,51 2 73,7
13 Northern Ireland 10,3k 9,77 13 7k,2
Ik Poland 10,32 7,80 26 73,5
15 Belgium 10,28 11,33 k 7k,2
16 Scotland 10,2k' 11,08 7 7k,1
17 Germany: Federal
Rebublic 10,23 11,36 3 73,9
18 Spain 9,65 8,33 23 75,1
19 England and Wales 9,38 11,10 6 75,5
20 Italy 9,27 8,85 19 7k,9
21 Switzerland 8,TT 8,6k 22 76,k
22 Greece 8,77 8,02 25 76,1
23 Denmark 8,63 8,8k 20 76,2
2k Netherlands 8,1)9 7,k3 27 76,9
25 France 8,k7 10,21 1 1 76,7
26 Norway 8,25 9,01 16 77,5
27 Iceland 8,12 6,kl 28 76.8
28 Sweden 8,02 9,17 Ik 77,6
1) Belgium: 1970 in of Europe
2) Direct standardization for age; standard population i s the t o t a l ponulati
(except USSR)in 1971.
ñnnr-fí*: World Health S t a t i s t i c s An nual 1971 Vol. I , WHO (ed. ) , Genf 191".
diseases lies in eleventh position and thus

in the upper part of the middle field among 27
European countries. The highest mortality rate
from this cause of death is recorded by Finland
71
(male) and Romania (female). Austria's rate of
cancer mortality (malignant neoplasms all sites)
is one of the.highest in Europe: Austria lies
behind Luxembourg, Scotland and Czechoslovakia
in fourth position among male mortality and
Denmark is the only country which surpasses
Austria in the rate of women who die from-1 this
disease. Austria takes a position in the upper
middle field in lung cancer. Scotland, England
and Wales are the countries with the highest,
mortality from lung cancer in Europe (Table 1 9 ) .
Austria takes fourth (male) after Portugal,
France and Italy' and eighth position (female)
after for instance the Federal Republic of
Germany in the rate of deaths due to cirrhosis
of liver. The mortality of the Austrian pop=
ulation from motor vehicle accidents is the
highest in Europe for the males and the second
highest (after Belgium) for the females (Table
20). Hungary shows the highest suicide rate for
of Europe followed by Czechoslovakia, Finland
and Austria (male), and Denmark, the Federal
Republic of Germany and Austria (female).
The European mortality according to cancer,

cirrhosis of liver, motor vehicle accidentsj
and suicide shows Austria also as being in the
leading group. Nevertheless, it must be re=
strictively noted that in comparison to many
other countries, the quality of diagnosis at
death in Austria is exceptionally high . Thus,
Austria is át a disadvantage because the position
of "symptoms and ill-defined conditions" is
1) At the moment 58 per cent of all deaths occur in

hospitals where two thirds of all diagnoses are confirmed
by an autopsy (POPPER, 1975).
72
Table 18
Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971 1).
Cardiovascular Diseases;
Malignant Neoplasms All Sites
Malignant neoplasms a l l
(A8O-A88) s i t e s (Al)5-A6O)
Male Female Male Female
eath rate
eath rate
P o
ath rate
a
ized 3)
ised 3)
Country m- m î-,
S £
. to
. to
. to
Tí O .G O JZ o
Q)
a o •p x: 0) +J - p
-p x:
te
tJ (D
te
-P tl O 0)
• 0)
ude de
death rE
nk ace
Standarc
cd d a• as tO
-ö x:
üi q a
TJ XI
Sí ^1 T3 -C
cd cd •Ë§ •£•§
ce u
C +J
cd oí c es i l
a: m os u
CC en CE C, in TJ K en ce a <n -d CO Ti
Austria 525,0 11 7 5>)3,7 11 1 21)8,5 It 2 205,1 2 1

Belfjium 1)83,6 15 10 1)61,9 19 9 21)1,6 6 3 192,0 8 6
Bulgaria 1)78,2 16 16 636,0 3 lit i6lt,5 2li 21 125,0 26 25
Czechoslovakia 57'i,3 6 9 588,0 7 6 260,3 3 6 190,1 9 11
Denmark 1)55,7 20 lit 1)22,5 22 17 215,7 11) 10 215,3 1 3
Finland 682,1) 1 12 618,3 U 13 2l)6,9 5 18 167,1) 17 20
France 356,9 26 23 333,0 27 20 232,0 10 9 159,5 20 12
German Democratic Republic 203, ') 16 11 170,5 16 7
Germany: Federal Republic 1)97,9 12 13 -37,1) ]1) 8 229,3 12 7 202,0 5 2
Greece 272,9 27 20 3>)9,2 25 25 156,6 25 20 113,5 28 26
Hungary 606,9 1) 3 672,3 2 3 231t.ll 9 8 203,2 h 8
Iceland 1)59,2 18 19 33l),l) 26 27 151,6 27 27 193,3 7 19
Ireland 5')O,5 10 8 569,1) 9 10 201,2 18 .16 195,0 6 l>)
Italy 1)1)3,7 21 17 !)77,!) 15 16 215,9 13 15 162,1 18 18
Luxembourg 580,2 5 2 553,1) 10 5 283,7 1 1 179,0 15 10
Malta 562,1 7 15 600,6 5 19 165,7 23 21) 136,2 21» 27
Netherlands 1)15,8 22 21 396,8 2ll 23 238,0 7 11) 188,1) 11 17
Norway 1)57,3 19 11 1)20,9 23 15 I7l),7 20 17 159,1 21 16
Poland 1J81I,1 lit 25 1)63,0 18 21) 201,6 17 22 160,5 19 21
Portugal 1)85,0 13 22 538,1) 12 21 167,7 22 25 1U3.ÍI 22 23
Romania 5>>5,2 8 18 708,9 1 12 156,3 26 26 131,5 25 2l)
Spain !)ll),l 23 2l) 1)66',3 16 22 173.9 21 23 139,3 23 22
Sweden 1)60,1 17 It 1)38,0 20 11 179,1) 19 13 179,2 il) 9
Switzerland 1)01,0 21) 20 1)26,9 21 18 230,0 11 12 180,8 13 13
England and Wales 5l)l ,1 9 6 1>9'I,8 13 li 238,0 8 5 188,5 10 5
Northern Ireland 633,9 3 5 597,7 6 7 212,9 15 19 1BU.B 12 15
Scotland 636,1 2 1 586,3 8 2 262,1) 2 It 203,1) 3 1)
Yugoslavia 382,1) 25 27 li61),5 17 26 1U1,9 28 28 Hi),8 27 28
1) Belßium: 1970
2) Data for the German Dem. Rep. are based-on the abbreviated ICD- list (B list)
which doesn't enable this comparison for ABO-ASS.
3) Direct standardi2ation for aê; standard population is the total population of
Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population.
Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1971, Vol.1, WHO (ed.), Genf 197'»
73
Table 19 i
Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971
Malignant Neoplasms of Trachea, Bronchus and Lung;
Cirrhosis of Liver
Malignant neoplasms of
trachea, jronchus and lung (A102)
(A51)
Male Female Maie Female
a 0) ÛJ
2) •p V ¿! •p a; «
4J aj a] <d
Country ' u c m Id î-, d
a
u u
a u
Tj o x: o TÍ o .c o o x: o •d O Ä
M V H M m *j a) N (U
3 aj M QJ
x) ai CJ T ï U U T3 a) U T3 U 0) Tí o) CJ 'O U ÖJ
u U TJ u y* U l< U ' Ü U TJ
aï ^
Tí JZ 1) T) JZ Tí tu
S " S . QJ Tí .C ai
ta a
CD T í iî
ce u
Si C al ,* Tí
C 3 Is
en TJ m tn PC O CO *O
• S i •S3
« œo
•»
G -P
M Tl
• § § •3 3
ce m ffi o
Austria 65,5 9 •8 10,8 8 7 1*3,2 1* 2 lit ,6 8 11

Belgium 7li,l* 7 5 7,0 19 13 13, 17 15 8,1* 111 12
Bulgaria 62,2 18 16 9,2 9 12 8,3 20 20 ''.7 20 20
Czechoslovakia 82,2 6 1* 9,1 10 11 2i.; 11 11 9,1 13 13
Denmark 57,0 11 10 11*,6 5 U 9,3 19 19- 8,2 15 11*
Finland 90,3 3 7 7,3 18 19 6, 21 21 3,1* 23
Prance liO,O 20 19 5,6 26 21 1*8, 2 1 20,5 2 2
German Democratic Republic iU,o 15 11* 7,7 16 11
Germany: Federal Republic 59,1 10 9 8,0 11* 10 32,0 7 6 i!t,7 7 5
Greece M.T 19 18 7,9 ' 15 11* 21,3 12 10 10,5 9 10
Hungary 5 5 , >i 12 12 12.9 7 6 16,6 13 12 9,9 10 9
Iceland 11,1» 27 27 15,0 li 8 2,6 28 28 3,8 21 26
Ireland 50,9 15 111 18,1 3 3 3,0 27 27 2,3 28 28
Italy 1*9.6 • 1 7 15 7,1* 17 15 l*l*,i; 3 1* 16,9 5 6
Luxembourg 87,3 1* 3 5,8 su 20 39,0 5 5 16,C 6 3
Malta 51,5 lit 17 5,7 25 27 15,; iu 16 5,5 19 19
Netherlands 87,0 5 6 6,2 2 2 25 5,; 22 22 3,8 22 22
Norvay 25,0 25 23 6,3 2 1 17 23 23 3,0 25 21*
Poland 1*9,7 16 20 8,1 12 18 13.É 16 18 9,5 12 16
Portugal 19,0 26 26 5,1 27 27 53, 1 3 26,1* 1 1
Romania 35,2 22 22 8,1 13 16 28," 8 8 18,5 3 7
Spain 29,6 23 25 6,1* 20 23 33,1 6 7 16,9 1} 8
Sweden 28,3 21* 21 8,5 11 9 10,2 18 17 5,6 18 18
Switzerland 55,0 13 13 6,1 23 22 2l«,3 9 9 7,0 17 17
England and Wales 91* ,2 2 2 19,8 2 2 3,0 26 25 2.7 27 25
Northern Ireland 67,6 8 11 lit,2 6 5 3 , : 25 26 3,0 26 27
Scotland loU,9 1 1 22,3 1 1 1* ,1 2l* 21* 3,6 ' 2 3 21
Yugoslavia 35,6 21 2ll 7,5 16 2 3 21," 10 13 9,8 11 15
1) Belgium: 1970
2) A 51 vithout. German Dem. Eep. for which this cause is not published.
3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total population of
Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population.
Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972, Vol. I, WHO (ed.), Genf 1971*
more frequently employed in many other

countries than in Austria (see Table 21) and
thus, the mortality for the specific country is
2)
underestimated for the other causes of death.
2) For example, the mortality rates according to cause

of death of Yugoslavian women would on an average of a l l
causes of death, excluding ''symptoms and ill-defined
conditions", be 1*0 per cent higher if the proportion
of the cause "symptoms and ill-defined conditions" •
would have the same size as in Austria-
74
Table 20:
Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971
Infective and Parasitic Diseases; Motor Vehicle Accidents
I n f e c t i v e and p a r a s i t i c Motor vehicle accidents

dese£is es A1-AitU) (AE 38)
a tu OJ
rat
rat
ate
-ate
ate
rat
rat
Country en m m
o x: o x: o o x:
° - n o
T3 O Xi •d
H V 1 ti a
d
In -P N CJ d d
'ti d U T3 CJ V
? Í" ü Tí o <u
V ? CJ TJ CJ Of TÍ d CJ CU
eath i
tandai
bandai
ü
d
ank a
ank a
tand.
CO • d
tanda
d • d
rude
e.ath
eath
TJ (Ll T3 <D
¿¿ c 'S 5
G flJ
d -P
CO Tí re en
M T3
S ?, co -ö
G 3 C 3
EC W CC o
Qí ttJ
W T3
n cd
!s
Austria 20,7 8 8 8,6 ifi 11 59,"l 1 1 15,7 2 1
Belgium Ilt,6 l6 15 9,0 15 15 l|ll,1 5 It 15,9 1 2
Bulgaria 19,9 10 10 10,8 9 10 21,0 20 19 5,6 25 2li
Czechoslovakia 15,7 13 15 8,1» 17 19 33,1» 12 11 10,6 11 11
Denmark 6,6 27 25 5,6 27 27 33,8 11 10 1U.8 5 ll
Finland 19,0 11 111 10,8 10 17 39,1 .8 8. 15,0 It 5
France 17,5 12 11 10,5 11 8 37,5 9 7 12,9 7 7
German Democratic Republic 15,6 ill 12 8.,3 19 1li 22,6 17 18 6,8 20 19
Germany: Federal Republic 15,6 1U 13 7,9 20 13 lt6.lt 2 2 15,7 3 3
Greece 22,7 7 7 15,2 7 7 18,0 25 25 6,2 23 23
Hungary 33,1 5 5 15,li 6 6 28,7 13 12 8,5 18 18
Iceland 2,9 28 28 10,3 12 20 20,0 23 2lt 7,it 19 20
Ireland 13,3 18 17 9,1 lit \6 28,1 lit 11110,-1 13 ill
Italy 20,2 9 9 11,8 8 9 39,3 7 6 10,0 lU 15
Luxembourg 10,0 21 21 6,8 23 23 M.1 6 13 10,9 10 9
Malta 8,9 22 23 8,3 18 18 7,0 26 26 lt,6 26 26
Netherlands 7,0 25 27- 7,2 21 21* 36,0 10 9 12,6 8 8
riorway 6,8 26 25 6,0 26 26 20.lt 21 21 6,5 22 21
Poland 5M 2 2 20,6 ll It 19,8 2U 23 5,9 21* 25
Portugal 69,9 1 1 37,1 1 1 1*7.1* 3 3 10,5 12 12
Romania 14 1 , 9 k 3 20,8 3 3
Spain 2 9 , 'i 6 6 16,6 5 5: 22,1 18 20 6,6 21 22
Sweden 7,7 23 22 6,It 25 22 21,8 19 17 9,0 16 16
Switzerland 13,7 17 18 10,0 13 12 UU.8 It 5 1li,2 6 6
England and Wales 7,7 23 2¡) 5,0 28 28 20,0 22 22 8,5 17 17
Northern Ireland 12,1» 19 19 6,It 2U 25 27,8 15 15 11,0 9 10
Scotland 10,3 20 20 6,9 22 21 25,1 16 16 9,7 15 13
Yugoslavia M ,9 3 li 26,9 2 2
1) Belgium: 1970
2) AE 138 without Yugoslavia and Romania for which this cause is not published.
3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total of Europe
(except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population.
Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972. Vol. I, WHO^ (ed.), Genf 197U
75
Table 21
Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries. 1971 :
Suicide; Symptoms and Ill-Defined Conditions
Symptoms and ill-defined

Suicide AE1U7) conditions ÍA136, A137)
ai 1)
0)
ate
rat
ate
ate
rat
rat
rat
2
Country "m (O m m
Tí O £! o Ti o r. o TI
.p
ii
•H -P • V •rt .p (1) •«H -P • tu d •H +Í al
u -U u
U S -S u 'U u 'tír. U u TJ
U a)
J J J
Ti XI o r¡ TI ni TI (11
| crud
ink
-p c d c •Ö
d "C 3 d d •tí
d
tí « d 'S 13 •i§
CQ T) « O -Ö
.W
œ o CG -O m m o CC in PU
Austria 32,2 k k 13,7 k li 18,1 16 16 20,6 17 16

Belgium 20,3 12 11 10,7 6 8 7k,3 6 5 83,5 8 6
Bulgaria 17,2 13 13 7,9 11 11 51, "* 10 11 81,li 9 8
Czechoslovakia 36,0 2 2 12,5 5 5 11,5 20 20 19,6 18 18
Denmark 30,0 5 5 17,9 2 2 15,6 18 18 13,2 19 19
Finland 35,9 3 3 9,2 9 9 It ,8 25 25 ky i 25 26
France 22,0 9 9 8,k 1.0 10 90,0 k 3 92,3 5 k
German Democratic Republic 18,k 15 15 26,9 15 1k
Germany: Federal Republic 26',8 6 7 13',8 1
3 kl ,1 12 12 li 1,2 11 11
Greece k,6 23 22 2,0 23 23 81,2 5 k 132,9 k 3
Hungary k9,3 1 1 20,k 1 1 2,9 26 26 23 25
Iceland 9,7 17 19 2,5 21 22 15,9 17 17 9,8 21 22
Ireland 2k 2k 1,6 2k 2k 8,k 21 21 26,2 16 17
Italy 7Í8 20 20 3,6 18 18 27,8 Ik 1k 38,3 13 13
Luxembourg 21,1 10 10 6,8 13 15 k8,5 11 10 57,5 10 10
Malta 0,6 25 25 0,0 25 25 59,k 8 9 86,7 7 9
Netherlands 10,3 16 16 7,3 12 13 3¡i,i 13 13 29,3 lk 15
Norway 12,1 15 15 k,l 17 17 52,2 9 8 39,6 12 12
Poland 20,5 11 12 ••,3 16 16 io6,6 3 6 ilio,7 3 5
Portugal 15,7 Ik Ik 3,5 19 19 180,0 2 2 258,6 2 2
Romania 2,3 27 27 3,2 27 28
Spain 6',8 21 21 2,3 22 21 72,6 7 7 89,1 6 7
Sweden 26,1 67 11,6 6 6 '',1 23 22 ii, i 26 23
Switzerland 26,0 88 11,3 7 7 n,6 19 19 11,k 20 20
England and Wales 9,1 18 17 6,3 lk 12 It,7 22 22 8,1 22 21
Northern Ireland k,8 22 23 2,6 20 20 1,9 28 28 3,1 28 27
Scotland 8,8 19 18 5,7- 15 Ik >>,i 23 2k k,2 2'i 2k
Yugoslavia 307,7 ! 1 365,0 1 1
1) Belgium: 1970
2) AE 1 UT without German Dem. Rep., Yugoslavia and Romania, for which this cause is
not published.
3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total population of
Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.G00 population.
Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972, Vol. I, WHO (ed.), Genf 197U
76
2.6.3. Comparison of Infant Mortality
From Table 22, two relatively close lying

clusters of countries in Europe for the year
1973 can be grouped together. The first is a.
group of countries with very low infant mor=
tality rates (around 10 per thousand) to which
Sweden, Iceland, Finland, Denmark, the Nether= .
lands and Norway belong; the second cluster has
mortality rates twice that size which in total
are however only slightly above the European
average of infant mortality (23 to 25 per
thousand). These countries are the Federal
Republic of Germany, Austria, Malta, Greece,
Italy and Bulgaria. The main body of remaining
countries divide themselves relatively widely
scattered among these two groups. Finally,
there are some other countries whose rates do
not lie particularly near one another but which
have a large over-average infant mortality (33 to
44 per thousand) .These are: Hungary, Romania,
Yugoslavia and Portugal. Albania has the highest death
rate with 87 per thousand (last registered rate,
1965)• If one includes highly industrialized
countries from other continents, Japan would be
in the group which has a low mortality, the USA,
Canada, Australia and New Zealand would be in
the widely scattered middle group. The USSR,,
which due to its double continent position is
not counted as an European country in this case,
has a rate of 28 per thousand which is somewhat
higher than the European average.
77
International Comparison of Infant Death Rates, 1973
European Countries
1 Sweden 9,6
2 Iceland 9,6
3 Finland 10,1
h Denmark 11,5
5 Netherlands 11,5
6 Norway 11,8
7 Switzerland 13,2
8 Luxembourg I1»,3
9 France 15,5
10 German Dem- Rep. 16,0
11 Belgium 17,0
12 Ireland 17,8
13 England and Wales 18,1
1U Scotland 19,0
15 northern Ireland 20,9
16 Czechoslovakia 21,2
17 Germany:' Federal Rep. 23,1
18 Austria 23,8
19 Malta 2lt,0
20 Greece 21), 1
21 Italy 25,7
22 Bulgaria 25,9
23 Poland 28,52)
2h Hungary 33,8
25 Romania 38,1
26 Yugoslavia U3,3
27 Portugal lilt ,1+
28 Albania 86,8 3 )
Selected other Countries

1 Japan 11,3
2 Canada 15,6
3 New Zealand 16,2
1) Australia 16,5
5 USA 17,6
6 USSR 27,8
1) Excluding Spain.-2) For 1972.-3) For 1965.

Note: For many countries provisional data only.
Source: Population and Vital Statistics Report (UNO), 1975-1976
78
3. EXTERNAL MIGRATION
Over the last century, immigration has predom=

inated in the area of today's republic; emi=
gration has only appeared in subordinate pro=
portions. Sometimes, especially after the last
World War, Austria had a function as.a "transit
country".
Up to this day, due to the lack of current

migration statistics, external migration could
only be computed as. the balance of immigration
and emigration. This is the difference between
the intercensal change of the population size
and the natural increase during this period
(see Table 2 in Chapter II). Thus, the size of
immigration and emigration cannot be concluded,
but other data sources such as naturalized
citizen statistics, refugee statistics, foreign
workers statistics etc., do give an idea towards
this end.
Before World War I, the area of today's Austrian

republic, in particular Vienna, Upper Styria and
other areas with growing industry, had a strong
attraction for the contiguous countries, espe=
cially for the remaining Austrian half of the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy: in 1900 for instance,
26 per cent of the Viennese population originated
from Bohemia, Moravia or Silesia and over 12
per cent from the remaining countries of the
Austrian half of this empire and from abroad.
A positive balance of migration caused a pop=
ulation growth amounting to 753.000 persons
between 1869 and 1910, which is 16,8 per cent
of the population in I869 and a third of the
79
total growth during that period. The highest-
.migration surplus was attained in the first
decade of this period.In the following three
decades, the surplus continuously declined.
The collapse of the monarchy in 1918 and the

resulting establishment, of national states in
that area, brought about an influx of immi=
grants in the newly formed Austrian republic
which due to the only slightly weaker emigration,
amounted to a negligible migration surplus of
15-000 persons in the census interval 1910 to
1923- Between 1920 and 1923, II1!.000 persons
received the Austrian citizenship by an option process,
the greatest part originating from the successor
states of the monarchy (LENDL, 1959/60). The
following decade (till 193*0 was characterized
by a migration deficit of approximately 33.000
persons. According to the statistics of the
migration office, approximately 70.000 Austrians
emigrated to foreign countries outside Europe
in the years 1921 to 1934, 43-000 men and
27.000 women. The highest number of emigrants
(22.000) came from the small province of
Burgenland.
After the Second World War, Austria was both a

"transit country" and a "country of destina=
tion" for the refugee waves: the census iñ 1951
showed a migration surplus of 153-000 persons
since 1934. Up to the end of 1950, approximately
one million refugees were directed through
Austria.
In the period 1951 to 1961, a negative migration

balance of 129.000 persons was recorded, although
80
a small part of the Hungarian refugees of 1956/57
remained in Austria. This was mainly die to
the withdrawal of the refugees of World War II
who in 1951 were included in the resident pop=
ulation. After that, the migration balance
changed its position again, principally due to
the increased employment of foreign workers,
and showed a gain of 42.000 persons between 1961
and I97I. By far the greatest number of foreign
workers are Yugoslavian citizens of which
68.000 inclusive of relatives were recorded among
the resident population in the census of 1971
and thus were relevant for the migration
statistics. In this way it was only possible
to record a portion of the actual number of
Yugoslavian workers in Austria, as according
to the definition of the census, Yugoslavians
could only be regarded as being temporarily
present when the wife and/or children of married
couples had remained in their homeland. The
inclusion of this group gives a total of
93.000 Yugoslavians and 16.000 Turks (who rep='
resent the second strongest foreign worker
contingent from poorer countries), 96.000 of
which are employed. The number of foreign
workers has strongly increased since then and
the employment statistics recorded I96.OOO
Yugoslavian and Turkish labourers for May 1973
(see also Chapter III. 8 ) . At the same time a
great, number of Austrians are living abroad who
are attracted mostly by the favourable possi=
bilities of earning good salaries: in 1973,
there were approximately 170.000 in the Federal
Republic of Germany, among them 100 .000 employed, '
and 43.OOO in Switzerland. Thus, it can be'
concluded that in the event of a long-term
81
international recession, the expected decline
in the employment of foreign workers in Austria
could be at least partly compensated by the
return of Austrians employed abroad.. However, in
1975 there were 174.000 Austrians in the Federal
Republic of Germany which is not less than
there were in 1973, although Austria like
Germany experienced a strong recession and the
number of foreign workers in Austria declined
by 30.000 (Yugoslavians and Turks, May 1973 to
May 1975).
CHAPTER
POPULATION COMPOSITION
There is an interaction between the population

movement on the one hand and the population
structure on the other. For example, the .fertility
and mortality of earlier periods were decidedly in=
volved in the sex ratio and age structure of the
present population. The latter two have again
a considerable influence on the development of
the number of births and deaths as has been shown
above, and which will be further explored in
the section on the future development of
Austria's population.
Furthermore, the composition of the population

according to marital status as well as family
and household structure cannot be dealt with in
isolation but must be considered in connection
with the already mentioned population dynamics.
While religion and language mainly influence
the cultural habits of the Austrian population,
the nationality and educational level must be
considered in addition as being important
factors in some respects, especially in employ=
ment and generative behaviour (see above Chapter
I and II) .
This chapter will exclusively deal with the

demographic and cultural structure character=
istics of the population, especially the
83
biological features of sex and age as well as
the social fact of marital status. In the last
hundred years, there have been distinct changes
in all three features from which only the in=
crease of the male deficit, the aging of the
population and the decline in the proportion
of single persons shall be mentioned here as
the-most significant factors. These important
demographic variables are followed by sections
on the family and household structure of the population,
whereby the representation of trends will be
confined to recent times. Following short
sections on religious denomination, language
and nationality, more space will be devoted to
the socio-economic significant feature of
school education. The structure of the pop= •
ulation according to the source of livelihood,
labour force participation 'rates and the
structure of the labour force will not be
dealt with here but will appear in a chapter
completely devoted to these themes (Chapter V ) .
1. SEX
In the census of 12th May 1971, 3,502.000 males

and 3,955-000 females were recorded which is
453.000 more female than male persons. The sex
ratio of the population (number of men per 1.000
women) amounted to 885. From those factors which
determine the sex ratio of the total population,
the sex ratio of live births should be mentioned
first. Since there are statistical records on
hand, this showed a regular surplus of boys
which fluctuated within the last century by an
84
average of I.O57 between 1.041 and I.076, the
peak values appearing respectively after the
World Wars. The fact that there is still no
male surplus in the total population can be
mainly attributed to the sex-specific differ=
enees in normal mortality (mortality with the
exception of war deaths). Thus, within the
last hundred years,.the death rate of the male
sex (1880: 29,0 1975: 13,2) always lay above
that of the female sex (I88O: 26,0; 1975: 12,4).
Age-specific mortality differences can increase
or decrease this result: a high infant mqr=
tality causes, by a male excess mortality in
infant ages, a swift reduction in the surplus
of male live births and thus a lower sexual
proportion of the total population. Thus, the
infant mortality of 1901/05 amounted to 23 per
cent (boys) and 19 per cent (girls).
The substantially lower infant mortality of the
present leads to the conclusion that the re=
auction in the surplus of new-born boys occurs
very much slower (in 1975, male infant mor=
tality amounted to 23,3 per thousand; female
to 17,6 per thousand). On the other hand, as
the sex ratio of the population also .depends on
the given age structure (provided that sex-
specific differences in mortality are existing),
the domination of higher age groups in Austria
affects the sex ratio in the direction of a
surplus of women. A totally decisive influence
on the sex ratio was finally exerted by the war
deaths of the two World Wars; a more negligible
factor was the occasionally existing sex differ=
N
ence in the balance of migration.
85
Table 23
Population by Sex
Population Females
(in thousands) (per Sex ratio Difference2'
Year
cent)
Stati-
Total Male Female Actual onary
1880 1), 963.1 2,1)1)9-5 2,513.7 50,6 973 967 6

1910 6,61)8.3 3,281).7 3,363.6 50,6 977 1002 - 25
19311 6,760.2 3,21)8.3 3,512.0 52,0 925 981) - 59
1951 6,933.9 3,217.2 3,726.7 53,6 866 977 -111
1961 7,073.8 3,296.1) 3,777.1) 53,1) 873 963 - 90
1971 7,1)56.1) 3,501.7 3,951).7 53,0 885 955 -70
1) Males per thousand females. Actual: Sex ratio of the census population.
Stationary: Sex ratio of the stationary population from the respective life
table (187O/8O, I906/IO, 1930/33, 191)9/51, 1959/61, 1970/72). All stationary
populations are based on a sex ratio of 1.057 male per thousand female live
births.
2) Difference between the-actual and the stationary sex ratio.
In the following, an analysis of the shifting

of sex ratio within the past ninety years will
be studied within which the factor of (normal)
mortality will be dealt with first and fore=
most. A comparison of.the sex ratio of the life
table population would be the best to be used for that
•purpose. The life table population (or
stationary population) is to be understood
as that hypothetical population which by a
constant fertility and mortality (namely, that
of the life table) would be shaped in the .
course of a hundred years.
Table 23 and 24 show the historical development

of sex ratio in Austria,namely, besides that of
the actual population that of the stationary
population for which the average sex ratio of
live births (1.057) is taken as a basis. The
changes in the sex ratio of this stationary
86
population reflect the influence of the changed
sex and age-specific mortality, whereby the
remaining influential factors remain uncon=
sidered.
Table 2k
Sex Ratio by A g e
Äße Census populations S t a t i o n a r y populations a c e . to l i f e t a b l e s

at last
birthday
i860 1910 193k 1951 1961 1971 1870/BO 906/10 1930/33 19k9/5l 1959/61 1970/72
0-k 982 1.009 1.026 l . o k k I.051 1.000 1.012 1.030 1.039 1.0k7 1.0ll9
5-9 1.000 1.009 1.023 1.035 I.Okl 1.0k7 990 1.01k 1.026 1.037 1.0k5 l.OkS
10-lk 995 1.005 1.022 1.033 1.01)7 1.0li9 989 1.016 1.028 1.036 l.Okk 1.01)7
15-19 .01k 1.00k 1.001 1.035 1.037 .032 991 1.020 1.027 1.03k 1.0k2 l.Okk
20-2k .031 1.021 992 1.003 1.051 1.031 985 1.022 1.02k 1.029 1.036 1.037
25-29 976 982 980 761 1.026 1.022 975 1.025 1.021 1.026 1.029 1.030
3O-3k 970 976 96k 7k5 985 1.022 975 1.029 1.018 1.022 1.023 1.02k
35-39 97 k 992 850 780 7k 6 1.012 972 .031 1.012 1.018 .1.017 1.016
ko-kk 978 979 819 BIB 73k 976 967 .026 1.003 •1.013 1.011 I.O06
k5-k9 967 983 821) 8B6 766 739 95k l.Olk 990 1.00k 1.002 993
50-5 k 928 939 860 851 798 718 937 992 972 985 985 97k
55-59 928 920 856 759 8kl) 733 916 966 9k6 953 952 9kk
6o-6k 868 889 873 7k3 771 731 90k 9kl) 91k 909 898 896
65-69 873 866 85k 735 663 723 895 925 876 858 82k 821
7O-7k 898 819 827 718 626 623 89k 90l) 839 801 71)2 723
75-79 885 798 768 703 603 509 883 887 79B 7k 1 657 615
30 and over 8k3 70k 691 670 562 k51 912 B10 711 599 53k k83
Total 973 977 925 866 873 885 967 .002 98k 977 963 955
In 1880, the sex ratio of 973 men per 1.000

women was still to a large extent balanced.
Due to the strong and also sex-specific distinct
differential infant mortality, the existing
surplus of boys at birth was quickly reduced
and the sex ratio of the stationary population
was already balanced in the one year old age
group. In the successive age groups, mortality
vjas only weakly differentiated by sex. The
stationary population showed a sex ratio of
967 and thus differentiated itself only
slightly from that of the actual population.
87
Following a decrease in the sex-specific mor=
tality differences and the decline of infant
mortality, there was an increase to 1.002 in
the sex ratio of the stationary population in
19IO. Although the sex ratio should have been
balanced on the basis of the mortality, namely,
with a male surplus in the age groups up to 50
and a female surplus only in the older age groups,
the actual population only showed a value of 977,
with a female surplus already from the age of
25 upwards. This can be traced back to a (never:
theless only small) part on a female surplus in
the then positive net migration. The remaining
variation is based on the fact that the sex
ratio of an actual population cannot, within a
few years or decades, completely coincide with
the stationary population,' but that the earlier
existing female surplus is naturally still
maintained.
While the sex ratio was to some extent balanced

before the First World War,' the war deaths of
this war (approximately 190.000 men) changed -
the picture: the sex ratio sank t.o 925 in the
census year 193^ which corresponds to a female
qouta of 52,0 per cent ; however, other factors also
contributed to this disproportion: on the one
hand the changed mortality, as despite the
continuous strong decline of infant mortality
(and the thus effected increase of age-specific
sex ratios of child's and adolescent's age)
due to the increase of the male excess mortality
the sex ratio of the stationary population sank
from 1.002 to 984. Apart from that the urn-
shaped age structure, which goes back to the
war birth shortages and the birth decline after
88
1923, in the same way effected a reduction of
the sex ratio. Finally, a migration deficit of
the male sex of approximately 6.000 persons higher
than that of the female sex, reduced the sex
ratio by three-points.
Due to the male war losses (approximately

2Uf..000) of the Second World War, the sex ratio
sank to 866 in 1951 (female proportion 53,6 per
cent), whereby the highest female surplus of
the last century was attained. Changed mor =
tality and age structure also led to this result
but to a less extent.
Between 1951 and 1971, the hitherto mortality

trend progressed: the decreasing infant mor=
tality could not•compensate for the negative
effect of an increasing male excess mortality
and thus there was a further decrease in the
sex ratio of the stationary population from
977 in 1951 to 955 in 1971. At the same time a
contrary process of aging and dying off of the war
combatant generation with its high male deficit
took place. This to a certain extent effected
the normalization of the sex ratio of the
actual population from 866 (195D to 885 (1971).
The historical development of age-specific

differences in male excess mortality is espe=
cially notable (interaction effect of age and
sex mortality) in its effects on sex ratio:
between I87O and 1910, the male excess mortality
confined itself almost exclusively to the age
of infants and children; the sex ratio of high
age groups did not differentiate strongly from
that of teenagers. In I870/I880, the sex ratio
89
of the stationary population lay at 990 in the age
group 5 to less than 10 years and at 883 in the age.
group 75 to less than 80 years. Today, the male
excess mortality extends to all age groups and
is in the age groups of infants and (somewhat)
50 years and over (which are both of higher
importance for the sex ratio of the total pop=
ulation due to the larger mortality), signif=
icantly higher among the latter than among the
former (see Table 14 in Chapter II). As a result
of this, the "stationary" sex ratio of the age
group 5. to less than 10 years which presently
amounts to 1.048, differentiates enormously
from that of the 75 to less than 80 year olds
which only amounts to 6l5..
90
2. AGE
The population pyramid (see Figure 8) on the

basis of the census of 1971 is the result of
the population movement of the past hundred
years and thus reflects all the significant
events of fertility, mortality and migration
movements in this period. The short to middle-
term events of these movements are striking as
they can be interpreted as interruptions on
that age structure caused by long-term trends of
fertility and mortality. Thus, the basis of the
population pyramid was narrowed by the birth
decline after the middle sixties; the war birth
shortages of 1945 and 1915 to 1919 affected deep
cuts and the birth decline during the Economic Depression
of the thirthies affected a distinctly recognizable
indentation. The population pyramid showed significatly
strong bulges as a result of the baby-booms of
the years 1959 to'1968 and also during the
Second World War (1939 to 1944). Finally, the
war losses of the male sex in both World Wars
(a and b in Figure 8) who completely covered
the age groups of the 43 to 85 year olds (in
1971) caused a strong asymmetry-of the pop =
ulation pyramid in these age groups, together with a
long-term tendency towards a marked and in=
creasing excess mortality of the male population
over the female.
With the latter,one of the long-term mortality

trends is already mentioned which essentially
influenced the age structure of the population;
a further one is the secular decline of mor-
tality which affects an increasing number of
aged persons under the same conditions.
91
Figure 8
Age Structure, 1971
a War deaths of
World War I
b War deaths of
World War II
c Birth shortage
during and after
World War I
d Birth shortage
during the Great
Depression
e Birth shortage
at the end of
World War II
Male
1960 -
FemaIe
1970 -
60 40
Thousand persons
Nevertheless, the significance of these mor=

tality factors on changes in the age structure
is much smaller than the influence of the
long-term fertility development as the decisive
variable.
92
Under the abstraction of the short and middle-
term fertility fluctuations and the war losses,
the population pyramids of the census years
following 19IO which are shown in Figure 9
(numerical: Table 3 in Appendix B) can be
roughly classed with the demographic models of
the pyramid, bell and urn-shaped types. In
19IO, the population pyramid was still actually
pyramid-shaped and had no indentations or
bulges caused by short-term influences; it
revealed the smooth and continuous development
of the demographical movement in the previous
decades with a main feature of a high fertility.
1934 showed a distinct approach to the urn shape
due to the birth decline since 1923 although
the upper part of the age structure still
corresponded to the pyramid shape. In 1951, the
population pyramid strongly resembled the urn-
shaped type while in 1971 it moved in the
direction of the bell shape due to the birth
wave of the late fifties and sixties. Thus,
viithin approximately half a century, a change
in the structure of the population pyramid was
effected from a pyramid shape to an inter=
mediate shape of a bell and urn pattern, whereby
the fertility development represented the
critical variable due to these changes: on an
average of the years 1916 to 1973, the yearly
birth rate lay at a value of 117.000 whereas between 1871
and 1915 it still amounted on average to 170.000.
This secular decline in the number of births
brought•about a strong occupation of the age
groups of the over 60 year olds (that was in
1971, the birth cohorts born in the years up to
I9II), and thus an aging of the population.
93
Figure 9
Comparison of the Age Pyramids 1910. 1934. 1951,1971
Male Female
300 200 100 0 0 100 200- 300 300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300
Thousand persons Thousand persons
Male
i I i I i I i I I I I I I I I i I i I I I I I
300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300 300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300.
Thousand persons Thousand persons
The phenomenon of aging is measureable e.g. by

the percentage- of persons 60 years old and over
(see Table 26 and Figure 10).. This percentage
which amounted to 935 per cent in l88O and to
9,4 per cent in 1910 lay below that of 1934
94
(12,2 per cent). After the Second World War it
increased strongly to 15,6 per cent, 18,4 per
cent and 20,2 per cent in 1951, 1961 and 1971,
respectively. This meant that in 1971, it had
doubled- to a fifth of the population as against
a tenth in the period before the First World
War.
Per Cent of Population 65 Y e a r s Old and Over

i n the European C o u n t r i e s , 7^)
1. German Democratic Republic 15,7

2, Austria Hi, 2
3. Sweden 13,9
li. France 13,5
5. Germany: Federal Republic 13,1)
G. England and W a l e s -.3,If
13, li
7. Belgium
13,0
6. !.' orway 12,8
9- Luxembourg
10. Scotland 12,1)
11. Denmark 12,1)
12. Hungary 11,7
C'i'jchoulovak.ia 11,7
n.
lit. Kvitzerland 11,6
11,2
15. Greece
H , l
16. Ireland
17- northern Ireland 10,8
18. Italy 10,8
19- litfLiierlarids 10,3
20. Spain 9,9
21. 3ulgaria 9,9
'¿'¿.F i nland 9,'i
23. Malta 9,2
?M. Portugal 9,2
25- Romania 8,8
26. Iceland 8,7
27. Polen 8,5
28. Y u g o s l a v i a 8,0
Al 1 Countries 11,7
I) 3»lEiun: 1970
.Source: Aur.trian Central Statistical Office
A comparison of the percentages of persous 65

years old and over with other European countries
shows that in 1971 Austria, preceded only by
the Democratic Republic of Germany, had the
second oldest population of Europe (see Table
25). All South European countries had a com=
paratively lower proportion of .old people, and
95
of the remaining countries only Poland (second
lowest proportion), Iceland, Finland and the
Netherlands had a marked low proportion.
Figure 10
Per Cent of Broad Age Groups, 1880 - 1971
Per cent Per cent
100 100
90 90
80 80
70 70
60 Adults( 15 to less than 60 years old) 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
::':;':• Children! under 15 years old) ;:7://-V/::::-:\\VA:.\::.::;:.:j
10 10
0 0
1 I I I I
1880 1890 1900 1910 1934 1951 1961 1971
Between 1880 and 1910, the age structure changed

only slightly: 10 per cent of the population
were 60 years old and over ("aged persons"),
60 per cent were 15 to less than 60 years old
("adults") and 30 per cent were under 15 years
of age ("children"). In 193^ both the percentage
•of aged persons and adults had risen each by 3
percentage points at the cost of the childrens'
share (-6 percentage points). The growth of
the percentage of adults (aged 15 to less than
60) did not continue after- the Second World
War, as the secular birth decline also affected
this group at that time. Consequently, compared
96
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97
to 1934, this percentage dropped by approximately
9 percentage points to 55 per cent in 1971 in
favour of the now 20 per cent share of the 'aged
persons. In 1971, the percentage of children
(24 per cent) showed a similar value to 1934
after it had temporarily decreased to 22 per
cent in 1951 and 1961.
Using the concept of the demographic dependency

ratios (potential economic burden of the
children and aged persons on the adults, i.e.
the population of working ages) and a deline=
ation of the working age with 15 and 60 years
on the basis of the empirical rates of par='
ticipation. in the labour force.of 1971, the
following picture can be seen (see Table 26 and
Figure 1 1 ) : due to the first phase of the birth
decline from 1910 onwards and its resulting
reduction in the percentage of children and the
increase of the percentage of adults, the total
dependency ratio sank from 65 in 1-910 to 56 in
1934., as the child dependency ratio diminished
from 49 to 37 and the aged dependency ratio only
increased from l6 to 19. This decline of. the
total dependency ratio was only of a temporary
nature. In the next phase due to the following
decline of adults, the increase of aged persons
and a relatively constant percentage of children,
the total dependency ratio rose between 1934
and 1971 by 25 points to 8l - this is the total
of the aged dependency ratio which increased
by 18 points to 37 and-the child -dependency ratio
which increased by 7 points to 44 (the latter
was only caused by the decline of the adults).
98
Figure 11
Dependency Ratios, 1880 - 1971
Per cent Per cent
inn
IUU i\J\J
90 - 90
80 - - 80
/
r
70 - Total dependency ratio / - 70
60 - - 60
50 — ,.»..—.•—-—.—-—»«^ Child dependency — 50

***•», ratio
40 40
30 - - 30
20 - Aged dependency ratio __ -*-" - 20
10 I - - 10
fi ft
u I I I I I I u
18BO 1890 1900 1910 1934 1951 1961 1971
Child dependency ratio= Persons aged o-14/Persons aged 15-59, x 100
Aged dependency ratio= Persons aged 60 and over/Persons aged 15-59, xlOO
Total dependency ratio= child+aged dependency ratios
Besides the dependency ratios, the aging process

of the population is also indicated by the per=
centage of the 15 to less than 45 year old women
on the total of women or on the total of
the population (Table 26). In the census years
1880, 1910 and 1931!, 46 per cent of the female
population were in the reproductive age; after
the Second World War, this percentage strongly
decreased and presently lies at 36 per cent
(1971). The percentage of women in their re-
productive years on the total population which
is important for the conclusion from the change
of the birth rate to fertility changes, had
decreased since 193^ from 23,9 per cent to 19,2
per cent (197D, whereby in 193^ it was higher
than in 1910 and 188O.
99
3. MARITAL STATUS
The historical development of the past hundred

years can be summarized as follows: there was
a strong decline in the proportion of the
single population which was caused by" an in=
crease in the propensity to marry and a de=
crease in the age at first marriage; at the same
time the proportion of the widowed and divorced
population increased strongly. Moreover, a
cross-section analysis on the basis of the
census data of 1971 resulted in a direct
correlation between the degree of urbanization
and the share of the divorced, and also a direct
correlation between education and the pro=
portion of both the single and the divorced
population.
3. 1. The Structure and Historical Development of the

Population Composition by Marital Status
The structure of the marital status of a pop=

ulation depends both on the directly influencing
movement rates of the frequency of first
marriages (of single persons), remarriages,
divorces and the marital status-specific mor=
tality, as well as on the age and sex structure
of a population.
When considering the population structure

according to marital status, it is necessary
that one does not apply relative figures on the
total population but only on that specific
population group in which the possibility of
100
a change in the marital status would .occur,
e.g. the population aged 15 years and over.
Since l88O, the so-formed proportion of single
persons sank by more than a half (see Table 27):
in l88O, 47 per cent of the 15 year olds and
over were still single; in 1971> this proportion
only lay at 22 per cent; this -means that from
the women of a marriageable age 78 per cent
had already been married once. The decline in
the proportion of single, persons ensued contin=
uously and.in the intercensal period 1934 to
1951 this increased to a great extent.
From a change in the percentage of single

persons, a change in the propensity to marry
simply cannot be concluded to the same extent,
as the former is also affected by the age
structure. (Age-specific marital status rates
see Table 4 in Appendix B ) . A suitable indicator
is the proportion of persons who were ever
married (currently married, v/idowed or divorced)
in such an age group in which most of the people
who ever married have already got married, and
on the other hand, the mortality differences
according to marital status could not exercise
any appreciable influence. The so-calculated
proportion of women in the age of 45 to 54 who
were ever married shows a steady increase with
a rate of 75,3 per cent in I88O to 88,8 per
cent in 1971 (Table 27). Here it is necessary
to consider that for these »cohorts the pro =
pensity to marry is underestimated for the
period following the First World War, as the
considerable disturbance of the sex ratio due
to war losses (e.g. 1971: 739(ages 45 to 49)
and 71'8 (ages 50 to 54)) prevented its realiza=
101
tion; thus, the younger age group of 40 to 44
year old women which has already a normal sex
ratio in J.971 has a larger proportion of ever-
married persons (approximately 90 per cent)
tha-n all other higher age groups.
Table 27
Population by Marital Status 1)
Single Married Widoued Divorced

Census PEM
year In per cent of In per cent of In per cent of In per cem of
Pop. 15+ Pop. ,5+ EM Pop 15+ EM Pop. |,5+ EM
Males
1880 65,B 51,7 30,8 ••3,5 90,1 3,3 1. 6 9,92) 0,1 0,1 -
1910 03,6 ltT.8 32,8 1.7,1 90,2 3,6 2)
5, 1 2 ) 9,82) - - -
3)
1931» 5^,5 39,1; 140,14 53,7 88,9 3,3 U ,5 7,U 1,73) 2,33) 3 ,8
1951 147,8 30,3 1.7,2 63,0 90,14 3,3 1. ,1, 6,3 1,7 2,3 3 ,3
1961 146,5 29,1 1.8,6 614,5 90,9 3,0 I. , 0 5,6 1,8 2,1| 3 ,li
1971 I46J 27,14 118,5 66,1 91,0 2,8 3 ,8 5,3 2,0 2,7 3 ,7
Females
1880 62,1 146,9 30,1 12,2 79,1» 7,7 10 ,8 2O,52) 0,1 0,1 - 75 ,3
1910 59,3 142,14 32,1 145,5 79,0 8,52) 12 , 1 2 ' 21,02) - - - 81 ,1
3)
1931» 50,1 35,6 37,5 '48,3 75,1 10, ll 13 ,5 21,0 1,93) 2 , 5 3 ) 3 ,9 83 ,1
1951 1.2,7 27,5 »•1,5 52,5 72,14 13,14 17 ,0 23,14 2,1» 3,0 1», 2 85 ,8
1961 hO ,3 21. ,9 1.2,5 53,5 71,3 Il4,l4 18 ,1 2l4,l 2,8 3,5 1»,7 87 ,8
1971 39,5 21,9 1.2,9 55,1> 70,9 Il4,5 18 ,7 2>4,0 3,1 14,0 5, 1 88 ,8
1) Explanation of symbols: Pop. = total population

, 15+ = persons aged 15 and over
EM = ever-married persons
PEM = proportion ever-married in the age groups of U5—59 and
50-5I1 (unweighted-average)
2) Inclusive divorced and seperated persons.
3) Inclusive seperated persons.
Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office ,
An indicator of further interest is that age

in which the age-specific proportion of single
persons only amounted to somewhat 50 per. cent.
Thus, it is that age in which the half of a
generation already got married. In I88O, this
age lay at 29,6 years for the female population,
whereas in 1971 it was only at 21,9. Neverthe=
less, due -to the different size of proportions
of never-married persons between these censuses,
102
there is a distorting effect on this indicator
regarding the strength of i t s explanation for
the age at marriage. The elimination of this
distorting effect s t i l l shows a reduction.of
that age, from 26,2 years in l88O to 20,9 in
Concerning the decrease in marriage age, one

comes to the same result through the following
period analysis and the above displayed cohort
analysis : the median age at first marriage
sank from 27,5 (men) and 25,2 (women) in 1928
to 24,4 (men) and 21,7 years (women) in 1911,
and thus for females stronger than for males.
The proportion of widowed among females aged

15 years and over has increased steadily since
I88O (10,8 per cent) and amounted to 18,7 per
cent in 1971. Nevertheless, this change is
partly due to an increased marriage rate, as the
proportion of widows among ever-married women
has only increased from 20,5 per cent in 1880
to 24,0 per cent in 1971. This remaining effect
can be regarded as the result of war losses in
both wars, the increased male excess mortality
and the general decline of mortality.
The proportion of divorced females increased

likewise both in relation to the women 15 years
old and over and the ever-married women. While
the divorced and separated only had a numerical
negligible significance during the period of
1) Here with the calculation of that age in which the

proportion of ever-married women is the same as half of
the proportion of ever-married women in the age group
of 55 to 59 year olds.
103
the monarchy (l88O: 1 per thousand of 15 year
olds and over), meanwhile they amounted to 2,5
per cent (1934) and 4,0 per cent (1971). Due
to the rise in the marriage rate, the increase
is somewhat lower since 1934 in relation to
those women who were ever married (from 3,9
per cent to 5,1 per cent). The yearly rate of
divorces- points to a slow climb of divorce
frequency since the early sixties. The divorce
rate of marriage cohorts (recorded since the
marriage cohort of 1959) clearly shows a steady
increase of divorce frequency up to the marriage
cohort of 1968: while 6,19 per cent of marriages
carried out in 1959 were divorced again within five years,
8,36 per cent were divorced "from the marriage
cohort of 1968 within the same period of five
years. On the other hand, the marriage cohorts
from 1969 onwards.seem to have slightly less
frequent divorces insofar as the smaller
number, of years since marriage allow such a
conclusion (Table 28).
3. 2. Marital Status and Degree of Urbanization
Differences in the population structure according

to'marital status spring from a differentiation
between urban and rural areas: the proportion
of divorced persons increases strongly with
the increasing degree of urbanization and in
1971 was five times as high in Vienna than in
communities with less than 1000 inhabitants
(8,9 per cent against 1,7 per cent with monoto=
nous increasing intermediate values). There are
also differences in the proportion of single
persons which are however not so marked or
104
m o ^ û i o i n t - o • - t— m ' - c o chvocovo
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105
completely consistent. With the eception of
cities with 50.000 to 25O.OOO inhabitants which
show the highest proportion of single persons,
the latter decreases with increasing community
size (see Table 29).
Table 29
Distribution by Marital Status of Women 15 Years Old
and Over by Size Class of Communities, 1971
Single Married Widowed Divorced

Sise class of
per thousand
. corra unity
women 15 years
(inhabitants)
old and over Per thousand ever-married women
Austria 219 709 2><0 51
Up t o . 1.000 2ltT 763 220 17

1.001 - " 2.000 235 ' 755 226 19
2.001 - 3.000 231 T5'i 221 2'i
3.001 - 5-000 225 1^ 225 31
5.001 - 10.000 220 739 221 1)0
10.001 - 20.000 216 72>4 229 16
20.001 - 50.000 208 711 231 58
50.001 -250.000 258 685 236 79
Over 1 million (Vienna) 179 63>< 277 89
Source: Austrian Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office
3. 3. Marital Status and Educational Attainment
A further feature which exerts a strong in=

fluence on the marital status is the level of
formal education (see Table 3 0 ) . In general,
the proportion of single persons increased
parallel to the level of education. Whereas a
quarter of female university graduates aged 50
to 5^ years are still single, this is only a
tenth of women of the same age group whose
forjnal education contains only primary school
education (women with completed apprenticeship
have an even lower proportion of single persons).
106
The proportion of divorced also shows a strong
differentiation towards the educational level:
the higher the education, the higher the
proportion of divorced women. 15 per cent of
ever-married women (50 to 54 years old) who
have a university training completed are di=
vorced; this is only true for 6 per cent of
women with merely a primary school education.
Table 30
Per Cent Single and Divorced by Educational Attainment,
for Women 50 to less than 55 Years O l d , 1971
2)
Educational attainment Per cent single Per cent divorced
Primary school 10,3 5,6

Apprenticeship -7,3 • 9,1
Intermediate school 15,0 10,9
High School 15,5 . 11,7
University • 25,2 . .15,2
Total 10,B 6,8
1) Percentage of single women, related to the total number of women.

2) Percentage of divorced women, related to the number of ever-married women.
These associations between education and

marital status which are founded on the census
data of 1971, are to be found in all female age
groups, and not just among the exemplified 50
to 5^ year olds, with the exception of young
age groups who in consequence of a direct cor=
relation between age at marriage and divorce
respectively, and the level of education could
not be included in the analysis. However, the
same trends are not present in the male pop=
ulation which has much more inconsistent
relations concerning this matter.
107
4. FAMILIES
4.7. Definition and Classification
According to the census of 1971, a family

comprises a married couple or consensually
married couple with or without children, as
well as one parent with one or more children.
Thereby, children are defined as being those
never-married own, step or adopted children
living with their parents in the same household
and who do not have any children of their own.
Moreover, grandparents with grandchildren also
constitute a family if the parents do not live
in the same household.
Based on this definition the Austrian official

statistics refer to the recommended "family
nucleus" concept of the Conference of European
Statisticians. Constitutive features of this
definition are:
a)' The limitation on the familiy nucleus which
comprises two generations at the most (this
means, for instance, that if a family
nucleus is living with one set of grand=
parents in the same household, the latter
form a family nucleus of their own).
b) The definition of the family as a sub-

population of the household. Thereby, the
local unity is a prerequisite to the family
formation.
c) The child definition which is independent

of the age of the person. Thus, approxi=
108
mately 5 per cent of children (in the sense
of family statistics) are 27 years old and
over.
This family definition allows for a classi=

fication between three main family types (under
embracement of the extended married couple
definition on the consensually married, and the
subsidiary extended parent definition for the
grandparents) :
1.) A complete family consisting of both

parents and at least one child.
2.) An incomplete family consisting of only

one parent and at least one child.
3-) The married-couple-family, understood

here as a married couple without children.
The two first-named family types have a common

basis as they are composed of two generations,
whereas in the married-couple-family there is
only one.
An analysis of the historical development

within the last hundred years is in contrast
to.most of the already dealt with topics in
the field of family statistics (as well as in
household statistics) unfortunately only
possible in a very limited way, due to the
'inconsistency of definitions between various
censuses. The census of 1961 first used the
same definition as that of 1971; a comparison
of the results of these two censuses will only
be referred to here.
109
4. 2. The Population according to its Family
Membership
Approximately 84 per cent of Austria's population

live in families as can be seen in Table 31
.(to be precise 83a8 per cent; in 1961 i t was
82.8 per cent, i . e . by one percentage point less).
59.9 per cent of the population live in complete
families (1961: 57j7 per c e n t ) , 7,4 per cent in
incomplete families (196I: 8,9 per cent) and
16,6 per cent in married-couple-families (1961:
16,3 per c e n t ) . Therefore, 67,3 per cent (196I:
66,6 per cent) of the population are members •
of families with children.
Of the children (here by way of exception, not

understood according to family s t a t i s t i c s but
according to the age group) 98,5 per cent of the
under 15 years olds live in family formation;
91 per cent being from complete families and
8 per cent from incomplete. Of the population aged
15 to less than 20 years, 20 to less than 25
years and 25 to 26 years, 86 per cent, 42 per cent and 8
per cent, respectively, live as children in families.
The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s s t r u c t u r a l data under
longitudinal aspects shows that at a median age of
approximately 21, children withdraw from their family.
As against 19.61, the number of persons l i v i n g
in families has increased by 6,65 per cent,
whereas the t o t a l resident population has in=
creased by only 5,4 per cent. Thus* the pro=
portion of t h i s population group on the t o t a l
population has expanded by one percentage point •
to 83,8 per cent. The cause for t h i s change i s
in the f i r s t place due to the increase in the
number of children from the baby-boom of 1959.
110
to 1968 and secondly, to an increase of married-
couple-families resulting partly from an effect
of the age structure: as the number of children
increased over-proportionally by 8,9 per cent
compared with the total population growth, the
same occurred with the population living in
childless families (+7,3 per cent), whereas the
number of parents and single parents in two-
generation-families only increased under-pro=
portionally by 4,0 per cent (nevertheless still
over-proportional in comparison to the 2,6 per
cent increase of the population aged 15 years
and over). This development of the parental
generation is the result of. opposite trends:
while the number of parents in complete
families rose by 6 per cent, it sank by 13 per
cent in incomplete families. The number of
children living in incomplete families was
reduced almost to the same extent (hence, the
total growth of children occurred .exclusively
within complete families); consequently, the •
number of all persons living in this family type
decreased; the ratio of the population living in
incomplete families was reduced by 1,5 percent=
age points. In comparison to 1961, this impor=
tant change is partly the result of the dis =
solution of those incomplete families due to the
establishment of own households by the children,
the incompleteness of which was caused by the
war losses of the Second World V/ar and the post-
war divorce wave. The normalization of the
family structure due to the "intact"- families
of the younger cohorts caused, together with
the baby-boom, an increase in the population
living in complete families by 9 per cent
(parents: +6 per cent, children: +13 per cent),
Ill
and an enlargement of 2,2 percentage points in
the respective proportion.
4.3. Family Types
The number of families in 1971 amounted to 1,930.000 and

lay higher than 196I by 3,8 per cent (under-
proportional increase in comparison to the
resident population). This number comprises
56 per cent complete families, 12 per cent in=
complete families and 32 per cent married-
couple-families. Thus, 68 per cent of families
have at least one child (see Table 3 1 ) .
Table 31
Percentage Distribution by Family Type of
Population and Families, 1961 and 1971
Families Population
Type of family
1961 1971 1961 1971
Married couples with children (1) 55,1 56,li 57,7 59,9

One-parent families (2) 13,9 11,6 8,9 7,t
Married couples without children (3) 31,0 32,0 lé,3 16,6
2-generation-farnilies (1+2) 69,0 68,0 66,ö 67,3
All families (1+2+3)
Per cent 100,0 100,0 32,8 83,8
Number 1 859.2 5 1.929.66I1 5 ,860.286 6,25O.55li
The married-couple-families are to a con=

siderable extent- not childless in the biological
sense, but their children have outgrown the
parent home. This explanation can be verified
from the age distribution of married-couple-
families which follows a U-shape with a (small)
maximum in the 20 to less than 25 year old age
group, a minimum in that of the 35 to less than
112
40 year old age group and a steady increase up
to a second maximum of the 65 and older married
women; the frequency in the higher age groups is
much larger than that of the lower ones, and the
median age lies at 58 years (see Table 32).
Table 32
Distribution of the Families by Age of Mother (Wife),
and by Family Type, 1971
Type of family
Ago fjroup
(fron ... to One-parent families
Married Married
less than
couples couples
..- years) Fathers Mothers vith children
with without
with .
children children
children'; Ever-married Single
Total
mothers mothers
Under 20 1 0 2 0 9 1
20 - 25 9 2 7 3 23 6
25 - 30 1U 5 7 5 13 5
30 - 35 17 6 7 6 11 3
35 - liO lit 6 6 6 9 3
to ->>5 1I1 8 8 8 9 5
1>5 - 50 13 9 12 12 10 10
5,0 - 55 7 7 9 10 5 10
55 - 60 5 9 11 12 li lU
6o - 65 3 11 10 12 3 16
65 and over 2 36 20 25 li 26
Total2) 100 • 100 100 100 100 100
Median 38 59 50 5I» 32 58
1) For father-only-families: age of father.

2) Absolute figures see Table 3^.
In the age group 35 to less than kO, the number

of the married-couple-families not only reaches
its minimum but also its share on the total
families and on the total of married couples:
altogether 90 per cent of all married couples
of this age have children, only 10 per cent
are childless families. As the fertility of
married women in this age group (which is
adapted from the age of the wives) can be
essentially considered as completed and only
few children will have already left the home,
an average number of 2,4 children per family
113
of this age group can be taken as a rough and
somewhat underestimating index of the total
fertility of this cohort. This also corresponds
with the results of the microcensus in 1971
which ascertained a number of 2,5 live births
per married woman of this age group; if infant
and child mortality is taken into account, a
similar average of approximately 2,4 children
can also be reached.
Between 1961 and 1971, the share of married-

couple-families on all families increased by 1
percentage point (the number increased by 7,3
per cent) which was partially caused by the
shifting in the age structure of the Austrian
population during this period in favour of
higher age groups (see Table 26 in Chapter III.
2).
Incomplete families consist nine tenths of

families with a mother and only one tenth of
families with a father. Almost two tenths are
comprised of single mothers with their children.
In relation to the total number of families,
there are 10 per cent incomplete mother head
families and 1 per cent incomplete father head
families. In comparison to 1961, this type of
family has strongly lost its significance: the
number of incomplete families was reduced by 13
per cent although the families in total increased
by approximately H per cent. Thus, its quota on
» families diminished by' 2 percentage points. The
reasons for this development can, as already
mentioned, be partly found in the "natural"
dissolution of incomplete families whose in=
completeness was caused by- widowship due to war
deaths or post-war divorces.
114
The number of complete families rose by 6,2 per
cent between 1961 and 1971 and was therefore
slightly over-proportional to the population
growth (5,4 per cent).' The share of this type
on the total number of families increased by 1
percentage point (from 55,1 per cent to 56,4
per cent). The causes for this change are al=
ready quoted above (in 4.2).
The differentiation in the age structure of

parents is notable: while the median age of
married women from complete families lies at
38, incomplete families are on average es'sen=
tially older. Thus, the median age of incomplete
father head families amounts to 59 years (age
of the father), and of incomplete families with
ever-married mothers to 54 years (age of the
mother); in comparison to that, half of all
single mothers are younger than 32 years. The
age structure of the married-couple-family
has already been mentioned.
4.4. Families according to the Number

of Children
In 1971, the complete families were divided

among 40 per cent with one child, 33 per cent
with two children, 16 per cent with three
children and 12 per cent with at least four
children (see Table 33). The average number
of children amounted to 2,10 children per
family (196I: 1,98). The one-child-family is
much more dominant in incomplete families: 71
per cent are families with one child, 19 per
cent with two, 6 per cent and 4 per cent,
115
respectively, with 3 and 4 and more children,
respectively. The average number of children
amounted to.1,46 ( 1961: 1,43). Both family
types, i.e. two-generation-families, show an
average of almost exactly two children (1,99);
the percentage distribution amounts to 45 :
•30 : 14 : 11.
Table 33
Percentage Distribution of Families by Number of Children, 1971
Number of children
Type of family 1» or Average number

0 1 2 •
more
1971 19Ê1
All families 32,0 30,7 20,6 9,1) 7,3 1,36 1,29

2-generation-families 145,1 30,3 13,9 10,8 1,99 1,87
Married couples vith children 39,7 32,6 15,5 12,2 2,10 1,98
One-parent families 71,2 18,8 6,0 ll,0 1,1)6 1,1)3
Taking the (childless) married-couple-families

into account, the average number .of children of
all families amounts to 1,36 (1961: 1,29). 32
per cent of families are childless (married-
couple-families), 31 per cent have one child,
21 per cent have two children, 9 per cent have
three children and 7 per cent have four or
more children..Against 1961, complete families
had different growth rates according to the
family size: the higher the number of children,
the higher the rate of increase between 1961
and 1971 (the number of families with four or
more children rose by 27 per cent), especially
in comparison to the one-child-family which
diminished by even 5 per cent (incomplete fam=
ilies showed no kind of consistent change in
this regard). This tendency in the family
116
structure of complete families is the counter=
part of the over-proportional increase of births
of higher order during the baby-boom of the late
fifties and early sixties (see Chapter II. -1.
5).
4.5. Families according to Household Types, 1971
79 per cent of complete families live in a

household of which no other person is a member,
9 per cent live with one grandparent, 8 per cent
with other families in which case an over=
whelming majority of these are couples of
grandparents, and 5 per.cent with other people.'
Incomplete families•live to a smaller extent
alone in the household, i.e. 66 per cent,. 19
per cent live with other families in the same
household, 7 per cent with one grandparent and
8 per cent with other persons. Single-mother-
families live even to the extent of 35 per cent
alone, ^5 per cent live together with other
families (especially the grandparents), and 12
per cent live with one grandparent (see Table
5. HOUSEHOLDS
A private household consists of all persons who

live together and make common provision for
food and other essentials. Apart from private
households, there are also institutional house=
holds which due to their negligible numerical
significance will be neglected in,this chapter.
117
Table Ik
Percentage Distribution by T y p e of Family and Household

of Families in Private Households, 1971
Type of family
One-parent families Married

Type of Married
All couples couples
household without
families with Fathers Mothers Of which:
Total children
children vith with single
children children mothers
Families without
other persons 77,9 78,5 66,1 63,1 66,U 35,U 81,1
Families with other

families 9,8 7,5 18,7 19,U 18,7 U5,o 10,6
Families with one

parent or parent-
in-law of the
family head 6,8 8,9 7,0 7,I* 6,9 12.3 3,2
Families with,
other persons 5,1 8,2 10,1 8,0 7,3 5,0
Per cent
cent 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0
Total rer iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u IUU
Number 1,929.028 1,087,730 22U.lt 12 2U.O23 200.389 111.663 616.
Private households are grouped according to the

number of household members in one-person and
multi-person households. The latter are further
classified according to the number of resident
families in non-family, one-family and multi-
family households. (Apart from family members, other
persons can also live in a family household.)
An exact comparison of the 1971 census -results

can only be made with -those of 1961; by reason
of changes in definitions and concepts, a
comparison with previous census data will be
dispensed with here.
118
5. 7. Private Households according to the
Household Size
In 1971, the number of private households

amounted to 2,536.000. Approximately a quarter
of them were one-person households, a further
quarter was comprised of two-person households
and the remaining half consisted of three and
more-person households (see Table 35).
Table 35
Private Households by Size
Number of members of household

Census
Total 1 2 3 U or more
year Average
number
Number Per cent
1961 2,305.760 100,0 19,7 27,0 20,9 32, >4 3,02

1971 2,535.916 ' 100,0 2Í4.6 26,5 17,9 31,0 2,90
Notable is the fact that the number of house=

holds increased relatively stronger than the
population. This trend can be observed since
the time of the monarchy, and has the following
quantity for the period 1961 to 1971: while the
number of private households rose by 10 per cent,
the number of household members increased by
only 5,6 per cent. Therefore, the average house=
hold size diminished from 3,02 to 2,90 during
this period.
This decline of the household size, vrhich is
also identifiable in many other countries, can
mainly be attributed to the strong increase of
one-person households. Thus, between 1961 and
119
1971 this number increased by more than a third
of its value in 1961. An increase, .when only to
a rather negligible extent, was also registered
for the two-person and the four and more-person
households. The three-person household was the
only one which did not show an increase. Thus,
the decrease in the average, household size did
not follow at the expense of the number of
large households, but on the basis of a rela-
tively strong increase in the one and two-
person households, and a decline in the three-
person households.
The average household size in Austria is strongly

influenced by the household structure of Vienna;
here it amounts to 2,17 in comparison to a value
of 3»20 in the remaining parts of Austria.
5.2. One-Person Households '
The population living in one-person households

shows two essential characteristics: a high
average age - almost half of them are 65 years
old and over - and a strong majority of women -
three quarters of all one-person households
are comprised of women. This is mainly a question
of the remaining members of a family who are
left after the death of a spouse, and the
departure of eventually existing children from the
parental household. The strong surplus of women
is due to the higher (normal) mortality of the
males and their war losses in both World Wars.
This is especially significant in the high age
groups: 42 per cent of women 75 years old and
over and 16 per cent of men of the same age
120
live in one-person households (see Table 3 6 ) ;
five sixths of all persons of this age living
in one-person households are women. In com=
parison to this, the male sex is more strongly
represented in the lower age groups (under 45
years).
Table 36
Person» in Onc-Perion Household» by A g e and Sex
Per cent of total population
Age group
Male Female Both sexes
1961 1971 1961 1971 1961 1971
18 to less than 25 2,8 6,1) 2,2 5,5 2,5 6,0

25 to less than 35 3,6 5,9 2,7 U,3 3,1 5,1
35 to less than 1)5 3,1 U,i 3,7 lt,2 3,1* >t,i
U5 to less than 55 U,0 li.lt 8,1 9,1! 6,3 7,3
55 to less than 60 5,0 5,T 15.U 1 8 , li 10,7 13.0
60 to less than 65 5,9 7,0 22,0 2 5 , >t 15,0 17,6
65 to less than 75 8,0 9,8 30,6 36,5 21,7 25,7
75 and over 12,7 16,1 33,6 1(2,1 25,9 33,6
Total It,6 6,5 12.1 16,0 8,7 11,7
The strong increase in one-person households

between 1961 and 1971 is to be found in all
age groups '(Table 3 6 ) . The relative change
was mainly notable in the lower age groups,
followed by the high age groups, and was at its
weakest in the middle age groups. The numerical
effect was mainly significant for women in the
high age groups and for men in the low.
Due to the high average age of the population

living in one-person households, it could be
pnesumed that the aging of the population
between the last two censuses mainly caused the
121
increase of one-person households, -ftowever,
standardization by age and sex demonstrated
only a negligible effect of the age structure
with a standardized increase in the pro=
portion of one-person households among house=
holds in total from 19,7 per cent to 20,4 per
cent as against an actual increase to 24,5 per
cent. The. rather insignificant changes, in the
population composition by marital status were
also uneffective, so that the explanation for
the trend towards one-person households could
presumably be applied to a change in the be=
haviour of people. However;, the decline of agri=
culture could be cited as partly responsible
for this development, as the one-person house=
hold does not appear so often among the farm
population as among the non-farm population.
The increase of the one-person household finds

its counterpart in the increasing limitation
of the household community on the family
nucleus. Thus, the number of household members
who do not belong to the family nucleus of the
head of the household has strongly decreased
between 1961 and 1971 (by 200.000 persons, see
Table 38); and this was the case both with
those relatives who do not belong to the family
nucleus, the employees, the domestic servants
and the remaining unrelated persons. This trend
towards a limitation of the household on the
family nucleus can, insofar as it .leads' to an
increase of the one-person household, be inter=
preted as an exclusion of solitary persons from
the household community. On the contrary, this
development can also be interpreted positively,
as an outlet of the fact that nowadays there is
122
a growing number of people who can financially
afford to .found and maintain their own house=
hold. Thus, the conflict potential-of more or
less involuntary household communities would be
transferred from the family and household sphere
to the social level where it appears as social
problems in the form of loneliness, indigence'
etc.
5. 3. Households and Population according to

Household Types
In private households, there is a distinction

between family households and non-family house=
holds. Family households consist of at least one.
family ( in the sense of the census definition,
see Chapter III. 4) and eventually other families-
or single persons.
In 1971, 80 per cent of the Austrian population

lived in one-family households and 8 per cent
in multi-family households; thus, all in all,
88 per cent lived in family households. A
further 8 per cent lived in one-person house=
holds and 2 per cent in multi-person-non-family
households. 1 per cent of the population lived-
in institutional households (see Table 37).
In comparison to 1961, the proportion of family

households on,the total of households has
slightly decreased although its absolute figure
has risen, due to a strong increase of the one-
person households. Both the relative and abso=
lute.decline of multi-family households is no=
table; similar can be said for the multi-per-
son-non-family households. The only household
123
type whose proportion has increased, is the
one-person household.
Table 37
Percentage Distribution by Household Type of
Households and Population
Type of household Households Population

1961 1971 1961 1971
Private households :
Family households -vith 1i family 71,0 68,5 79,3 80,0
Family households with 2 or
more families l+,7 3,7 9,5 7,9
Non-family households vith
1 person 19,7 2l»,5 6,U 8,1»
Non-family households with
2 or more persons U,5 3,1 3,<i 2,1»
Institutional households 0,1 0,1 1

I, ' 1,3
Total households
Per cent 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0
Number 2,308.252 2,538.723 7,073.807 7,'i56.1iO3
Source: Auai^rian Central Statistical Office
As can be seen from Table 5 in Appendix B, 82 '

per cent of all family households in 1971 coh=
sisted of only one. family nucleus without any
other persons. In merely 18 per cent of all
cases, there are other persons living in the
household besides the family nucleus, vrhereby
approximately 4 per cent accomodate further families
without other persons; thus, persons who do not
belong to any family nucleus live in 14 per
cent of all family households.
The difference between the proportion of the

population living in a family household and
the proportion of all family members on the
population, results in a proportion of the
population not belonging to a family but living
in a family household. This amounted to 4,1
124
per cent of the population in 1971. In com=
parison to 1961 with a raté of 6 per cent, it
sank by a third, i.e. the number was reduced
from 420.000 to 306.000. This decrease is not
explanatory due to an effect of the age
structure which presumably worked in the op=
posite direction. Together with the decline
of multi-family households, the trend towards
one-family households which contain no further1
persons is pointed out again.
Table 38
Persons in Private Multi-Person Households by
Relationship to Head of Household
Number Per cent

Household relationship
1961 1971 1961 1971
Head of household 1,852.268 1^912.875 28,1) 28,1)

Legal spouse 1,1)61.098 1,570.598 22, h 23,3
Common-lav spouse 32.309 50.209 0,5 0,7
Never-married child 2,31)2-058 2,572.1)22 35,9 38,2
Other relative 572.6U3 I456.128 8,8 6,8
of which: ascendent 210.192 . 3,1
Employee 67.26O 22.1)23 1,0. 0,3
Domestic servant 25.831 11.299 0,1) 0,2
Other person not related 165.178- Hi.376 2,6 2,1
Total 6,518.61(5 6,737.330 100,0 100,0
1) In 1961, male spouses of houshold heads have been counted among other relatives
(the respective percentage amounted to 0,3? in 1971)-
2) Living as married vith the household head in the absence of legal sanction.
6. RELIGION
Catholicism in Austria is no longer the state

religion but it is nevertheless still signifi=
cantly predominant. In 1971, 88 per cent of
the population belonged to the Roman Catholic
faith, 6 per cent were Protestants and 4 per'
cent were without denomination (Table 39).
125
Per cent
in O O •-
ON
Number
Per cent
vo 0
,l|lt
CO on CM VD
ON o O t— 0
OJ
100.
CO vo o 0 0 O en
CO
vo
O\ vo t-
,652
600'
on
.973
.075
Number
vo ON co 0
VO -3- m CO
0
1)38,
266.
LA m on
O\ o\ ai ro
OJ
vo"
s
Per cent
CO c— ro 0
Os 2> m 0 CO 0
100.
CO vo 0 0 0 0 on
CO
l/\
O\ m Os
.093 co
CO Ch C\J
a\ O §
Number
CM
o
o o\ OJ m rn
t— OJ r-1 CM vo en
Per cent
ai o o o
-3
o\
vo t- o\
Number
•- CM T-
Per cent
vo en-
N 1— m 0 0
ON CM
i on OJ 0 O 0"
o \
- 0 OJ CO
) ON 0 co VO
Per cent Number
OJ VO
OJ O
OJ OJ
1
vo1 OJ
a
V£>
ON
co
LA ON
Number
vo OJ
on
vo
t— 1
CM 0 0
en va
denomination
Religious
CE D-i 1-3 O O
126
The development during the last hundred years
shows a steady decrease of altogether 8 per=
centage points in the proportion of Catholics,
and a rising tendency of the population recorded as
without denomination and the Protestants.
The proportion of Protestants rose particularly

in those periods in which Austria experienced
political .-upheavals and territorial changes,
e.g. 191O/1931! and 193^/1951, while it has stag;
nated since 1951• The regional distribution
shows, apart from the over-proportional share
of Protestants.in Vienna, numerous predomi=
nantly Protestant communities in Carinthia and
Burgenland.
The proportion of people without denomination

which was completely insignificant during the
period of the monarchy, rose strongly between
•I9IO and 19513 whereby apart from the general
trend towards a relaxation of religious ties,
the special hostility to religion of the Austro-
Marxism as well as that of the national-social-
ism and the marriage regulations regarding
divorce and re-marriage, played a significant
role 'towards this increase. Following a stag=
nation between 1951 and 1961, the proportion of
undenominational increased considerably in the
period 1961 to' 1971- Half of the undenomina =
tionals live in Vienna.
The statistical consideration of persons of

Jewish religion reminds one of the Nazi terror: due
to a strong immigration, the number of Jews
rose between 1869 and 1910 from 60.000 to
I95.OOO, nine tenths of which 1-ived in Vienna.
127
After the First World War, there was a further
immigration wave which in the census of 1923 led
to a peak of 202.000 persons of Jewish religion
fov Vienna alone (this religous denomination was
not recorded for the whole area of Austria; in
1910, the comparative number for Vienna amounted
to 175-000). Due to conversions and perhaps
emigration, this number was reduced to 191.000
up to 1934. The national-socialistic persecution
of Jews (in Austria: 1938 to 1945) forced a part
to emigrate and another part into physical
extinction so that in 1951 only. 11.000 persons
were recorded as being of Jewish faith (in
1971 it was approximately 8.500).
In comparison to earlier censuses, 1971 reg=

istered a great'number of persons who appear
under the classification of "other religions".
These are first and foremost members of the
Serbian-Orthodox and Islamic religions who
emigrated to Austria as foreign workers or
students.
7. LANGUAGE CROUPS
For hundreds of years the minority groups of

the Slovenes and Hungarians have lived in the
area of today's republic; as a result of the
Turkish wars, Croats settled in eastern and
south eastern regions. Due to the economic boom
in the last decades before the First World War,
there was a considerable immigration of Czech
and Slovak speakers, especially towards Vienna.
Further significant population groups of non-
German tongue are the Hungarian and Czechoslo=
128
vakian refugees of the late fifties and sixties,
as well as the foreign workers of the sixties
and seventies, their main language being
Slovenian, Croatian, Serbian, Serbo-Croatian
and Turkish. The three latter languages fall
under the heading of "other languages" and are
not separately recorded in the census of 1971-
Table 40 shows the distribution of the resident

population according to its usually spoken
language and the respective proportion of
aliens among the lingual minority. This allows
for a separation of the traditional ethnic
minorities from identical speaking foreign
workers and their families whose naturalization
rate .may be negligible up to the census of 1971
due to the prerequisite of a ten year residence
in Austria (the first contingent agreement
concerning foreign workers was concluded in
1962). 97,6 per cent of the population speak
only German, 1,2 per cent speak another lan=
guage and the remaining 1,2 per cent are
distributed among Croatian (0,^3 per cent),
Slovenian and Windisch, respectively (0,38 per
cent), Hungarian (0,26 per cent) and Czech
(0,14. per cent). Persons who declare their own
language in conjunction with German are in=
eluded in the lingual minority.
The above mentioned traditional ethnic minorities

settled in the south eastern frontiers of
Austria: the majority of the Croatian speaking
Austrian citizens live in Burgenland, the
Slovenian or Windisch speaking in Carinthia.
Although the traditional settlement area of the
Hungarian minority belongs to Burgenland, the
129
Table 1)0
Language Croups, 1971
Total population Aliens in per

Language, usually spoken cent of the
language
Number per cent
group
German (only) 7,275.8llt 97,58 1,1

Croatian 32.1)13 0,1.3 13,1)
Slovenian 28.000 0,38 15,8
Hungarian 19.117 0,26 22,5
Czechian 10.317 0,11) 22,8
Other or unknown 90.71)2 1,22 88,9
7,1,56.1,03 100,0 2,1)

Total
1) Including combinations with German.

larger part of this language group (Austrian citizens)

lives to a great extent (41 per cent, number
approximately 6.000) in Vienna rather than in
Burgenland (37 per cent), and this is because -
the considerable number of Hungarian refugees'
who are naturalized since 1956 lives presumably
to the greater part in Vienna.
A comparison with the census results of earlier

years is very problematic. Although questions
regarding language were included in every regular
census and the results were tabulated at least
for the traditional minority regions, the form
of the questions changed continuously: the
language usually spoken was surveyed during the
monarchy (with the exception of Burgenland,
which belonged to Hungary at that time, where
the mother tongue was asked), in 1923 it was
the "thinking" language (language in which one
thought), in 1934 it was the sense of kinship
to ethnic groups and since 1951 it was again the
language usually spoken, nevertheless, there
are certain conclusions to be drawn: all three
130
ethnic minorities decreased strongly, whereby
the decline of the Croatian speaking people in
Burgenland was the most negligible one, decreasing
from 15 per cent in 1910 to 9 per cent in 1971.
The Slovenian speaking minority in Camthia- diminished
very strongly from 18,3 per cent in 1910 (in
188O it was still 26,6 per cent) to 4,2 per
cent in 1971 (the data of 1910 are related to
the present territory of the provinces). A
similar decrease occurred in the Hungarian
speaking population in Burgenland.'
8. NATIONALITY
Under no circumstances can the presence of

foreigners in Austria be explained äs being
solely in connection with foreign employment.
The notable low participation rates in the
labour force of Greek, Swedish, Iranian,
Canadian and the US-American citizens (within
the span of 17 and 33 per cent in 1971) relate
to university attendance,.re-migration (e.g.
passing of late life- in the native country) and
others.
Following the increase of foreign worker em=

ployment,.the characteristic of nationality is
of great actual interest. However, one must
take into consideration that not all foreign
workers in Austria were"included in the resident
population of the 1971 census, as those for=
eigners who had left their family behind in
their native country (spouse and children,
respectively) were only considered as being
temporarily present. Nevertheless, if they were
131
employed, they were counted as being a par=
ticular category in the census.
Those alien workers from southern countries who

were counted among the resident population were predom=
inantly from Yugoslavia and to a less extent' from
Turkey. Taking into account not only the labour
force but the total resident population, both
nationalities together consisted of only some=
what more than two fifths of all resident .aliens
in Austria, the remaining aliens, being to a great
extent of German nationality who occupied a good
one quarter of all foreign residents.
The census in 1971 registered 1-77.000 resident

foreigners in Austria which is 2,4 per cent of
the resident population. In comparison to former
censuses, the proportion of aliens has rather
diminished: in 1934 it was at 4,4 per cent due
to the high number of "new aliens". (Those were
persons who had originated from the successor
states of the Austrian half of the monarchy
and who had.taken the nationality of these
states.) The greatest number of foreigners was
of Czechoslovakian nationality, the second strongest
group were the Germans. In 1951 the proportion
of foreigners lay somewhat higher (4,7 percent)'
due to the numerous refugees; three quarters of
all foreigners' were stateless or of undetermined
nationality! Only in 196l (1,4'per cent) were
there fewer foreigners than in 1971» the German
group being the largest (42 per cent of all
foreigners), followed by the still considerable
number of people with undertermined, or without
nationality (21 per cent).
132
T a b l e Ijl
Aliens by Nationality, 1971
Aliens
Nationality
Relative P e r c e n t - ase of l a -
change age of bour force
Numer Per cent 1961-1971
(1961=100) males
pation
Yugoslavia 67.692 38,3 1.1.83 5U 82

Federal Republic of Germany 1.6.879 26,5 109 51 30
Italy 7.72>) lt.lt 89 • 56 Il3
Turkey T.5U3 fc,3 3.1.76 7l< 77
USA Il.ll21l 2,5 312 hi 20
Switzerland 3.860 2,2 117 lilt 37
Czechoslovakia 2.893 1,6 390 53 6T
Hungary 2.6U1 1,5 53 62 61
United Kingdom 2.3111 1,3 151. III 1.2
Greece 2.122 1.2 90 72 33
Iran I.776 1,0 262 76 17
Other nationalities 1I4.O73 8,0 177 55 ito
Without nationality, unknown,
12.805 7.2 58 60 50
undecided
Total aliens 176.773 100,0 173 5>t 58
In 1971, the Yugoslavian citizens were numer=

ically the strongest group of all foreigners,
their number amounting to 68.000 which is
fifteen times higher than in.1961. This. sig=
nificant growth began with the contingent
agreement"concerning, foreign workers of 1962.
Almost half of the''Yugoslavians are women (47
per cent). The participation in the labour
force is very high among both sexes (women: 78
per cent, men: 97 per cent, overall: 82 per
cent). The latter coheres with the particular
age structure of the Yugoslavian population
which shows a concentration in.the middle age
groups (half of them are.15 to 30 years old,
the median lies at 26 years, whereas the median
age of the total population of Austria is 33,4
years and the variance is much larger), and
thus a lower number of young and old people who
1)
are dependent on support (dependency ratio :
1) For definition see Table 26, Chapter III. 2.

133
16 as against 81 of the total population). The
age-specific female participation in the labour
force is also relatively higher than in the
total population: more than 90 per cent of the
15 to under 45 year old' women are employed. If
one includes the .approximate 26.000 temporarily
present workers, the number of Yugoslavians in
Austria in 1971 increases to 93.000, the number
of economically active Yugoslavians from 56.000
to 8I.OOO,. and the general labour force par=
ticipation rate to 87 per cent; as the group
of temporarily present foreigners is almost
exclusively male,' there is a shift in the
proportion'of males to 88 per cent.
The second largest contingent of foreign

workers from southern countries comes from
Turkey. In 1971, 7-500 Turks were counted among
the resident population and 9-000 were assumed
as being temporarily present; thus, in total,
I6.5OO persons. Three quarters of the Turkish
resident population and almost all of the
temporarily present are of male sex; the labour
force participation rate is high.
The Federal Republic of Germany whi'ch was re=

corded with 42 per cent as being the country
with the greatest number of foreigners in
Austria in 1961, has fallen back to second
place due to the increase in the employment of
foreign workers. The age structure of Germans
living in Austria is not unlike that of the
total. Austrian population but it has a somewhat
higher proportion of aged people (24,2 per cent
are 60 years old or over as against 20,2 per
cent in the total population). Accordingly,
134
the labour force participation rate is also
lower, carrying 38 per cent as against 42 per
cent of the t o t a l population. The sex r a t i o is
balanced..
The 1971 census r e s u l t s can yield a number of

informations about the structural peculiarities
of the alien population. However, due to the
development of the last years, they are outdated as
regards quantitative statements. In the following two
years after 1971, the number of foreign workers
experiened a strong increase: the employment
s t a t i s t i c s of the social ministry whose com=
parabil'ity with census results is only limited due to
different concepts and definitions, enabled an
estimate of I38.OOO alien employees for the
census month May 1971; 122.000 of these were
Yugoslavian-and Turkish workers. Two years
l a t e r , t h i s number had already reached 217.000,
196.OOO being of the above mentioned two
n a t i o n a l i t i e s . Almost the same number was
registered in May 197^ - Following the swift
declining tendency of the economy at the end
of 197^ and beginning of 1975, the employment
of foreign workers f e l l back to 190.000 in May
1975- I67.OOO of these were Yugoslavian and
Turks.
9. EDUCATION
The r e s u l t s of the 1971 census show the following

structure of educational attainment of the
1) Educational attainment is defined as the most advanced

level which a person has attended in the educational
system.
135
Austrian population: 62 per cent of the pop=
ulation 15 years old and over attained only
primary school education (compulsory education),
23 per cent completed an apprenticeship, 7 per
cent are graduates of an intermediate school
(final examination which does not qualify for
university), 6 per cent are graduates of a high
school (final examination which entitles one
to enter university) and 2,1 per cent are
university graduates. As a completed appren=
ticeship only partly involves school education,
it can be determined that 85 per cent of the
population aged 15 years and over-have not
received any further education apart from
compulsory education (see Table 42). Twenty
years ago (1951 census) this rate lay at 86,8
per cent and thus similar to 1971; 7 per cent
had an intermediate school education, 5 per
cent had a high school education and 1,7 per
cent had an university education. There are no
available statistics for education in the years
before 1951- The censuses I88O to 1910 contained
questions about "educational level" but this
only meant illiteracy. In the following para=
graph, results of the 1971 census will be
exclusively presented.
Percentage Distribution of Persons 15 Years Old

and Over by Educational Attainment
Most advanced l e v e l of education completed
Census High Intermediate Primary Intermediate

University school school school 1) or primary Total
year school 1)
T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T, M, F
1951 1,7 3,2 0,5 'i ,9 6,6 3,5 6,6 5,2 7,7 86,8 B5,0 8 8 , 3 93,'i 9 0 , 2 9 6 , 0 100,0
1961 i,8 3,3 0,6 U ,9 ' 6,!i 3,6 93,3 90,3 95,8 100,0
1971 2,1 3,6 1,0 5,9 7,li 1,6 7,0 It ,8 8,9 85,0 8U ,3 B5,6 9 2 , 0 8 9 , 0 9'i,5 100,0
T = total (fcoth s e x e s ) , M
- = rr.ale, F = female
1) Including other or unknown educational a t t a i n m e n t .

Jource: Austrian Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office
136
9. 1. Educational Attainment by Age and Sex
There i s a considerable sex-specific differentiation

in formal education. Male graduates of universities
have a strong majority (76 per cent), the same of which
can be said for males with a completed apprenticeship
(70 per cent); this is to a less exent the case for per-
sons with high school education (58 per c e n t ) .
For those with a mere primary education and also for
those with a mere intermediate school education, the women
take precedence (69 per cent and 64 per cent).- I t
i s mainly the high share of females who have
a mere compulsory education which gives them
an underprivileged status educationally: 73
per cent of women have merely a compulsory
education, in comparison to t h i s "only" 48 per
cent of men have received the same education. How=
ever, if the levels of compulsory education
and completed apprenticeship were made into one
category which is made up of 86 per cent women
and 84 per cent men, this wuuld show that the
male educational privilege i s only contained in
the highest education categories, namely, in
university education and high school.education.
Strong d i f f e r e n t i a l educational structures are

also to be found in the various age groups
(Table 43). With increasing age, the share of
persons with only a compulsory education i s
considerably increasing, namely, from 40 percent
for the 20 to less than 25 year olds to 76 per
cent for the 65 year olds and over, whereas
those of the remaining educational categories
are decreasing (apprenticeship, intermediate
school, high school, university), the cross-
137
Total
O O O O O O O O O O O O J
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OJOJ«— — • — • - ' - — • - I
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u J
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sity
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138
section data of the census which represent the
educational structure of 1971 can with re=
servation also be interpreted under longi=
1)
tudinal aspects . Thus, the present 60 to 65
year olds can be considered as.the 25 to 30 year
olds of t h i r t y five years ago and can be com-
pared with the present 25 to 30 year olds. Thus,
Table ^3 can be interpreted in,the way that in
the past 35 years the share of men in the age
group 25 to less than 30 years with only com=
pulsory education or apprenticeship has decreased
by only a tenth, i.e. from 86 per cent to 73 per cent.
Nevertheless, the educational level within
this category has improved insofar as that a
considerably higher share of men has com=
Dieted an apprenticeship. The remaining higher
educational levels have also improved on the
past t h i r t y five years for the 25 to less than
30 year olds: the proportion of men with
intermediate school education increased by a
fifth and the proportion of the total of grad^
uates of high schools and universities has
increased by 70 per cent. A correct comparison
of the individual educational levels "high
school" and "university" must be applied to an
age group in which the greatest number of
university students have already completed or
given up their study, i . e . beginning with the
30 to less than 35 year olds. On the other hand,
this age group is not completely covered by the
1) Necessary assumptions for a correct comparison of

this kind are balanced net migrations of all educational
levels for this space of time, the absence of mortality
differentials by education and no changes in the
educational attainment after for example the 25th year -
of age. The validity of this comparison is determined
by the (unknown) extent of the realization of these
assumptions.
139
educational boom of the sixties as can be seen
for males by the higher proportion of university
graduates of a mere one seventh and the"only"
double higher proportion of high school grad=
uates (the total proportion of both categories is
here approximately 35 per cent higher) compared
with males aged 60 to less than 65 years. A
more significant improvement of the educational
structure appeared among women. The comparison
of the educational proportion of the 25 to less
than 30 year olds and the 60 to less than 65
year olds shows a doubling in apprenticeship,
more than a doubling in intermediate school
education and an almost fourfold proportion of -
females with at least high school education. For
30 to less than 35 year old women both the share
of graduates from high schools and those of
universities "is also more than twice as high as
that of the 60 to less than 65 year olds.
The essentially stronger inverse correlation

between educational level and age among females
naturally means a less majority of males in
apprenticeship, high school and university
education in younger age groups; if this is
considered under longitudinal aspects, it
signifies a reduction of the male education
privilege. However, in intermediate school
education where women have always had a strong
majority, a strengthened female dominance in .
the younger age groups took place. The proportion
of compulsory education is the only one which
shows a similar sex ratio in almost all age
groups - in almost all age groups the proportion
of women with this educational level on the
total number of women amounts'to somewhat 1,6
140
of the corresponding male proportion.
The relation between education and age has until

now been demonstrated only on the basis of a
comparison between two age groups. The inter=
mediate age groups show to a great extent a
corresponding intermediate position in the
educational proportions (with the exception of
male university graduates who will be dealt with
later). A deviation from the respective age
trends which occurred in all educational pro=
portions is represented by the age group of 35
to less than 40 of 1971, who have a less fa=
vourable educational structure than the suc =
ceeding age groups (exception: males with
apprenticeship). It seems impossible to give a
simple explanation for this phenomenon.
The age and sex distribution of university

gratuates will be studied more thoroughly in
the following: the proportion of university
graduates declines with increasing age (cor=
relation = -0,75) but this association is
nevertheless not always consistent (monotone);
it is true that the 25 to less than 30 year olds,
who have a share of 3,4 per cent, posses a higher
rate than all succeeding age groups although a
considerable proportion of students have not
completed their studies in this age; on the
other hand, the noticeable low share of 2,4
per cent of the 35 to less than 40 year olds
contradicts the general trend because the 40 to
less than 60 year olds register a higher pro=
portion. Only the age group of 60 and over shows
a significant decline.
141
Figure 12
Educational Attainment by Age and Sex, 1971
160
Female
150
140
130
120
110
ill 100
90
Intermediate
school 80
70
60
l A High school
50
40
30
20
University
0 L.
I T I I T
15 20 25 X 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 and 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 and
over over
Age Age
The sex-specific differences in the proportion

of university graduates are very strongly
marked: the male proportion which carried 3,5
per cent is approximately 3,7 times higher than
that of the females (approximately 1 per cent);
142
three quarters of all university graduates are
men. Here again, the extent of this over -
representation of the male sex varies with
age: in general it can be said that the sex
differences in the lower age groups are more
negligible than those in the higher. In the age
group of 30 to less than 35, the men show "only"
a 2,7 fold higher proportion of university
graduates on the women, while in the age group
65 and over they have a tenfold dominance. It
is no'table that the extremely low proportion of
university graduates among 35 to less than 40
year olds which exists in both sexes runs paral=
lei with a strikingly strong female undei-rep-
resentation among university graduates.
The sex-specific analysis in the proportion of

university graduates further shows that only
females have'an inverse correlation between age
and this proportion (correlation = -0,88), while
the respective correlation among males is almost
zero (+O 3 O3); therefore, no approximate linear
relation can be determined for males between
age and the respective proportion. Thus, the
overall correlation (both sexes) between age
and the proportion of university graduates is
only caused by the correlation of the female
sex, while the age-specific proportion of the
males does not show any uniform trend: the ¿15
to less than 60 year olds have a higher pro=
portion than all lower age groups (!) (see
Figure 12). The age structure is of signi=
ficance for the approximations o f replacement
demand for university graduates which are to be
implemented in the scope of the 'manpower pro=
jections. In general it can be said that
143
within the age group of 25 to less than 65
(labour force potential), the university graduates
are on average older than the total population.
This means that in the, higher age groups, uni=
versity graduates are relatively stronger rep-
resented than in the total population. This
relative over-aged structure of university grad =
uates only appears in the male sex; the female
age structure of university graduates is rela=
tively younger than the female age structure of
the total population (within the age group of
25 to less than 65) but due to smaller numerical
significance is unable to compensate for the age
structure of the male graduates.- The lower labour
force participation rate of female university
graduates must also be considered for the purpose
of manpower projections. However, this picture'
which stems from the census data of 1971 will be
swiftly deferred in favour of the lower age
groups due to the strongly increased university
attendance of the past years.
For those persons whose highest educational

attainment is a completed high school education •
(general or vocational secondary school with
certificate permitting university attendance), there is a
more significant relation between age and
education than among university graduates.. How =
ever, the direction is the same and this
relation appears in both sexes. The female under-
representation is present but to a much less
extent than among university graduates; the male
proportion of persons with high school education
is 1,6 times higher than that of the females.
The sex differences are somewhat more negligible
in the lower age groups than in the higher;
144
significant differences first appear in the age
groups of 60 and over.
An age effeet of the above mentioned type also

appears for graduates of intermediate schools
(vocational secondary schools without the above
mentioned certificate). This educational level
is dominated by women, especially in the lower
age groups.
Persons with completed apprenticeship are also

better represented in the lower age groups than
in the higher and this is applicable to both
sexes though more for the female than the male.
As the men dominate in this educational cate=
gory, it signifies a diminishment in the sex
differences in the lower age groups; the men
are twice as strongly represented as females
in the age group of 25 to less than 30 and in
the age group of 65 and over they are 4,2 times
stronger.
9.2. Education by Size Classes of Communities
The educational structure of the population

varies according to size classes of communities and
this is mainly due to the differential structure
of the labour market (labour force share of the
agricultural, industrial and service sectors,
whereby the latter is especially effective in
demanding a higher education for public services)
and also the differential socio-cultural facts
(for example, the supply of public schools and
the use of educational establishments). Table'
145
44 shows the following relation very clearly:
the larger the community, the lower the pro=
portion of population with a mere compulsory
school education and the higher the proportion
of all remaining educational categories. This
relation is very strong, is valid for both sexes
and has the strongest effect for university
graduates: the respective proportion is
approximately 8 times higher in cities with
over 100.000 inhabitants than in communities
with under 2.000 inhabitants. The sex differ=
enees in education also vary in general with
Table kk
Percentage Distribution by Educational Attainment of
Population 15 Years Old and Over, by Size Class of
Communities and Sex, 1971
Educational Attainment
Size class of
community Inter- Apprent-
Total Univer- Hißh Primary
Sex mediate ice-
(15+) sity school school
school ship
Total T 100,0 2,1 5,9 7,0 23,2 61,8

M 100,0 3,6 7,4 li,8 35,9 1*8,U
F 100,0 1,0 lt,6 8,9 12,6 73,0
Up to 500 inhabitants T 100,0 O.lt 1,7 3,7 13,3 80,9
M 100,0 0,7 2,2 3,7 22,11 70,9
F 100,0 0,1 1,2 3,7 90,1
501 - 1.000 T 100,0 0,5 1.9 3.8 lit,9 78,9
M 100,0 0,9 2,11 3> 2lt,7
F 100,0 0,1 1,5 1*,1 5,9 88,U
1.001 - 2.000 T 100,0 0,5 2,2 3,8 16,7 76,8
M 100,0 1,0 2,7 3,2 27,9 65,1
F 100,0 0,1 1,7 lt,2 6,5 87.1*
2.001 - 5.000 T 100,0 0,9 3,2 5,1 20,It 70,5
M 100,0 1,5 lt.0 3,9 '33,1 57, It
F 100,0 0,3 2.5 6,0 9,1 82,1
5.001 - 10.000 T 100,0 1,5 U,8 6,9 2lf,T 62,1
M 100,0 2,7 6,2 5,1 39,0 >t6.9
F 100,0 0,5 3,6 8,1* 12,3 75,1
10.001 - 20.000 T 100,0 2,1 5,8 8,0 25, h 58.7
M 100,0 3,7 7,3 5,7 39,7 U3.6
F 100,0 0,8 9,9 13,6 71,2
20.001 - 100.000 T 100,0 2,7 7,3 9,lt 25, It 55,1
H 100,0 U,T 9,3 6,1 39,8 1*0,1
F 100,0 1,0 5,6 12,2 13,6 6T.5
100.001 - 1,000.000 T 100,0 lt.lt 11,6- 9,3 25,9 1*8,7
M 100,0 7,U 11. ,8 5,3 37,7 3U,8
F 100,0 1.9 9,0 12,6 16,1| 60,0
1,000.001 or more T 100,0 u,o •3,6 10,1 30,0 h6,3
inhabitants (Vienna) H 100,0 6,7 12,8 6,1 ••'1<,5 • 29,9
F 100,0 2,1 7,1 13,1 19,2 58,5

146
the size of community: among university grad =
uates, compulsory school graduates and to a
less extent graduates of intermediate schools,
the sex differences intensify with increasing
size of community* for persons with apprentice=
ship, this difference diminishes. The sex dif=
ferences of high school graduates does not vary
according to size classes of communities..
9.3. Age-Specific School Attendance
In 1971, 17 per cent of the population were pupils

or students. Table 45 shows their age distri=
bution: after the school entrance which normally
occurs at the age of 6 years, the school attend=
anee rate attained 100 per cent for 8 to 14
year olds. For the 15 year olds (age limit for
the compulsory education) this rate amounted to
Tatle
School Attendance by Type of School and Age, 1971
Of which: p u p i l s , students
Total Type of school

Age Population
Inter-
High Primary-
Number Per cent university school
mediate
school
school
Total 7,!(56.1(O3 1,261.712 16,9 60.201 173.1(20 Ii7.1>95 98O.596

5 - 7 - 381l.61(B 173.91(7 1(5,2 - _
173.91)7
8-9 258.7^0 258.738 100,0 - _ _ 258.738
10 - i l l 585.366 585.366 100,0 _ 8li.067 5.201 I196.O98
15 IOT.18I1 82.802 77,3 - 23.1H 1 ! Hi.618 lilt. 770
16 103. 1) lit 3lí.2U3 33,1 •
20.831 11.172 2.2I1O
17 101.127 26.932 26,6 17 18.21(6 7.929 71(0
18 100.668 20.595 20,5 2.I26 13.583 3.99li 892
19 99.033 15.697 15,9 6.528 6.511 1.9¡i9 709
20 100.008 12.567 12,6 8.272 2.813 889 •593
21 101.827 10.831 10,6 8.392 1.U51 5«*1 l)li7
22 103.219 9.076 8,1» 7.61(2 783 339 312
23 110.71*9 7.5ldi 6,8 6.525 1(90 225 30 li
21* 108.085 6.082 5,6 5.355 316 1U9 262
25 and over X 17.292 X 15-3*ilv 9ll) 1)89 5I.5
í) Including other and unknown types of school.

147
77 per cent which was followed by continuously
declining participation rates for higher age
years. Furthermore, Table 45 gives information
on the age structure of pupils and students of
different kinds of school institutions, and
thus some idea about the composition of.the
Austrian school system.
148
CHAPTER IV
REGIONAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT AND DISTRIBUTION
1. POPULATION DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROVINCES
1.1. Long Term Trends in Population Development and

Distribution according to Provinces
The following explanation deals with the re=

gional differentiations of population develop=
ment on the basis of the provinces (within
their present territorial boundaries) and is
to be understood within the framework of Austria's
total population development, which is only oc=
caaionally mentioned in this chapter (this was
already dealt with and Chapters II and III).
1. 1. /. Development up to the First World War
The period between the middle of the nineteenth

century and the First World War was characters
ized by an extremely strong growth in Vienna
and a relatively normal one in the remaining
provinces. Accordingly, Vienna was able to in=
crease its share on the Austrian population
(within its present boundaries) from 12 per
cent in 1830 and 20 per cent in 1869 to 31 per
cent in 1910, whereas all remaining provinces
149
i t— L-- O O O ^ O CMVO
O 1A lA IA O\ CO C\
1971
19 10-
, 2
O\ O vo m \o —r on co vD co
CO
1 t~~ C\i CO CD
KO * - 1A O Cî
cr,
13
c:
;housa,
O D— Oí Oí «3 (O - >-
X ^ ( M O
Oí O ^- — O J - S ' í M - . D C O M D
I I
ii
n,
+j
nj
i. m — — o *~ -íf LA
O\
x\
o
1 m co en m m Q\ I— O\ t—
m o\ O —-3" M h- OJ íO C^
CM "-
O\
G
C
nj
<u m
1 OJ
\vera
O O\
,2
O O-i
'O'-OCO O t— t— i r \ o (O —
o
1 O LA t— LTv •— O\ «*-
O O\
CO
o
1 C\
O co
CO
o
'OCO O ,. O O
ON CO
MD * - OJ CM vo m _ y
CO
1J
O
c
o
í-l
Cu
150
which were overshadowed from this growth had to
accept losses on their shares. This development
is understandable if one considers that Vienna
was at that time the capital of a 29 million
empire (i.e. if one only includes the countries
of the Austrian half of the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy) of which its share on the total pop=
ulation only amounted to 7,3 per cent, 1910.
Within forty years previous to 1910, the pop=

ulation of Vienna had doubled to 2,1 million
which was even four times more than in 1850.
It was the high migration gain which mainly
accounted for this, especially from abroad:
thus, according to the census of 1910, 36 per
cent of the Viennese population was born in what
are presently known as foreign countries of
which two thirds originated from Bohemia and
Moravia (today .parts of Czechoslovakia). How=
ever, at that time the most important countries
of origin of immigrants belonged to the Austrian
half of the Danube monarchy and thus to the home
country. The excess of births over deaths in
Vienna was also extremely high and surpassed
almost all of the remaining provinces. The
1870's was an especially strong growth period for Vienna
in which the natural increase accounted for one third
total population growth. The steady decline of
net immigration in the following decades caused
a weakening of the rapid growth which at first
nevertheless remained negligible due to increase
ing birth excesses up to the turn of the cen=
tury, and worked out more strongly in the be=
ginning of this century as a result of a de=
crease in the latter.
151
U i, ON 3- OJ CM V£>
m o '-
il.
•- t— CM
=r OJ
t- o vo o
•- o\ m vD iTi t- m
o
\û"
OJ CO
\O CM
CM ro o
ir\ OJ O
ir\ m m
.0
o
LT\ OJ m o"
Lf\ CO (^ CO
I
OJ OJ T-
CM en oj ÍT\ oj vo . CM
in m m CM O
O*
&
S O O VD O O
c o J- in vo t—
5 u
0
o
Pi r-1
cd
CO
152
Of the remaining provinces, Burgenland, Upper
Austria and Carinthia showed a relatively weak
growth during this period (1869 to 1910) which
was caused by their steady and, in general,
increasing migration deficit. Vorarlberg,
Salzburg, Styria and Lower Austria lay above
the average growth of Austria without Vienna,
and Tyrol corresponded largely to this on an
average of this period.
In Burgenland the still favourable increase

between 1869 and I88O weakened constantly and
came to a standstill in the first decade of
this century. The reason for this was a strong
increase in net emigration, while the already
high excess of births over deaths showed a
steady upward trend. In the remaining provinces,
there was an increasing growth rate, the period
having the strongest growth being at the turn
of the century. An increase in birth excesses
in each of these provinces pertained to the
rising growth. In comparison to this, as wa«
the case in Vienna, the net migration gains were
also reduced in these provinces in general (with
the exception of Tyrol and Vorarlberg), and thus
they somewhat lost their importance as growth
components. The extremely low excess of births
over deaths of Tyrol in the seventies and
eighties of the last century is notable: it
amounted to 1 per thousand and 1/2 per thousand
respectively, of the population (in comparison
with the present, it is one tenth and one
twentieth respectively, of the rate of natural
increase in the i960's). This is due to the low
birth rate of Tyrol which was far below the
Austrian average in those years because the death
153
rate was well the lowest among the provinces.
Only between 1890 and 1910 did a considerable
increase of the birth rate, together with a
further decline of the death rate, lead to a
strong' increase of the excess of births over
deaths, and thus to a vigorous population growth
which was' also supported by a certain improve=
ment of the migration surplus in the last
decade.
7. 7.2. Development since the First World War
Vienna was the most strongly affected by the

population decline in Austria between 7970 and
1923. This was mainly due to an excess of
deaths over births resulting from the war losses
and the birth shortages. Another cause was the
remigration of ethnic non-Germans in their
countries of origin which were constituted as
national states in consequence to the dissolution
of the Austro-Hungarian empire, which out=
numbered the influx of ethnic Germans from these
countries to Vienna/ Apart from Vienna, Vor=
arlberg also registered a migration deficit, as
did Burgenland which has therewith continued
its tradition as an emigration country until now. As
a result of this population movement, a pop=
ulation decline occurred in both of these areas.
In the remaining provinces, the population
increased or remained constant according to a
balanced or positive net migration and a vary=
ing natural increase.
154
During the intercensal period 1923 to 1934. the
western provinces Vorarlbergs Tyrol and Salzburg
as well as the capital city Vienna gained by
migration, while the remaining provinces re=
gistered net migration losses. Following the
enormous fertility decline after the First World-
War and especially during the Economic -Depression
of the thirties, the migration gain of Vienna
was compensated by an excess of births over
deaths so that its population remained rela=
tively constant; however, as a result of the
excesses of births over deaths, the remaining
provinces were able to register a positive
growth.
In the period between the censuses oî 1934 and

7951 which embraces the period of Austro-
Fascism, national socialism, the Second World
War and the first post-war years, the eastern
provinces Vienna, Lower Austria and Burgenland
suffered population losses, while southern
Austria (Styria, Carinthia) and especially
western Austria (Upper Austria, Salzburg, Tyrol,
Vorarlberg) could increase their population
remarkably. These shiftings of the population
among the provinces which were the strongest
ones within the considered period of a hun=
dred years are based mainly on the substantially in=
creased rates of net migration of the southern
and- western provinces where the influx of
refugees and displaced persons after the
Second World War as well as the east-west mi=
gration of Austrian citizens towards the war's
end came to voice. Salzburg and Upper Austria
registered both the relative and absolute
highest migration gains, whereas the eastern
155
provinces suffered migration losses. The average yearly
rate of net migration in.Burgenland was some=
what more negative than in the period 1923 to
193^, whereas in Lower Austria it was essen=
tially less negative (the population loss here
was caused by a natural population, movement
which was strongly unfavourable in comparison
to ohter provinces). Apart from a net emi=
gration of 100.000 (if one separates the forced
emigration of an estimated 180.000 Viennese Jews,
of which only a relatively small portion re=
settled in Vienna after the war, from the re-
maining migration, this still results in a mi=
gration gain of approximately 70.000 persons
for Vienna during this period), the shrinkage
of the Viennese population by 320.000 inhabit=
ants mainly results from a deficit of births
of 200.000 persons. This strong" population
decline signifies a loss of 5,^ percentage
points in Vienna's share on the Austrian pop='
ulation; the whole of the eastern region lost
7 percentage points to the southern region
(+1,8 percentage points) and the western region
(+5,2 percentage points).
Due to the emigration of many refugees, dis=

placed persons- etc. in the years following the
1951 census, which caused a considerable exter=
nal net emigration in Austria during 7957 to
1961, the previous immigration provinces showed
a migration deficit (exeption: Vorarlberg). In
comparison to this, Vienna again secured a mi= •
gration gain, while in the traditional emi=
gration province Burgenland, as well as Lower
Austria, emigration was strengthened which
despite a favourable natural increase caused a
156
further population decline. In Vienna, which
was the only province with an excess of deaths
during this period, the net immigration re=
suited in a neglible population growth. Due to
excesses of births, the remaining provinces
increased, as did Vorarlberg which also ex =
perienced a migration gain, thus malting it the
province with the strongest population growth
in the fifties.
In comparison to the previous decade, a more

favourable population development was regis=
tered in the sixties for all provinces, which
was the result of an almost general improve^
ment of the net migration and a partial
strengthening in the natural increase. Among
others, the employment of alien workers (see
Chapter I and II) led to a positive net mi=
gration in Vienna, although somewhat weaker
than between 1951 to 1961, and in western
Austria (Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg), and to a
weakening of the migration losses in the re=
maining provinces: the first mentioned provinces
also improved their natural increase; Upper
Austria, Lower Austria and Styria registered
similar average rates of natural increase as in
the fifties, while Carinthia and especially
Burgenland lay below their previous level in
this respect. These components of population
growth led a slight population decline in
Vienna, a weak population growth in Burgenland
and partly to a very strong increase in the re=
maining provinces: Vorarlberg, Tyrol and Salz=
burg registered a yearly growth rate of 1,5
per cent and more, whereby Vorarlberg again
registered the strongest growth as in the fifties,
157
The stagnation of the population in the eastern
provinces Vienna, Lower Austria and Burgenland
during 1951 to 196l signifies a further di=
minishment. in their proportion of the Austrian
population by a total of 3,3 percentage points
in favour of western Austria (Upper Austria,
Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg: +3,0 percentage
points), whereas southern Austria could only
expand its proportion somewhat negligibly
(Styria, Carinthia: +0,2 percentage points). As
can be observed in the following Table, this
growth in western Austria (and southern Austria)
v/as not caused by an east-west migration but
was mainly the result of a stronger natural
increase in the western and southern regions,
while the eastern region dropped back due to the
dominating excess of deaths over births in Vienna.
Components of Population Growth, 1951 to 1971
Components Eastern Southern and

(thousands) region western region
Natural increase -51,6 + 661.,3

Net migration + 60,0 -147:,2
Population growth + 8,4 + 514,,1
1.2. Internal Migration 1966 to 1961
Due to the lack of current migration^ statistics,

it was until now impossible to record the mi=
gration flows between c'ertain. regions. Since
I869 questions regarding the place of birth
158
were contained in ali censuses but in the last
two censuses people were also requested to
reveal their place of residence five years
previous to the census deadline, in order to
try to remedy this deficiency of the migration
statistics. Whereas the number of migrants was
underestimated mainly due to technical problems
of the questionnaire in 1961, an almost com=
plete registration of these groups was obtained
in 1971• Prom the type of this question follows
the fact that migrated children of under 5 years
could not be accounted for as migratory persons,
as they were not born five years previous to the
census. Those persons who changed their place
of residence during these five years and at the
same time returned or died before the census,
are also not registered as being part of the
population which had migrated.
Table 49 contains -the matrix of interprovincial

migration. According to this, the extent of
population redistribution among the provinces
caused by internal migration during the period
1966 to 1971 was relatively negligible, as it
was not even a 1/2 per cent of the Austrian
population. Burgenland was the area with the
highest relative population loss due to mi=
gration, and was followed by Carinthia, Styria
and Upper Austria (this rank order corresponds
with results of the total net migration,
inclusive of external migration; see Table 48).
Vienna and the western provinces Salzburg,
Tyrol and Vorarlberg registered internal net
migration gains. A forming of an eastern region
(Vienna, Lower Austria, Burgenland), a central-
southern region (Upper Austria, Styria, Carinthia)
159
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160
and a western region (Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarl=
berg) shows clearly that the : central-southern region
which is the main emigration region, suffered a
considerable migration deficit against the west
and the east, while the eastern region lost
only approximately thousand persons to the
western region.
Net Migration 1966-1971
Between Regions Mentioned in the

Lateral Text and Regions Mentioned
in the Table Heading
East Centre- West Total

South
East (Vienna,Lower.
Austria,- Burgen= - +4.967 -9^3 +4.024
land)
Centre-South
(Upper Austria, -4.967 - -9".073' -14.040
Styria, Carinthia)
West (Salzburg,
Tyrol, Vorarl= +943 +9-073 - +10.016
berg)
An internal net migration directed from the east to the

west occurs primarily.from Styria, Carinthia
and Upper Austria to Salzburg, Tyrol and Vor=
arlberg, while in the east, Vienna represents a
se.cond area of attraction vis a vis Lower
Austria, Burgenlana, btyria, Carinthia ana upper Austria.
Instead of a general east-west migration, a
strong central-west as well as a central-east
161
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162
migration can be registered^ of which the
latter is directed towards Vienna.
Between 1966 and 1971, the interprovinclal

migration volume amounted to 170.000 and thus
2,5 per cent of the population 5 years ol.d and
over. The volume of migrants between Austrian
communities which is the relatively best
measure of spatial mobility according to the
outlined data situation, lies at 7,6 per cent.
2. POPULATION DEVELOPMENT IN URBAN AND

RURAL AREAS
According to the complex meaning of "urban",

the distinction between urban and rural areas
is a difficult problem. Due to the lack of
a straightforward and empirically operational
concept, such a definition will always appear
to be blurred and in certain instances will
remain arbitrary. In the following paragraphs,
this classification will be used according to
the characteristics of community size and the
concept of urban regions.
2.1. Population and Population Development according

to Size Classes of Communities
The characteristic of community size (number

of inhabitants in a community) is mainly
chosen for its simplicity and easy avail=
ability of data as an indicator for the urban-
rural dimension; due to the strong correlation
between the size of a community and other in=
163
dicators of urbanization (e.g. proportion of
farm population, central functions- etc.), it
represents a relatively -good measure. Its
limitations will be dealt with in 2.2.
The distinction between urban and rural, areas

can be made by a dichotomization of this var=
iable. A frequently employed limit of 5.000
inhabitants is used in the following para=
graphs. According- to this criterion, half of
all Austrians lived in rural areas in 1971
(under 5-000 inhabitants), a fifth lived in
small and medium-sized urban areas (5.000 to
100.000 inhabitants) and a third lived in large
towns ( over 100.000 inhabitants).
Table 50
Communities and Population by Size Class of Community, 1971
Size class of community Communities Population

(number of i n h a b i t a n t s
according t o
the 1971 census! Cumulative
Number Per cent Number Per cent
per cent
Up to 1.000 938 35 521.689 7 • 7
1.001 - 2.000 991» 37 1,Mit.665 19 26

2.001 - 3.000 382 ill 917.913 12 • 38
3.001 - 5.000 19!» 7 735.571 10 hB

5.001 - 10.000 91 3 597.867 8 56
10.001 - 20.000 37 1 U57.!i53 6 62
20.001 - 100.000 15 1 500.988 7 69
100.001 - 250.000 h 0 695.U\6 9 78
More than 1 million (Vienna) 1 0 1,61 IJ -SU 1 22 100
Total 2.656 100 7,^56.k03 100 -
The process of urbanization appeared in Austria

predominantly during the period of the monarchy.
Between 1869 and 1910, the growth rate of those
communities which were classified as urban, was
164
substantially higher than those of rural areas.
This situation has changed since World War I:
the urban growth considerably resembled the
lower growth of rural areas between 1910 and
193^. The unfavourable development in Vienna
is not the only reason for this; all other
cities also increased at a slower rate. With
certain exceptions, this trend continued
during the period 1934 to 1951, whereby the
strong population decline of Vienna com=
pensated for the quite favourable development of the re=
maining urban areas to a great extent, so that
the rural areas were able to secure a somewhat
larger growth than urban areas. If one con=
siders the expulsion and extinction of Viennese
Jews as a demographic irregularity, this would
result in the fact that urban areas had again
expanded more than rural areas. Between 1951 and
1961, there was a further, somewhat more
significant pull towards urbanization. However,
this did not reappear in the census decade
1961 to 1971, where'it even seemed to be
approaching a reverse trend: the rural com=
munties now grew more strongly with a growth
rate of 7 per cent as against 4 per cent of
urban communities. The main reason for this
development was, apart from the renewed pop=
ulation decline of Vienna, the development of
communities with under 2.000 inhabitants which
had been most favourable for a long time.
Paragraph 2.2. will demonstrate that this de=
velopment was not a real process of "de-urban=
ization".
A more detailed consideration of Table 51 shows

•the following: in the fifties the small towns (5.000 to
165
20.000 inhabitants) showed the strongest growth
and were followed by the medium-sized and large
cities (20.000 to 250.000 inhabitants), excluding Vienna.
Vienna's growth lay below the average, as did all
communities of under 2.000 inhabitants which
in fact suffered from a population decline. This
population development was the result of an
increasing net migration and a decreasing excess
of births with growing size classes of com=
munities.
Table 51
Per Cent Change of the Population by Size Class of Community,
1951-1961-1971
1951 - 1961 1) 1961 - 1971 2)

Community size class
Total Natural Net Total Natural Net
.change increase migration change increase migration
Up to 2.000 - 0,8 9 ,3 - 10,1 6,1 10,1 - 3,9

2.001 3.000 2,1 8,7 - 6,6 6,0 8,9 - 2,8
3.001 5.000 I..8 7 ,5 - 2,7 10,2 8,5 ',7
5.001 - 20.000 6,6 5,0 1,6 8,5 6,3 2,1
20.001 - 250.000 6,0 1,7 U,3 7,It 2,9 >-,5
More than 1 million (Vienna) 0,7 - 6 ,h 7 ,1 - 0,8 - It ,7 3,9
Belov 5 .000 0,6 8,9 - 8,h 6,9 9,5 - 2,6
Above 5 .000 3,6 - 1,5 5,1 h 0,1» 3,6
Total 2,0 .3,9 - 1,9
'° It,8 0,6
5,''
1) Territorial borders of 196i; size clans according to the number of inhabitants

in 1951.
2) Territorial borders of 1971» size class according to the number of inhabitants
in 1961.
These correlations between the growth com-

ponents and the community size also occurred
in the census decade 1961 to 1971, although
not to the same extent: the differences in the, net
migration between size classes of communities
were relatively smaller than in the previous
decade. In comparison to- that, the continuing
differences in the natural increase were only
166
negligibly weaker. Together with the increased
overall natural growth in Austria, (which also
occurred in all size classes of communities)
and the more favourable external net migration, a
particularly strong influence of the natural
increase on the population development
occurred in this decade: all size classes of
communities registered population increases of
between 6 and 10 per cent, with the exception
of the approximate 1 percent shrinkage of
Vienna. In this decade, the strongest growth
was shown by the larger rural communities
(3.000 to 5.000 inhabitants), followed by the
small, medium-sized and large cities, excluding
Vienna.
A comparison of differences in the population .

development between size classes of communities
and regions (provinces) shows a remarkably
stronger influence of the latter in the last
census decade. While the differences between
size classes of communities registered for
the whole of Austria do not reappear in indi=
vidual provinces, the regional differences in
the population development are existing within
most of the size classes of communities. Thus,
the regional differences in population
development cannot be explained by the differ=
ent composition of provinces according to size
classes of communities, while the different
growth rates of size classes can to a great
extent be traced back to regional differences.
167
2.2. Population and Population Development according
to Urban Regions
Official definition criteria of urban regions

(Stadtregionen) are lacking in the statistics
of Austria. In order to adequately register
the urban growth, which since long has exceeded
administrative city borders, different clas=
sifications have been implemented in this regard.
According to the modified BOUSTEDT method of
KLEIN (1971, b ) , communities surrounding a
central city were classified as being part of
the urban region if commuting to the central
city exceeds a certain threshold value (the
proportion of agricultural population was also
taken into account).
Per Cent Change of Population Inside and Outside of

Urban Regions (KLEIN), 1951-1961-1971
1951- 1961 1961 - 1971

Central ci tiej 2.6 2,0
Complementary regions 10,8 16,0
Urbanized zones 9,9 16,0
Peripheral zones 3,0 15,3
Total of urban regions 3,5 h,9
Rest of Austria 0,8 5,8
l) The data for 1961-1971 are based on the preliminary results of the 1971 census; therefore
they deviate from the changes calculated from the final resulte: for instance, the central
cities grew in fact by 2,k per cent instead of 2,0 per cent.
Table 52 shows the population development for

the urban regions cf medium-sized and large
cities since 1951. In the fifties, the pop=
ulation of urban regions increased more
strongly than those of the remaining areas,
whereas in the sixties a reverse trend seemed
to have come into effect. However, this result
is dependent on the definitions of urban regions,
168
as it is confirmed by a different agglomeration
concept (GISSER, see below) for the fifties but
not for the sixties. The reason for this is
partially that the latter concept includes the
strong growth of the medium-sized towns Dornbirn
and Feldkirch (Vorarlberg) between 1961 and 1971,
whereas these towns were not included in the
urban regions which were drawn up by KLEIN.
Further differences are caused by the usage of
the preliminary results of the 1971 census by
KLEIN, while the data of GISSER are based on
the final results of this census.
Table 53
Components of Population Change by Type of Location (GISSER)
and Size Class of Community, 1961-1971
Per cent change of population

Type of location, community size class
( t e r r i t o r i a l borders of 1971, number of
inhabitants ace. to ¡961) Total Natural Net
Change increase migration
Austria li,8 0,6

Agglomerations 6,0 . 1,3 !',7
Central c i t i e s 2,7 1.5 il,2
Suburban communities 1Í4 ,0 8,1 5,9
3elow 5.000 inhabitants lt,1 8,8 5,3
Below 2.000 12,6 8,9 3,6
2.001 - 3.000 " 13,0 8,li k,6
3.001 - 5.000 " 18,3 8,7 9,5
More than 5.000 " 13,8 6,1< T.k
Other communities >-,7 8,9 - '',2
Eelov 5.000 inhabitants 9,T - 1,9
Belov 2.000 " > i , it 10,1* - 6,0
2.001 - 3.000 " li,0 9,0 - 5,0
3.001 - 5-000 6,9 8,'i - ',5
5.001 -20.000 " t,6 5,3 - 0,7
Development "differences within, urban regions

which can be interpreted as accelerated
suburbanization are more interesting: the central
cities had the weakest growth both in the period 1951 to
I96I and 1961 to 1971; in the fifties the complementary
regions which were closest to the central city
showed the strongest population growth, while
the peripheral zones showed only a relatively
negligible one. In .the following decade, this
169
trend changed and the growth shifted further
outwards: urbanized zones showed the highest
(relative) population increase; the peripheral
and complementary zones increased almost just
as strongly, while the growth of central c i t i e s
remained comparatively negligible and even
slowed. The farther the distance of the zone
to the central city the higher was the acceler=
at i on in growth between the fifties and the sixties.
The above mentioned agglomeration concept from GISSER

(1972: 171) will be used in the following analysis of the
population development according to its components of nat=
ural increase and net migration. This concept is not so
much determined by certain threshold values of functional
interaction c r i t e r i a (e.g» commuting), than by
the spatial proximity of communities to the
central c i t y . This is because "the agglomeration
advantages of the industrial and service centres
are strongly evident within these- areas".
The above established slight slackening of growth

of central c i t i e s is due to the decline in the
migration gains of central cities in favour of the
suburban areas, v/hich nevertheless could
not be completely compensated by the improve= •
ment of the s t i l l negative birth balance. The
migration gains of urban agglomerations have
as a typical feature of suburbanization shifted to
suburban areas. These, suburban communities which still
showed a negligible migration deficit in 1951
to 1961, even caused an increase in the mi=
gration gains of the t o t a l agglomerations in
the sixties in comparison to the previous
decade. In order to explain the strong in=
crease of growth in suburban areas, one must
170
also refer to the development of the natural
increase: this had also improved in the sub=
urban areas, and more strongly than in the
central cities and the areas lying outside
the agglomerations (the birth wave of the
sixties resulted in almost no improvement in
the birth balance of the latter). This phe=
nornenon could be traced back to shifts in the
age structure of the population in immigration
areas, in favour of women in reproductive years
and the resulting high birth rate.
Communities which are situated outside of

urban agglomerations can be defined as rural,
whereby one must remember that this also in=
eludes small towns of up to 14.000 inhabitants
("country towns"). .Despite having the highest
excesses of births over deaths, the population
of these areas stagnated in the fifties due
to large migration losses. In the sixties it
experienced a considerable growth as. there
was only half the amount of migration losses
and a constancy of excesses of births. Al=
though this increase lay below the agglomer=
ation growth, the growth differences had di=
minished. This means that the urbanization
process continues but had weakened due to an
acceleration of suburbanization The first half
of the sentence is now in contradiction to the
above registered growth lead of "rural" com-
munities (under 5-000 inhabitants) over "urban"
communities (over 5-000 inhabitants) on the
basis of size classes of communities for 1961
to 1971. This discrepancy does not result as
one might expect, namely, that at one time
most of the small towns (5.000 to 20.000 in=
171
habitants) were included among urban and then
among rural communties, as these grew outside
of agglomerations corresponding to the average
of ''rural" areas and within agglomerations
corresponding to the average of suburban areas.
The contradiction can be rather explained by
the fact that the growth of smaller communities
(under 5-000 inhabitants) in.suburban areas was
very high (14 per cent), especially that of
communities with 3.000 to 5-000 inhabitants,
while communities of the same size classes who
were outside of agglomerations showed a com-
paratively negligible growth (5 per cent). It
was merely from a lack of distinction between
these two hetergeneous groups as "size class
with under 5.000 inhabitants" that a relatively
larger growth of the l a t t e r ' v i s a vis com=
munities with over 5-000 inhabitants resulted,
which under no circumstances can be interpreted
as a higher growth of rural areas against
urbanized areas, as i t is in fact the opposite.
The type of location must also be taken into
account in Ehe analysis of net migration of
communities by size classes : only the suburban communities
registered net migration gains (in all size classes),
whereas the communities outside the agglomerations
suffered migration losses in all size classes (including
5.OOO to 2U.000 inhabitants) ; without this differentiation,
the size classes above 3-000 inhabitants showed a
positive net migration .
1) Besides that, i t is also noted that natural increase

of outlying areas is higher in communities of up to
3-000 inhabitants and lower in those of over 3.000 than in
the respective size classes of suburban areas, but is
in total relatively less differentiated by the type of
location.
172
3. POPULATION DENSITY
Austria's population density, having 89 inhab=

itants per square kilometre and 230 per square
mile respectively (1971), is somewhat below
the European mean (without the Soviet Union:
95). However, in comparison to adjacent
countries, Austria is rather sparsley populated:
the Federal Republic of Germany has 247 inhab=
itants per square kilometre,•Italy l80, Switzer=
land 15h, Czechoslovakia 113 and Hungary 111.
Only Yugoslavia is somewhat more thinly settled.
Although this partially corresponds to the
Alpine character of Austria's territory, the
fact of a relatively sparse settlement remains ex=
ist ing in comparison to Switzerland which has
a somewhat similar mountainous character, and
the Federal Republic of Germany whose density
related to the total area is still larger than
the Austrian density established on the basis
of arable land: if Austria's population is
related to agricultural, built-up and traffic
areas ("permanent settlement areas"), excluding
Alpine meadows, woods, waste lands and larger
water areas, there would be a density of 2lM
'inhabitants per square kilometre.
Relating to the total area, Vorarlberg and

Upper Austria are by far the most densely pop=
ulated provinces if Vienna is excluded (Table
5*0- However, if Vienna and Lower Austria were
taken as a whole regional area, this region
would have the highest density. Tyrol, followed
by Carinthia and Salzburg has the lowest
population density. However, the relation of
173
the population to the "permanent settlement
area" leads to a completely different result:
Tyrol, whose arable land only amounts to 15
per cent of the total area, now appears to be
density settled; it is only surpassed by
Vorarlberg which shows the highest population
densrty persqare kilometre of arable land by
far. The region Vienna-Lower Austria ranks
third followed by Salzburg. Thus, these results
on the basis of arable land, show a relatively
high population density in Alpine valleys in
the western provinces Tyrol, Vorarlberg and
Salzburg.
Table 51
Population Density by Provinces, 1971
Population
Province
Per km 2 Per km 2 .
of total area of arable land '
Vienna 3.897 5.U8U

Lower Austria TU '55 119 2 8
Burgenland 69 102
Styria 73 207
Carinthia 55 181)
Upper Austria 102 ITU
Salzburg 56 2U2
Tyrol U3 286
Vorarlberg 10U 355
Austria 89 21U
1) Agricultural, built-up and traffic areas ("permarsnt settlement areas"),

excluding Alpine meadovs, woods, waste lands and larger water areas.
174
CHAPTER V
THE LABOUR FORCE
1. PARTICIPATION IN ECONOMIC LIFE
1.1. Livelihood, General Activity Rate
3,1 million people were counted as economically

active in the ,1971 census, which is 42 per cent
of the total population. As against 1961, this
signified a strong decline in the activity rate
which at that time amounted to 47,6 per cent.
This" retrogressive trend has been observed for
a long time although never to such an extent.
In 1934, the activity rate was almost exactly
50 per cent; at the turn of the century it was
52,4 per cent (Table 55). This trend~can be
further retraced for the Austrian half of the
monarchy (inclusive of Bohemia, Moravia,
Galicia, Dalmatia etc.): here, the activity
rate decreased from 56,3 per cent to 52,3 per
cent between 1869 and 1910 (MÖLLER, 1974: 68).
The fact that this trend has continued since 1971
is shown by the further decline of the employ=
ment percentage to approximately 40 per cent
in 1975 (microcensus result, see Table 56).
These developments can be traced back in the

first place to the reduction of retirement age,
175
Table 55
Percentage Distribution of the Population of Austria
by Source of Livelihood, 1900-1971
Census Economically Pensioners

Dependents Total
year active persons ect. 2)
1900 52,14 T,0 1(0,6 100,0

1910 52,2 8,2 39,6 100,0
3) 10 ,2 39,7 M 100,0
1931» 50,1
195' UB.3 12 ,3 39,"* 100,0
1961 1<7,6 16,1 36,3 100,0
1971 1)2,0 3) 18,li 39,6 100,0
1) Present territorial borders.

2) Persons, whose source of livelihood Í B pensions of all types, benefits and
assistance other than pensions or income from property or other investments.
Persons vith unknown source of livelihood are included in this category.
3) Including those wives of farmers who designated themselves as housewives (home-
makers); therefore, the 1931) as well as the 1971 figures of this table deviate
from the published census results (for the purpose of comparability with the
other censuses).
!() Excluding persons mentioned in footnote 3.
the prolongation of education, and the decline

of agriculture which has a high female activity
rate scarcely inferior to that of the male. A
significant role can also be played by demog=
raphical. changes, which was certainly the case
between 1961 and 1971- As was demonstrated in the
section on age structure (Chapter III. 2 ) , the
proportion of the population of working age
(between 15 and 60 years) fell from 59 per cent to 55 per
cent in this period, which was almost to the same
extent the' result of the increase in both the
proportion of children (birth wave) and the
proportion of aged persons. This-alone implied
a considerable decline of the activity rate
(from 47,6 per cent to 45,1! per cent calculated
by direct standardization for age and sex; this
means that somewhat four tenths of the decline
in the activity rate was due to changes in age
and s'ex structure and somewhat six tenths was
due to a genuine change in the labour par=
176
ticipation). A more retrospective comparsion
shows that in 1934 the age structure was the
most favourable for a high activity rate,
while at the time of the monarchy, the high
percentage of children more than compensated
for the low percentage of old people, and
thus the proportion of the population of work=
ing age was below the result of 1934 but was
at the same time higher than in .1961 and 1971,
The decline of the activity rate corresponded

to a steady increase of pensioners, while the
proportion of dependents was the same in 1971
Table 5D
Labour Force Participation Rates, 1934-1975 1)
Economically active (employed and unemployed persons
ïear Per cent of total Per cent of population 1'i to

Uuiaber population less than 70 years old
Total Male Female Total Hale Female
I93lt-' 3,389.872 50,1 61t,7 36,7 68 ,lt 89 , 1 l l O ,6

1951 " 3,3li7.115 1*8,3- 63,7 35,0 67 , 1 90 , 2 1*7 ,8
1961 , 3,369.815 !t7,6 61,0 36,0 66 ,7 86 , 0 50 , 1
1971 ' 3,132.35'* !i2,0 5*»,2 31,2 61 ,6 19 ,3 1*5 ,8
1975 2,995.00J 39,8 52,It 20,8 58 , i i 76 ,3 It2 ,5
Economically active {employed and unemployed) persons aged . . . to less

than . . . y e a r s , as a percentage of the t o t a l population oí" the same age ant
ïear sex
3)
,1,-18 18-30 30-50 50-60 60-65 65-70 70 u.m.
195t 72.» 89,1 911 , 1 97,1 83,1t 69 ,9 1*3,6 23,0

1961 66,1t 81t,9 91 ,3 97,1* 90,5 66 ,0 23,2 9,8
1971 56,0 82,1* 89 ,2 97,5 87,8 lili ,9 12,7 >*,5
1975 7"t,7 97,7 88,6 37 ,0 9,1* 2,6
Female
1951 60, It 6*4,3 65 ,1) 1*5,1* 39,8 25 ,9 '9,1 9,6
19ël
2) 59,7 68,0 70 ,8 53,6 1*3,8 19 ,8 11,3 li,6
1971 50,1 62,2 61*,5 514,2 1*3,1 11*, 1 5,9 2,1
1975 55,0 52,6 It It,5 10 ,8 ' 2,9 1,0
1) 193!t, I95I, I96I, 1971: Census r e s u l t s ; 1975: r e s u l t of microcensus, average of

the y e a r .
2) 'Sec footnote 3 in Table 55.
3) 1971, 1975: 15 - 18 ana 15 - 30, r e s p e c t i v e l y .
177
as in 19IO (Table 55). It was only in the
census of 1961 that the proportion of depend=
.ents reached a substantially lower figure
due to the.low proportion of children, the
fact that the educational boom only occurred
some years after, and»the low proportion of
housewives (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1975 b: 13).
1.2. Age and Sex Spécifie Labour Force

Participation
The decline of employment in the border proups

of working age.is demonstrated by the age-
specific labour force participation rates
(Tables 56, 5 7 ) . The changes in retirement age
are considerable: in 1951, ^ per cent of men
65 to less than 70 years of age were economically
active; twenty five years later this rate was
merely 9 per cent. This percentage decreased
from 19 per cent to 3 per cent for women. In
the period between 1961 and 1971, the reduc=
tion of pensionable age (for men: 60 years, for
women: 55 years) seems to have effected the
male labour force participation much more
strongly than the female: the respective rate
decreased from 66 per cent to 45 per cent, i.e.
by 21 percentage points, for males in the age
group 60 to less than 65, whereas it only,
decreased from 40 per cent to 37 per cent,, i.e.
by 3 percentage points, for females in the age
group 55 to less than 60.
In the prime employment ages (30 to 50),

approximately 98 per cent of all males are
ecomomically active. This percentage has re=
mained almost constant since 1951. Only half of the
178
I I I I I 1
- [- Ql C O ÍTi Of
- c \ OJ — a i CJ ~ «3 — %
" -
1 1 1 + + 1 1 11 1 + 1 1 +• 1
O . O . O . O . O . O . . , - -^ Ci-
' " • '
[—CO -3-
co co co c
( O - T Cl
1 1 1 + + T 1 17 r i 7 l 1 + + 1 [ 1
T cO *O CO OJ t~ O O l i / ^ O ^ M n i QCi.r.T (j\¡- --J ce

^ c— u1! CD fJ '.3 Lí^ -T . - j _•: . T -T ( ï - i l •- t; u •
o7 o , r <;, o
N O • - Ci tO O C
3 O 1A" C^ *~ OJ \O -"^" OJ -.' O O i^ O O ci
C.— O •% -j '—
rn _^r tO co OA ' ^ fOOO—íl*-^í

_. — _T O r-^£> OJ a
C-tO C?iC\cr\cOajcO r
0 0
c ^ - ^ - ~* " ~" h r-i •• ri ñ" s a a

179
women in these ages join the labour force: in
1951, the percentage amounted to 45 and in-
both 1961 and 1971 to 54. Thus, we can see here
that female employment is more variable than
male and this is on the one hand due to deter=
minants of supply such as fertility, marital
status, education etc., and on the other hand
to the greater sensibility and dependency with
regard to the demand of the labour market.
However, in comparison to the male, female

employment has spread more extensively in
younger ages than in the above mentioned: in
1971 as well as 1961, 19 year old women had
the highest labour force participation rate
among females of all age years (1971: 75 per
cent; in 1961 this was even 83 per cent). For
the age years following 19, the 1971 data show
a decline of the participation rate which
reaches a minimum of 50 per cent for 32 to 36 year
old women and then increases slightly; from the
age of 52 upwards it is again below the level
of 50 per cent. LADSTÄTTER (1974) warns against
a life cycle interpretation of this second
peak of employment, in the sense of.a re-entry
of married women after completing the role of
mother. He rather presumes that due to circum=
stances during and after the Second World War,
a majority of the generation bom. in the twen=
ties of this century were forced to work and
never gave it up afterwards (cohort or gener=
ation effect). The microcensus results of 1975
also indicate this supposition, as the differ=
enees in the participation rate between the age
groups 30 to less than 40 and '40 to less than
50 have nearly disappeared. In 1961, the par=
180
ticipation rate of women 40 to less than 50 years
of age was still lower than that of women aged
30 to less than 40; this means that following
the 19th year of age,by and large the labour
force participation decreased with advancing
years.
Corresponding to the gross reproduction rate

in the field of fertility, an average length
of working life can be derived from the age-
specific labour force participation rates.
Calculated as the sum of these rates, the aver=
age length of 44,1 years for men in 1971 could
be interpreted as the total number of eccnom=
ically active years of a man subject to the
1971 age-specific participation rates through^
out his life if he does not die before reaching
old age.Nevertheless, as mortality is not con-
sidered, this measure suffers from a serious '
disadvantage. Therefore,-it should not so much
be understood as the above mentioned measure
for a hypothetical cohort but rather as an age-
standardized index of labour force participation.
Index of Labour Force Participation (average

length of working life, in years)
196I 1971 Change- Change
Men 47,8 44,1 -3,6% -7 ,6%

V/omen 27,9 25,7 -2,2% -7,9%
Between I961 and 1971, the relative decline of

this index was almost parallel for both sexes
and amounted to 8 per cent. When it is con=
sidered as the average1 length of working life,
181
it reveals a reduction between the last two
censuses of 3,6 years to approximately 44
years for men, and 2,2 years to approximately
26 years for women.
1.3. Labour Force Participation by Marital Status

and the Number of Children
Considerable differences in the labour force

participation of women result from a differ=
entiation accordingto marital status. While in
1971 as well as in 1961, almost 90 per cent of
single and divorced women aged 25 to less than
45 were employed, less than 50 per cent were
recorded for married and widowed women of the
same age (Table 57).
The labour force participation of single and

divorced women is not differentiated according
to age in the same way as for the total female
population. This participation shows more of a
reverse pattern for single women due to the
large number of young single women who receive
education, so that younger women show lower
activity rates than midd.le-aged women. Hardly
any difference appeared in the participation
rates of divorced women between these age cate=
gories. If one considers married women with
children under 15 years of age separately, an
activity rate of approximately 40 per cent
arose for all age groups under 55 years, in 1971,
and there were only negligible differences in
the rates between these age groups.
182
A comparison of labour force participation
rates according to marital status between 1961
and I97I yields the following significant re=
suit: despite the birth wave of the sixties
and the resulting increased number of mothers,
the economic activity of married women of working age
slightly increased. This was due to a rise in
the number of working women who were 4p to 55
years old. The participation of younger
married women changed only ' slightly,- whereas
for the over 55 year olds it decreased cor=
responding to the general trend. If one takes
the existence or non-existence of children into
account, then the economic activity of women
with children under 15 years (1971) and 14 •
years (1961) respectively, is shown as being-
more or less unchanged; in the age groups
under 45 years, the participation rate declined
slightly; in the age group of 4.5 to 60 however,
a significant increase occurred which is
similar to that of the total of married women.
The only population which showed a marked up=.
ward trend were the divorced women. Between
1961 and 1971, they increased their activity
rate in all age groups of working age.
A comparison of the femaie labour force par=

ticipation according to the number of children
yields extremely strong differences between 1961
and 1971 : in the'age groups of 25 to less than
45 years which are not to.uched by prolongation
of education and reduction in retirement age,
childless women (no child under the age of 14
and 15j respectively, living in the household)
showed a much more frequent economic activity
in 1971 than in 196I; women with only one child
183
followed the same trend but to a comparatively
mitigated degree. On the other hand, the labour
force participation of women with two children,
and especially those with more than two, decreased. Thus,
there was an inverse correlation between the
number of children and the increase intensity of
the participation rate (Table 5 8 ) .
Table 58
Labour Force Participation Rates of Married Women by
Selected Age Croups, and the Number of Children 1 '
Under 15(11) Years Old, 1961 and 1971 (Per Cent)
Age oí* vornan

Number of c h i l d r e n
under lit (1961) and 25 t o l e s s than 30 30 t o l e s s than 35 35 to less than I>1
under 15 (1971) y e a r s o l d
1961 1971 1961 I 1971 1961 1971
0 68 85 6h 80 53 61.
1 1(9 55 1.6 55 1.5 1.7
2 39 31J 37 37 39 1.0
3 and more 33 31 1>5 36 '.7 1.1
Total hi )<8 1.7 U6 hi 1.8
1) Census definition of children: own, s t e p - , and adopted never-married children,

who are l i v i n g in the some household as t h e i r p a r e n t s .
Labour Force Participation by Educational

Attainment
Within the l i f e cycle, the d i f f e r e n t i a l phases

of economic a c t i v i t y between social classes
are reflected by the age and education-
specific a c t i v i t y rates of 1971 in Table 59.
Activity r a t e s of more than 90 per cent re=
present the prime phase of male employment
which l i e s between the ages of 15 and 50 years
for those who have only attained compulsory (primary)
education. The corresponding rates for male university
graduates are to be found between the ages of 25 and 60
years. Men who have merely received compulsory education
are at the age of 65 and over only to an amount
184
of 7 per cent still economically active, whereas
still 28 per cent of male university graduates
are working at the same age.
Table 59
Labour Force Participation Rates by Educational
Attainment, Age, and Sex, 1971
Selected age Most advanced educational level

groups (from
.. .to less
than...years)
Primary Apprentice- Intermediate High
University Total
school ship school school
Male
25-30 96,8 99,1« 99,0 68,6 91,6 9l*,6
35 - to 97,6 99,3 99,5 95,6 98,5 98,3
1*5 - 50 93,6 97,1* 97,8 98,1 99,0 95,8
55 - 60 •78,1. 86,a 91,2 93,3 96,7 83,7
60 - 65 39,7 I12.5 58,6 69,2 ail, 2 1*1*,9
65 and more 6,5 6,7 11,2 12,3 28,3 8,0
Female
25-30 50,0 59,1 66,2 63,1 77,0 56,2

35 - to 1*8,6 5"*,1 59,8 59,3 67,6 50,9
1*5 - 50 50,2 60,6 63,2 63,1) T5.0 53,7
55 - 60 32,6 1*3,7 1.7,8 52,9 67,2 35,8
60 - 65 11,7 H*,3 21,8 30,1 1)5,9 13,2
65 and more 2,7 >*,5 7,1) 7,1 16,5 3,2
Moreover, there are further differences in the

general labour force participation of women.
Table 59 clearly shows a rank order of economic
activity which in all considered age groups
generally points to the fact that the higher the
education, the higher the labour force par= •
ticipation. Only for the relatively similar
working rates of women with intermediate and
high school education can no definite rank
order regarding a higher labour force par=
ticipation of the latter be established.
185
2. STRUCTURE OF ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION
2.1. Economically Active Persons by Occupational

Status
According .to the Austrian data situation, the

division of the labour force into employers,
white collar workers and blue collar workers
is the most important indicator of a person's
social class. The comparison between 1934 and
1971 shows significant changes in the social
structure. The increase in the proportion of
white collar workers and the decrease in the
proportion of blue collar workers and of em=
ployers and self-employed persons (inclusive of
of unpaid family workers) take precedence in
this'comparison. In 1971, the numerically
strongest social class was still represented
by the blue collar workers followed by the
white collar workers; in 1961, the employers
and self-employed persons inclusive of unpaid
family workers were still the second strongest
group (Table 60).
The marked decline in the proportion of 'blue

collar workers from almost half of the total
labour force (49 per cent) in 1934 to 43 per
cent in 1971 took.place first and foremost
between 1934 and 1951 (1951: 44 per cent), and
was mainly due to the decline of agricultural
workers during this period. HELCZMANOVSZKI
(1973: 158) established that in agriculture
and forestry in 1923 there was an average of
one agricultural labourer per two employers,
self-employed or unpaid family workers, whereas
186
Table 6O
Labour Force by Occupational Status, 1934 - 1971
Employer, self-employed, npaid

Blue White collar family worker
Total
collar worker, c i v i l labour force
worker servant Employer, Unpaid
Eelf-employed family worker
Thousand
Total
19311 1.670 1.72 1.21.9 ' 1
650 599° 3.390
1951 1.I.89 677 1.181 588 593 3.3I.7
1961 1.1.80 907 983., 533 I150 , 3.370 .
1971 1.31.2 1.100 o9l" I>2B 263" 3.132"
Malo
19311 1.100 306 69I1 505 189 2.101

1951 1.002 1,1.2 6oi< U38 166 2.0li8
1961 981 539 li 69 382 107 2.010
1971 903 635 361 305 56 I.898
Female
1931. 570 165 555" IU5 Itio" 1.289
1951 I488 23k 637 150 l»87 I.299
1961 500 367 1.93,, 151 31.2 . I.36O .
19T1 Il39 hdk 330 | J 123 207 " 1.231.'>
I'er cent
Total
1931. U9 1U ?.'( 19 IB 100
1951 Ilk 20 35 1» 18 100
1961 lili 27 <•') Ifi 13 100
1971 1.3 35 22 11» 8 100
Malt.'
1931. 52 15 33 2 It 9 100
1951 1.8 22 29 21 8 100
1961 1.9 27 21. 19 5 100
1971 U8 33 19 16 3 100
Female
193". lili 13 1.3 11 32 . 100
1951 38 18 U9 12 37 100
1961 37 27 36 11 25 100
1971 36 38 27 10 17 100
1) Gee footnote 3 in table 55.

nowadays almost all of the agricultural em=

ployees have disappeared. The significant
reduction in the number of employers, self-
employed and unpaid family workers was con =
siderably stronger for the latter than the
former: between 193^ and 1971, the employers
and self-employed persons decreased from 19
per cent to lH per cent and the unpaid family
workers from 18 per cent to 8 per cent. The pro=
portion of white collar workers (inclusive of
civil servants) increased from 14 per cent in
5 by approximately 6 to 8 percentage points
187
per intercensal period, to more than a third
(35 per cent) in 1971: In 1971, there were already more
white collar workers and civil servants than
blue collar workers among the female labour '
force.
2.2. Economically Active Persons by Industry
Between 1934 and 1971, the share of persons who

are economically active in agriculture decreased
further in continuation of the secular trend.
In 193*1 that proportion amounted to 36 per cent
as against only 15 per cent in 1971. This drop
chiefly took place after 1951'j while between
193^ and 1951 it remained comparatively negligi=
ble. The strongest growth during this period
was recorded by the industrial sector (energy,
mining, manufacturing, construction) which
showed an increase from 31 per cent (193*0 to
37 per cent (1951) and to 41 per cent in the
following census and a stagnation between 1961
and 1971. As' against this, the service sector stagnated
Table 6l
Percentage Distribution of the Labour Force by Industry, 1934-1971
193- 1 ) 1951 1961 19T1 ' '
Agriculture, forestry 36,1 32,3 22,8 H,7

Manufacturing 31,1 37,1 1(1,0 1*1.1»
Services 30,0 29,It 35,1 1(1,9
Not stated 2,8 1>2 1.1 ' 1,9
Total 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0
1) See footnote 3 i n table 55-

2) Energy, mining, manufacturing, construction.

188
at a level of approximately 30 per cent between
193^ and 1951, and following that it climbed
substantially to 42 per cent in 1971. Thus, at
present there are as many economically active
persons employed in the service sector as in the
industry sector (Table 61).
189
CHAPTER VI
POPULATION PROJECTION
1. GENERAL REMARKS
The Austrian Central Statistical Office has

made population projections in the years 1953,
1959, 1964, 1967 and,most recently, 1974. The
projection from 1974 presented in this paper
covers the period from 1971 to 2001.
At first we would like to point out that this pro=

jection is not supposed to be a prediction in
the sense that it attempts to predict a probable
future state. Its aim is a much more modest one
namely, to show the numerical consequences of a
few simple assumptions about fertility, mortality
and migration. Even though the assumptions made
do have a certain plausibility, they are somehow
still arbitrary and some details cannot always
be based on indisputable reasons. This was
taken into account insofar as we have used
three variations of the fertility rates which
certainly are the most crucial factors of the
future development of the population.
Thus, the projection will coincide with the real

development only as far as the hypothetical
assumptios will materialize in reality.
The forecast should be relatively accurate for

those age groups which have been already born
190
when the projection was prepared., as these co =
horts will be only influenced by the mortality
rates which can be estimated fairly well. How=
•ever, one has to take into account that the pro =
jection is limited to the natural development
of the population. Due to the missing migration
factor one should not judge its accuracy by
comparing it with the real future state of the
population.
2. MODEL OF THE NATURAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT

1971 - 2001
2.1. Date of projection preparation: April 197^
2.2. Base population:

The base of the model is the structure of
the population at the 1.1.1971* which has
been calculated from' the census of 12.5.1971
by using the vital statistics;
2.3- Period covered by the projection: 1.1.1971

to 1.1.2001 (30 years).
2.¡i. Projected variables:

The variables forecasted are the annual
numbers of births and deaths as well as
the age composition by single age years
and sex, the latter being presented for
the beginning of each calendar year of
the period projected.
2.5. Method:
The projections made by the Austrian
Central Statistical Office utilize the
simple method of components as described
191
below: the number of persons of a certain
year of age at the beginning of a calendar
year multiplied by this age's probability
of death gives the number of persons who
have died at this year of age during the
respective calendar year. The difference
of the two figures gives the number of
people of the following year of age at the
end of the calendar year. The sum of the
products of the age-specific fertility
rates (single years, smoothed values, wo =
men between 15 and 44 years) and the
average numbers of the female population
of the respective single age years during
a calendar year in question gives the
number of births of that calendar year.
This product is further subdivided by sex
according to a certain sex ratio. The
probabilities of deaths, age-specific fer=
tility rates" and the sex ratio of newly
borns are fixed by the assumptions of the
model.
2.6. Assumptions of the model
1) No migration, or net migration equal to

zero for all categories of the variables
forecasted. This assumption follows from
the model's limitation to the projection of
the. natural population movement. This also
implies that the foreigners included in the
base population (approx. 176.OOO) remain
inside the country and are subject to the
same process of aging as the rest of the
population. The omission of forecasting the
future migration is partly due to the lack
192
of current migration s t a t i s t i c s and
partly to the especially great uncertainty
of a prediction of this factor, and also
the extreme difficulty in making reasonable
assumptions concerning i t s further develops
ment.
2) Constant mortality for the entire period

of projection. The probabilities if death are taken
from the life table 1970/72 (see Appendix B,
Table 2). According to the latter, the expectation
of life at birth for males i s 66,58 years, for
females 73,69 years, and the average figure
irrespective of sex is 70,14 years.
This assumption of constant mortality was
made for reasons of simplicity but i t most probably
leads to an underestimation of the population
growth, as the long-term trend suggests an
increasing expectation of l i f e at b i r t h .
3) Constant sex ratio of live births according to

the average of the years 1968-1972 (51,38 per
cent male, 48,62 per cent female).
4 ) Three variants of the assumptions about fertility
All three variants have in common that the

pattern of the age-specific f e r t i l i t y rates
remains unchanged over the whole period of
the projection i.e-. the distribution of the
relative frequency of births by age of the
mother is supposed to be constant. The trend
observed in the last decades indicating a
decrease in the mean age at birth has been -
neglected.
193
a) Variant 1 of fertility assumptions ("high"
fertility level)
This variant employs for the whole period
of the projection (except for 1971) the
assumption of constant age-specific fer=
tility rates, concretely speaking those of
1972; they were the most recent ones avail=
able at the time the projection was pre =
pared. The considerable higher number of
birhts of 1971 is also an empirical number
taken from.the statistics of birth. The age-
specific fertility rates of 1972 give atotal
fertility rate (average number of births in
a woman's life time) of 2,111 children"and
a net reproduction rate of 1,003, calcu='
lated with assumptions 2 and 3 holding
(gross reproduction rate GRR = 1,026). Thus
the assumptions about fertility of variant
1 exactly represent the level necessary for
maintaining the actual state of the pop=
ulation.
The assumption of a constant fertility since
1972 seems to be refused because of the de=
crease of fertility that has emerged in the
meantime (already observed when the pro=
jection had been made), but if in the nearer
future a considerable increase of fertility
occurs, it might prove to be the most real=
istic assumption.
b ) Variant 2 of the fertility assumptions

("medium" fertility level)
This variant is the only one that has been
published by the Austrian Central Statisti=
cal Office. Like variant 1 it is based on
the final results of the statistics of births
194
including 1972. Using the provisional results
of 1973 which indicated a fall of 6 per cent
as compared to 1972, the age specific birth
rates of 1973 were calculated by reducing
the corresponding figures of 1972 by 6 per
cent. The same procedure was employed for
1974, in the first quarter of which a further
decrease of 2 per cent was observed and taken
into account.
Thus till the end of 1974 variation 2 rests
on fairly safe empirical grounds. For 1975
and 1976 it was also assumed that a decrease
of 2 per cent as compared to the previous
year would take place and the negative trend
of the years 1973 - 1974 would continue
until I976. Beginning with 1977 the fertility
rates remain constant for the rest of the
period of projection. They represent a total
fertility rate of 1,868 and net reproduction
rate of 0,887 (GRR = 0,908). This means that
this figure falls short by 11 per cent of the
level of fertility needed to just replace
the parent's generation.
c ) Variant 3 of the fertility assumptions

("low" fertility level)'
This variant employs the same assumptions
as variant 2 until 1976, but continues to
reduce the annual rate of fertility by 2
per cent per year until 1982. Only after
1982 does the fertility remain constant.
The fertility level of 1982 is characterized
by a total fertility rate of 1,654 and a net
reproduction rate of 0,786 (GRR: O 3 8l9).
This figure falls short by 21 per cent of
the fertility level which is required to main=
195
tain a constant population size in the long
run.
2.7.Results of the projections
In the following presentation of' models we

concentrate mainly on variant 2. As the
remaining two variants bear a great re=
semblance to the former, they can be dealt with,
in a shorter way.
2. 7. 1 Variant 2 ("medium" fertility level)

The hereby made assumptions lead to an •
essentially unchanged population figure
over the entire period of projection. In the
year 2000 the population of 7 ^ 5 million is
almost as high as in the basis year, 1971.
This result is remarkable especially when
. taking into account that fertility is assumed
to be under the replacement level by 11 per
cent. This can be explained by the fact that
the number of births will be increased be=
tween 1976 and 1988 despite a constant rate
of fertility as the number of women in the
major childbearing age will have increased
(see Figure 13 and Table 62). This phenom=
enon leads after the birth deficits of
1973-1982 again to excesses of births over
deaths between 1983 and 199^, and is to be
followed by a second period of birth def=
icits.
The trend towards an aging population that
can be seen from the results of the censuses
since 19IO (see Figure 10 and Table 26 in
Chapter III.2) will come to an end between
1971 - 1975 and will be reverted in the
following years. The share of people with
196
an age of 60 and more will be only about
18 or 19 per cent beginning with 1979 as
compared with slightly more than 20 per
cent up to 1976. In absolute terms, this
means that a diminishment from 1,5 million
in the mid seventies to ca. 1,3 - 1,4
million thereafter will occur in that age
category (Table 63). The population of
working age (15 to less than 60 years) will
be increased considerably, both relatively
and absolutely: from 55,3 per cent in 1971
to more than 60 per cent in the eighties,
or, in absolute figures, from 4,12 million
to more than 4,5 million (4,60 at the end
of the year 2000, which means an increase
of 480.000 people since 1971). The cause
of that is to be found in the reaching of
retirement age of the comparatively small
cohorts born in the time during the first
World War and of. cohorts diminished by war
losses, and the admission of those persons
born during the "baby-boom" of the sixties.
The share of persons under 15 years will
be reduced from 1/4 to 1/5 or, in absolute
figures, from 1,8 million at the beginning
of the seventies to 1,5 million, from the
eighties onwards.
The decrease in the share of children as well

as old people to the advantage of the pop=
ulation of working age signifies a consider=
able reduction for the demographic depend=
ency ratio: it will diminish from its 1971-
peak of 81 to 67 in 1980 and to 62 at the end
of the projection period (see Figure l4).The
decreasing child dependency ratio accounts
197
for 1/3 of the reduction of the total
dependency ratio (see Table 63).
The sex ratio which was rather.unbalanced

in 1971 (885 males per 1000 females) will
be increasingly normalized and will amount
to a ratio of 9 ^ at the turn of the cen =
tury. Having an almost constant total pop=
ulation, the male population will grow by
about 120.000 and the female population will
be decreased by the same number. Thus,more
female than male deaths are to be expected.
This is an even more forceful continuation
of the process of normalization of the
sex ratio which has already been observed
between 1951 and 1971. The reason is to
be found, firstly in the aging and dying
of those generations that suffered from
the male military deaths of the world wars
and secondly, in a normalization of the
overaged population structure, which was
together with the considerable sex-specific
mortality differences responsible for the
low sex ratio.
2 . 7 . 2 . Variant 1 ("high" fertility level)

The assumption about fertility in this
benchmark variant caused a modest popula=
tion growth from 7,^5 to 7,83 million during
the period of projection. This growth which
is clearly decelerated in comparison to
that of the period between 196l and 1971 corre=
sponds to an average annual births surplus,
of 12.500' (see Figure 13 and Table 62).
The fact that despite a NRR of almost
198
exactly 1, a growth of the population may
also occur is due to the already mentioned
increase in the number of females in the
major childbearing age groups. According
to this variant, the number of live births
would be increased to more than 120.000 in
the late eighties and would then decrease
to 113-000 in the year 2000.
Figure 13
Births and Deaths, 1971 - 2000 "
Thousands
120
110
100 100
90 90
80
" I I ! I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I "
1971 75 80 85 90 95 2000
— ^—^ "Medium" fertility level

- - - - - - "High" fertility level 3 variants concerning the number of births
—"^"~"' "Low" fertility level
Number of deaths (medium fertility variant) 2 !
1) Population projection of the Austrian Central Statistical Office

from 1974.
2) The numbers of deaths of the variants "high" and 'low" differ only
slightly from the "medium" variant; therefore they are not presented
here or in the tables.
199
The changes in the shares of the broad age
groups correspond in their direction to
those of variant 2. However, the share of
children decreases at a lower rate, the
share of the population of working age
grows slower and the share of old people
decreases more (see Table 63)- The absolute
number of people of working age increases
continuously by a total of 627.OOO to 4,75 million
during the period of the projection. Thus
it grows stronger than in variant 2. The
Table 62
Projected Population Movement (Average Annual Figures)
Thousands Pe r thouh H n d , and indices

ase
01
ertil
incr
incr
Period o a
¿z
lî
ion
ate
*J
_ ü d 2r H ™ m
3
Popu
Wome
than
Gros
Deat
natu
beat
Rate
Birt
duct
Live
Gene
¿J
Net
s
id
IS
Variant 1
1971-1975 7.1,73,1 1.1150,5 105,7 98,8 6,9 |l*,l 13,2 0,9 72,8 2,136 1,038 1,007
1976-198O 7.50'" ,8 1.527,0 109,8 102,'i l,h H« ,6 13,6 1,0 7 1 , 9 2,111 1,026 0,990
1981-1985 7.556,1 1.623,1 117,5 IUL,0 13.5 15,6 13,8 1,8 72,1« 2,111 1,026 0,990
1986-1990 7.636,1« 1.795,3 121,0 .103,1« 17.6 15,8 13,5 2,3 67,1« 2,111 1,026 0,990
1991-1995 7.721,1* 1.628,2 117,2 101,¡i 15.7 15,2 13,1 2,0 72,0 2,111 1,026 0,990
1996-2000 7.793,7 1.623,0 113.!• 99,9 13,5 11«,6 ' 12,8 1,7 69,8 2,111 1,026 0,990
Variant 2
1971-1975 7.1*66,6 1 .»•50,5 100,7 98,7 2,1 13,5 13,2 0,3 69,1* 2,037 0,990 0,960
1976-198O 7.¡150,1 1.527,0 97,1 102,0 -1*,9 13,0 13,7 -0,7 6 3 , 6 1,868 0,908 0,875
ipSi-1985 7.¡i37,9 1.623,1 10'i,0 103,6 0,14 ll,0 13,9 0,1 61«,1 1,868 0,908 0,875
1986-1990 7.1*51,1* 1.617,3 107,0 102,9 11,1 It,!« 13,8 0,6 6 6 , 2 1,868 0,908 0,875
1991-1995 7.1*67,6 1.601,7 102,2 100,9 I,1* 13,7 13,5 0,2 6 3 , 8 1,868 0,908 0,875
I996-2OOO 7.1i6l,8 1.566,0 95,6 99,2 -3,6 12,8 13,3-0,5 6 0 , 3 1,868 0,908 0,875
Variant 3
1971-1975 7.1i66,6 1.1*50,5 100,7 98,7 2,1 13,5 13,2 0,3 69,li 2,037 0,990 O,96o
1976-198O 7.1|1*1*,1* 1.527,0 93,3 101,9 -8,6 12,5 13,7 -1,2 73,3 1.79'' 0,873 0,81*1
1981-1985 7-392,1 1.623,1 92,5 103,2 -10,8 12,5 13,9 - 1 , 5 57,0 1,661 0,815 0,779
1986-Í99O 7.3li7,1 1.617,3 911,8 102,5 -7,7 12,9 13,9 -1,1 58,6 1,6511 0,80li 0,776
1991-1995 7-305,1 1.505,5 90,5 100,5 -9,9 12,!* . 13,7 - 1 , 3 60,1 .1,651* 0,80l* 0,776
1996-2000 7.21*2,7 1.5¡*O,¡4 83,6 -15,2 11,5" 13,6 - 2 , 1 51«,3 1,651* O.Soli 0,776
1) Live b i r t h s per thousand women 15 t o l e s s than 1*5 years o l d .

2) Sum of the aê-apeeific fertility rates.
3) Sum of the age-Gpecific f e r t i l i t y rates for female live b i r t h s .
li ) Gross reproduction r a t e , multiplied by the probability of survivorship from birth up to
the childbearing Hê.
200
total dependency ratio declines eonsider=
ably until 1980. Following this year the
decline will be less significant (Figure
1H, Table 63) and at the end of the pro =
jection period it will amount to 64. The
reduction of the child dependency ratio
is lower, that of the aged dependency ratio
is higher than variant 2. The sex ratio
of the population at the year 2000 which
will amount to 948, will come closer to '
that of the stationary population (955)
than in variant 2 due -to its comparatively
younger age structure.
2 . 7 . 3 . Variant 3 ("low" fertility level)

The fertility assumptions of variant 3
lead to a shrinkage of the population by
about 1/4 million between 1971 and 2001, due
to a maintained annual deficiency of births
numbering on an average approx. 10.100 from
1973 onwards (see Figure 13 and Table 6 2 ) .
The number of live births will fall to 81.000
in the year 2000, the birth rate to 11,2 and
the general fertility rate to 52.
Using this variant the share of children is

reduced particularly strongly with a figure
of 18 per cent in the year 2000; the share
of those aged 60 or more years decreases less
in comparison to the other variants (the
absolute number being clearly the same), and
the share of the population of working age
enjoys the highest level (to 63 per cent). In
absolute figures, the increase of the latter,
is the smallest of all the variants, amount^
ing to about 400.000 people between 1971 and
201
2001. Due to this change in the age compos
sition, the demographic total dependency ratio
has the greatest reduction as compared to
the other variants. At the end of the period
Figure 14
Dependency Rations, 1971 - 2001
82
80
78
76
74
72
70
68
66 Tota
64
62
60
58
56
45
43
41
39
3?
\
35 \ .
Child War.2)
33
31
Aged(var.2)
29
27 L- I ! I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
1971 73 75 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 2001
Note: ' Year ( January 1 )
Population projection of the Austrian Central Statistical Office
from 1974.. Child dependency ratio = Persons aged 0-14/Persons aged 15-59,x 100
Variant 1 : "high" fertility level Aged dependency ratio = Persons aged 60 and
2 : "medium" " " over/Persons aged I5-59,x 100
3 : "low" " " Total dependency ratio = child + aged dependency ratios
202
of projection it would be at 59 (1971: 81).
This fairly high reduction mainly results
from the decrease in the child dependency,
ratio (from 44 to 29) and to a lesser extent
from the relatively smaller decrease in the
aged dependency ratio (see Figure 14 and
Table 63).
This development of the dependency ratio

which is based on the assumption of a
shrinking population, demonstrates fairly
Table 63
Projected Population Composition
Population by broad'ape groups Dependency

ratios
Year Per cent
Numbers in thousands
Child1'
(Janu-
ary 1) OJ s-,
0-1 It 15-59 60 years 0-lU 15-59 60 years w
Total and over years and over 3, 4J
years years years Ui
<
1971 T.l»53,lt 1.B214.9 14.122,0 1.506,6 2>4,5 55,3 20,2 1.14,3 36,5 80,8 685
1976 7.1488,0 1.756,5 14.211.,7 1.516,8 23,5 • 56,3 20,3 <4l,7 36,0 77,7 891
1981 7.525,0 1.61.3,5 h. 1483,0 1.398,5 21,8 59,6 18,6 36,7 31,2 67,9 901
19B6 7-592,6 1.615,1 14.565,7 I .l4l1 , 9 21,3 60,1 18,6 35,14 31,0 66,3 913
1991 7.680,8 1.689,1 14.596,0 1.395,1 22,0 59,8 18,2 36,8 30,1. 67,1 926
1996 7.759,5 1.72>4,T 14.688,8 1.3145,9 22,2 60,14 17,3 36,8 26,7 65,5 939
2000 7.813,9 1.711,9 14-759,5 1.31.2,6 21,9 60,9 17,2 36,0 28,2 61.,2 9I48
Variant 2
1971 7. | 453,'4 1.8214,9 14,122,0 1,506,6 214,5 55,3 20,2 M",3 36,5 80,8 885
1976 7.1i63,7 1.732,3 l4.2lll,7 1.516,8 23,2 56,5 20,3 1.1,1 36,0 77,1 891
1981 7."139,3 1.557,8 '4.183,0 1.398,5 20,9 60,3 18,8 31,7 31,2 65,9 699
1986 7.Mil,3 1.1.63,8 14.565,7 i .1411,9 19,7 61,k 19,0 32,1 31,0 63,0 910
1991 T.li62,0 1.14914,11 14-572,0 1.395,7 20,0 61,3 18,7 32,7 30,5 63,2 923
1996 7-1.68,9 1.519,0 li.ÊOl. ,0 1.3115,9 20,3 61,6 18,0 33,0 29,2 62,2 935
2000 7-1456,2 1.1490,5 14.623,1 1.31.2,6 20,0 62,0 18,0 32,2 29,0 61,3 oltlt
Variant 3
1971 7.1453,14 1.821.,9 1..122,0 1.506,6 2l4,5 55,3 20,2 1.11,3 36,5 60,8 635
1976 7.1463,7 1.732,3 I4.21I4J 1.516,8 23,2 56,5 20,3 1.1,1 36,0 77,1 891
1981 7.14 20,5 1.539,0 •4,1483,0 1.398,5 20,7 60,1. 18,8 3"4,3 31,2 65,5 899
1986 7.366,7 1.389,1 14.565,7 1.1411,9 18,9 62,0 19,2 30,14 31,0 61,3 909
1991 7.328,2 •1.360,5 14.572,0 1.395,7 18,6 62,14 19,0 29,8 30,5 60,3 921
1996 7.278,14 1.31.7,1 k. 585,14 1.3l45,9 18.5 63,0 18,5 29,14 29,14 53,7 932
2000 • 7.220,0 1.316,6 14.560,8 1.31*2,6 18,2 63.2 18,6 28,9 29,14 58,3 9^0
1) Persons aged O-I^/Fersons açed 15-59, x 100.

2) Persons aged 60 and over/Persons aged 15~59, x 100.
3) Persons aged 0-lh + persons aêd 6o and over/Persons ; sed 15-59, x 100.
'•*) Males per thousand females.
203
well that in the first phase of the shrink=
ing process, the burden for the productive
age groups caused by children and aged
people diminishes as the number of children
decreases. In addition, one has to consider
the peculiar age composition of the basis
population in 1¡971 whose exceptionally
numerous older generation will die away
and be replaced by smaller groups within
the next decades.
The sex ratio of the population projected

according to this variant will differ only
marginally from those of the other variants,
and will be slightly more different from
the sex ratio of the stationary population
because of the relatively overaged pop=
ulation.
3. PROJECTION OF THE LABOUR FORCE 1971 - 2001
3.1. Assumptions and Methods
The projection of the labour force was attached

to the. main variant of the model uf the natural
population development and covers the same
period. Here, the number of economically active
persons has been forecasted according to sex
and five year age groups for every fifth calendar
year of the period of projection. For each of
of these dates the age and sex-specific labour
force participation rates (economically active
persons as a percentage of the population of
204
the same sex and age), calculated on the basis
of the 1971 census, have been multiplied by
the number of corresponding population groups
which were taken from the main variant (variant
2) of the model of the natural population
development. The sum over age and sex gave the
projected size of the labour force. Thus, the
projection shows us the impact of the natural
population movement on the number of economi=
cally active persons. The assumption of constant
activity rates for the whole projection period
as well as the basic supposition of a balanced
external net migration of the population model
are the most uncertain.ones in regard to their
realization. The lower (15 to less than 25)
and higher (55 and over) age groups as well as
the married women are expected to undergo
changes in the labour force participation rates.
The likewise variable number of foreign workers
has indeed climbed by 2/3 from 1971 to 1975
(see Chapter II. 3 ) . The fertility assumptions
of the population model, which use empirical
data up till 197^, will only begin to exert an
influence on the forecasted labour force in the
nineties, as an economic activity is only
possible after the age of 15, and the birth
cohorts of 1975 and later do not reach this age
before the nineties.
3.2. Results
In respect of the concerned assumptions, the number

of economically active persons will increase
by 37O.OOO persons i.e. 12 per cent up to the
turn of the century despite the fact that the
205
total population will remain almost constant
within this period (Table 64). The greatest
part of the increase is expected to occur during
the years 1976 -. 1986 (+270.000), and especially
during the second half of the seventies
(+I5O.OOO). As a result of this, problems re=
garding employment creation can be expected,
primarily for the new labour force entrants.
Thus, between .1976 and 1986, the number of
economically active persons aged 20 to less than
25 will increase by approximately a quarter i.e.
100.000 persons, if their labour force par=
ticipation rate remains unchanged.
Therefore, until the year 2000, the general

activity rate (percentage of economically
active persons in the total population) will
increase from 41,5 per cent to 46,6 per cent,
which means that for every economically active
person there will be only 1,15 non-active
persons (dependents, pensioners) up to the turn
of the century, as against l,4l in 1971- The
forecasted increase in the labour force by 12
per cent up to the year 2000 results from an
increase in the population of working age
(15 to less than 60) by 480.000 and 12 per cent,,
respectively. Within this age group, the labour
force participation rate will only increase
marginally from 70,9 per cent to 72,0 per cent.
The number of active males will increase stronger

than that of the active females (up to 1986 by
15 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively), mainly
due to the fact, that the birth cohorts, which
were diminished by the war deaths of World War II,
shall leave the labour force.
206
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207
4. PROJECTION OF HOUSEHOLDS 1971 - 2001
4 . 1 . Assumptions and Methods
The projection, like that of the labour force,

vías attached to the main variant of the model
of the natural population development. The
projected population was multiplied by age and
sex-specific headshiprates (separated for one-
person and multi-person households). The summed
•up products resulted in the projected number
of one-person and multi-person households. The
constancy of the headshiprates taken from the
1971 census was assumed for.the whole period
of projection.
4.2 Results
The number of households will increase by

26O.OOO i.e. 10 per cent up to the turn of the
century; according to the projected stability
of the population size, the average household
size must diminish correspondingly, namely,
by 0,28 persons to 2,66.. The increase in
the number of households which spreads almost
equally over the whole projection period
(yearly average: +8.800), will be solely carried
by multi-person households, which by the year
2000 will have risen by 14,5 per cent, while
the number of one-person households will decrease
by 2 per cent (Table 65).
208
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209
The causes of this development are the already
described changes in the projected sex and age
structure of the population. Thus, for in=
stance, the already occurred and the projected decline in
fertility is responsible for the diminishment
of the average household size.
210
CHAPTER VII
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, LAW, POPULATION POLICY
Several connections between the population

structure and change on the one hand and the
economic and social structure and change on
the other hand have already been mentioned in the fore=
going chapters. However, due to the complex
interactions between population, society and
economy, respectively, it was impossible to
clear up the individual factors within these
connections and the direction of causality,
and to evaluate their importance. Nevertheless,
the following paragraphs should.provide some
information on the social and economic back=
ground of the population development. Thus, the
reader should be enabled to better understand
the position of population change within the
network of economic and social reality in
Austria.
1 . ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The subsequent description follows a publica=

tion of the Austrian Central Statistical Office
which was published on the occasion of the cele=
bration of the thirtiethh year of the foundation
of the Second Republic of Austria, and which
211
contains all parts of the official statistics
(AUSTRIAN CENTRAL STATISTICAL OFFICE, 1975b:
43 - 181).
Owing to Austria's own efforts and broadminded

foreign relief" measures (UNRRA, ERP) the re=
construction of the Austrian industry progressed
much more rapidly than after World War I. To
recover from the war damages a great part of the
national product had to be spent for investment.
Although the price increase was considerable, it
did not lead to a runaway inflation. During 1946-
1950 the GNP at constant prices rose by. 17 per
.cent per year (1920-1924: 7.5 per cent p.a.).
In 1949 real GNP had become greater than in
1937, and in 1950 the level of 1913 (and of
1929) was surpassed, for the first time. During
the period of economic recovery the output •
of manufacturing and construction nearly trebled.
After the successful reconditioning of production
at the end of 1951 it proved necessary to stop
the accelerating rise of prices and to stabilize
the currency. From that time, at stock exchanges
the Austrian Schilling has been considered
again as one of the hardest currencies of the
world but contrary to the situation in the
First Republic - now under conditions of full
employment. In 1952/53 the national budget and
external transactions were balanced again.
Thus, the basis for a spontaneous and contin=
uous growth of the national economy was laid.
Since 1950 the process of economic growth,
which had been interrupted in 1914, continued
again on a larger scale. From 1950-1974 the
GNP at constant prices rose 3-5 times or -
on an average - by 5.4 per cent per year re=
212
spectively. In 1974 it was already 3-3 times
as high as in 1913 5 the. most prosperous year
in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 3-6 times as
high as in the most prosperous year of the
First Republic.(1929) and 4.2 times as high
as in the last pre-war year (1937)-
As a consequence (and, in part, as a prerequi=

site)of the economic growth the structure of the
economy has changed markedly. The rate of in=
vestment increased considerably, machinery and equipment
were rapidly extended and brought up to date', so
that at present there is almost no difference
to leading industrialized nations in this re=
spect. Specialization of demand and supply
involved an increasing economic interdependence
with foreign countries. From 1950-1974 the out=
put of manufacturing increased 4.8 times (6.7 per
cent per year), of construction 5-2 times (7.1
per cent per year) and of electricity and gas
6.6 times (8.2 per cent per year). Only agricul=
tural production showed - due to a relatively weak
demand - a distinctly smaller increase (by 50
per cent or 1.7 per cent per year). As far as
business services are concerned an especially
favourable development could be recorded in
the field of financing and insurance, trade,
and transport, whereas housing, public ad=
ministration and defence as well as most private
services (decrease of domestic personnel) showed
only an increase below average.
As regards final demand private final consump=

tion increased 3-4 times or by 5.2 per cent per
year respectively during the years 1950-1974.
Gross fixed capital formation increased 5-7
213
times (7.6 per cent per year) and government
final consumption increased 2.1 times (3.2
per cent per year). In 1974 the general stand=
ard of living, measured in terms of private
consumption per capita, v/as 3.1 times as high
as in 195O and in 1937, and three times as
high as in 1913- The GNP at constant, prices per
capita increased 3.2 times (5-0 per cent per
year) from 1950-1974.
Since the number of the active population - in

spite of a population increase of 9 per cent
from 1950 to 1974 ~ remained almost unchanged
(due to a considerable increase in the number
of pensioners, pupils and students), both over=
all productivity and GNP at constant prices were
growing exactly at the same rate (3-5 times or
by 5.4 per cent per year). Calculated per
working hour, the increase of productivity
would be noticeably higher since working hours
show a long-term decline.
The level of prosperity and net output per capita

showed a considerable increase in comparison
with other countries too. In terms of US-# at
current prices, Austria has nearly approxi=
mated the traditional lead of the average per
capita income of OECD-Europe, which amounted to
63 per cent in 1938 and to 43 per cent in 1950;
in 1974 the average European level was exceeded
for the first time in Austria's economic
history. In comparison to the OECD total (USA,
Canada and Japan included) the corresponding
difference of 173 per cent (1938) and l40 per
cent (195O) respectively decreased to only 21
per cent in 1973- By 1974 the economic lag of
214
Austrian has still narrowed considerably.
Since 1955, the volume of the total budget of
general government (federal government, Bundes^
lander; communities; chambers of labour, com=
merce and professions; social security, and
extrabudgetary funds) extended - on the expendi=
ture side - from 51-6 thousand million A.S. to
352.8 thousand million A.S. (1974), which
amounts to a 6.8 times increase or an annual
increase by 10.6 per cent.The social insurance
system showed the highest expansion, its outlays
growing 9.8 times from 1955-197^; it is followed
by the Bundesländer (8.7 times), the chambers
(8.0 times) and the communities (7-6 times). •
Compared with this, the expansion of expend=
itures of the federal government (5-8 times)
remains far below average.
Since I93O the agricultural structure of Austria

has essentially changed as a consequence of the
progressing industrialization.. After World Viar
II this change in structure was accelerated by
an enormous progress of agricultural sciences
and modern agricultural engineering as well as
by a continuous drift of workers away from
agriculture and forestry. During the last decade^
the development led to a change in farm manage^
ment which is characterized on the one side by
increasing farm mechanization, rationalization
and specialization to specific types of holdings
and, on the other side, by a considerable de=
crease of small holdings to the advantage of
medium- and large-sized holdings.
Since I95O the number of persons employed in

agriculture and forestry decreased by half.
215
Owing to the manifold possibilities offered by
industry, manufacturing and the services sector in
the last decade especially family workers were
persuaded to give up their occupations in
agriculture and forestry. Although the agricul=
tural area, which has been only slightly re=
ducedj had thus to be cultivated" by a contin=
uously decreasing number of people, the pro=
ductivity of labour could be increased at the
same time. By this increase in productivity of
labour as well as by intensive use of all pos=
sibilities in plant production and animal pro=
auction it was possible to reach a steadily
increasing income for agriculture and forestry.
During the period 19^8-1973 the industrial

production actually increased on an average by
8.1 per cent per year. In the last three decades
the chemical industry, the petroleum industry,
and the electrical industry have been the main
support of the industrial growth, but also the
iron and steel basic industries, as well as
the non-ferrous metal basic industries,engineer=
ing and steel construction, building material
production, and manufacture of paper and paper
products have been growing considerably in most
years. The results of the general industrial
census in 196''f indicated that a change in the
structure of the manufacturing industry had
taken place. The total resu-lt of this census
showed a decline of the number of establishments
by 8 per cent. This has to be attributed ex=
clusively to a considerable decrease of the num=
ber of smallest-scale .establishments without
salary-(wage-) -earners (-31 per cent), whereas
the number of large-scale establishments (with
216
100-499 employees) increased by nearly 60 per
cent.
The development of A u s t r i a ' s foreign trade

u n t i l 1955 was strongly influenced by the par =
t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l and economic circumstances
of t h a t period. Beginning with 1955, the year
in which the Austrian State Treaty was signed.,
the e x t e r n a l trade of Austria has shown new
tendencies as far as the opening of new markets
and i t s volume i s concerned. Austria gradually
has changed from exporting raw materials to ex=
porting finished products. Whereas in 1955 raw
m a t e r i a l s amounted to 28 per cent of t o t a l ex=
p o r t s , t h e i r share f e l l to 9 per cent in 1974.
On the other hand, the'finished products percentage of
total exports increased from 59 per cent in 1955 to 63
per cent in 1974.
Austrias ' s tourism quickly recovered after the end of

World War I I . At the beginning of the seventies a sharp
rise in demand was registered. This level has been main=
tained with only minor losses in the last years. Tourism
and external trade are complementary to a certain extent:
whereas imports of commodities exceed exports, tourism
on the other hand yields considerable surplus.
After full employment had been reached in Austria at the

beginning of the sixties the labour force got scarce.
Thpf'c.fore foreign workers had to be employed. The number
of foreign workers employed reached a peak in autumn 1975.
The years from 19'l8 to 1952 were marked by vigorously

rising prices;during the recession in 1955 they became
217
stabilized. In the following years of economic growth the
prices rose at an annual rate of about 3 per cent, which
dropped during the recession in 1958 to about 1 per cent.
In the following decade annual rates of increase between
2 per cent and 5 per cent were registered. Since 1970
.prices have been increasing more and more in conjunction
with the longest lasting economic boom of the after-war
period and with a world-wide rise in prices of raw ma=
terials and energy. In 1971*, the consumer price in =
dex showed the highest r a t e of increase (9-5 per
cent) since 1952.
During the past twenty years the'earnings of

employees increased on a large s c a l e . Between
1955 and 197^ the median earnings (50 per cent
are earning l e s s than t h i s amount (gross earn=
ings)) rose for male workers by 363 per cent
and for female workers by 359 per cent. Por
blue-collar workers the increase amounted to
367 per c e n t , for white-collar workers
( c i v i l servants included) to 351 per cent. In
1974 average earnings, of men were 54 per' cent
higher than those of women.
During the l a s t decades nearly the t o t a l Austrian

population has been included in a system of
measures providing for sozial security. In i960 the the
expenditure for the services rendered by the
various systems of social security amounted
to 11.2 per cent of the gross n a t i o n a l product
and in 1973 already to 14.5 per cent. The number
of health insured persons increased between 1955
and 1973 by 31.0 per cent, of accident insured
persons by 9-3 per cent, of old-age pension
insured persons by .12.3 per cent. In 1955 70
per cent and in 197^ 96 per cent of the Austrian
218
population were included in the legal health
insurance system.
Immediately after the end of World War II the

housing situation in Austria was character^
ized by a great shortage of dwellings due to
the enormous damages caused b_ the war, which
were particularly numerous in Eastern Austria.
In some of the larger towns half of the number
of all dwellings were damaged. Up to the end
of the fifties therefore the efforts of the
housing authorities were directed to diminish
the quantitative housing shortage according
to the postulate "one dwelling for each family".
Building activities in towns were mainly
carried out by the communities (communal
dwelling construction) and by housing associations.
This period of rebuilding came to an end in
i960. Since then two factors have, become more
and more important in housing. In the first
place, the qualitative housing shortage which
had to be coped with by replacement or improve=
ment of substandard dwellings, in the second
place, the considerable increase of the number
of summer and weekend houses, especially
during the last ten years.In line with the rise
in the general standard of living the trend
towards secondary dwellings in the country^
side has intensified. The building of weekend
houses in the neighbourhood of large towns, hol=
iday homes and apartment buildings in centres of tourism
increasingly formed a special sector-within
the new construction activities, which led to
an increase of the number of secondary dwellings
to' more than 100.000.
219
When reviewing the development of housing in
Austria it is also necessary to show up the
development of rents. For the majority of the
old dwellings rents had been legally stopped
until 1968 so that average rents increased
only little up to this date. After this date
it has been possible to arrange rents for
these dwellings according to the free market.
In connexion with the high level of rents in
new dwellings built within the last 5 years
the average rents have been rising rapidly
since 1968. During the decade from 1961 to 1971
average rents increased to more than the
double, in the next three years up to 1974
rents doubled again.
2. LEGAL ORDER
Austria is a federally organized, parliamentary

democracy. Considerable portions of the legal
code of the republic are laws that were orig=
inally drawn up and adopted in the nineteenth -
century under the Austro-Hungarian Empire and
have been modified since.
Most of the basic rights and freedoms guaran=

teed by the present Austrian constitution were
originally listed.in the Basic Law on the
general rights of citizens of Í867 before
being included in the constitution of the First
Republic when it was drawn up in 1920. Legis=
lation in the Second Republic has always been
based on the principles set out in the United
Nations' Declaration of Human Rights of 1948.
In 1958 Austria became a signatory to the
220
European Convention for the Protection of
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
The Austrian federal system is also rooted

deep in the country's history. From the nine
federal provinces seven are old "crown coun=
tries" of the monarchy, which developed in the
course of centuries within the framework of
the state as a whole (Carinthia,Lower Austria,
Upper Austria, Salzburg, Styria, Tyrol, Vor=
arlberg). The two provinces Vienna and the
Burgenland were added only after the foundation
of the First Republic. Vienna had formerly been
part of Lower Austria, the Burgenland was
formed in 1921 from German-speaking border
areas of Hungary which had been declared part
of Austria in the Peace Treaty of St. Germain
of 1919.
While in the First Republic the political

forces were unable zo find a common basis for
their nation or to maintain a stable political
order, in the Second Republic (since 19^5) there-
was general agreement, with a remarkably
stable distribution of powers from the very
beginning, which has guaranteed a stable po=
litical order. The Austrian People's Party and
the Austrian Socialist Party both hold at
least HO per cent of parliamentary seats. Other
political parties, are the small Austrian Free=
dorn Party and the Austrian Communist Party,
which was represented in Parliament only until
1959-This political stability, which is a positive
factor in the domestic- development of the Second
Republic, is guaranteed by the smooth ooopera=
tion between the two big interest groups,
221
employers and employees. In Austria their
cooperation has become institutionalized. The
employers are represented by the statutory •
economic chambers (regional economic chambers,
chambers of agriculture, different profession=
al chambers) and the Federation of Austrian
Industrialists. The interests of the employees
are represented by the non-partisan, highly
centralized Austrian Trade Union Federation,
the statutory chambers of labour and the
chambers of agricultural workers. An Austrian
specialty is the so-called "economic and
social partnership", a system designed to keep
in check the development of wages and prices
by close cooperation between the interest
groups of employers and employees. Differences
between labour and industry are settled with
understanding for the partner and consideration
for the common good.
Life in Austria today is safeguarded by a com=

prehensive and complex system of social secu=
rity and public welfare. The basis for Austrian
social policy was established already under the
monarchy between i860 and 1890 (limitation of
daily working hours, no work at night or on
Sundays, guaranteed wages, accident and illness
insurance). The biggest social reforms were not
to come until after 1918 in the First Republic.
Among the provisions were the establishment of
chambers of labour to provide statutory re=
presentation for wage and salary earners, un=
employment insurance, an 8 hour day, a ban on
child labour, guaranteed holidays, the forma=
tion of workers' councils, and a basis in law
for the drawing up of collective'agreements.
222
Since 19^5 the Second Republic has continued to
develop these reforms. "The standard achieved
gives Austria the right to claim that it is one
of the world's most socially advanced countries"
(FEDERAL PRESS SERVICE, 1973: 115).
Every employee is entitled to a paid holiday,

depending on how long he has been with his
employers. The minimum.holiday is H weeks.
Working hours are the subject of special leg=
islation. Since 1975 the maximum is 40 hours
per week. Disputes concerning individual labour
contracts are referred to a labour court,
while those arising from a collective agreement
are considered by a separate arbitration board.
Employees have the right to go on strike with=
out having to fear any legal repercussions. To
ensure the prevention of accidents and occu=
pational illness Austrian employers have to
comply with a comprehensive system of regu=
lations. Statutory labour inspectorates ensure
that the regulations are observed.
Children may not be employed before their nine

years of compulsory education are completed,
i.e. before they are 15 years of age. There
are special regulations for young people and
women, in particular mothers, where working
hours, night work, heavy labour etc. are
concerned.
The foundation of Austria's social insurance

system is provided by compulsory insurance of
all those not independently employed. The system
offers four major groups' of benefits for those
insured and for their families : 1. health insurance
223
2. accident insurance 3- unemployment insurance
4. pension rights..The number of people entitled
to a pension has gradually been increased and
the latest group to be included were farmers,
independent tradesmen and the free professions.
More than 90 per cent of the Austrian population
now enjoys the benefits of a pension.
Austrian civil law is based on the General Civil

Code of 1811, comprising far-sighted legal norms
which, because of the avoidance of highly de=
tailed provisions, permits up-to-date interpre=
tations (KOZIOL and WELSER, 19731- 9 ) . From the
merny areas covered by Austrian civil law it is
the family law that is of special interest in
this context. Marriage is defined as a "com=
munity of life of two persons of different sex,
existing under the law, with the purpose to
procreate and educate children and to offer mutual
assistance". Although matrimony was.conceived
as a permanent state, it is no longer indis=
soluble under presentday law. According to the law
procreation and education of children is the
desired purpose of marriage, but childless
marriages are also valid and fulfill the im=
portant purpose of mutual assistance. Apart
from marriage as the legally recognized com=
munity between a man and a woman, there are
other forms-of community between the sexes .
which last over long periods (cohabiting of
man and woman not legally married, concu=
binage) and are accepted but which do not in=
volve the rights and obligations of marriage
(no maintenance duty, separation is possible
at any time). The improvement of the legal
status of illegitimate children, which was
224
introduced only recently, to a certain degree
also entails the legal recognition of con=
cubinage. In contrast to the original pro=
visions of the General Civil Code the con=
elusion, substance and dissolution of marriage
are now regulated solely by state law. The re=
spective provisions issued by the church have
no longer any effect on the sphere of the
state (KOZIOL and WELSER, 1973: 136).
To mention but a few of the specific provisions

of family law: in Austria the minimum age for
legal capacity to marry is 19 for men and 16
for girls; the minimum age may be reduced by
one year by court order on application if the
court decides that both parties appear to be
mature enough to marry. As far as the effects
of marriage on the individual and the property
provisions of the marriage law are concerned
major reforms are under way which will enforce
the constitutional equality of the sexes also
within the framework of marriage law. Until
recently the wife was required to take her
husband's name, cohabit with him and share with
him the legal domicile. The husband as the
"head of the family" was entitled to lead the
household, but he was also obliged to "prop=
erly support" his Wife. The new regulations
provide for complete equality in matters con-
cerning both the household and the education
.of the children. According to a provision that
became effective at the beginning of 1977 the
spouses may decide which name is to be contin=
ued. Decisive importance is attached to the
concept of partnership. The wife shall no longer
ybe obliged by law to live in any case in the same
225
place as her husband; the husband shall no longer
have the legal right to prevent his v/ife from
working; both husband and wife will share
equal responsibility for the upkeep of the
family (FEDERAL PRESS SERVICE, 1973: 128).
In Austria - like in many other countries - the

divorce law is being reformed.
The basic consideration is that irreparably

broken marriages are to be regarded as asocial evil which
cannot be done away with by means of repressive
divorce provisions. Divorce of such marriages
should become possible even if one partner is
against the divorce. However, the status of the
wife requiring protection, her maintenance and
pension rights should be improved at the same
time.
One of the consequences of the equality of hus=

band and wife in marriage is that in the future
both are equally responsible for the care and
education of their children, the administration
of property, and the legal representation- When
exercising these rights, the spouses must be in
agreement. The new law governing the legal
status of illegitimate children, which entered
into force in 1971, expressly provides that
the illegitimate child enjoys the same rights to
maintenance as the legitimate child. In 1975 a provision
was passed which guarantees maintenance payments by the
state in the form of an advance, if the father, who is re=
quired to pay for maintenance, is in default of payment.
In the field of penal law an important change

has been adopted recently which is interesting
226
also from the viewpoint of the demographer.
Formerly abortions were performed only on med=
ical grounds. The new'law permits abortion -
free of penal sanctions if performed by a
physician after proper counselling and within
three months of conception. The establishment
of family counselling and family planning
facilities, v/hich was laid down in the Law for
the Promotion of Family Counselling, may be
regarded as a supportive measure. The aim is to
help married couples in family planning '(de=
cisión of husband and wife whether and when
they want children) and to counsel expectant
mothers on economic and social questions. The
family counselling centres offer their counsel
to all persons regardless of age, sex and
marital status.
The Family Burden Equalization Act, which has

frequently been under discussion and which has
become a powerful means of state intervention,
contains a number of provisions with regard
to taxation and support of families. It tries
to ease the economic burden resulting from
marriage and the education of children. The
Family Burden Equalization' Act of 1967 has been
amended in the meantime and provides for the
following measures: 1. Birth grant. The mother
is entitled to receive this benefit for each
child. The birth grant amounts to A.S.
16.000 if the specified medical checks of
mother and child, as required by the so-called
"Mother and Child Passport", have been carried
out. A. S. 2.000 will be paid to all mothers
as of right. 2. Family allowance. A person is
entitled to family allowance, if the child
227
belongs to the household of the person or if it
is predominantly supported by this person. In
cases of doubt the household criterion ranks
before the maintenance criterion. 3- Pare
concessions or free transport to and from
school. H. Free schoolbooks.
Formerly, certain allowances could be deducted

from income before tax assessment and a differ=
ential tax rate was levied on unmarried
(Schedule A) and married (Schedule B) people.
These measures were designed to take the
different burden on the two groups into account.
However, income tax wax assessed on a household
basis, i.e. on the joint income of the two
spouses living in one household. The Income
Tax Law of 1972 laid down that income tax is to
be assessed on individual income, even if the
spouses live in one common household; but this
new and more advantageous provision made it
necessary to abolish the differential tax
schedules A and B. The new system of allowances
consists in a direct reduction in actual tax
payable,, irrespective of the level of income.
Such direct reductions are: 1. the sole earner's
'allowance (A.S. 2.400); every married person
is entitled to claim this allowance provided
that the spouse has only a low income or no
income at all. 2. the children's allowance
(A.S. ¿1.200) 3. Since 1972 a marriage grant
(A.S. 15.000) is paid to people marrying for
the first time. This grant is to compensate for
expenses incurred in setting up a joint house=
hold.
228
In this context the numerous protective social and
economic benefits can be mentioned only briefly:
1. Protection of pregnant woman workers on the
job (e.g. protection against dismissal). 2. A
pregnant worker must not be employed within a
period of 8 weeks before and after delivery and
is entitled to full pay during that time. 3.
After delivery all woman workers are entitled
to unpaid leave for up to one year and the pay=
ment of unpaid leave benefits in the amount of
A.S. 2.500. Unmarried mothers receive A.S.
4.000. During that period the mothers enjoy
protection against dismissal and the unpaid
leave is credited on to the pension scheme.
4. Emergency grants for unmarried mothers 5-
Grants to reduce costs of child care if the
mother is employed 6. School and study grants
7. Lodging grant if a pupil has to live away
from home to attend school 8. Apprenticeship
grant. It should be mentioned that attendance
of all public schools and universities for
Austrian students is free of charge.
Housing has been regarded as a social problem

since the last century when industrialization
resulted in the rapid growth of many cities and
industrial towns. Austria's social housing
schemes date back to that period. The Coop=
erative Act of 1873 was the legal basis for the
first building cooperatives which tried to
eliminate the housing shortage brought about by
industrialization. The first important state
grants for social housing schemes were made in
1902 and I9O8. Regulations for the protection
of tenants, which were passed during the First
V/orld War, and the Rent Law of 1922, which is
229
still in force but which has been amended several times,
made it virtually impossible for the landlord to
fix the rent by tenancy agreement or to give
notice to the tenant. Meanwhile, these regu=
lations have been eased. Moreover, a system of
state grants has been introduced in order to
stimulate the construction of nev; houses. By
promoting private construction on the one hand
and public construction of low-rent houses on
the other, the local communities have also been
active in this field. The Housing Improvement
Act of 1970 is intended to redevelop old flats
with the help of public funds. There are also
rent subsidies, which are decided on the basis
of family income and payable rent.
Space does not permit a discussion of the legal

situation with regard to local and regional
planning and of the efforts to increase environmen =
tal protection in order to offset environmental
hazards. Austria's regional development policy
concerns itself mainly with the prevention of
adverse side effects of urbanization, with the
preservation of unspoilt mountain areas and the
improvement of the structure of Austria's
economically weak border areas.
Finally, mention should be made of a few spe=

cific laws which are of interest in connection
with international migration. The rights and
obligations ^f "aliens" (i.e.«persons who are
not of Austrian nationality) are regulated by
the Law on Aliens (Federal Lav; Gazette No.
75/1954). The provisions for the employment
of foreigners are clearly specified in the Law
on the Employment of Foreigners (Federal Law
230
Gazette No. 218/1975). The Law on Citizenship
of 1965 (Federal Law Gazette No. 250/1965)
contains the provisions on naturalization
and loss of citizenship. These legal provisions
are based on the principles of human rights on
the one hand and on the need for protection of
the Republic on the other. Since the days of
the Great Migration Austria has been a central
point in the flow of people across the conti=
nent. It is hoped that the aforementioned pro =
visions will aid Austria in maintaining its
position and fulfilling its task as a land of
transition and sometimes destination.
3. POPULATION POLICY
Nowadays the following themes concerning pop=

ulation development have received special at=
tention: 1. the decline in the birth rate and
the fact that fertility fell short of the re=
placement level; the excess of deaths over
births which occurred since 1975 (among the
native population since 1974); 2. the over-aged
structure of population, especially of the fe=
male population, and its consequent problems
of loneliness and of care for old people; 3-
from the varying number of births results a
fluctuating demand for jobs and education;
within the next few years a considerable in=
crease will occur in the number of adolescents
who enter the labour force or continue their
education after completing compulsory schooling,
while the enrolment in primary schools is al=
ready retrogressive; 4. the marked regional
231
disparities in the population growth (consider=
, able growth of the western provinces against
the shrinkage of the population in the east on
the one hand, intraregional concentration of
jobs»centripetal internal migration flows and
daily commuting with the consequence of a de=
pletion of economically weak border areas and
mountain regions on the other hand); an intensifica=
tion of this development follows from the fact
that there is no further population increase
which can be applied to redistribution; 5. the
relatively low level of life expectancy, which
is below that of most other highly industrial^
ized countries, especially for the male popu=
lation, and the associated relatively high infant,
mortality which has been substantially decreased
only in recent times.
As for fertility,.population policy mainly

aims to advise, support and assist the parents;
parents shall thus be enabled to better realize the
desired number and spacing of births and
the children too shall be enabled to grow up in a more
favourable atmosphere. At present it is, how=
ever, undecided, if in the long run the re=
placement of the population can be ensured,
especially if in the next decades policy makers
don't give more consideration to this goal
since the consequences of a perpetual low fer=
tility level will only appear much later. This
kind of short-sighted policy may be encouraged
by the fact that the aging of the population of
Austria has already capped its climax and that
the dependency ratio shows a falling trend. The
"inertia" of demographic processes and, as a
consequence, the necessity of a long-term pop=
232
ulation policy rival with the usually much
shorter periods of planning and realization of
policies in other fields.
The brief description of the legal order in the

foregoing section has already proved the.numer=
ous legal instruments which can influence the
aforementioned population dynamics. Population
policy in fact consists of measures concerning
social issues, family, health, social security,
housing, law and social welfare as well as re-
gional planning. All these individual measures
seem to be based on the common ground that the
replacement of the population of Austria
should be ensured and that a far-sighted gov=
ernment should react sufficiently early upon
foreseeable structural changes by measures
concerning employment creation, ressources for
the educational system, by regional planning
and policies for structural improvements.
APPENDIX A
THE SOURCES OF POPULATION DATA
Population statistics in Austria are collected

from two main sources: the census of Austria
and vital registration. Since 1968 there have
been regular surveys called microcensus
at short intervals which provide additional in=
formation on population data.
Population censuses in Austria.go back as far as

the middle of the 18th century, but have served
up to the middle of the 19th century mainly for
military reasons. As a result of this, the
reliability and completeness of enumerations in
that period was often weak. Furthermore, the
censuses did not cover the demographically
required variables sueh as age and marital
status. The first census in the modern sense
was taken in 1869* which was followed by the
censuses of 1880, 1890, 1900, 1910, 1923, 1934,
1951. 196I and 1971. It can be seen that it
was only during war times and the Great Depression
that the regularity of decennial intervals was
interrupted. .These censuses provide information
on many characteristics of the population -
namely, age and sex, marital status, nationality,
religious denomination, language spoken, educa=
tion, occupation, family'and household charac=
teristics etc. The last three censuses were
taken with respect to the recommendations which
had been given by the United Nations.
234
Vital statistics have existed in Austria since
the middle of the 18th century. Up to 1938 law
had prescribed that the data be obtained from
church registers; since 1939 this has been the
task of civil registers. Compilation and eval=
uation of data for the whole country is carried
out centrally as is also the case with pop=
ulation censuses.
The field of migration statistics suffers

from the lack of current migration registration.
There are two main sources available, which are
both founded on census data: 1) Data on net migration
which are computed as the difference of pop=
ulation change and natural increase between
two censuses. Thus the size of immigration and
emigration must remain unknown. 2) The 1961 and
1971 censuses contained a question regarding
the place of residence five years ago. Whereas
this question failed in 1961, the information
on internal migration 1966-1971 was widely
used in Austrian demography.
The microcensus is a 1 per cent stratified

random sample survey of the Austrian population.
Since 1968 it has been conducted 4 times a year
and provides current information on labour
force and housing. Each microcensus contains a
number of questions on special topics as, for
instance, fertility questions in 1971 and 1976.
APPENDIX B
Legitimate and Illegitimate Fertility Rate, Illegitimacy Ratio

and Proportion of Married Women
Legitimate live births Illegitimate live births

per thousand married per thousand unmarried
Illegiti- Proportion
women of specified age women of specified age
ïear macy1 j of carried
women 2)
15 to less 15 to less 111 to less
under 50
than 1)5 than 1*5 than 50
1900 2U8.6 21l),6 55,6 "i3,3 21,7 Ii2,1

193>t 90,0 711,2 27,8 2l),2 26,3 1)7,6
1951 105,1 8lt,1 25,5 21,6 17,8 5"),3
•1961 137,3 116,1» 27,7 22.U 12,6 57,2
1962 135,8 116,5 27,0 22,6 12,0 58,6
1963 131»,5 117,5 26,5 22,5 11,6 59,3
19614 132,3 116,3 26,0 22,2 11.3 60,0
1965 128,1) 111,li 25.5 21,7 11,2 60,7
1966 127,1 108,0 26,2 22,0 11,1) 61,1)
1967 126,0 10U.9 26,7 22,2 11,5 62,0
1968 12UV2 101,5 28,1 23,1 12,0 62,5
1969 119,5 96,8 28,0 22,8 12,2 62,8
1970 110,It 89, k 27,0 21,9 12,8 62,6
1971 105,2 85,5 26,2 21,3 13,0 62,6
1972 99,1» 82,7 26,3 21,6 13,7 62,3
1973 93,8 77,3 21) ,1) 20,2 13,7 62,2
197U 93,1 77,3 23,8 19,9 .13,8 61,7
1975 90,1) 75,2 21,8 18,3 13,5 60,9
1) Illegitimate live births as a percentage of total live births.

2) Married women under 50 years old as a percentage of the total number of women
to less than 50 years old.
236
Austrian Life Table 1970/72
a) Male
Probability Exact Probability

Exact of age of
age death death
0 0,02930 100.000 66,58 50 0 ,00821 86.316 22,81

1 171 97.070 67,58 51 901 85,635 22,03
2 108 96.9OI4 66,69 52 983 8I1.861 2 1,22
3 79 96.799 65,77 53 1062 811.027 20,13
1, 71 96.723 61), B2 51 1119 83. 135 19,61
5 0,0006'i 96.65I4 63,86 55 0 ,01252 82.180 18,87
6 56 96.592 62,90 56 138O 81.151 18,10
7 55 96.538 61,91» 57 1529 80.031 17,31
8 57 96.1.85 60,97 58 1695 78.307 16,6l
9 55 96.1.30 60,01 59 188I 77.171 15,86
10 0,000li9 96.377 59,0', 60 0 ,02089 76.011 15,18
11 1,5 96.330 58,07 61 2323 7I1.126 11, 19
12 1)8 96.287 57,09 62 258O 72.697 13,82
13 61 96.2I41 56,12 63 2856 70.821 13,18
IÍ4 71 96.182 55,16 315O 68.798 12,55
15 0,00087 9 6 . 11I4 5li,19 65 0 ,03191 66.625 11,91
16 131 P6.030 53,2li 66 3858 61.299 11,35
17 t&h 95.901 52,31 67 I261 61.818 10,79
18 197 95.7I47 5 1,1)0 68 •'.697 59. 181 10,25
19 '15 95-558 50,50 69 5161 56.loi 9,73
20 0,002. 95.353 149,60 70 0 ,05662 53.I91 9,23
21 216 95. 1I45 13,71 71 6192 50.162 8,f6
22 216 9I4.939 '17,82 72 67I8 I7.337 8,:«
23 209 9I1.73I1 16,92 73 7329 1.1. 1I3 7,87
2l4 199 9I1.536 16,02 7I 79II 1.0.908 7,15
25 0,00190 9I4.3I48 15,11 75 0 ,08603 37.658 7,05
26 l81i 9I4. 169 11.,19 76 931I 314.118 6,67
27 183 93.996 13,27 77 IOO63 31.212 6,30
28 183 93.821, ''2,35 78 10811. 28.071 5,95
29 185 93.652 11,13 79 11678 25.027 5,61
30 0,00190 93.'179 1.0,50 80 0 ,12588 22.lOl 5,29
31 198 93.301 39,58 81 13595 19.122 1,98
32 210 93.116 38,66 82 11821 16.695 1,68
33 225 92.920 37,71 • 83 I6069 11.221 l,ll
3'i 211 92.711 36,82 81 17338 11.936 1,16
35 0,002614 92.1.85 35,91 85 0 ,18629 9.867 3,93
36 285 92.2M 35,00 86 199I2 8.029 3,71
37 307 91.978 3'), 10 87 21276 6.1.28 3,51
38 331 91.696 33,20 88 22632 5.060 3,33
39 357 91.392 32,31 89 P'.OIO 3.915 3,16
lio 0,00383 91.066 31,13 90 0 ,25109 2.975 2,99
111 Ml 90.717 30,55 91 26B3O 2.219 2,31
!i2 I436 29,67 92 28273 1.621 2,70
1)3 UÓ1 89.950 28,30 93 29737 1.165 2,57
1.1) 1.87 89-535 27,93 9I 31223 519 2,15
1,5 0,00520 89.099 27,06 95 0 ,32731 563 2,33
1.6 563 88.636 26,20 96 •I26O 379 2,22
1.7 617 88.137 25,35 97 35811 219 2,12
1.8 679 • 87.593 2', ,50 98 37383 160 2,02
1,9 7)19 86.998 23,67 99 33978 100 1,91
50 0,008Zl 86.3I16 22,81. 100 0 ,',0593 61 1,86

237
Table 2 (continued)
b) Female
Exact,
Probability
Life Exact Probability Life
of Survivors
aye
death
expectancy ap,e
death expectancy
o o
1 e i e
y "y y y "y y y
y
0 0,02221 100.000 73,69 50 0,00435 92.638 27,61
1 152 97.779 71,35 51 I472 92.235 26,73
2 gh 97.630 73,1)6 52 507 91.800 25,86
3 63 97.538 72,53 53 5U0 91-335 21),98
II Il9 i 71,58 51) 576 90.81.2 21., 12
fi.<m
5 0,0001.1 97.!i29 70,6l 55 0,00620 90.319 23,25
6 1,0 97.389 69,61, 56 677 89.759 22,1)0
7 36 97-350 68,67 57 7 li li 89.151 21,55
8 29 97-315 67,69 58 O19 88.1,88 20,70
9 27 97.287 66,71 59 905 87.763 19,87
10 0,00026 97.261 65,73 60 0,0100ll 86.969 19,05
11 26 97.236 61. ,75 61 1119 86.096 18,23
12 32 97.211 63,77 62 12« 85-133 17,1.1.
13 35 97.180 62,79 63 1380 16,65
8I1.072
11 33 97- H6 61,81 61) 1533 82.912 15,BB
15 0,0001.8 97.109 60,83 65 0,01712 81.61.1 15,11
16 58 97.062 59,86 66 1927 80,21.3 11, ,37
17 6l 97.006 58,89 67 2172 78.697 13,61.
18 6i 96.91,7 57,93 6B 21.1.2 76.9B8 12,93
19 61 96.888 56,96 69 27W 75.108 12,21.
0,00059 96.829 56,00 70 0,03086 73.01)7 11,58
6o 96.772 55,03 71 31,77 70.793 10,93
22 6o 96.7H 5k, 06 72 390'. 68.332 10,30
23 6o 96.656 53,10 73 1)362 65.661) 9,70
2l| 6o 96.598 52,13 71) 1.869 62.800 9,12
25 o ,00060 96.5^0 51,16 75 0,051.1)3 59-71)2 8.56
26 61 96.1.82 50,19 76 6103 56.U90 B,03
27 63 96.1,23 1,9,22 77 681)3 53.01.2 7,52
28 65 96.362 18,25 78 7652 ',9.1)12 7,03
29 67 96.299 1)7,28 79 8537 1)5.631 6,57
30 0,00071 96.231* 1)6,31 80 0,09506 1)1.735 6,H.
31 76 96.166 1)5,35 Bl 10568 37.768 5', 7 3
32 83 96.093 1)1), 38 82 11652 33.777 5,35
33 91 96.013 1.3,1,2 83 13159 29.771, 5,00
100 95.926 1,2,1,6 81, 11,1,89 25.856 1),69
35 0,00110 95.830 li 1,50 35 0,151,82 22.-110 1, 1.0
36 121 95.725 1,0,51, 86 17218 18.607 1..13
37 132 95.609 39,59 87 16617 15.1,03 3,88
38 111 95.183 38,61. 88 2001)0 12.535 3,66
39 157 95.31.6 37,70 89 211,86 10.023 3,1)5
lio 0,00172 - 95.196 36,76 90 0,22955 7.869 3.2Ä
1,1 189 95.032 35,12 91 21,1,1.7 6.063 3,08
1,2 208 91. .852 "il, ,89 92 25962 a.581 2,91
228 9I..655 33,96 9 "i 27501 3.392 2,76
250 91..1.39 33,03 91, 29062 2.1(59 2,61
15 0,00275 91,. 203 12,12 95 O.3C61.7 1.71.1. 2,1)3
)i 6 302 93.9W 31,20 96 32255 ' 1.210 2,35
1.7 332 93.660 30,30 97 33336 820 2,21,
1.8 361. 93.3L9 29,39 98 3551,0 51,2 2,13
1,9 399 93.009 28,50 99 37218 31.9 2,03
50 O,OOli35 92.6'<3 . 27,6l 0,38918 219

238
Female
t— t— t— MSVDÔ U - \ L
OJ • - • - ' - OJ
1975
Male
-\vo C\"- m-o- co wwo T - ^ T
Female
[— t— t ^ V D V D V Û V Û UMAVO ITv V
O\
Male
CO C l CO [— L*- O VO OJ O\-=T MD
O W (\i ^ - -
Female
) r- O
• OJ CM
VO
O\
Male
Female
vo VO t— in vo t— i
Male
cococovoc— l
o
Female
S -co incococo t—t^vDvo I A J rooj »- o
ï
) m rovo rao1- ^ c i 1
-
Male
j oí o vo *— oj OJ <"
DO\o\cot—vovoinLn-s-cnoj'— o o -3--TOJVO*-
o OJ OJ OJ — —
Female
I W O J ro I A ro O CÛ W t— m _r t—co
5 vo *— vo t— o\ r
O O\0-\C^COCO f - rn cv) — • - o O\iApJO
c\j ai c\i — —
1910
Male
1 OJ — O O O
Female
•— o \ c o c o c o c o r— t-\o i
CM O J CVI —
S
CO
- 0\CO 0\O\C0 t^-t^VO L r - r m c\j •— o O

Male
groupa
Age
S, °'^SJ?.
239
O ni IAO ^»
IMr
vo — _-r t-vo j n n i W O P i O i M U ' - ONCO L/N-T o n - o O O ' ^ W M ) c.m

U"\ n CO ^ t J— cO CO VO - 3 * O - 3 " —í CO VO VÜ CM VD r j CM O U"N CO OD '— i— ON CO Í13 t
p=T,,W CM VD I—CO CO CO CO CO CO f ü t"— ^D ^ J VO LT\ f—fO CO CO r—VO L H IT* -^" OJ T — I
aTauTS
paojoATQ
P»PTA
1961
O O\^-J rfi \O L^\ ,*

TS - J rO ON OJ CM I
^ s
p3DJOATQ
O OWJtOWCO O CM O - *
— CM OJ O _J OJ VD
CM
1951
h <T^ U*\ *y l -f \r\ CO 1 T t ^ \ C5 ( ^ l/N L/^ CT\ ^D l^^ CO t^— r-3 VD VD f

inû'-O(Ti--tinjwr-cn[-Oiri row u,co O - (
^— tA [—CO CO CO CO CO cO —
f \Q \f\ j vo f*l ir\ VD t*— h— I
^ i^ Q c o P"*ffic
'pSOJOATQ
-.OJ — s - ^ [—CM Irt
— ^ \ ~r~ i/\ VQ VD t"—' í' í
P»>PW
? D ^ vo co vo co ^
T ifN *
c o LA O\ ^~ OJ P ~
[*— t*— co co ¿0 r*~ 1™- vo i/\ c^ UN
v o r o u\ *~ ON CO P— oi t-^ ON vo ON ON —
*" ~r vo v o v o vo vo 1/^ ~t d
f c
cvj '— r-
-1— O"- " J M O - • - C l OJ - ^ O

o j c o v o u-s
*p30JOATp * - • - CM e ' l -
1910
O V^ (nI ^D
O ^Ô f *^ [t'«- *•" CM
CÎ ^j P p*~ VD c o IP* c o v o \f\ CM ON ^— v o •— c o ip ) VD "^ ^^ \s\ *— ,J
VD t-ONVO
. . „ mO. t - v
. _O. „vDVD
. « . _ . _ _ j . j__ O3 O O •" J O OMT)CDCÛ O S O O • - t
ONVfJrooJCM *
---3- ONCOli-iOnCMOJ-— •— •— • - • — CMCMCM^
O O O ' W C j'-oj-— O D —
paIBj3das
p,„cpW
1 P3TJJBJ1
O co O co _it — co u~\ •— vo vo r*— Os co t1— ON u"v c o ^1 O L OJVO O
rrm
Q O \ f^ ^ ^ OO CM OJ CJ C* i ^™ *— *— •— u ^ ON CO U"N í ^ fO C
u u
*r >
o o
groups
-, ( j ^ ^ ^ _^ ° ° o ^ o^^ ^ f <7\-J ON-^T ON

Nirwovor-i-tJ-ö
Ase
\ O U^ O U^ O LTN O \ O tTV O ""N O L

Ç\J Ç\J m ÍO T T U^ U
240
Table 5
Private Households by Type, 1971
Number Per cent of fam- Per cent of total

ily households private households
Type of household
Households Persons Households Persons Households Persons
1 l
All private households 2535916 7360371 100,0 100,0
Family households 1833005 6556852 100,0 100,0 72,3 89,1
One-faniily households 1739816 59682M 9'),9 91,0 68,6 81,1
Without other persons 1503078 kS223l8 82,0 73,5 59,3 65,5
With other persons 236730 111" 5923 12,9 17,5 9,3 15,6
e Of which: one parent
or parent-in-lav of
the family head 132070 661826 7,2 10,1 5,2 9,0
Two-family households 90l>73 561<392 >>,9 6,6 3,6 7,7
Two related families
in direct descent 83626 520769 U,6 7,9 3,3 7,1
Without other persons 69858 li 10306 3,8 6,1) 2>8 5,7
With other persons 13768 1021)63 0,8 1,6 0,5 I, 1 '
Two rPlateü families not in
direct descent 609h 39311 0,3 0,6 0,2 0,5
Without other persons 366k aiOOB 0,2 0,3 0,1 0,3
With other persons 2k 30 I8303 0,1 0,3 0,1 0,2
Two unrelated families 753 Ii312 0,0 0,1 0,0 0,1
Without other persons I48I4 21^53 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0
With other persone 269 1659 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0
Three or more family households 2716 21)219 0,1 0,1* 0,1 0,3
ITon-familv households 702911 603519 27,7 10,9
One-persons household 6230I11 622'jt) 1 21), 6 8,5
Multi-person households 79870 18O.'i7B 3.1 2,5
Consisting of related persons
only li0301 115120 1,6 1,2
Consisting of related and
unrelated persons 2332 8072 0,1 0,1
Consisting of unrelated'persons
only ' 37237 37286 1,5 1,2

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(1935), Der Geburtenrückgang in Öster-

reich. Wien.

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«I

World Population Year

1974 World Population Year

By Peter Findl and Heimold Helczmanovszki

On the occasion of the World Population Year

The editorship for the monograph,of Austria was

II. COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH' 3if

2.6. Intereuropean Comparison of Mor-

III. POPULATION COMPOSITION 82

IV. REGIONAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT

3- Population Density 172

V. THE LABOUR FORCE 174

VI. POPULATION PROJECTION 189

VII. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, LAW, POPULA-

12 Deaths, Death Rate, and Infant

APPENDIX A: THE SOURCES OF POPULATION DATA

APPENDIX B : TABLES 235

Table ' Page

37 Percentage Distribution by Household

46 Growth Rates of the Population by

48 Components of Population Growth,

55 Percentage Distribution of the

. dren Under 15(14) Years Old, 1961

62 Projected Population Movement 199

1 Legitimate and Illegitimate Fer=

1 The Population of Austria, 1527

In the following chapter a description of pop=

1 . POPULATION GROWTH SINCE THE FIFTEENTH

The description given in the following is di=

Change over Index

1527 1,500.000 100

Source: 1527-1857:• Kurt Klein (1973}; 1869-1975= Austrian Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office.

1869 the census took a more modern aspect,

1. 1. Beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the Middle of

The earliest basic estimates of the population

Average Annual Growth Rate, 1527 - 1975

1.2. 1754 - 1869

During this period, the purpose of a census was

The regional differences of this growth are

1.3. 1869 up to World War I

In 1869 'the first census was taken, which as

Change (in thousands) Percentage change

1869 - 1880 1.61», 1 223,5 2¡4O,6 10,3 5,0 5,3

1890 - 1900 586,3 It 1 3 . 1 173,2 10,8 7,6 3,2

1869 - 1910 211.9,3 1396,3 753,0 1»7,8 31,0 16;8

1951 - 1971 522 j 5 609,7 - 87,2 7,5 8,8 - 1,3

l) Today's territorial borders.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office. Results of censuses and vital

Table 2 demonstrates the quantitative con=

This 'high natural growth is not the result of

After 19-1/05 a downward trend of natural growth

18T1 - 1875 l6oljli7 3l4,5 it 1(208 31,0 16239 3,5

1) Today's territorial borders.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

7.4. World War I to 1951

The First World War caused a national ,catas=

As already mentioned, the trend of natural move=

The comparison of the censuses in 1923 and 1934

Between 1934 and 1951 the post-war influx .of .

A general view characterizes the period between

7.5. 7957 to 1975

In the first decade of this period, relatively

The curve of the rate of natural increase which

Farmer (incl. 35 - 15 3,12 x" 3,1*2

35 - 15 1,11 2,31 1,98