The Sound of Sarcasm PDF

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 16

Available online at www.sciencedirect.

com

Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381


www.elsevier.com/locate/specom

The sound of sarcasm


Henry S. Cheang *, Marc D. Pell
McGill University, School of Communication Sciences and Disorders, 1266 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3G 1A8

Received 4 April 2007; received in revised form 17 November 2007; accepted 19 November 2007

Abstract

The present study was conducted to identify possible acoustic cues of sarcasm. Native English speakers produced a variety of simple
utterances to convey four different attitudes: sarcasm, humour, sincerity, and neutrality. Following validation by a separate naı̈ve group
of native English speakers, the recorded speech was subjected to acoustic analyses for the following features: mean fundamental fre-
quency (F0), F0 standard deviation, F0 range, mean amplitude, amplitude range, speech rate, harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR, to probe
for voice quality changes), and one-third octave spectral values (to probe resonance changes). The results of analyses indicated that sar-
casm was reliably characterized by a number of prosodic cues, although one acoustic feature appeared particularly robust in sarcastic
utterances: overall reductions in mean F0 relative to all other target attitudes. Sarcasm was also reliably distinguished from sincerity by
overall reductions in HNR and in F0 standard deviation. In certain linguistic contexts, sarcasm could be differentiated from sincerity and
humour through changes in resonance and reductions in both speech rate and F0 range. Results also suggested a role of language used by
speakers in conveying sarcasm and sincerity. It was concluded that sarcasm in speech can be characterized by a specific pattern of pro-
sodic cues in addition to textual cues, and that these acoustic characteristics can be influenced by language used by the speaker.
Ó 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Verbal irony; Sarcasm; Prosody; Acoustic cues

1. Introduction Verbal irony can be defined as expressions in which the


intended meaning of the words is different from or the
Communication and speech comprehension are heavily direct opposite of their usual sense; these expressions serve
dependent on the use of implicit information (Sabbagh, numerous functions in communication (see Gibbs, 2000;
1999). Speakers convey implicit information to listeners Haverkate, 1990, for a description of the forms and func-
by manipulating language and prosody (i.e., intonation tions of verbal irony). Sarcasm is verbal irony that
and stress patterns), among other features, to express a expresses negative and critical attitudes toward persons
particular message. The rules that govern how speakers or events (Kreuz and Glucksberg, 1989). However, it bears
produce language are well-documented (e.g., Grice, noting that while researchers typically refer to or study
1975). In contrast, how prosodic cues are used to express ‘‘verbal irony” or ‘‘irony”, they are generally referring to
affective and attitudinal states has been studied much less. the negative attitude projected by ironic speakers. Hence,
One context in which prosodic features appear to play a in many instances, the terms ‘‘verbal irony” and ‘‘sarcasm”
significant role is the communication of verbal irony, of have been conflated (Capelli et al., 1990). To be explicit, the
which a key subtype is sarcastic irony, i.e., sarcasm (Kreuz focus of the present study is sarcasm because of its impor-
and Roberts, 1993). tance in communication. For example, sarcastic comments
are quite pervasive in conversation, perhaps because listen-
ers tend to find these remarks less threatening and more
*
Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 514 398 8496; fax: +1 514 398 8123.
polite than overtly critical statements (Dews et al., 1995;
E-mail addresses: henry.cheang@mail.mcgill.ca (H.S. Cheang), marc. Gerrig and Goldvarg, 2000; Jorgensen, 1996; Kumon-
pell@mcgill.ca (M.D. Pell). Nakamura et al., 1995). Viewed in another way, sarcastic

0167-6393/$ - see front matter Ó 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.specom.2007.11.003
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 367

comments can act to highlight and enhance the critical the absence of prosodic cues); however, when these utter-
message intended by speakers (Colston, 1997). Overall, ances were heard by a separate group of participants, utter-
the degree to which sarcastic comments are considered ances extracted from sarcastic contexts were rated as
polite or critical appears to vary as a function of the surface significantly more sarcastic than those from non-sarcastic
form of the message; sarcastic compliments are perceived contexts. As well, additional participants could successfully
as more mocking and less polite than direct compliments, match the spoken utterances to transcribed versions of
whereas sarcastic insults are perceived as more mocking their original contexts. One final separate group of partic-
and more polite than direct insults (Pexman and Olineck, ipants rated the originally-sarcastic utterances as more sar-
2002). While not the focus of this study, a number of the- castic regardless of the presence of written versions of the
ories have been put forth to account for the contexts and original sarcastic contexts (Bryant and Fox Tree, 2002).
linguistic mechanics under which speakers express the neg- These results show that the intent of sarcastic utterances
ative subtype of verbal irony, i.e., sarcasm (e.g., Clark and can be recognized independent of their contexts, although
Gerrig, 1984; Grice, 1975; Sperber, 1984). one shortcoming cited by the authors is that the effects of
A point of general agreement for which there exists rel- verbal semantics and acoustic features for understanding
atively little cohesive data is that speakers can signal their sarcasm cannot be truly dissociated with these methods.
sarcastic intent to listeners using the prosodic content of Semantic cues (i.e., words or phrases) often signal sarcasm
speech. One explanation for the inconsistent amount of in conjunction with prosodic cues (Bolinger, 1989; Haiman,
data is that different researchers have been studying distinct 1998) and there are some phrases or words which may be
subtypes of verbal irony that may present with different so closely tied to the sarcastic context that these expres-
prosodic patterns which may in turn lead to the conclusion sions can independently signal sarcasm (i.e., these expres-
that no true acoustic patterns of irony exist. Speakers may sions become ‘‘enantiosemantic”, Haiman, 1998, p. 39).
be using non-standard shifts in communicative contexts Thus, the role of prosody for communicating sarcasm can-
(i.e., changes in acoustic parameters, semantics, discourse, not be determined easily from this study.
and facial expression, among others) to signal different sub- In a follow-up study, Bryant and Fox Tree (2005) inves-
types of verbal irony (including sarcasm) by highlighting a tigated how sarcasm is perceived from spontaneous utter-
deviation from an expected or typical message to listeners ances taken from radio shows when the stimuli were
(Attardo et al., 2003; Bryant, in press; Bryant and Fox content-filtered (i.e., semantic cues were rendered unintelli-
Tree, 2005; Kreuz and Roberts, 1995; Wilson and Whar- gible). They found that filtered utterances that conveyed
ton, 2006). An alternative perspective is that, in conjunc- ‘‘dripping sarcasm” (i.e., utterances in which the sarcastic
tion with situational context and vocabulary choice, intent was conveyed in a semantically and prosodically
specific acoustic cues known collectively as the ‘‘ironic tone unambiguous fashion, p. 260) were correctly rated as more
of voice” help listeners to know when sarcasm is intended sarcastic by listeners than non-sarcastic utterances filtered
(Clark and Gerrig, 1984). However, given the different sub- in the same manner (Bryant and Fox Tree, 2005). Comple-
types of verbal irony that exist (Gibbs, 2000), it may be mentary to these findings, Rockwell (2000b) showed that
more accurate to collectively refer to cues marking sarcastic naı̈ve listeners can discern sarcasm from posed, although
speech as a sarcastic tone of voice (even though researchers not spontaneous, utterances that were content-filtered
typically do not make such a distinction). In principle, such prior to presentation. Rockwell’s (2000b) analyses further
a pattern of acoustic cues is similar to the predictable revealed that listeners perceive sarcastic utterances as hav-
changes in acoustic cues that are associated with many ing lower pitch (i.e., the perceptual correlate of fundamen-
affective and attitudinal states (Banse and Scherer, 1996). tal frequency (F0)), slower tempo (i.e., the perceptual
Note also that listeners can accurately recognize emotions correlate of speech rate) and greater loudness (i.e., the per-
(e.g., joy, anger) and certain attitudes (e.g., confidence, ceptual correlate of amplitude), although these conclusions
politeness) when listening to semantically-meaningless were derived from analyses of perceptual attributes and
‘‘pseudo-utterances” which communicate these meanings hence do not supply direct evidence of acoustic changes
strictly through prosodic cues (Dara et al., in press; Mon- which might correspond with sarcastic speech.
etta et al., in press; Pell, 2006). In an analogous manner, In the developmental literature, there are also compel-
it is possible that speakers use a relatively consistent set ling indications that contextual and prosodic cues for
of acoustic markers in conjunction with linguistic and con- appreciating sarcastic intent in speech can be dissociated.
textual cues to signal sarcastic intent in speech. Studies which have required children of different ages to
In one study, Bryant and Fox Tree (2002) extracted sar- recognize sarcasm on the basis of context alone, intonation
castic and non-sarcastic utterances from live radio conver- alone, or combinations of the two sets of cues have shown
sations to determine whether listeners could discern a developmental progression in the differential use of sar-
sarcasm under different experimental conditions. In the castic cues. In some reports, sensitivity to sarcastic situa-
absence of their original contexts, the texts of sarcastic tional contexts appears to develop first in young children
and non-sarcastic target utterances were not found to be (Ackerman, 1983, 1986; Winner and Leekman, 1991),
significantly non-biasing toward or away from a sarcastic whereas others claim that sensitivity to sarcastic intonation
interpretation when presented in a written format (i.e., in is acquired first (Capelli et al., 1990; Laval and Bert-
368 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

Erboul, 2005; Laval, 2004). Regardless of which milestone simulate sarcasm and three other ‘‘attitudes” (humour, sin-
is attained first, these findings imply a functional dissocia- cerity, neutrality) and then undertook detailed acoustic
tion in the cues which contribute to the expression of sar- analyses of those utterances which were reliably judged to
casm in speech, underscoring the importance of prosody communicate the intended attitude by a group of listeners.
in this context and allowing for the possibility that a In this way, we sought to specify prosodic differences that
uniquely sarcastic prosody exists alongside contextual might distinguish sarcasm from verbal irony intended to
markers of this attitude. sound humourous as well as from sincere/neutral exem-
To date, relatively little work focusing on sarcasm has plars of the same utterance. We studied posed tokens of
been done that specifically examined the acoustic cues of sarcasm to ensure greater experimental control over our
sarcasm. Among the acoustic features most frequently stimuli and to permit a further manipulation of the type
cited in this literature are: heightened pitch/F0 variation; of utterance produced; our acoustic analyses were per-
heightened loudness; alterations in speech timing (e.g., formed on utterances which included or excluded enanti-
reduced speech rate or increased number of pauses); varied osemantic terms (key phrases argued to be associated
changes in voice quality; extra nasal resonance; and mono- with sarcasm) to examine whether acoustic cues varied
tonic or lowered pitch/F0 (Cutler, 1974, 1976; Fonagy, systematically due to the presence of this linguistic
1971; Haiman, 1998; Mueke, 1969, 1978; Rockwell, information.
2000a; Schaffer, 1982). More recent work has shown exem- To compare our findings with the existing literature, our
plars of sarcasm to have very complex F0 manipulations analyses included previously-studied measures of F0
across productions (Attardo et al., 2003) or to have high (mean, range, and standard deviation), amplitude (mean
F0 levels (Laval and Bert-Erboul, 2005), or a combination and standard deviation), and speech rate (e.g., Anolli
of high F0 levels, high amplitude and a voice quality that et al., 2002; Bryant and Fox Tree, 2005; Rockwell,
could be characterized as ‘‘tight” (Anolli et al., 2002). 2000b, 2005). As well, we included a measure of both voice
Many of these findings highlight the importance of tempo- quality and nasal resonance which have each been cited as
ral and pitch (F0) measures, although note the differences important for expressing sarcasm, among other attitudes
in whether sarcasm is associated with a higher (Anolli (e.g., Cutler, 1974; Haiman, 1998; Schaffer, 1982) but for
et al., 2002; Attardo et al., 2003; Laval and Bert-Erboul, which there are little empirical data. With respect to voice
2005) or lower (Rockwell, 2000a) pitch/F0 in the literature. quality, the harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR) was chosen to
Overall, it is difficult to infer what prosodic cues may be quantify potential differences between sarcastic utterances
most critical for marking sarcasm, a situation that has per- and other attitudes. The HNR can be defined as the aver-
haps arisen from the different methods used and/or differ- aged periodic (i.e., harmonic) component of a sound signal
ences in the languages studied across studies. divided by the corresponding averaged noise component
Another relevant consideration is that acoustic differ- (Yumoto et al., 1982); this measure has been found to be
ences may characterize different subtypes of verbal irony. a robust and reliable measure of voice quality changes in
In addition to investigating the acoustic profile of sarcasm, studies of vocal pathology and normal aging and correlates
Anolli et al. (2002) found significant differences in acoustic well with perceptual and other objective evaluations of
features between exemplars meant to express sarcasm and voice quality in the wider literature (de Krom, 1995; Esken-
exemplars meant to represent humourous irony (i.e., con- azi et al., 1990; Pereira et al., 2002; Yumoto et al., 1982). In
veying a positive and playful mood). Recall too, that in terms of nasality (i.e., resonance), one-third octave spectral
addition to conveying sarcasm and playful humour, verbal analysis was employed as a means of gauging these differ-
irony performs other functions as well (Colston and ences and their relationship to expressions of sarcasm. This
O’Brien, 2000a,b; Kreuz et al., 1991). Previous descriptions form of analysis, which is performed by applying a one-
of acoustic markers of sarcasm may be confused with third octave filter to the important frequencies of a steady
acoustic markers of other forms of verbal irony (should state portion of a vowel and measuring the resulting values,
such cues exist) or other attitudes. We need to expand is known to correlate well with expert ratings of the pres-
and clarify our knowledge regarding the cues that likely ence and degree of clinical hypernasality regardless of etiol-
mark sarcasm. ogy, patient age (pediatric or adult) or gender, and across
languages (Kataoka et al., 1996, 2001a,b; Lee et al., 2003,
1.1. The present study 2004; Yoshida et al., 2000). These additional acoustic mea-
sures allow the present literature on sarcasm to be extended
In light of the evidence that prosody is important for in a meaningful way.
understanding sarcasm in speech, the present study was Based on the literature reviewed, it was expected that
designed to provide a comprehensive acoustic description exemplars of sarcasm would differ significantly from exem-
of sarcastic utterances in English and to evaluate whether plars of humour and sincerity on measures of F0, ampli-
a consistent pattern of acoustic cues differentiates sarcasm tude, speech rate, voice quality, and nasality. While
from other ‘‘attitudes” as previously suggested (Clark and disparities in the literature prevent precise statements
Gerrig, 1984; Haiman, 1998; Rockwell, 2000a). To achieve regarding the directionality of these cues, it was expected
this, we recruited speakers who produced utterances to that sarcastic utterances would display a lower F0, greater
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 369

F0 variability, greater amplitude, and reduced speech rate restricted to high-frequency words). As the primary pur-
when compared to utterances expressing the other attitudes pose was to isolate possible acoustic cues of sarcasm, the
(especially corresponding utterances which were intended text of each item was devised in a way that it could be spo-
to be sincere). The effects of communicating sarcasm or ken with each of the four attitudes without any changes. To
other attitudes on our measure of voice quality and nasality facilitate productions of sarcasm, humour, and sincerity,
could not be predicted with any certainty from the litera- sets of biasing sentences were created which were suitable
ture. For example, while HNR is very sensitive to the pres- to each attitude; for example, biasing sentences designed
ence of hoarseness (Yumoto et al., 1982), breathiness (de to promote the expression of sarcasm included very obvi-
Krom, 1995), and general vocal changes brought about ous harsh, unfairly critical, or insulting cues (e.g., ‘‘horrid
by pathology (Eskenazi et al., 1990; Pereira et al., 2002); woman” from Table 1). For humour, biasing sentences
or normal aging (Ferrand, 2002), this measure has not been incorporated playful cues or explicit mention of a friendly
applied to the investigation of sarcasm. The effects of sar- relation (e.g., ‘‘your friend Shelley” from Table 1). To
casm on our measure of nasality were similarly exploratory elicit sincerity, biasing sentences did not contain any infor-
in nature. mation that suggested positive or negative associations;
neither were there playful nor insulting cues. No biasing
2. Method sentences were constructed to assist encoders to express
neutrality.
2.1. Stimuli production A secondary objective was to evaluate the possible
impact of different utterance forms on how speakers mod-
2.1.1. Encoders and materials ulate the acoustic cues to express sarcasm. Therefore,
Six native English speakers or ‘‘encoders” (three male within each group of tokens that expressed the target atti-
and three female; mean age in years: 21.43, SD: 1.63; mean tudes, the utterances took three different forms: utterances
years of education: 15.33, SD: 1.63) were recruited to pose characterized by ‘‘keyphrases” cited by some authors as
expressions of four distinct attitudes (sarcasm, humour, more likely to convey sarcasm than other comparable
sincerity, and neutrality). As described below, each encoder terms; sentences without keyphrases; and ‘‘combined sen-
was recorded producing a total of 96 utterances (24 repre- tences” composed of the keyphrases and the sentences
senting each of the four attitudes). With the exception of combined in one utterance. Four sets of the three phrase
neutrality, each recorded exemplar was generated in types were constructed in total. The text of these exemplars
response to a biasing sentence to promote relatively natu- ranged from 2 to 3 syllables for keyphrases and 7 to 8 syl-
ralistic productions of a given attitude (i.e., as if the enco- lables for sentences (review Table 1). When producing a
der were engaging in a scripted dialogue; see Table 1 for given attitude, the same biasing sentence was used to elicit
examples of all recording materials). productions for each of the three associated phrase types.
Target utterances were constructed to control the Hence, for every exemplar in the ‘‘healthy lady” set in
semantic content, syntactic content, number of syllables, Table 1, the biasing sentence (for sincerity) was ‘‘She runs
and word frequency of the vocabulary (which was 10 miles a day”. To ensure the suitability of recording

Table 1
Biasing sentences and elicited sentences forming dialogues across four attitudes (sarcasm, humor, sincerity, and neutrality)
Phrase Text of elicited exemplar Attitude Biasing sentences associated with phrase type cluster
type
A: I suppose; it’s a respectful Sarcasm Don’t you just love how your stupid mother-in-law always smirks and snorts loudly
gesture. when you misspeak?
B: It’s a respectful gesture. Humor Not everyday that you see a priest give the finger, is it?
C: I suppose. Sincerity It was nice of your supervisor to send flowers.
A: Is that so; she is a healthy lady. Sarcasm That horrid woman smokes a pack a day.
B: She is a healthy lady. Humor Your friend Shelley can’t even do a single pushup.
C: Is that so? Sincerity She runs 10 miles everyday.
A: Oh boy; he is a superior chef. Sarcasm Our moronic boss gave us all food poisoning.
B: He is a superior chef. Humor Your brother singed his eyebrows while making toast.
C: Oh boy. Sincerity Butch just won another cooking contest; this is his twentieth win in the last 3 years.
A: Yeah, right; what a spectacular Sarcasm The arrogant front-runner finished dead last.
result.
B: What a spectacular result. Humor Fascinating how she lost the eating contest to someone half her size huh?
C: Yeah, right. Sincerity He broke three records in that race!
‘‘A” items denote combined sentences, ‘‘B” items denote single sentences, and ‘‘C” items denote keyphrases. Note that no biasing sentences were provided
to encoders to facilitate their production of neutrality.
370 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

materials, all biasing sentence/target utterance pairs were microphone (sampling rate of 44.1 kHz, 16 bit, mono; no
presented in written format to four native English speakers precautions were taken against possible anti-aliasing).
who judged the naturalness of the sentence pairs in a
pilot study. The pilot participants were instructed to rate
2.1.3. Perceptual validation study
the pairs as being ‘‘natural”, ‘‘somewhat natural”, or
A perceptual validation study was undertaken to estab-
‘‘unnatural”. Both biasing sentences and target utterances
lish the reliability of the encoders’ productions of specific
were revised on the basis of these ratings and submitted
attitudes prior to acoustic analysis. Sixteen native English
to different English speaking participants. Refinement
speakers (eight males, eight females; mean age in years:
continued until there was at least 75% agreement across
22.47, SD: 2.41; mean years of education: 16.38, SD:
raters that all sentence pairs reflected communicative inter-
1.71) were recruited from the same population as the
actions that were perceived as natural for the intended
encoders to judge the intended meaning of the recorded
attitude.
utterances (hereafter these participants will be referred to
as ‘‘decoders”). Before testing, decoders were provided
2.1.2. Recording procedure
the same descriptions of the attitudes that had been given
Each target utterance was recorded twice (non-sequen-
to the encoders. During the task, decoders were presented
tially) to express each attitude per encoder. During the
the full 576 utterances recorded from encoders in 19 blocks
recording session, the encoder was presented a series of
of approximately 30 utterances per block. Following pre-
cards which contained the biasing sentence (except for neu-
sentation of each utterance, each decoder identified the
trality) and an associated utterance form (i.e., a keyphrase,
conveyed attitude from among four alternatives (sarcasm,
a sentence, or a combined sentence). Encoders had to
humour, sincerity, and neutrality) in a forced choice task.
silently read the biasing sentence and then produce the tar-
Utterances were retained as exemplars for acoustic analysis
get sentence to communicate the intended target attitude.
if the rating agreement was two times chance levels or
Recording sessions always began with the elicitation of
greater (i.e., 50% or greater agreement across all 16 decod-
neutral utterances; in this condition encoders were asked
ers that a particular exemplar reflects a specific attitude).
to simply read the target sentence in a voice that did not
For those stimuli categorized in a way that was not
convey any particular affect or attitude. Once the entire
intended by the encoder, the original classification was
set of neutral utterances was recorded, utterances convey-
dropped in favor of the decoders’ collective perceptual rat-
ing the remaining attitudes were recorded in a fixed ran-
ings and that exemplar was recoded. This strategy was pur-
dom sequence which was the same for all encoders. The
sued to help meet the primary goal of evaluating what
total number of exemplars recorded in the experiment
acoustic features signal sarcastic speech. There are possible
was 576 (i.e., 6 encoders  4 attitudes  4 items  3 utter-
mismatches between intended meaning and perceived
ance forms  2 repetitions).
meaning in exemplars of sarcastic speech (Rockwell,
At the onset of recording, encoders were provided with
2000a). Hence, it was important to ensure acoustic analyses
the definitions of each attitude and given brief, standard-
were carried out on utterances that were robustly recog-
ized descriptions of situations under which interlocutors
nized by a range of decoders as expressing a particular
are likely to express sarcasm, humour, or sincerity (e.g.,
attitude.
‘‘people use sarcastic utterances to respond to insulting
Subsequent to the perceptual validation study, we
comments directed at them”; ‘‘people use humourous state-
retained 489 utterances as ‘‘good” exemplars for acoustic
ments to be playful with friends”). Given the primary aim
analysis. As a whole, the utterances were representative
of the current study (i.e., evaluate the potential acoustic
of the target attitudes and were comparable across phrase
features of sarcastic verbal irony against other forms,
types. Results of the validation study are summarized in
including positive verbal irony), it was important to high-
Table 2.
light the fundamentally negative nature of sarcasm as the
negativity represents the chief distinction across the target
attitudes. The encoders were instructed to use the defini- 2.2. Acoustic analyses
tions, presented scenarios, and biasing sentences to guide
their enactments of the attitudes (see Appendix A for text All validated utterances were subjected to acoustic anal-
of all descriptive materials). To familiarize encoders with yses using Praat speech analysis software (Boersma and
the recording procedure, each completed several practice Weenink, 2007). As noted earlier, a number of acoustic
trials before commencing with the recordings proper. The parameters were selected for their potential importance
examiner did not provide any feedback or coach the enco- for differentiating sarcasm from other attitudes based on
der as to how a ‘‘proper” rendition of the required attitude previous research findings and trends; the measures
should be produced. Encoders were allowed to repeat their obtained from each exemplar were:
recordings to their satisfaction, and when this occurred, the
final utterance produced for each trial was considered for (a) Mean F0 (in Hz): computed for the utterance as a
analysis. All recordings were captured onto digital audio whole to index the relative effects of pitch height or
tape in a sound-attenuated booth using a high-quality register on different attitudes.
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 371

Table 2
Total number of utterances retained as exemplars for various acoustic analyses subsequent to validation study
Acoustic parameter Elicited phrase type Attitude Total per phrase type
Sarcasm Humor Sincerity Neutrality
F0, amplitude, speech rate, HNR Combined sentence 44 (70%) 23 (65%) 52 (68%) 42 (72%) 161
Single sentence 11 (67%) 22 (64%) 106 (72%) 39 (68%) 178
Keyphrase 56 (70%) 20 (68%) 41 (72%) 33 (65%) 150
Total per attitude 111 65 199 114
Total per phrase type entered into
separate analyses of variance
Sarcasm Humor Sincerity Neutrality
1/3 octave Spectral value Combined sentence 13 (68%) 22 (69%) 35 (68%) 33 (73%) 103
Single sentence 10 (67%) 15 (67%) 60 (69%) 23 (68%) 108
Note that a grand total of 489 utterances were retained as exemplars for acoustic analysis. An utterance was retained as an exemplar if the rating
agreement was 2 chance levels or greater (i.e., 50% or greater agreement across all 16 raters that a particular exemplar reflected a specific attitude). Mean
agreement percentages for exemplars are in parentheses next to the total number of utterances retained per factorial combination of PHRASE TYPE and
ATTITUDE. Following normalization to neutral exemplars, data from 368 exemplars were entered into statistical analyses for all measures of F0,
amplitude, speech rate, and HNR.

(b) Standard deviation of F0 (in Hz): computed around octave bands were taken to form a spectrum of val-
the mean F0 for the whole utterance as an index of ues. The resulting spectrum was then normalized for
overall F0 variation. statistical analysis; the process of normalization con-
(c) F0 range (in Hz): computed by subtracting the mini- sisted of subtracting the value of each one-third
mum from the maximum F0 value of each exemplar octave band from the value of the one-third octave
as a further index of F0 variation. band containing the F0 of the vowel (Kataoka
(d) Mean amplitude (in dB): computed for the utterance et al., 1996; Yoshida et al., 2000). For male encoders,
as a whole to index the intensity or loudness of utter- F0 was located in the band centered between 160 and
ances spoken with different attitudes. 200 Hz, whereas F0 for female encoders could be
(e) Amplitude range (in dB): computed by subtracting found in the band centered between 200 and
the minimum amplitude value from the maximum 250 Hz. Successive bands were renumbered sequen-
amplitude value of each exemplar to assess the degree tially with the band containing the F0 relabeled as
of variation in speech intensity or loudness. ‘‘0”. Elevated nasal resonance in /i/ vowels has been
(f) Speech rate: computed as the number of syllables in characterized by amplitude increases between first
each item divided by the total utterance duration and second formants (i.e., the spectral region defined
(in milliseconds). by bands 6–8) and energy decreases following the sec-
(g) Harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR, in dB): voice qual- ond formants (i.e., the spectral region defined by
ity measure computed from the 50-ms stable, central bands 10–14) (Kataoka et al., 1996, 2001a; Lee
portion of vowels which were segmented from the et al., 2003; Yoshida et al., 2000).
stressed syllables of each utterance (most vowels in
unstressed syllables were shorter than 50 ms; Yumoto The restricted choice of vowels for one-third octave
et al., 1982). The HNR is the ratio of the averaged analyses is justified as /i/ is the only vowel for which reli-
periodic component of a sound signal to the corre- able indices of nasal resonance have been comprehensively
sponding averaged noise component and is measured determined using this method of analysis (Kataoka et al.,
in decibels (dB) (Yumoto et al., 1982). Evaluating 1996, 2001a; Lee et al., 2003; Yoshida et al., 2000). Other
HNR serves as a probe for voice quality changes, vowels will likely present with different (one-third octave)
rather than as a full test of voice shifts, as we only spectral profiles in the presence of nasality (Beddor, 1993;
evaluate the HNR of stressed vowels and since the Maeda, 1993). Also, nasal coupling (and hence, nasal reso-
calculation of HNR is a measure of the total noise nance) would be immediately detectable in /i/ over other
in the signal rather than a careful evaluation of the vowels, given its narrow lingual constriction (Yoshida
contributions of different acoustic perturbations et al., 2000). As the vowel /i/ only occurred in the sentence
(such as jitter or shimmer, Yumoto et al., 1982). portion of exemplars, data considered for analysis was col-
(h) One-third octave spectral values (in dB): measure of lected from /i/ vowels extracted from the words ‘‘she”,
nasality performed on isolated 50-ms stable portions ‘‘he”, and ‘‘superior (/i/ from /pir/)” of sentence and com-
of stressed /i/ vowels by applying a one-third octave bined exemplars. It would have been preferable to have
filter to 16 frequency regions that range from 125 to included language in keyphrases that contained /i/, but
6300 Hz (i.e., encapsulating the spectral region the extensive refinement employed to construct reliable
between the F0 past the third formant of /i/ vowels). and valid exemplars of target attitudes rendered this impos-
Hence, values (measured in dB) from 16 one-third sible. Consequently, we analyzed 108 /i/ vowels extracted
372 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

from sentence exemplars and 103 /i/ vowels segmented (a = 0.05). Effects that were subsumed by higher-order
from combined sentence exemplars (the different number interactions are not described.
of /i/ vowels available for analysis was due to different
numbers of sentence and combined sentence exemplars 3. Results
being retained subsequent to validation; see Table 2).
Table 3 furnishes the mean (un-normalized) measures of
2.3. Statistical analyses F0, amplitude, speech rate and HNR which characterized
each attitude.
Prior to statistical analysis, acoustical measures were re-
examined by the first author and a trained research assis- 3.1. Fundamental frequency: mean, standard deviation, range
tant. Corrections were made to a small subset of exemplars
for which the autocorrelation method produced obvious The impact of the three attitudes on parameters of F0
errors (e.g., when null values were returned by the Praat (mean, standard deviation, and range) is illustrated in
software due to automated script errors, mean F0 was taken Fig. 1. The ANOVA performed on values of mean F0 yielded
using commands available in the graphical user interface a significant main effect for ATTITUDE (F(2, 359) = 16.57,
instead – this occurred for less than 1% of all exemplars). p < 0.001). Post hoc analyses revealed that sarcasm exem-
With the exception of one-third octave spectral values plars were significantly lower in mean F0 than humour and
(which were subjected to a previously established normali- sincerity exemplars (see Fig. 1a).
zation procedure as part of calculation), measures obtained The ANOVA on F0 standard deviation yielded main
for exemplars of sarcasm, humour, and sincerity were each effects for PHRASE TYPE (F(2, 359) = 12.86, p < 0.001)
normalized in reference to the same measure obtained for and ATTITUDE (F(2, 359) = 17.51, p < 0.001). Elabora-
exemplars of neutrality to allow comparisons across speak- tion of PHRASE TYPE indicated that keyphrase exem-
ers and exemplar types. Normalization also corrected for plars exhibited a significantly greater F0 standard
unavoidable differences in microphone distance and instru- deviation than both sentence exemplars and combined sen-
ment recording levels that would have varied somewhat tence exemplars. The main effect of ATTITUDE was
across testing sessions. All individual values of F0, ampli- explained by the fact that sincerity exemplars were pro-
tude, and speech rate were normalized (per speaker) in ref- duced with greater F0 standard deviations than humour
erence to the set of neutral exemplars by dividing the and sarcasm exemplars (see Fig. 1b).
difference between the averaged value of neutral exemplars Analysis of F0 range yielded main effects for PHRASE
for a given phrase type from an individual data point by the TYPE (F(2, 359) = 12.71, p < 0.001) and ATTITUDE
averaged value of neutral exemplars for a given phrase type (F(2, 359) = 6.35, p = 0.002), and an interaction of these
(e.g. [mean F0(one keyphrase exemplar of humour) mean factors (F(4, 359) = 3.53, p = 0.008). Post hoc inspection
F0(all keyphrase exemplars of neutrality)]/mean F0(all keyphrase exem- of the interaction showed that the three attitudes were only
plars of neutrality)). In the case of HNR, all HNR values taken differentiated by F0 range for keyphrases, where sarcasm
from the stressed vowels of a particular exemplar were first had a more restricted F0 range than sincerity. For sarcasm,
averaged prior to normalization in reference to neutral F0 range did not differ as a function of the three phrase
utterances. types, whereas for humour and sincerity, F0 range tended
The normalized acoustic data (except for one-third to be greater for keyphrases than for sentences (and com-
octave spectral data) from the 368 remaining exemplars bined sentences in the case of sincerity, see Fig. 1c).1
of sarcasm, humour, and sincerity were then subjected to
a series of ANOVAs. Each acoustic measure was analyzed 3.2. Amplitude: mean, range
for the influences of PHRASE TYPE (keyphrase, sentence,
‘‘combined sentence”) and ATTITUDE (sarcasm, humour, The ANOVA on mean amplitude yielded a main effect
sincerity) in a repeated-measures design. For one-third of PHRASE TYPE (F(2, 359) = 5.58, p = 0.004). Post hoc
octave spectral data, separate one-way ANOVAs involving tests showed that sentence exemplars were produced with
the factor of ATTITUDE (sarcasm, humour, sincerity, significantly lower amplitude than keyphrase exemplars
neutrality) were conducted on each normalized octave and combined sentence exemplars. There was no significant
band following Kataoka et al. (1996). Further differentiat-
ing the ANOVAs of the one-third octave spectral data 1
To briefly estimate the extent to which some of our acoustic measures
from the statistical analyses of the other acoustic data is may have been interdependent, a series of three ANCOVAs (analyses of
the fact that vowels taken from sentence exemplars covariance) were conducted to verify the observed effects of PHRASE
(n = 108) were analyzed separately from combined sen- TYPE and ATTITUDE from the main analysis when potentially related
tence exemplars (n = 103). Data from exemplars of neutral- measures were entered as a covariate. Mean F0 was reanalyzed with (1) F0
standard deviation and (2) F0 range as a covariate, and mean amplitude
ity had to be included in the ANOVAs of one-third octave
was reanalyzed with amplitude range as a covariate. All significant effects
spectral values as normalization of these values did not observed in the original analyses remained unchanged, suggesting that
eliminate neutrality as a condition. Significant effects and these cues operated in a relatively independent manner for communicating
interactions were explored with Tukey’s HSD method sarcasm.
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 373

Table 3
Means of non-normalized values of (a) mean fundamental frequency (F0), (b) F0 standard deviation (SD), (c) F0 range (i.e., f 0maximum f 0minimum),
(d) mean amplitude, (e) amplitude range (i.e., maximum amplitude minimum amplitude), (f) speech rate, and (g) harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR)
Utterance form Attitude (a) Mean F0 (b) F0 SD (c) F0 range
Female Male Female Male Female Male
Keyphrase Humor 221.7 (49.9) 148.7 (19.6) 40.8 (33.3) 24.1 (6.0) 125.1 (90.3) 81.7 (21.6)
Neutrality 203.5 (26.0) 130.1 (10.7) 14.6 (7.1) 11.8 (5.1) 51.7 (23.3) 44.7 (15.3)
Sarcasm 193.8 (23.2) 136.4 (12.8) 21.2 (9.1) 20.3 (8.6) 76.2 (31.8) 69.3 (26.7)
Sincerity 224.4 (39.2) 162.6 (28.2) 41.8 (23.2) 30.9 (11.0) 138.0 (78.0) 95.5 (34.2)
Sentence Humor 209.2 (28.3) 167.5 (24.2) 30.8 (7.0) 24.6 (5.8) 112.5 (22.4) 93.2 (14.4)
Neutrality 195.7 (20.7) 134.8 (17.0) 19 (15.7) 12.8 (6.9) 85.3 (79.0) 58.8 (30.6)
Sarcasm 189.1 (15.1) 125.3 (13.1) 23.5 (7.4) 15.9 (5.1) 90.7 (22.6) 56.7 (19.0)
Sincerity 220.8 (34.2) 145.5 (13.2) 33.9 (19.9) 25.6 (10.3) 117.2 (63.8) 94.6 (36.0)
Combined sentence Humor 203.4 (12.9) 157.5 (21.2) 32.2 (13.1) 29.1 (7.9) 176.9 (123.2) 105.8 (25.8)
Neutrality 197.9 (23.8) 136.9 (14.4) 17.0 (9.7) 19.4 (14.9) 93.5 (85.2) 92.2 (72.2)
Sarcasm 193.0 (16.9) 137.5 (8.7) 28.2 (14.0) 26.3 (13.6) 145.2 (103.7) 129.9 (90.6)
Sincerity 229.8 (30.1) 149.9 (16.2) 43.4 (17.5) 28.7 (10.9) 175.1 (68.8) 113.2 (48.4)

Utterance form Attitude (d) Mean amplitude (e) Amplitude range (f) Mean speech rate (g) Mean HNR
Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male
Keyphrase Humor 72.8 (2.6) 72.2 (1.7) 28.3 (7.9) 28.9 (5.6) 3.1 (0.6) 3.6 (0.6) 14.7 (6.1) 16.1 (5.1)
Neutrality 67.7 (3.9) 67.5 (3.5) 32.7 (4.7) 32.3 (5.2) 3.9 (0.6) 3.4 (0.4) 16.0 (3.7) 14.5 (4.3)
Sarcasm 70.0 (5.9) 69.8 (4.1) 31.7 (11.5) 31.2 (6.5) 2.8 (0.6) 2.6 (0.5) 16.2 (4.7) 13.7 (4.8)
Sincerity 73.3 (4.1) 71.1 (3.4) 27.1 (5.1) 30.5 (6.0) 4.0 (0.8) 3.9 (0.7) 14.9 (3.8) 15.6 (3.9)
Sentence Humor 71.1 (2.9) 72.1 (2.2) 35.2 (11.8) 35.7 (5.0) 5.1 (0.5) 6.0 (0.8) 14.4 (3.0) 17.0 (4.5)
Neutrality 68.4 (3.0) 67.6 (3.1) 33.7 (4.7) 35.4 (6.9) 5.3 (0.8) 5.0 (0.7) 15.2 (4.5) 14.5 (4.5)
Sarcasm 70.9 (2.1) 66.4 (3.3) 36.2 (8.0) 36.6 (6.3) 4.8 (0.8) 4.9 (0.7) 13.9 (2.2) 14.7 (2.0)
Sincerity 69.8 (3.2) 67.8 (2.5) 34.6 (5.8) 34.8 (5.8) 5.5 (0.7) 5.3 (0.6) 15.7 (4.3) 13.1 (4.8)
Combined sentence Humor 68.7 (3.6) 71.1 (1.5) 43.4 (4.1) 42.0 (4.5) 4.0 (0.8) 5.4 (0.4) 15.2 (4.1) 16.7 (1.9)
Neutrality 65.6 (4.1) 65.9 (2.8) 41.4 (5.2) 42.3 (7.3) 4.4 (0.5) 4.2 (0.6) 18.0 (3.0) 15.7 (3.8)
Sarcasm 66.9 (3.6) 67.0 (3.1) 42.2 (6.2) 43.6 (3.9) 4.1 (0.5) 4.2 (0.7) 14.2 (3.6) 13.3 (2.5)
Sincerity 69.3 (3.7) 65.1 (2.4) 40.3 (5.5) 43.7 (5.0) 4.8 (0.7) 4.6 (0.4) 16.9 (2.9) 15.3 (2.7)
Overall standard deviation values are in parentheses.

main or interactive effect involving the ATTITUDE factor 3.4. Harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR)
(both p’s > 0.14).
The ANOVA performed on amplitude range yielded a The ANOVA on HNR values revealed main effects of
main effect of PHRASE TYPE (F(2, 359) = 7.77, PHRASE TYPE (F(2, 359) = 4.16, p = 0.02) and ATTI-
p < 0.001). This effect could be explained by the observa- TUDE (F(2, 359) = 3.09, p = 0.047). In the former case,
tion that keyphrase exemplars were produced with a combined sentence exemplars were characterized by lower
reduced amplitude range relative to exemplars of the other averaged HNR values relative to the two other phrase
two phrase types. Again, there was no significant main types. The main effect of ATTITUDE was explained by
effect or interaction involving ATTITUDE (both p’s > .20). the fact that sarcastic messages exhibited a significantly
lower averaged HNR value than sincerity.
3.3. Speech rate
3.5. One-third octave spectral values
The ANOVA on speech rate values yielded main effects
for PHRASE TYPE (F(2, 359) = 30.46, p < 0.001) and One-third octave spectral data are presented in Fig. 2.
ATTITUDE (F(2, 359) = 26.19, p < 0.001) and an interac- One-way ANOVAs performed on normalized amplitude
tion of these factors (F(4, 359) = 16.57, p < 0.001). Tests data from /i/ vowels in sentence exemplars revealed signif-
performed on the interaction revealed that when producing icant differences for one-third octave spectral band 2
keyphrase utterances only, sarcasm was expressed at a (F(3, 104) = 3.06, p = 0.03), band 3 (F(3, 104) = 2.93,
slower rate than both humour and sincerity, and humour p = 0.04), band 10 (F(3, 104) = 4.05, p = 0.009), band 11
was also produced more slowly than sincerity. When (F(3, 104) = 3.65, p = 0.02), band 13 (F(3, 104) = 2.80,
expressing both sarcasm and humour, speakers produced p = 0.04), and band 14 (F(3, 104) = 3.61, p = 0.02). The sig-
keyphrases significantly slower than combined sentences nificant difference found for analysis of band 2 in the sen-
representing the same attitude (and sentences for sarcasm), tence exemplars can be accounted for by the greater
although sincerity was expressed at a similar rate across amplitude of /i/ vowels in sarcasm tokens relative to /i/
phrase types. vowels in sincerity tokens. Differences found at band 3
374 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

a Normalized Mean F0 Across Attitudes


0.20

Normalized Mean F0 0.15

0.10

0.05

0.00

-0.05
Humor Sarcasm Sincerity
Attitude

b Normalized F0 Standard Deviation Across Attitudes


2.0
Normalized F0 SD

1.5

1.0

0.5

0.0
Humor Sarcasm Sincerity
Attitude

c Normalized F0 Range Across Attitudes

1.0
Normalized F0 Range

0.5

0.0
Humor Sarcasm Sincerity
Attitude

Fig. 1. Various speaker manipulations of fundamental frequency (F0) across exemplars of humor, sarcasm, and sincerity. (a) Normalized mean F0 values
across attitudes; (b) normalized F0 standard deviation values across attitudes; (c) normalized F0 range values across attitudes.

are explained by /i/ vowels from humour tokens having tokens were found in band 1 (F(3, 99) = 3.57, p = 0.02),
greater amplitude than /i/ vowels in sincerity tokens. band 2 (F(3, 99) = 3.83, p = 0.01), band 3 (F(3, 99) = 7.84,
Greater amplitude of /i/ vowels in sarcasm tokens relative p< 0.001), band 4 (F(3, 99) = 2.86, p = 0.04), band 5
to sincerity and neutral tokens accounted for the significant (F(3, 99) = 3.69, p = 0.01), band 6 (F(3, 99) = 3.18,
differences found in analyses of bands 10, 11, and 14. p = 0.03), band 7 (F(3, 99) = 3.09, p = 0.03), band 11
Taken as a whole, sentence exemplars of sarcasm were (F(3, 99) = 5.28, p = 0.002), band 12 (F(3, 99) = 4.68,
characterized by a resonance profile different from the p = 0.004), band 13 (F(3, 99) = 5.72, p = 0.001), and band
other attitudes. 14 (F(3, 99) = 3.87, p = 0.01). A number of significant dif-
For /i/ vowels extracted from combined sentence exem- ferences can be attributed to the greater amplitude of /i/
plars, statistical analysis of one-third octave spectral bands vowels in sarcasm tokens relative to sincerity exemplars
yielded significant differences in normalized amplitude for (bands 1, 2, 4, 6, and 7). Analysis of band 3 showed two
the majority of bands. Specifically, differences in attitude patterns: /i/ vowels in sarcasm tokens were greater in
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 375

One-third Spectral Profile of Combined Sentence Exemplars of Attitudes


10

Normalized Amplitude (dB) 0


Humor
-5
Neutrality
Sarcasm
-10
Sincerity
-15

-20

-25

-30
* * * * * * * * * * *
-35
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1/3 Octave Spectral Bands

Fig. 2. Normalized one-third octave spectral values (in dB) for combined sentence exemplars grouped by attitude. Note the clear difference in one-third
octave spectral profile of sarcasm relative to exemplars of the other attitudes. * denote bands for which significant differences in normalized amplitudes
were found across attitude exemplars.

amplitude than for those in sincerity and neutrality tokens,


and /i/ in neutrality tokens were higher in amplitude than / 4. Discussion
i/ in sincerity tokens. Similarly, in band 5, both sarcasm
and neutrality tokens were produced with greater ampli- The present study sought to shed light on the prosodic
tude than /i/ vowels in sincerity tokens. Resonance differ- markers of sarcasm and to dissociate these cues, if possible,
ences most distinguished the attitudes in bands 11 and from the effects of semantic cues by analyzing utterances
13; sarcasm was greater in amplitude than the other three which did or did not contain keyphrases associated with
attitudes. Finally, analysis of bands 12 and 14 showed that sarcasm. Acoustic changes that varied as a function of atti-
/i/ vowels in sarcasm tokens were produced with greater tude regardless of phrase type, therefore, could be inter-
amplitude than those in sincerity and neutrality tokens or preted as prosodic cues which are most important to the
sincerity and humour tokens, respectively. Overall, analysis expression of sarcasm (in reference to other attitudes in
of combined sentence tokens showed a more pronounced the present study). Based on this assumption, our results
pattern of resonance differences across attitudes than sen- showed that overall reductions in mean F0, decreases in
tence exemplars, with the profile for sarcasm being the F0 variation (standard deviation), and changes in HNR
most distinct. Fig. 2 summarizes acoustic and statistical (i.e., voice quality) were used most consistently by English
findings for one-third octave spectral analyses for the com- speakers to differentiate sarcasm from other attitudes.
bined sentence exemplars.2 These more central cues often coincided with further
changes in resonance and reductions in speech rate which
occurred in many, but not all, linguistic contexts as elabo-
2
By normalizing our measures in reference to neutrality exemplars, our rated below.
data do not permit insight into how neutral utterances compared to sarcasm,
humour, and sincerity for our prosodic measures. To illuminate this briefly,
all data were re-normalized in the following manner: all individual values of
F0, amplitude, and speech rate, and the HNR data points derived for 4.1. The most prominent cues for signalling sarcasm
individual exemplars were standardized per speaker in reference to his or her
entire set of exemplars by dividing the difference between the averaged value A reduction in mean F0 was the most consistently
of all exemplars from an individual data point by the standard deviation of observed prosodic correlate of sarcasm in the present
all exemplars (e.g., [mean F0(one exemplar of humour) mean F0(all exemplars)]/F0 study; this cue distinguished sarcasm from both humour
SD(all exemplars)). The ANOVA on each acoustic measure was then rerun with
four levels of ATTITUDE (including neutrality). The newly-computed and sincerity regardless of phrase type (see Table 3). This
statistical results were consistent with the results of our main analyses and result is unsurprising given that adopting a monotonic or
will not be reported. Rather, significant attitude-neutrality differences are lower F0 or pitch in speech are often cited acoustic cues
summarized as follows: sarcasm was characterized by greater F0 SD, greater of sarcasm (Attardo et al., 2003; Fonagy, 1971; Haiman,
F0 range, greater amplitude and slower speech rate than neutrality; humour
1998; Rockwell, 2000a). A tendency to raise or lower voice
had greater mean F0, greater F0 SD, greater F0 range, greater amplitude,
and slower speech rate than neutrality; sincerity had greater mean F0, pitch is known to be instrumental for signaling other atti-
greater F0 SD, greater F0 range, greater amplitude, and faster speech rate tudinal and affective states as well (Banse and Scherer,
than neutrality. 1996; Bänziger and Scherer, 2005), emphasizing the signif-
376 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

icance of this cue for marking sarcasm and perhaps other cues for identifying sarcastic intent (Fonagy, 1971; Hai-
interpersonal intentions during speech. man, 1998; Mueke, 1969). However, further perceptual
In addition to mean F0, sarcastic exemplars displayed and acoustic analyses are necessary to confirm this
smaller F0 standard deviation than exemplars of sincerity possibility.
overall; moreover, F0 range was similarly reduced for
sarcastic relative to sincere utterances although only for 4.2. Effects of secondary cues and phrase type
keyphrase exemplar types. Our findings for these (overlap-
ping) measures are supported in part by descriptions of sar- There were other acoustic markers of sarcasm which
casm as exhibiting periods of reduced F0 or pitch tended to be less pervasive across linguistic contexts and
movements (Attardo et al., 2003; Fonagy, 1971, 1976). may be more dependent on phrase type. Principally, we
However, much of the literature suggests that sarcasm is found that a reduced speech rate and different resonance
marked by heightened F0/pitch variability as one of its patterns were associated with sarcasm, although these cues
major prosodic cues in contrast to our findings (Attardo were prevalent for specific phrase types. In the case of
et al., 2003; Cutler, 1974, 1976; Haiman, 1998). Pending speech rate, short keyphrase utterances such as ‘‘is that
further research, one can argue that changes in the extent so” tended to be spoken more slowly than both ‘‘sentence”
of F0 variation produced by speakers is a relatively consis- and ‘‘combined” phrase types overall, but interestingly,
tent feature of sarcastic speech, although the direction of these keyphrases were produced significantly slower when
these changes is not always uniform and/or this cue may the speaker intended to be sarcastic than either humourous
interact more extensively with the nature of the language or sincere. Similarly, exemplars of humour tended to be
content (Bryant, in press). much slower when speakers produced keyphrases as
Speakers also manipulated voice quality to convey sar- opposed to combined sentences. These findings suggest
casm; specifically, we found that exemplars of sarcasm that listeners are sensitive to (reduced) speech rate as a
were differentiated from exemplars of sincerity by greater potential cue to the two different subtypes of verbal irony
amounts of noise (as inferred from lower HNR values in studied in the current investigation, albeit seemingly in an
sarcasm exemplars). As analysis of HNR in sarcastic interactive fashion with phrase type: the smaller the utter-
speech is a novel approach, we need to draw from studies ance form, the more listeners appeared to respond to
that have looked at the importance of voice quality manip- reductions in speech rate as an indicator of verbal irony
ulations on listener perceptions of affect or mood to inter- (regardless of the presumed hostility or friendliness of sar-
pret our findings (Gobl and Ni Chaisaide, 2003; Ladd casm and humour, respectively). Speech rate was not a dif-
et al., 1985; Banse and Scherer, 1996; Scherer, 1986; ferentiating factor in how listeners identified attitudes for
Scherer et al., 1984). First, it has been noted that differences longer phrase types (e.g., combined sentences). Thus, our
in voice quality are mostly associated with how listeners results extend previous data which have characterized sar-
perceive a speaker’s mood and attitudes rather than their castic speech as having a reduced speech rate (Anolli et al.,
emotions, with the exception of anger (Gobl and Ni 2002; Bryant, in press; Cutler, 1974; Haiman, 1998; Mueke,
Chaisaide, 2003). In particular, ‘‘harsh” or ‘‘tense” voice 1978; Rockwell, 2000b) but further clarify that speech rate
quality tends to signal anger or negative states (e.g., differences likely vary with language usage and may be
‘‘stressed”, ‘‘hostile”) to listeners (Gobl and Ni Chaisaide, more critical for signaling irony in short utterance types.
2003), and there is evidence that listeners classify utterances With respect to resonance, the one-third octave spectral
with a harsh or tense voice quality as conveying negative data indicate that /i/ vowels extracted from both sentence
moods such as annoyance, irritation, and hostility (Ladd and combined sentence exemplars of sarcasm were pro-
et al., 1985). These negative attributions may stem from a duced with significantly greater amplitude at nearly all cru-
cluster of predictable physiological changes which occur cial frequencies. Sarcasm differed most consistently from
in response to negative stimuli, such as heightened tension sincerity in sentence exemplars and presented a markedly
of the respiratory system and vocal apparatus as well as different resonance profile from all other attitudes in com-
decreased salivation which are likely to produce a tense bined sentence exemplars. Recall that previous investiga-
voice quality (Scherer, 1986). tions have discerned increases in amplitude in spectral
As sarcasm is associated with critical (i.e., negative) atti- regions near the first formant concurrently with decreases
tudes on the part of the speaker, it is therefore noteworthy in amplitude in spectral regions near the second formant
that shifts in voice quality in our sarcasm exemplars were as a marker of heightened nasal emission (Kataoka et al.,
characterized by increased noise (i.e., decreases in HNR). 1996, 2001a; Lee et al., 2003; Yoshida et al., 2000). It is
Not only does this finding confirm the importance of voice important to note, however, the differing resonance pat-
quality changes for expressing attitudes, it implies that the terns observed here are not consistent with patterns that
inherently negative nature of sarcasm may be encoded denote heightened levels of nasality; the observed spectral
and expressed through similar acoustic changes as other profiles did not correspond with previously-established
negative messages, i.e., by increasing the level of noise in hypernasal profiles (i.e., energy increases in bands 6–8
the voice. One can speculate that listeners become attuned and energy decreases in bands 10–14) (Kataoka et al.,
to such shifts in voice quality as one of the major vocal 1996, 2001a; Lee et al., 2003; Yoshida et al., 2000).
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 377

Rather, we found amplitude increases in nearly every band speakers may differ from those of Anolli et al. (2002)
indicating that exemplars of sarcasm were produced with a who found that Italian speakers produced sarcasm with
different, but not nasal, resonance (and only for sentence increased loudness. A cross-linguistic comparison would
and combined sentence phrase types). be useful in determining whether amplitude or other acous-
One explanation for these results is that nasalization tic parameters associated with sarcasm vary significantly by
may have occurred within sarcasm exemplars in areas that language, which we are now undertaking (Cheang and Pell,
were not analyzed (i.e., vowels other than /i/), but this in preparation).
appears unlikely. Given how /i/ is articulated (i.e., narrow
lingual constriction), and the fact that only /i/ in stressed 4.3. On the ‘‘ironic tone of voice”
syllables was examined, any nasal emissions should have
been immediately apparent in the present one-third octave Researchers agree that prosody is instrumental for com-
spectral analyses. Previous claims that nasal resonance was municating sarcasm in speech, but there are different opin-
associated with sarcastic expression were not based on ions regarding the acoustic cues associated with sarcastic
objective measures (Cutler, 1974, 1976; Haiman, 1998) intent and the manner in which linguistic context interacts
and many factors are known to impact on listeners’ detec- with prosody to project a sarcastic message. Overall, our
tion of nasality in speech (see Baken and Orlikoff, 2000, for data show that sarcastic messages in English possess reli-
an overview). It is therefore possible that previous asser- able acoustic features (characteristic changes in F0 and
tions that sarcasm is associated with increased nasality voice quality) which are produced by speakers irrespective
stem from perceived differences in nasal resonance due to of the linguistic context of these expressions. These findings
the patterns observed here. are most consistent with the idea of an ironic tone of voice
Another possibility is that orofacial expressions of dis- (Clark and Gerrig, 1984; Mueke, 1969), or more precisely,
gust, which are characterized by a facial sneer or palatal a sarcastic tone of voice (i.e, the existence of defining pro-
drop, occur in tandem with sarcastic speech and lead to sodic features which are used to communicate sarcasm in
these resonance changes. This idea suggests that speakers speech).
mimic disgust as a critical or supplementary means of pro- At the same time, the interaction of prosody with lan-
jecting sarcasm to listeners (Cutler, 1974; Fonagy, 1971; guage and context is also emphasized by our data (Cutler,
Haiman, 1998), although comparisons between disgust 1974; Haiman, 1998); here, speakers appeared to provide a
and sarcasm are problematic since the vocal and orofacial set of ‘‘supplementary” acoustic cues when producing
gestures associated with disgust are known to be highly short, keyphrase utterances. One can speculate that speak-
variable in speech and difficult to recognize by listeners ers provide an enriched prosodic signal in this (or other)
(Pell et al., in review). A different way that facial expres- language contexts to ensure that shorter excerpts of speech
sions could affect resonance relates to the finding that sar- are unambiguously treated as sarcastic by the listener when
casm is signalled by exaggerated facial gestures, semantic features of an utterance are less indicative of this
particularly affecting the mouth, or that speakers adopt a intent. In this way, expressing sarcasm may be similar to
‘‘blank face” to cue pending sarcasm (i.e., a purposefully other attitudes in that certain prosodic cues may be salient
inexpressive or motionless facial expression, Attardo independent of semantic information while other prosodic
et al., 2003; Cutler, 1974; Fonagy, 1976; Mueke, 1969; features work in conjunction with the language content
Rockwell, 2001, 2005). Observed changes in resonance (Scherer et al., 1984). If one accepts that prosodic cues
may have been associated with such changes in facial operate both independently and interactively with other
expressions, especially mouth and lip movements (Tartter cues, the existence of a specific sarcastic prosody can be
and Braun, 1994) or tongue contractions (Fonagy, 1971). reconciled with claims that verbal irony is marked by a
Future refinements in methodology could include video variety of communicative behaviours (Attardo et al.,
recording and analysis of speakers’ facial, lip, or tongue 2003; Bryant, in press; Bryant and Fox Tree, 2005).
movements when producing sarcasm and other attitudes Our data also furnish clues about the acoustic properties
which could then be compared to spectral measures. of sincerity and humour. Prominent acoustic differences
Finally, in contrast to some previous claims (Anolli were most apparent between sarcasm and sincerity rather
et al., 2002; Bryant and Fox Tree, 2005; Rockwell, 2000a, than humour; measures of mean F0, F0 standard deviation,
2005), no differences in amplitude or amplitude variability and HNR clearly distinguished these two attitudes regard-
distinguished sarcasm from the other attitudes here. Since less of linguistic context (sincere utterances displayed a
data on this measure are generally restricted to perceptual higher mean F0, greater F0 standard deviation, and less
impressions of loudness (Rockwell, 2000a, 2005), further noise in the signal). This result should come as little sur-
acoustic data will be needed to reconcile our findings since prise given the opposing speaker intentions underlying
the relationship between objective acoustic features and the articulation of sarcasm (indirect, semantically-inconsis-
their perceptual correlates is not precise (Sobin and Alpert, tent criticism) and sincerity (direct literal appraisal) which
1999; Williams and Stevens, 1972). The possibility that are shown here to be distinguished by multiple acoustic
loudness as a prosodic feature of sarcasm varies across lan- cues in speech. In the case of humour, we found no evi-
guages also cannot be discounted; our data on English dence of a highly contrastive prosodic pattern from the
378 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

other attitudes, in line with claims that humourous intent is cessfully simulated coded prosodic features for expressing
normally communicated through a combination of factors sarcasm which resemble those used in spontaneous con-
or cues. For example, some explicit play cue must alert the texts and which were decoded by listeners in our validation
listener to preclude seriousness (Berlyne, 1972; Suls, 1983), study.
and once a play context is established, the meaning of One way to expand current knowledge regarding the
humourous utterances can be determined when expecta- role of prosody for communicating sarcasm and other atti-
tions generated by the speaker are violated in a variety of tudes is to study the effects of brain damage on these cru-
ways (Suls, 1983, 1972; Brownell et al., 1983). In light of cial abilities. Patients with right hemisphere damage often
these factors, it may have been difficult to capture how display impairments in producing and comprehending
prosody is used to convey humour with our approach, prosody in affective and attitudinal contexts (e.g. Heilman
and it is also likely that speakers had greater difficulty to et al., 1984; Tompkins, 1991). Recently, we have shown
convey humourous intent in single, posed utterances as comparable difficulties to communicate emotions and ‘pro-
suggested by the relatively low number of perceptually- sodic attitudes’ such as confidence or politeness in patients
valid humour exemplars retained from the validation study with Parkinson’s disease (Cheang and Pell, 2007; Pell and
(review Table 2). Nonetheless, exemplars of sarcasm and Leonard, 2003; Pell et al., 2006). Deriving a better under-
humour were found to be distinct on certain acoustic mea- standing of fundamental acoustic markers of attitudes in
sures and it would be prudent of future researchers to eval- speech and their biasing linguistic and contextual factors
uate different subtypes of verbal irony separately rather would be germane to improve diagnosis and treatment of
than as a uniform class (Anolli et al., 2002; Bryant, in many ‘‘pragmatic language disorders” in these patients.
press). To conclude, the present analyses strongly suggest that
Finally, our inclusion of ‘‘enantiosemantic” phrases in there is a distinct pattern of acoustic cues associated with
the text of our tokens merits some commentary. Based sarcasm in speech, one that diverges most clearly from
on results of our validation study, it is readily apparent expressions of sincerity. One cluster of cues, reduced F0
that there was an uneven distribution in the number of and HNR and decreased F0 standard deviation, robustly
exemplars perceived as conveying each attitude according marked sarcastic utterances, whereas changes in resonance
to phrase type; the presence of keyphrases tended to facil- and reductions in speech rate appeared to be supplemen-
itate perception of sarcasm while their absence facilitated tary cues for marking sarcasm in certain linguistic con-
perception of sincerity (review Table 2). This pattern of trasts. While this pattern of acoustic cues does not
findings is consistent with previous (empirically untested) precisely match those observed for other attitudes or affec-
claims that certain phrases become associated with sarcas- tive states (Banse and Scherer, 1996; Mullenix, 2005), more
tic speaker intent (Haiman, 1998), again underscoring the research is needed to clarify the extent to which the ‘‘sound
significant role of lexical-semantic information in the of sarcasm” is uniquely specified in speech.
expression of sarcasm. Nonetheless, it bears re-emphasiz-
ing that attitudes other than sarcasm could be conveyed Acknowledgements
and recognized from each keyphrase in our validation
study; also, for those utterances which were retained, This research was conducted as part of the first author’s
speakers executed changes in F0 and voice quality to mark doctoral research and was supported in part by a CIHR-
sarcasm irrespective of whether particular keyphrases were K.M. Hunter Doctoral Training Award. Further funding
present or absent, highlighting the potential independence was provided by a Discovery Grant from the Natural Sci-
of these prosodic features as a central property of sarcastic ences and Engineering Research Council of Canada to the
speech. second author. The authors would also like to thank Paul
Boersma, Valter Ciocca, and Alice Lee for help in devising
4.4. Limitations and future directions PRAAT scripts to conduct one-third octave analyses, and
Marie Desmarteau and Andrea MacLeod for their assis-
The present study analyzed non-spontaneous (‘‘posed”) tance in the preparation of the manuscript.
speech, and while great care was taken to ensure that ade-
quate exemplars of each attitude were subjected to analysis, Appendix A
the literature would benefit from future studies which
investigate the production and comprehension of sarcasm A.1. Summary of attitude descriptions given to all
in both controlled and spontaneous situations (cf. Bryant participants
and Fox Tree, 2005; Rockwell, 2000b). Nonetheless, we
do not believe that differences in stimulus acquisition A.1.1. Sarcasm
would affect our main conclusions about the acoustic form Definition: A sharp, bitter, or cutting expression or
of sarcasm since previous perception studies have shown remark; a bitter gibe or taunt.
that listeners can recognize posed or spontaneous sarcasm Description: There are two particular circumstances that
(Bryant and Fox Tree, 2005; Rockwell, 2000b). More we would like to draw your attention to with respect to sar-
likely, our data represent instances in which speakers suc- castic utterances. We want you to note that sarcasm is often
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 379

used by people as a retort to an insult. Sarcasm is also used There are very specific moods that we would like you to
by people to criticize situations or other people who they find enact depending on the sentence. We will tell you which
unpleasant. The common theme that runs in these two situ- mood we would like you to enact before we present you
ations is that there should be an element of malice. People with the sentences. The first sentence in the sentence pair
may use sarcasm under other conditions, but the situations will always be designed to help evoke the mood that we
just described are what we would like you to keep in mind. would like you to act out.
[Then the participant was provided with a description of
A.1.2. Humor an attitude prior to the recording of that particular atti-
Definition: Something (action, speech, or writing) that is tude; see above].”
ludicrous or absurdly incongruous or designed to be com-
ical or amusing.
A.3. Instructions specific to decoders
Description: We would like you to keep two situations in
mind regarding humorous, playful utterances. One circum-
stance is that people attempt to make humorous comments ‘‘You will be hearing sets of about 30 sentences in a row.
about unexpected but amusing or unthreatening events. Each set of sentences will be followed by a short break.
Humorous banter might also occur when people who have For every sentence, the speaker is trying to express
friendly relations find themselves in happy and non-serious either a sarcastic, humorous, or sincere attitude. Alter-
interactions. The key element with such utterances is that nately, the speaker is attempting to express no attitude
they are made under happy or potentially silly situations. at all, that is, the sentence sounds neutral. Please note
There are other circumstances under which people may that you will be hearing many different voices and that
make humorous utterances, but these are the ones that not all speakers will sound the same.
we would like you to keep in mind. [Then the participant was provided with descriptions of
all attitudes; see above].
A.1.3. Sincerity While you listen to each sentence, you will also see the
Definition: Free from pretence or deceit; genuine, hon- names of these attitudes on the computer screen. Your
est, frank. task is to judge which attitude the speaker is trying to
Description: With respect to sincere utterances, we are express. It is important that you try to listen to how each
referring to situations where people are expressing what speaker sounds rather than paying specific attention to
they are honestly feeling or thinking on a subject for which the words being spoken. After you have heard the whole
they have no personal connection or stake. That is, speak- sentence, choose the attitude that is closest to what you
ers mean exactly what they are saying; they are not trying hear by clicking the label on the computer screen with
to project any hidden messages or intentions. Sincere utter- your mouse. Please do not overly rush an answer; the
ances are different from neutral utterances. computer will not move on to the next sentence if you
try to answer before a sentence has finished playing.
A.1.4. Neutrality We will begin with a short practice session. Ready?”
Definition: Displaying or containing no overt emotion;
dispassionate, detached.
Description: Neutral utterances do not convey any emo- References
tion or mood. That is, neither attitude nor intention is
Ackerman, B., 1983. Form and function in children’s understanding of
expressed. Sincere utterances and neutral utterances are
ironic utterances. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 35, 487–
two wholly different things. 508.
Ackerman, B., 1986. Children’s sensitivity to comprehension failure in
A.2. Instructions specific to encoders interpreting a nonliteral use of an utterance. Child Development 57,
485–497.
Anolli, L., Ciceri, R., Infantino, M.G., 2002. From ‘‘blame by praise” to
‘‘We are trying to understand how people communicate
‘‘praise by blame”: analysis of vocal patterns in ironic communication.
their moods verbally. We would like you to act out a International Journal of Psychology 37 (5), 266–276.
number of sentences with certain moods so that we Attardo, S., Eisterhold, J., Hay, J., Poggi, I., 2003. Multimodal markers of
may record and analyze them. irony and sarcasm. Humor: International Journal of Humor Research
16 (2), 243–260.
Baken, R.J., Orlikoff, R.F., 2000. Clinical Measurement of Speech &
You will be shown pairs of sentences. Please read both
Voice, second ed. Singular Publishing Group Inc., New York.
sentences silently first. Imagine that the first sentence Banse, R., Scherer, K.R., 1996. Acoustic profiles in vocal emotion
is directed at you from another speaker and that the sec- expression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 70, 614–636.
ond sentence in the pair is your response. I want you to Bänziger, T., Scherer, K.R., 2005. The role of intonation in emotional
act out the second sentence. Importantly, I want you to expressions. Speech Communication 46, 252–267.
Beddor, P.S., 1993. The perception of nasal vowels. In: Huffman, M.,
say the sentence in a way that you feel is as natural
Krakow, R. (Eds.), Nasals, Nasalization, and the Velum. Academic
sounding as possible; do not be theatrical. Essentially, Press, San Diego, pp. 171–196.
say it the way you would if you were in that situation.
380 H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381

Berlyne, D.E., 1972. Humor and its kin. In: McGhee, P.E., Goldstein, J.H. Grice, H.P., 1975. Logic and conversation. In: Cole, P., Morgan, J.L.
(Eds.), The Psychology of Humor. Springer-Verlag, New York, pp. (Eds.), Speech Acts, Vol. (3). Syntax and Semantics, pp. 41–58.
43–60. Haiman, J., 1998. Talk is Cheap: Sarcasm, Alienation, and the Evolution
Boersma, P., Weenink, D., 2007. Praat: doing phonetics by computer of Language. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
(Version 5.0.02) [Computer program]. Retrieved 27 December 2007. Haverkate, H., 1990. A speech act analysis of irony. Journal of Pragmatics
Available from: <http://www.praat.org/>. 14, 77–109.
Bolinger, D., 1989. Intonation and Its Uses: Melody in Grammar and Heilman, K.M., Bowers, D., Speedie, L., Branch Coslett, H., 1984.
Discourse. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Comprehension of affective and nonaffective prosody. Neurology 34,
Brownell, H.H., Michel, D., Powelson, J., Gardner, H., 1983. Surprise but 917.
not coherence: sensitivity to verbal humor in right-hemisphere Jorgensen, J., 1996. The functions of sarcastic irony in speech. Journal of
patients. Brain and Language 18, 20–27. Pragmatics 26, 613–634.
Bryant, G.A., Fox Tree, J.E., 2002. Recognizing verbal irony in Kataoka, R., Michi, K., Okabe, K., Miura, T., Yoshida, H., 1996.
spontaneous speech. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 17 (2), 99–117. Spectral properties and quantitative evaluation of hypernasality in
Bryant, G.A., Fox Tree, J.E., 2005. Is there an ironic tone of voice? vowels. Cleft Palate: Craniofacial Journal 33, 43–50.
Language and Speech 48 (3), 257–277. Kataoka, R., Warren, D.W., Zajac, D.J., Mayo, R., Lutz, R.W., 2001a.
Bryant, G.A., in press. Prosodic contrasts in ironic speech. Discourse The relationship between spectral characteristics and perceived hyper-
Processes. nasality in children. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 109,
Capelli, C.A., Nakagawa, N., Madden, C.M., 1990. How children 2181–2189.
understand sarcasm: the role of context and intonation. Child Kataoka, R., Zajac, D.J., Mayo, R., Lutz, R.W., Warren, D.W., 2001b. The
Development 61, 1824–1841. influence of acoustic and perceptual factors on perceived hypernasality
Cheang, H.S., Pell, M.D., 2007. An acoustic investigation of Parkinsonian in the vowel. Folia Phoniatrica et Logopaedica 53, 198–212.
speech in linguistic and emotional contexts. Journal of Neurolinguis- Kreuz, R.J., Glucksberg, S., 1989. How to be sarcastic: the echoic
tics 20 (3), 221–241. reminder theory of verbal irony. Journal of Experimental Psychology:
Cheang, H.S., Pell, M.D., in preparation. The acoustics of sarcasm in General 118 (4), 374–386.
Cantonese and English. Kreuz, R.J., Roberts, R.M., 1993. On satire and prosody: the importance
Clark, H.H., Gerrig, R.J., 1984. On the pretense theory of irony. Journal of being ironic. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 8 (2), 97–109.
of Experimental Psychology: General 113 (1), 121–126. Kreuz, R.J., Roberts, R.M., 1995. Two cues for verbal irony: hyperbole
Colston, H.L., 1997. I’ve never heard anything like it: overstatement, and the ironic tone of voice. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 10 (1),
understatement, and irony. Metaphor and Symbol 12 (1), 43–58. 21–31.
Colston, H.L., O’Brien, J., 2000a. Contrast and pragmatics in figurative Kreuz, R.J., Long, D.L., Church, M.B., 1991. On being ironic: pragmatic
language: anything understatement can do, irony can do better. and mnemonic implications. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 6, 149–
Journal of Pragmatics 32, 1557–1583. 162.
Colston, H.L., O’Brien, J., 2000b. Contrast of kind versus contrast of Kumon-Nakamura, S., Glucksberg, S., Brown, M., 1995. How about
magnitude: the pragmatic accomplishments of irony and hyperbole. another piece of pie: the allusional pretense theory of discourse irony.
Discourse Processes 30 (2), 179–199. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 124 (1), 3–21.
Cutler, A., 1974. On saying what you mean without meaning what you Ladd, D.R., Silverman, K.E., Tolkmitt, F.J., Bergmann, G., Scherer,
say. In: LaGaly, M.W., Fox, R.A., Bruck, A. (Eds.). Chicago K.R., 1985. Evidence for the independent function of intonation
Linguistic Society, Chicago, IL, pp. 117–127. contour type, voice quality, and F0 range in signaling speaker affect.
Cutler, A., 1976. Beyond parsing and lexical look-up: an enriched Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 78 (2), 435–444.
description of auditory sentence comprehension. In: Wales, R.J., Laval, V., 2004. Pragmatique et langage non littéral: la compréhension des
Walker, E. (Eds.). Dik, S.C., Kooij, J.G. (Eds.), North-Holland demandes sarcastiques par les enfants. Psychologie Francßaise 49, 177–
Linguistic Series, Vol. 30. North-Holland Publishing Company, 192.
Amsterdam, pp. 133–149. Laval, V., Bert-Erboul, A., 2005. French-speaking children’s understand-
Dara, C., Monetta, L., Pell, M.D., in press. Vocal emotion processing in ing of sarcasm: the role of intonation and context. Journal of Speech,
Parkinson’s disease: reduced sensitivity to negative emotions. Language, and Hearing Research 48, 610–620.
Neuropsychology. Lee, A.S.-Y., Ciocca, V., Whitehill, T.L., 2003. Acoustic correlates of
de Krom, G., 1995. Some spectral correlates of pathological breathy and hypernasality. Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics 17 (4–5), 259–264.
rough voice quality for different types of vowel fragments. Journal of Lee, S.Y.A., Ciocca, V., Whitehill, T., 2004. Spectral analysis of
Speech and Hearing Research 38 (4), 794–811. hypernasality. Journal of Medical Speech-Language Pathology 12,
Dews, S., Kaplan, J., Winner, E., 1995. Why not say it directly? The social 173–177.
functions of irony. Discourse Processes 19 (3), 347–367. Maeda, S., 1993. Acoustics of vowel nasalization and articulatory shifts in
Eskenazi, L., Childers, D.G., Hicks, D.M., 1990. Acoustic correlates of French nasal vowels. In: Huffman, M., Krakow, R. (Eds.), Nasals,
vocal quality. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 33 (2), 298– Nasalization, and the Velum. Academic Press, San Diego, pp. 147–167.
306. Monetta, L., Cheang, H.S., Pell, M.D., in press. Understanding speaker
Ferrand, C.T., 2002. Harmonics-to-noise ratio: an index of vocal aging. attitudes from prosody by adults with Parkinson’s disease. Journal of
Journal of Voice 16 (4), 480–487. Neuropsychology.
Fonagy, I., 1971. Synthèse de l’ironie. Phonetica 23, 42–51. Mueke, D.C., 1969. The Compass of Irony. Methuen, London.
Fonagy, I., 1976. Spoken language: dynamic and changing. Journal de Mueke, D.C., 1978. Irony markers. Poetics 7, 363–375.
Psychologie Normale et Pathologique 73 (3–4), 273–304. Mullenix, J., 2005. The perceptual processing of vocal emotion. In: Clark,
Gerrig, R.J., Goldvarg, Y., 2000. Additive effects in the perception of A. (Ed.), Psychology of Moods. Nova Science Publishers, Hauppage,
sarcasm: situational disparity and echoic mention. Metaphor and NY, pp. 123–139.
Symbol 15 (4), 197–208. Pell, M.D., 2006. Cerebral mechanisms for understanding emotional
Gibbs Jr., R.W., 2000. Irony in talk among friends. Metaphor and Symbol prosody in speech. Brain and Language 96 (2), 221–234.
15 (1–2), 5–27. Pell, M.D., Leonard, C.L., 2003. Processing emotional tone from speech
Gobl, C., Ni Chaisaide, A., 2003. The role of voice quality in commu- in Parkinson’s disease: a role for the basal ganglia. Cognitive, Affective
nicating emotion, mood and attitude. Speech Communication 40, 189– and Behavioral Neuroscience 3, 275–288.
212.
H.S. Cheang, M.D. Pell / Speech Communication 50 (2008) 366–381 381

Pell, M.D., Cheang, H.S., Leonard, C.L., 2006. The impact of Parkinson’s Sobin, C., Alpert, M., 1999. Emotion in speech: The acoustic attributes of
disease on vocal-prosodic communication from the perspective of fear, anger, sadness, and joy. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 28
listeners. Brain Language 97, 123–134. (4), 1999.
Pell, M.D., Alasseri, A., Paulmann, S., Kotz, S.A., in review. Factors in Sperber, D., 1984. Verbal irony: Pretense or echoic mention? Journal of
the recognition of vocally expressed emotions: a comparison of three Experimental Psychology: General 113 (1), 130.
languages. Suls, J., 1972. A two-stage model for the appreciation of jokes and
Pereira, J.G., Cervantes, O., Abrahao, M., Parente Settanni, F.A., cartoons: An information-processing analysis. In: Goldstein, J.H.,
Carrara de, A.E., 2002. Noise-to-harmonics ratio as an acoustic McGhee, P.E. (Eds.), The Psychology of Humor. Academic Press,
measure of voice disorders in boys. Journal of Voice 16, 28–31. New York, pp. 81–100.
Pexman, P.M., Olineck, K.M., 2002. Understanding irony: how do Suls, J., 1983. Cognitive processes in humor appreciation. In: McGhee,
stereotypes cue speaker intent? Journal of Language and Social P.E., Goldstein, J.H. (Eds.), Handbook of Humor Research. Springer-
Psychology 21, 245–274. Verlag, New York, pp. 39–57.
Rockwell, P., 2000a. Actors, partners, and observers perceptions of Tartter, V.C., Braun, D., 1994. Hearing smiles and frowns in normal and
sarcasm. Perceptual and Motor Skills 91, 665–668. whisper registers. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 96 (4),
Rockwell, P., 2000b. Lower, slower, louder: vocal cues of sarcasm. Journal 2101–2107.
of Psycholinguistic Research 29, 483–495. Tompkins, C.A., 1991. Automatic and effortful processing of emotional
Rockwell, P., 2001. Facial expression and sarcasm. Perceptual and Motor intonation after right or left hemisphere brain damage. Journal of
Skills 93, 47–50. Speech and Hearing Research 34 (4), 820–830.
Rockwell, P., 2005. Sarcasm on television talk shows: determining speaker Williams, C.L., Stevens, K.N., 1972. Emotions and speech: Some
intent through verbal and nonverbal cues. In: Clark, A. (Ed.), acoustical correlates. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America
Psychology of Moods. Nova Science Publishers Inc., New York, pp. 52 (4), 1238–1250.
109–140. Wilson, D., Wharton, T., 2006. Relevance and prosody. Journal of
Sabbagh, M.A., 1999. Communicative intentions and language: evidence Pragmatics 38, 1559–1579.
from right-hemisphere damage and autism. Brain Language 70, 29–69. Winner, E., Leekman, S., 1991. Distinguishing irony from deception:
Schaffer, R., 1982. Are there consistent vocal clues for irony? In: Masek, Understanding the speaker_s second-order intention. British Journal
C.S., Hendrick, R.A., Miller, M.F. (Eds.), Parasession on Language of Developmental Psychology 9, 257–270.
and Behavior. Chicago Linguistic Society, Chicago, IL, pp. 204–210. Yoshida, H., Furuya, Y., Shimodaira, K., Kanazawa, T., Kataoka, R.,
Scherer, K.R., 1986. Vocal affect expression: a review and a model for Takahashi, K., 2000. Spectral characteristics of hypernasality in
future research. Psychological Bulletien 99, 143–165. maxillectomy patients. Journal of Oral Rehabilitation 27, 723–730.
Scherer, K.R., Ladd, D.R., Silverman, K.E., 1984. Vocal cues to speaker Yumoto, E., Gould, W.J., Baer, T., 1982. Harmonics-to-noise ratio as an
affect: testing two models. Journal of the Acoustical Society of index of the degree of hoarseness. Journal of the Acoustical Society of
America 76 (5), 1346–1356. America 71 (6), 1544–1550.

You might also like