RESEARCH METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY:

The study is both descriptive and analytical in nature. It is a blend of primary data and
secondary data.The primary data has been collected personally by approaching the online
share traders who are engaged in share market. The data are collected with a carefully
prepared questionnaire. The secondary data has been collected from the books, journals and
websites which deal with online share trading.

Source of data

Primary Sources: The primary data was collected through structured unbiased questionnaire
and personal interviews of investors. For this purpose questionnaire included were both open
ended & close ended & multiple-choice questions.

Secondary method: The secondary data collection method includes:

 Websites
 Journals
 Text books
Method Used For Analysis of Study
The methodology used for this purpose is Survey and Questionnaire Method. It is a time
consuming and expensive method and requires more administrative planning and supervision.
It is also subjective to interviewer bias or distortion.

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 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
 A number of more recent studies seek to redress the absence of youth voices through
qualitative research (Pruitt, 2013; Uvin, 2007; MacKenzie, 2009; Denov & Maclure,
2006). These provide examples of the amplification of youth voice by seeking to
engage those young people who have been afforded little attention. So for example, in
MacKenzie’s study of young female ex‐combatants in Sierra Leone (2009), she
includes the perspectives both of women who took part in DDR initiatives and those
who did not. As Becker highlights (2012:7), consulting and including the voices of
young people is the first step in inclusive programming, but programmes that aim to
promote youth empowerment and agency must go beyond participation to share
responsibility and power.
 Stewart (2011) indicates that “disenfranchised youth may begin to see themselves as
the ‘other’ and (un)consciously assume a deviant counter‐identity” (Stewart,
2011:305), hence including the perspectives and participation of youth in programmes
that aim to support peacebuilding, post‐conflict reconstruction or reintegration is key
to ensuring their engagement. Likewise, McEvoy‐Levy (2001) underscores the
importance of engaging youth in politics by highlighting that “when mainstream or
establishment politics are barred, children will still engage in political activity, often
violent and structured by confrontation and brinkmanship rather than dialogue and
cooperation” (McEvoy‐Levy, 2001: 24).
 However, it is also very important that certain (violent) voices are not
disproportionately amplified, as it should not be seen that active participation in
violent conflict is ‘rewarded’ with an increased stake in decision‐making to the
detriment of peaceful youth (UN‐IANYD, 2014:2). Key to the inclusion of youth
perspectives is the recognition that these perspectives may be contradictory – that
youth inhabit vastly different positions within their societies and that the issues that
affect different groups vary significantly. Prioritising one voice over another, or one
set of issues over another, does not therefore further the engagement of youth as
artisans of peace in their communities. Nevertheless, from a social justice perspective,
there may be a need for affirmative action, which explicitly targets youth
constituencies who are and have been historically marginalised and lack social,
economic or political power.

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 Shvedova (2005) identifies three main obstacles to women participation in politics.
These obstacles are political, socio-economic, ideological, and psychological
(Shvedova 2005). Political barriers derives from the implementation lag of the right to
vote and the right to stand for election that are embedded in the laws and national
policies of most countries nowadays. The right to stand for election guarantees
women candidacy, which is the first step in increasing women representation.
Increasing women candidacy enables women to exercise their right to vote because in
reality women are more likely to vote for women. Therefore, a restriction of women
right to stand for election vote prolongs the status quo of high men representation in
politics and creates barriers to women political representation.
 Legislation at the national level consists of the Somali Media Law, approved by the
Transitional Federal Parliament of the Somali Republic in 2007 and guarantees
“freedom of expression and ideas” and states that media cannot be subject to
censorship. However, it presents a regulatory framework largely controlled by the
government, with a National Media Council as the main regulatory body, consisting
of 10 members from the private media and 5 members of the public media nominated
by the Ministry of Information. The law has been criticized by journalists and others,
particularly for the important role given to the government-appointed National Media
Council (NMC), and the legal obligation for media stations to promote Islam. ...
 Legislation in Somaliland abides [by] Article 32 of the Constitution of the Republic of
Somaliland and protects the freedom of expression and of the press and other media
and it also prohibits the subjugation of the media. The media landscape in Somaliland
is governed by the Press Law (No: 27/2004), but some journalists lobbied for the
provision of an independent regulatory body. Some reservations were also expressed
regarding the 2007 Somaliland Press and Publications Bill, which was intended to
replace the Press Law 2004. The bill was not passed and is currently not an issue of
debate. In early 2011, various stake-holders including Somaliland parliamentarians,
journalists associations and government officials joined in a consultative process
supported by INGO Free Press Unlimited (formerly Press Now) to draft under the
auspices of the Somaliland parliament's sub-committee on social affairs, religion and
national guidance: A Law on Media & Access to Information (which would establish
a National Media Board to license and regulate media outlets and introduce provisions
to promote government transparency and public access to information); and a

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Broadcasting Law (which would establish a regulatory framework for TV and Radio
stations in Somaliland). Both draft laws currently remain with the parliamentary sub-
committee on social affairs and have not yet been sent to the full parliament for
consideration

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 SUGGESTION

Somali lawmakers elected Mohamed Mursal Abdirahman speaker of parliament's lower

house Monday after two rounds of voting in Mogadishu's heavily protected parliament
building.

Abdirahman resigned as defense minister just last week to run for the speakership, securing
147 votes out of 265. He defeated Ibrahim Isak Yarow, former deputy minister of
telecommunications, who received 118 votes.

Ten candidates competed for the post, which became vacant April 12 following the
resignation of Mohamed Osman Jawari, a seasoned and longtime politician. He stepped down
after a bitter dispute with the legislative branch of the government.

Jawari was accused of aligning himself with opposition lawmakers who were allegedly
planning a no-confidence motion against the government of Prime Minister Hassan Ali
Khaire; however, MPs who support the prime minister brought a no-confidence motion
against Jawari, which eventually forced him to step down after nearly a month of political
turmoil.

Abdirahman, 61, is a former Somali ambassador to Turkey who is believed to have a close
working relationship with Prime Minister Khaire. He will lead a parliament divided by the
recent dispute.