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Gender Differences in Career Perception in The Peoples Republic of China
Gender Differences in Career Perception in The Peoples Republic of China
Gender Differences in Career Perception in The Peoples Republic of China
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Career
Gender differences in career perceptions in
perceptions in the People’s the PRC
Republic of China
9
Cherlyn Skromme Granrose
Campbell School of Business, Rome, Georgia, USA
Abstract
Purpose – This paper seeks to review gender differences in career goals and career tactics of men
and women in the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
Design/methodology/approach – Survey results were used to identify empirical differences in
career beliefs of 233 managers employed in 16 organizations in the PRC.
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Findings – Women and men were equally likely to value achievement, contributing to the family,
and collectivism as career goals and to use loyalty to superiors, and networking as career tactics.
Women were more likely than men to try to learn more and to want to get more education as career
tactics.
Research limitations/implications – The non-random sample that does not include every
province in the PRC and the low scale internal consistency limit these findings.
Practical implications – Gender discrimination based on beliefs that women will be less loyal or
ambitious are not justified by these results.
Originality/value – These results challenge stereotypes about Chinese women and provide
information rarely examined.
Keywords Careers, China, Women, Gender
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The role of women in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has changed greatly in the
twentieth century. At the beginning of the 1900s, traditional views of women placed
women in a subordinate position to men and confined most proper feminine activities
to the home (Jiang, 2000). In the middle of the century, the leader of the Chinese
Communist Party, Mao Ze Dong, declared that women should be treated as equal to
men and the Constitution of the PRC officially institutionalized this position. During
the final 20 years of the century, new career alternatives as private entrepreneurs or
employees in market-oriented organizations opened for many Chinese men and
women. Each of these cultural experiences has left their mark on contemporary
Chinese careers.
The shift in the Chinese economy from state owned collective enterprises to a more
market economy; China’s entrance into the WTO and the subsequent globalization in
Chinese trade; and development of technological connections to the rest of the world
through growing use of the internet, television, mobile phones and fax machines; have
resulted in great changes within China as well as in the relationship between China and Career Development International
Vol. 12 No. 1, 2007
the rest of the world. These changes have had a significant effect on gender role beliefs pp. 9-27
and activities. This paper reviews patterns of gender role differences that lead to q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1362-0436
differences in career beliefs between men and women in a variety of work settings. DOI 10.1108/13620430710724802
CDI Findings from this research can help to change stereotypic images of Chinese
12,1 women and men into more accurate pictures of their career actions and beliefs. This
research also provides an important first step to stimulate more detailed theoretical
and empirical examinations of careers in Asia since little work has been done
previously on gender or on career beliefs. It also can help practitioners create more
accurate strategic plans based on realistic views of the career aspirations and
10 motivations of Chinese men and women. Chinese gender differences in career beliefs
arise from the Chinese cultural history of gender and work.
marriage, to her husband after marriage, and to her son after her husband’s death. In
the I Ching, (a basic Taoist text attributed to Lao Tse and his followers, written around
500 BCE), men are the heaven and women are the earth, destined to follow the will of
heaven (Ren, 1993). Valuing a harmonious balance between yin and yang (male and
female) emphasized the interdependence of men and women but also marked their
separate spheres of influence, men over the exterior world and women over the
domestic world (Guisso, 1982). Because the family was the key social unit, women
attained power by their central role in the family, often managing domestic finances as
well as caring for the household, but eschewing achievement in the external world.
According to Confucius, as a moral person, a man also was required to be obedient
and strive for loyalty and duty toward his father, mother, and older relatives inside of
the family, and to his ruler outside of the family, reinforcing what later became known
as collectivism. However, men had a wider range of career options outside of the home
and had more power than women had inside the home. In occupational matters, sons of
the upper social classes prepared to take centralized examinations that were the only
way to political positions. Lower status men used apprenticeships to prepare for other
occupations or were taken into family businesses.
in the 1970s, both men and women had their career options determined by the
government Personnel Labor Board. Inside SOEs the organizational personnel function
distributed workers into specific jobs according to the needs of the organization, the
work and power of their parents if they had been raised in the SOE, their own
advanced education, and favors given to the personnel administrator or guanxi (Leung,
2002). Guanxi is a complex web of social connections and mutual obligations used to
exchange favors and conduct business in Chinese society (Park and Luo, 2001).
Even when employed, women were responsible for family caretaking as well as
communal work (Honig and Hershatter, 1988). Some large well-organized Collectives
and State Owned Enterprises had communal kitchens and school systems that relieved
women of some domestic responsibilities, but Chinese women still felt work-family
conflict (Yang et al., 2000; Wang et al., 2004; Granrose, 2005). Women were paid less
than men, and were ineligible for bonuses because they could not stay for after-work
study session or overtime. They were dismissed early but were not paid for time taken
in nursing children or preparing meals at the beginning and end of the day (Wolfe,
1985). Care of elderly relatives also placed additional family demands on Chinese
women.
Older women were retired earlier than men and often provided childcare for their
daughters-in-law. On one hand this gave them access to free time and other
alternatives, but on the other hand, they were barred from equal retirement benefits
and post-retirement paid work often given to retired men (Cooke, 2003).
Since 1978, work units have been given expanded rights to hire and fire workers, to
start private enterprises and to enter into joint ventures. During the 1990s and into the
twenty-first century, failing SOEs have been closed, governmental departments
streamlined, and army commercial organizations are under pressure to separate from
their military rule. Unemployment and underemployment is widespread, especially
among women (“Laid off Women need Training”, China Daily, 18 December 1998; Shu
and Bian, 2003). In the 1990s with so many SOE underemployed workers seeking jobs,
the temptation to select only men has been overwhelming in a society that has
traditionally provided fewer employment achievement opportunities for women
(Granrose, 2005). Bosses openly stated that women were not as strong as men, they
would marry and have children, thus, not being able to concentrate on their jobs, and
CDI that when they had children, the employer would be forced to provide more childcare
12,1 facilities and services. Even when examinations were used for hiring purposes, women
were required to obtain higher scores and thus were excluded from many jobs (Honig
and Hershatter, 1988; Hong, 1997; Leung, 2002). Women also have been restricted into
stereotypical jobs, even though many rural and poor women occupied jobs demanding
brutal physical labor. Jobs deemed suitable for women included mostly low paying
12 institutionalized domestic service positions or factory jobs requiring the most routine
manual dexterity (Shu and Bian, 2003).
The one child policy was most strongly enforced in the urban regions and it almost
eliminated the domestic maternal role as a real alternative to individual careers in paid
employment (Wang, 1998). In spite of this, extended maternity leave and confinement
of women to the home continue to be advocated as a solution to persistent
unemployment. Breaks in employment for childbearing have had an effect on women
who do return to the labor force, since upward mobility is largely a function of
seniority. This difficulty in promotions has resulted in an excess of middle-aged
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women in lower and middle positions with little hope of future promotions (Leung,
2002; Cooke, 2003).
Legislation addressing state regulation of a woman’s right to employment stopped
short of dealing with barriers to the career progression of women (Cooke, 2003). In the
government, men tend to move to upper level management based on their seniority. If
women move up the government career ladder, they require at least three factors. First
– they need the influence of a father or husband in a position of power. Second, they
may obtain a promotion through government “tokenism” policies. Unfortunately,
many of these positions are in title only and hold very little responsibility. Last, women
must have talent and impressive accomplishments in their current positions (Cooke,
2003).
Internal career beliefs and work related values of Chinese women and men
Although evidence about gender and external career patterns of employment in the
PRC is available, evidence about internal career beliefs is very scarce, and thus we
must make some inferences about internal careers based upon other research evidence.
One link that exists between research on internal career beliefs in the Western tradition
and research on internal career beliefs among Chinese citizens is research on Chinese
cultural values and Chinese work values. Values are general beliefs about ideal conduct
and ideal end states that guide actions and judgments across situations (Becker and
Conner, 2003). Career goals are desired ends and career strategies or tactics are ideal
conduct that extend across time and are an extension of values into the area of
employment.
A career goal is defined as a desired career-related outcome that a person intends to
attain, and it may be conceptual, (not tied to a specific position), or operational (tied to a
position) and expressive (intrinsic enjoyment) or instrumental (leading to attainment of
another goal) as well as long term or short term (Greenhaus and Callanan, 1994,
pp. 61-62). Career tactics are conscious individual choices and activities designed to
help a person meet career goals. These tactics may include activities such as
developing skills, developing future opportunities, developing contacts, networks
alliances or mentors, and developing a positive public image (summarized from
Greenhaus and Callanan, 1994, pp. 74-76). For example, Ed Schein (1978) found that,
when forced to make choices about their careers, over time the MIT men in his sample
tended to make career choices based on their self concept as clarified by a cluster
around five career anchors, and these anchors were composed of their needs, their
values, and their talents. More recently, in a protean career, the individual is self
directed by his or her own values as the person manages the various experiences in
education, training, employment, leisure and family life (Hall, 2004). Both the work by
Schein and the work by Hall demonstrate that the career choices people make are
influenced by individual values.
A logical argument can be made linking values and internal careers. Values
function to influence career behavioral choices across multiple situations. As the PRC
has experience significant cultural changes, some old values have been retained and
CDI some values have changed. For example, career goals and tactics in a market economy
12,1 in contemporary PRC are increasingly a function of individual rather than government
choice, and collective loyalty to the firm or the society may be declining however
collective values as expressed by commitment to family relationships may remain.
Although Chinese cultural values may still be higher in collectivism than in some
Western cultures, as more and more cultural convergence occurs, it is reasonable to
14 infer that career goals and tactics to achieve those goals will be influenced by the
individual as well as societal values held by individuals. Since literature on career
beliefs in the PRC is scarce, literature on values in general and work values in
particular are a potential, reasonable source of information to use to propose
hypotheses about career goals and tactics in the PRC.
Studies of cultural values derived from the shared history of Confucianism, Taoism
and communism have found that Chinese people usually value collectivism,
masculinity, and high power distance and are moderately high on uncertainty
avoidance, when using the original Hofstede cultural values scales but some think
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there are additional values (Hofstede, 1984; Yeh, 1989). Scholars in the Chinese Culture
Connection (1987) identified four values prevalent in Chinese-heritage cultures.
Integration emphasizes harmony, tolerance and social stability. Confucian Work
Dynamism includes valuing preserving the social hierarchy, personal virtue,
reciprocation of favors and gifts, respect for tradition, and respect for education and
learning. Human Heartedness includes the need to be kind, and patient. Moral
Discipline includes self-control, moderation, and prudence. Societal level cultural
values are values shared by many members of a society, but there may also be
individual values that differ within the society. The few studies looking at Chinese
gender differences in societal and individual values related to careers plus historical
gender differences in career patterns are used to formulate hypotheses.
Hypotheses
External career evidence reveals that women have been less likely than men to be able
to reach high goals in organizations in all periods of Chinese history. This long
experience may have moderated their aspirations (Shu and Bian, 2003; Granrose, 2005;
Parpart and Stichter, 1990). In addition, traditional Confucian and Taoist beliefs
devalue achievement in the world of work, especially for women. These forces have
mixed support in empirical studies of gender differences in achievement values. Some
studies suggest that men and women hold different beliefs. In one study men valued
achievement more than women (Chen et al., 1995), and in several research studies
samples with significantly fewer numbers of women than men in them tended to more
highly value achievement (Ralston et al., 1999). In a study of younger individuals, men
and women had equal achievement aspirations, (Bu and McKeen, 2001). The latter
finding is in a student sample and thus may not apply to a broader sample of
employees with more work experience. Alternatively these findings might occur
because Chinese students may be more strongly influenced than older generations by
the converging Western cultural values that support equality of achievement in the
world of work between men and women. Based on the discussion of historical
differences in gender roles in the PRC, the logical connection between career goals and
tactics and values as well as previous research on gender differences in values among
Chinese men and women in samples of employed people, the first hypothesis for this Career
study of employees is: perceptions in
H1. Chinese employed women will be less likely than Chinese employed men to the PRC
value achievement in career goals.
Collectivism is commitment to group welfare above individual welfare, usually at the
level of the firm or society. The group inspiring collectivist loyalties may differ, to the 15
society and work unit at the height of socialism, to the family in early Chinese history.
Perhaps today, among Chinese, work may be seen as an expression of loyalty to the
society and to the family (Yang et al., 2002). Women in particular are committed to
family roles. Societal gender role differences and one empirical finding that Chinese
women tended to value collectivism more highly than men (Ralston et al., 1999) are the
bases for the next hypothesis.
H2. Chinese women will be more likely than Chinese men to value collectivism in
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career goals.
Women often have had unequal family obligations, and thus they may be more likely
than men to seek as a goal, a career compatible with family caretaking (Cooke, 2003). In
past studies of values women are less likely than men to value family duty (Chen et al.,
1995) especially the obligation of being the family provider, but they are more likely to
value caretaking aspects of family life (Zuo, 2003; Jiang, 2000). Thus:
H3. Chinese women will be more likely than Chinese men to value career goals of
having a job compatible with family caretaking.
As reviewed by Greenhaus and Callanan (1994), possible career tactics in the Western
context include activities such as developing skills on the job and through more
education, developing future opportunities, developing contacts, networks alliances or
mentors; and developing a positive public image. If we look at the first alternative of
developing job skills from a Chinese perspective, one thing is very clear. Just as there is
gender discrimination in job opportunities, great gender differences in access to
education as well as gender differences in training opportunities exist in the PRC
(Honig and Hershatter, 1988; Hong, 1997; Leung, 2002). However, education and
learning are highly valued among Chinese people and education was the primary route
to occupational achievement in the government employment system of ancient China.
If women believe they might face discrimination in employment, they, like their
Western counterparts, (King, 2000) might be more likely to seek education and skill
development to counteract this discrimination. Thus:
H4. Chinese women will be more likely than Chinese men to use a career strategy
of developing new skills.
Translating the use of networking as a career strategy from a Western context to a
Chinese one involves the concept of guanxi. Guanxi is similar to networking in that it
involves developing social ties with others that may help one in business or career
advancement. Guanxi differs from networking in that this social tie is long term, slower
to develop and dissolve, and involves a deeper sense of obligation and reciprocal
loyalty than is usually present in a Western individual’s concept of a network tie.
Guanxi is also sometimes used as a label for bribery, that is, when the exchange is not
CDI of mutual support obligations but an exchange of cash for favors. In the PRC, to
12,1 develop future career opportunities, both men and women have to develop a network of
guanxi contacts and obligations. One study found that in government positions, a man
could rise on the basis of seniority alone, while a woman would need guanxi as well as
seniority for promotions (Leung, 2002). Thus:
H5. Chinese women will be more likely than Chinese men to use networking
16 (guanxi) as a career strategy.
Developing a positive public image as a career strategy in the usual self-marketing
sense seems to be a Western concept that violates Confucian values of humility and
may not be a common career strategy in the PRC. There is another sense of developing
a positive impression among one’s superiors, however, in the hierarchical nature of
Confucian-dyadic loyalty relationships as well as communist comrade organizational
loyalty that may apply to the PRC situation. One study has found that women were
less likely to value filial obligations that include the duty of being seen as completely
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loyal to a superior (Chen et al., 1995) and another has found that women prefer
egalitarianism (Chen et al., 1997). This contradicts the common role expectation in
China that women should always hold a more subservient position to a man in familial
relationships. Because women would be unlikely to be able to meet their career goals if
they violated the cultural norms of female subservience and loyalty to superiors and
because the empirical evidence and normative evidence are not consistent in predicting
a gender difference:
H6. Both Chinese men and Chinese women will show loyalty to their superiors.
The hypotheses were tested using a sample of employed men and women representing
many regions. The participants also are employed in a variety of work settings in
contemporary PRC.
Method
Procedure
No nationally representative government data exist about career beliefs in the PRC.
This study used a convenience sample that differs from most convenience sample
research conducted in the PRC. Written questionnaires were administered directly by
the principal investigator over 18 months. The data represent all major regions of
China with variation in industry and location. Thus, it is an improvement over data
gathered in one location, over a short period of time, in one organization.
The instrument was translated into Chinese by a bilingual, social sciences major
Chinese University graduate student. It was revised and compared to a back
translation by a group of five MBA students, then pre-tested on one class of bilingual
Chinese University business students. The questionnaire used official PRC Mandarin
characters and no attempt was made to address regional variations in spoken
language, which may have reduced understanding among a few respondents who had
lower levels of formal education.
The senior human resources (HR) managers for each of the sixteen organizations
provided basic company demographic information and HR policies. In most instances
employee data then were collected from participants during a seminar given by the
author. The topic of the seminars varied by location, but they were primarily about
Western views of motivation and leadership and did not focus on careers. In a very few Career
instances, participants were given a questionnaire to fill out at the beginning of the day perceptions in
and the answers were collected by the author at the end of the day. Participants were
assured that the information would be reported to their organizations only in the PRC
aggregated form. There is no assurance that the responses were a statistically
representative sample of an organization, however, in almost all instances, responses
were obtained from over 90 percent of all managers in the organization at the location 17
that was used for data collection.
Mean Women
156 77
Mean S. Dev. Mean S. Dev. t-value
Characteristic:
Age in years 34.14 9.47 30.14 7.58 3.29 * *
Married (%) 65.00 51.00
No. of total dependants 2.76 1.71 2.22 1.64 2.21 *
Education:
Polytech, Jr. College (%) 28.00 33.00
BA, BS (%) 20.00 23.00
Undergraduate Major, X 2 ¼ 17.55
Business (%) 32.00 40.00
Math, science, eng. (%) 41.00 24.00
Liberal arts (%) 2.20 5.60
Social science (%) 13.00 11.00 Table I.
Demographic
Notes: *Significantly different p , 0.05; * *Significantly different p , 0.01; * * *Significantly different characteristics of the
p , 0.001 using two-tailed t-test or chi sq. test of significant differences sample
CDI equally likely to have a child. The average age of the youngest child was between 9 and
12,1 10-years-old for both men and women. Men were responsible for slightly more
dependents than women.
The educational level of the men and women in this sample was not significantly
different but the women were slightly more likely than the men to have majored in
business and liberal arts and less likely to have majored in math, science and
18 engineering or social sciences.
Measures
The questionnaire contained three types of questions used in this analysis, questions
about demographic characteristics, questions about external career characteristics
such as patterns of jobs held and finally, questions about internal career beliefs such as
career goals and tactics. Most demographic questions were closed questions such as
“What is your gender?” (1 ¼ Male, 2 ¼ Female) although a few asked the respondents
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Results
Some important indicators of external careers are given in Table II. Men and women
were likely to work an equal number of hours per week and to be within 2-3 levels from
the top level in their organizations. However, men were more likely to have worked for
more than one organization and to have held a larger number of individual positions.
Women and men were not significantly different in the number of years they had held
their current job or worked for their current organization.
If we look at simple mean differences as identified by t-test in Table II, there were no
gender differences in career goals. The only gender difference in career tactics was that
women were more likely to use the career tactic of learning and doing your current job
well. However, these findings did not take into account the effects of control variables.
The means, standard deviations and correlation matrix of variables used in the
regression analyses are shown in Table III. The results of the regression analyses are
shown in Tables IV and V.
Men Women
(n143) (n73)
Characteristics Mean S. Dev. Mean S. Dev. t
Properties Mean SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Means, standard
Career
deviations and
the PRC
variables
correlations of study
Table III.
21
perceptions in
CDI
Achievement goals Family security Collectivism goals
12,1 scale goals scale scale
Variable B SE B SE B SE
Stage 1:
Intercept 20.18 20.19 2 0.26
22 State-owned enterprise 0.12 20.13 0.22 * * 20.14 0.23 * * 2 0.19
Age 20.23 * * 20.10 20.14 20.01 0.08 2 0.01
No. of dependants 20.02 20.03 0.03 20.03 2 0.07 2 0.04
Adjusted R 2 0.04 0.03 0.05
F for overall model fit 3.30 3.01 3.85
Stage 2:
Intercept 20.25 20.27 2 0.36
Table IV. State-owned enterprise 0.12 20.14 0.22 * * 20.14 0.21 * * 2 0.19
Gender differences in Age 20.23 * * 20.01 20.14 20.01 0.09 0.00
career goals, using No. of dependants 20.20 20.03 0.03 20.03 2 0.07 2 0.04
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Stage 1:
Intercept 2 0.15 2 0.20 2 0.28
State-owned enterprise 2 0.10 2 0.11 2 0.21 * * 2 0.14 0.13 2 0.20
Age 2 0.10 2 0.01 2 0.25 * * 2 0.01 2 0.08 2 0.01
No. of dependants 0.02 2 0.03 2 0.11 2 0.03 0.05 2 0.05
Adjusted R 2 0.01 0.16 0.50
F for overall model fit 1.36 11.66 0.94
Stage 2:
Intercept 2 0.21 2 0.27 2 0.39
Table V. State-owned enterprise 2 0.14 * 2 0.12 2 0.19 * 2 0.14 0.14 2 0.20
Gender differences in Age 2 0.05 2 0.01 2 0.27 * * 2 0.01 0.01 2 0.96
career tactics using No. of dependants 0.03 2 0.02 2 0.11 2 0.03 0.05 2 0.04
regression analysis, Gender 0.20 * -0.08 2 0.08 2 0.11 0.16 2 0.05
controlling for age, Adjusted R 2 0.04 0.17 0.00
number of dependants F for overall model fit 2.56 9.08 0.81
and employment in a
state-owned enterprise Notes: Significant *p , 0.05; * * p , 0.01; * * * p , 0.001
H1, that women would be less likely to value achievement goals, was not supported
using the achievement goal scale as the dependent variable (See Table IV). Women
and men who were younger were significantly more likely to believe achievement
career goals were important than women and men who were older and the results
were similar when the single goal item of “achievement” was used as the dependent
variable.
H2 predicting that women would be more likely than men to value collectivism Career
career goals was not supported when the two-item collectivism goal scale was used or perceptions in
with the single item of “contributing to the society” but being employed in a state
owned enterprise did predict this career goal. the PRC
H3 predicted that women would be more likely to have career goals compatible with
family. The scale that resulted from the factor analysis combined family-employment
compatibility with family security goals, and thus was not a specific test of this 23
hypothesis. There was no gender difference when the family security goals scale was
used as the dependent variable. The only predictor of this career goal was employment
in an SOE. When the single item of “have convenient working hours” was used as the
dependent variable, there were no significant predictors.
H4 predicted that women would be more likely to use learning new skills as a career
strategy. This hypothesis was supported when using the scale learn and do the current
job well; women were more likely than men to use this career strategy (See Table V).
When getting more education was used as a single item, being female and working for
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an organization that was not an SOE were significant predictors; when learning more
about the business (which might be possible without needing access to formal
education) was used as a single item dependent variable, being female was a
significant predictor.
H5, predicting that women would be more likely than men to use networking as a
career strategy, was not supported when using the networking and change jobs tactics
scale; the significant predictors of these tactics were working for an organization that
was not an SOE and being younger. When using the single item of “exchange favors
with others” as the dependent variable, nothing in the equation was a significant
predictor; when using the single item “build a network of contacts” as the dependent
variable, those who did not working for an SOE were significantly more likely to use
this tactic than those who worked for an SOE.
H6 that men and women would be equally likely to use the career tactic of loyalty
toward superiors was supported. Gender was not a significant predictor either when
the two item loyalty to superiors tactics scale was used or when a single item of “doing
what the boss wants” was used as the dependent variable.
Discussion
There were not extensive gender differences in external careers. The lack of difference
in the number of levels from the top of the organization may be an artifact of the
sample, since the sample contained the personnel director in every organization and
this is often one of the few high managerial positions held by a woman. The difference
in number of organizations does indicate that men were slightly more likely than
women to have left their state-owned or collective organizations and gone to work for a
market organization since it is difficult and much less likely to have moved from one
state- owned or collective organization to another.
As for internal career beliefs, both women and men value achievement, contributing
to the family, and collectivism as career goals and use loyalty to superiors and
networking as career tactics. Gender differences in ancient Chinese philosophy do not
seem to dictate contemporary career beliefs as measured in this study. Women were
more likely than the men to try to learn more and to want to get more education to get
what they wanted in their careers. These findings among relatively well educated
CDI managerial employees are consistent with the findings of Bu and McKeen that there
12,1 were few gender differences in intrinsic and achievement career goals among Chinese
students in Canada and in the PRC (Bu and McKeen, 2001).
The lack of significant differences findings for the scales might be attributed to low
internal consistency in the scales, however, similar findings occurred with single items
that were most closely identified with the central meaning of the scales and this tends
24 to support the finding of no difference. In the case of collectivism, however, the gender
difference was proposed based on collective loyalty to family, yet this item did not load
on the collectivism scale. The results are consistent with more recent accounts of few
gender differences in many aspects of work behavior in Western literature and the
belief among women that they must do a better job and be more qualified in order to
get the same promotions and rewards (Powell and Graves, 2003). These findings also
might be an indication of cultural convergence if the reason for the finding of no gender
differences resides in the younger generation becoming less strongly influenced by
traditional Confucian and Taoist notions that women are inferior and should not
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operate in the world outside of the family. Perhaps the older Chinese norm of
subordination of women is not held by women when they determine their career goals
and tactics for non-family roles.
There were more differences between being employed in an SOE and not being
employed in an SOE than there were gender differences. Those who were employed in
an SOE were more likely to have collectivist careers goals and family security career
goals and less likely to use networking and getting more education as career tactics
than those employed in other settings. These findings are consistent with both the
values of SOEs to preserve jobs and look out for the welfare of workers and with the
requirements to use education and networking to find a position in a non-SOE job in
the PRC today.
There are significant implications for practitioners in these findings. Managers in
non-SOE and joint ventures need to recognize that their employees are using networks
and willingness to change jobs as key career advancement tactics. They must be
prepared to expend efforts to retain valued male and female employees if they do not
want them to leave to advance their careers. Managers of SOEs that are reducing staff
as government policies reduce support for less successful SOEs are likely to lose
valued employees if they fail to provide the family security that their employees desire.
According to these results, managers in all organizations cannot justify discrimination
against hiring or promoting women based on their lower commitment to achievement
or to learning relevant job skills.
Limitations
The sample was not representative of the entire People’s Republic of China even
though it did contain variation in regions, industries and patterns of ownership. A
larger more representative sample of individuals would have permitted more
sophisticated analysis with larger subgroup sizes to identify changes by cohort,
industry, and ownership. Since there has been little previous research about careers in
the PRC but more research about cultural values, this study used the previous research
on Chinese cultural values to shape the hypotheses about internal career goals and
tactics. This may have been a logical connection that was too loose to justify the
hypotheses and serve as one reason that hypotheses were not supported. Another
explanation for conflicting results may be because values are translated in career goals Career
and tactics in different ways according to different gender roles, such as achievement perceptions in
being expressed in working hard to do well in your current job for women and in some
other ways for men. the PRC
Some of these conflicting results may be because the multiple items of each career
construct derived from western ideas of career goals and tactics did not load onto
single factors. When they did load onto one factor, they still did not present scales with 25
high internal consistency; PRC participants’ patterns of response indicated that there
may be different conceptual groupings.
The factor analysis results indicate that the common western ideas of career goals and
career tactics may not apply well to the PRC situation. The exact nature of career goals
and career tactics in the PRC deserves further qualitative study followed by careful
development of better measures. In addition, future scholars might be able to use these
findings to conduct research on similar topics using a nationally representative sample.
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Conclusions
In the first half of the twentieth century Chinese women were devalued and confined to
the domestic sphere while Chinese men accepted the obligation to support their family
financially. The 1949 revolution codified gender equality in employment according to the
law but the law was not always enforced. Recently, market competition has eliminated
pressure and control by the central government to adhere to the gender equality proposed
in the constitution resulting in fewer women than men being hired and promoted to upper
levels of management in the growing private sector of the economy. In spite of these social
changes and some gender differences in men and women’s external careers in the PRC,
the most consistent finding of this study is that women and men have few differences in
career goals and tactics. The only gender difference was that women were more
committed than men to wanting to learn more and do their current job well in order to
pursue their careers. Based on these findings, organizational policy-making managers
and career men and women can learn that women as well as men may be very desirable
employees who are motivated to achieve. Female and male employees are equally
motivated to work hard, to achieve and do a good job and are equally loyal to the
organization, the society and their superiors. This study indicates that women and men
are ready and eager to contribute to organizations that are willing to give them a chance
and women are particularly motivated by situations that give them opportunities to learn.
In addition, scholars of work settings and of gender relations in the PRC have a fertile
field for future development of theory and measurement.
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