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Unit 23 Trade Union Movement: Objectives
Unit 23 Trade Union Movement: Objectives
Unit 23 Trade Union Movement: Objectives
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
View Points of the Trade Union Tlleorists
Behaviou ral Theory
23.3.1 Critics of Bel~tlviouralTlieory
Anarchist Syndicalist Theory
23.4.1 Tlie Sytidic:llists
Marsist Leninist Theory
23.5.1 Dil'lre~icc I3ct\\.ccn Atii~rcliis~ii
and Marxism
3 . 2 Letiin on Trade IJl~io~i
Movcniclit
New Left Tllcories
23.6.1 I,c~ii~i'sCriticism ol' Kc\,isioliists
23.6.2 'flic Nc\\ I,cll
Specifics of Tradc Union Mo\~cmcntin Dc\#cloping Countries
Trade Union Mo\lcnicnt in Diffcrcnt Countries
23.8.1 Trade Union Movcnicnt in U.S.A
23.8.2 Trade Unior~ Movcmcnt in U.K.
23.8.3 Trade U~iiol~
Movement in Soci;~listSt21tc
23.9 Trade Union Movenlent in India
23.10 Let Us Sum Up
23.11 Key Words
23.12 So~neUsehl Books
23.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Escrciscs
23.0 OBJECTIVES
Tlle objective of tliis unit is to give !.ou a bricf account of dc\lclopnicnt of tradc
union movcmalt. different theories of tradc union movcmcnt and the fi~~ictio~iing
of trade unions in different countries. Aficr going througli this unit !.OLI \\.ill be
able to understand:
Various theories of Tradc UII~OIIMovcmcnt:
Differences bet\\leen Liberal. Marsist and Allarchist Theories:
Developnlent and Nature of Trade Unio~lMovc~ncntin different countries: &and
Origin and D e v e l o p ~ ~ ~of
c ~Trade
it Union Movenlc~ltin India
A cursory look at tlie developrne~ltof trade unionism in modern times brings out
tlie fact tliat, the trade uriiori movement, industrial working class arid capitalism
emerged on tlie world scene simultaneously. The working class could assert itself
against tlie mighty capitalist class, helped by tlie state, only when it organised
itself. True, tlie capitalist class never welcomed the unionisation of tlie workers.
Therefore, in the beginning unionisation of workers had to face tlie liostility of
tlie capitalists. They tried to crush any sort of organisation of workers. The
interest of tlie capitalist class could be served best by bargaining with an
individual worker, rather than witli tlie collective organisation of workers, while
workers experience taught them tliat tliey coi~ldnot withstand tlie power of tlie
capitalists alone and therefore have to bargain collectively.
"In Great Britain", writes G. D. H. Cole, "there were already, in the eighteenth
century a number of statutes forbidding workers' cornbinations in particular
trades." He adds tliat " The principal purpose of tlie cornbination Acts of 1799
arid 1800 was to make them niore so, both by declaring uriequivocally that
combinations were i~nlawful.Indeed, criminal conspiracies against the public
interests arid by providing simpler ways of proceeding against offenders". But
these combination of Acts of 1799 arid 1800 should not be co~istruedas an
i~itroductio~iof new principle banning combinations. It was, in fact, tlie
culmination of a series of Combinations, acts passed by tlie Parliament beginning
right from the 1548 Bill of Conspiracies of Victuallers and Draftsmen- a
general statute against sucli cornbinatio~ito raise wage or reduce working hours.
Tlie trade unions were maligned and considered to be responsible for tlie
disri~ptionof industry, tlie decline of economy, and undermining of social rights
and privileges tliat traditionally have held togetlier tlie delicate fabric of society.
Tlie ideologues, against the unionisation of workers sanctioned ths right of state
to prohibit the workers to enter into any type of organisation by approaching tlie
"i~niversal right of individual freedom." Tliese pliilosopliers of capitalism, in tlie
name of individual freedom asserted tliat 'unionism' is the negation of tlie
sovereign right of individual freedom to enter into contract. The courts of law
had accepted the plea, and had shown growing tendency to outlaw all such
combinations on tlie ground tliat tlieir effect was to restrain trade by interfering
with tlie 'natural' liberty of all men to dispose of tlieir labour as tliey wished.
Tlie orthodox economists (tlie spokesmen of capitalist system) opposed
unionisation of tlie workers and held tliat "tlie share of wages in the product of
industry was determined by inexorable laws-based on tlie laws regulation, tlie
growth of population. Wages, it was said, could never rise more tlian, above
subsiste~icelevel because if they did, rnore children would be born, or rnore
survive so as to produce surplus labour".
Thus, workers had struggled to assert tlieir right to organise themselves. They
formed secret societiev in many countries to carry forward tlieir struggle to
protect tlie fundaniental right of unity of the workers. "Tliese early trade unions,"
writes Cole, "had a hard struggle. Men who took the lead in organising them
were very apt to find tliernselves discharged from their ernploy~nentand to have
much difficulty in getting fresh jobs; and, over and above this many of them
were imprisoned when tliey organised strikes, or even simply for the offence of
ii) Check your answer with answer given at tlie end o f the unit.
I) Why was any kind o f co~iibinationo f workers opposed by the employers?
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2) How did tlie workers achieve their right to organise themselves in trade
Unions?
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By and large, workers' riglit o f union has been accepted in the capitalist society.
But tlie politicisation o f tlie unions has been frowned upon. Some scholars
predict that in fi~turetliey will lose the status tliey have secured so far. Professor
Galbraitli has stated that unions in tlie future will " retreat more or less
permanently into tlie shadows. Those who hold that labour unions are part and
parcel o f the system and play a positive role in the society are not, however,
enthusiastic for their close linkages with the politics. Allan Flanders views union
as "mixture o f movement and 90rpisation." He accepts*that, "one o f the
principal purposes o f trade unions is collective bargaining a wide range o f other ,
issues pertaining to their members' jobs and working life. He admits'that " the
constant underlying social purpose o f trade unions i s then participation in job
regulation, but participation i s not an elid in itself; it is the means o f enabling
workers to gain more control over their working lives," R. F. Hoxie holds that
"while the trade union programme as a whole and as differentiated for each type
o f unionism i s mixed and incomplete, the economic programme has for all 3
Unions as pressure groups arc co~isidcrcdto be part of the political s!.stcm. The
'political system' lias bccn conceived by bcha\lioi~ralistsas analogous to an
electronic conip~~ter \vhicli processes and thcrc b!. transfoniis -inp~~ts'into
'o~~tput'. While adjusting nicclianisnis allo\v for a feedback fro111tlic outputs on
the i ~ i p ~ nicchanisni.
~ts the ilip~~tsarc prcss~~rc
of all kinds \vliich arc cscrciscd on
the system. In tlie earl! phase of capitalism tradc ~~nions \\.ere looked at \vith
suspicion. But niodeni political scientists now assume tliat they arc equal and
sometimes niore powerfill in prcssurising the s!stcm. t l i ~ ~cstracti~ig
s concessions
for themselves. In an advanced socicty tlic polit!, is considered as a rcad!,madc
neutral niechanisni, whicli establishes equilibrium amongst various groups. "TO
say that politics is the autlioritativc allocation of valucs in a community",
according to Blondel, "is to say that sonic nicasurc of co~iflictcsists bct\vcai
values and between the holder 'of these valucs. Tlic govcnimcnt lias to sol\.c
these conflicts b!, \vhatevcr mcnns arc at its disposal - the onl!. limitntion being
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that in so doing it niust prevent tlic brcnk up of the polity.''
The syndicalists share with anarchists their abhorrance of the word 'state '. Any
linkage of the working class with tlie state power would mean the defeat of the
very aim. Tlie very character of state is such that it can never be used as an
instrument of revolutionary change, is the firm faith of syndicalists. Therefore, an
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where there is no pace of state power. The workers' syndicates will attack Trade LJnion Movement
capitalist system as well as state power, wliicli needless to say, is the protector of
the system. Sorel, tlie philosopher and spokesman of syndicalists philosophy was
an n<l\ocate of tlie creed of violence. He admires and eillogizes violence and
\~ioIentmethod as the only method of overthrowing tlie present system. The
~ i ~ e t l i othe
d ~ workers should use to terrorise the capitalist class is general strike.
\orel In liis "Reflections on violence" writes "Revolutionary Syndicalism keeps
alivc 111 tlie minds of niasses tlie desire to strike, arid tliat only prospers when
important strikes accompanied by violence take place." The 'strikes' liave a
sentimental purpose. They are not only a bargaining instrument but also play an
eriiotional and educative role. Sorel was a supporter of anti-rationalism. He
writes," Syndicalists believe in spontaneity and tliat tlie're is no process by which
fittitre can be predicted scientifically." Tlii~s,he advocated tliat through myth the
spirit of strike slioi~ldbe included amongst the workers. He writes, "..use must be
made of a body of iriiages wliicli, by intuition alone and before any considered
arialysis is made, is capable of evoking as an undivided whole tlie mass of
sentiments wliicli corresponds to tlie different manifestations of tlie war
undertaken by socialism against riiodeni society." Sorel elaborates, "General
strike is a niyt11 i n wliicli socialisni has coriiprised, i.e. a body of iniages capable
of evoking instinctively all tlie sentiments which correspo~idto the different
manifestations of the work undertaken against ~iiodernsociety: strikes liave
endangered in tlie proletariat tlie noblest, deepest and most moving sentiments
tliat they possess, the general strike groi~pall in a coordit~atedpicture and by
bringing tliem together, gives to each one of tliem its maximum of intensity,
appealing to their painful n~en~ories of particular conflict.. .. " thus syndicalists'
strike has a psycliological purpose and accompanied witli violence create tlie
revolutionary consciousness amongst tlie workers. The methods of syndicalists are
propagation of mytlis, violence, strike. general strike and sabotage.
Tlie dictatorsliip of the proletariat rests on tlie international unity of tlie workers.
Marx's role in international working men's Association and the first International
corresponded to liis belief that workers of the world have to unite to loose their
chains. All working class movements, tlius be directed to the establishment of the
unity of the workers. For Marx the interests of tlie working class are tlie same,
and tliere is no antagonism and conflict of the workers of tlie varioils countries.
Leniu opposed tooth and nail the revisionists' concept o f trade unionism; that
spontaneous trade union activities o f the workers w i l l lead them to political
consciousness, his view was that clear political understanding is necessary for
leading the working class struggles and this understanding could be developed
only through direct and active association with the working class struggles.
2) How did Lenin support close linkages o f workipg class struggles with
working class party?
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The New Left philosophers combat tlie Marxist-Leninist theory tliat the condition
of the working class will deteriorate with the advance of capitalism. They liold
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that in fact in advanced capitalism, working class power has increased and they Trade llnion Movement
are no more exploited, but through their united power dictate their terms to
e~nployersas well as political system. They are called as "New Men o f Power".
The New Left feels tliat in the advanced capitalist countries workers are no more
revolutionary and tliat they are bourgeoified and consunieris~nhas overtaken
them. This society, according to Marcuse, is based on an alliance between big
business and the working class whicli has been brain washed into chasing an ever
espa~idi~igflow o f goods and inessential gadgets tliat their relative affluence
enables them to purchase. Marcuse holds tliat working class is no more a
negation o f capitalism, but is i n c o l l u s i o ~with
~ i t in protecting tlie present
system. According to lii~ii,"'Tl~e very classes wliicli were once the absolute
negation o f the capitalist system are now more and more integrated into it".
What role SIIOLII~ t l ~ etrade unions play in politics? N o doubt, there is wide range
o f differences. The capitalist system has been compelled to allow trade unions to
exist, but there is always an emphasis, wliicli is reflected by tlie tlieorists, who
consider western democratic syste~nas an ideal syste~nas well as inevitable, that
trade ~ ~ n i o nares only bargainers, and tlieir role in politics is confined to putting
pressure on tlie political systeni to gain benefits for the workers. On the otlier
side, Marxists are emphatic that workers sl~ouldbe politicised, and trade unions
are not only an instrument to extract concessions for the workers but also they
have to t r a ~ ~ s f o rthe
~ i i capitalist systeni into a socialist system, and build a
socialist society. The world has been thus divided in tlie capitalist world, the
socialist world and the newly independent countries w l ~ i c l have i overthrow11the
foreign yoke very recently. What role workers' ~ ~ n i o nliave s played in these
countries? Are they contined to tlieir econo~nicrole and limited themselves to
putting pressure on tlie governliient to sliorten tlieir working hours, asking for
various facilities and wage increase? Nevertheless, tlie s i t ~ ~ a t i oinn tliese colo~iial
countries had been very different. Working class also has to undergo immense
s ~ ~ f f e r ialong
~ i g witli tlie other sections o f the society due to tlie ruthless
exploitation by the colonial rulers. Therefore, they also joined wit11 other ections
in tlieir struggle for freedom. Trade unions also are involved along with other 1
classes in tliese colonies witli the national liioveliierit as i n India; thus the most
remarkable feature o f trade ~ ~ n i o niss their linkage wit11 political movements.
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"Trade Unionism" writes G. D. H. Cole "is shaped not only by the stage of
economic development but also by the general structure in which it has to act"
The dominant trade unionism in developed countries has different goals and
structures. They are considered as pressure groups and not part of state structure;
they are considered to be apolitical. The socialist coulitries empllasise the
political role of trade unions. Tliey are considered to be part of state structure,
atid are assigned to carry out tlie work of socialist transformation. The trade
union movement in tlie developing countries emerged and progressed in different
circuriistances and therefore are different in nature.
With the growth of industries tlie U.S. workers and factory system workers have
realised that only tliro~;~li
collective action could they bargain on anything on
equal terms. They began to organise. Philadelphia printers appears to be the first
trade ~lnionwhich in 1786 went on a strike for a miriirnurn wage of $6 a week,
and after six years a kind of perrnanerit formation took place among shoemakers
of Quaker city. Tlie scattered unions were formed in two decades and only in
1827 a labour move~nentappeared and workers in different trades came to form
one central labour union - The Mechanics Union of Trade Association. After this
Central bodies sprang up in New York, Boston and other cities.
During Civil war new factories were established to supply the armies. There was
an expansion of markets froni one locality to tlie nation. The development of
national market compelled labour to organise increasingly on a national as well
as local scale. However, they did not survive long. In 1869 another national
labour organisation was forriied - tlie rights of labour. It became very irnportalit
but by 1894, its decline started, because of the emergence of another organisation
American Federation of Labour in 1886. Satnuel Go~nperswas its president. In
1905 apart frorii American ~edeiationof Labour some other strong trade unions
also came LIPas Industrial workers of tlle world, wliicli espoused French
syndicalisni.
In 1935 Jolin L. Lewis organised industrial unions inside the A.F.L. named
Committee on Industrial Organisation-CIO. Bitter struggles followed after this
witli A.F.L. which resulted in the expulsion of these two leaders related to this
Cotnmittee of Industrial Organisation, and shortly, thereafter, the committee
changed its name to Congress of Industrial organisatiori C.I.O. The labour scene
at national level is do~niriatedby these two front organisations A.F.L. and C.1.0.
Tliey often try to come closer to each other. These trade union organisations are
not closely associated witli any specific political party of U.S.A., however at
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Suciwl nlovcments times they are in forefront in declaring their choices for presidential candidates
and express opinions in favour or against the specific policies o f tlie state, arid
are affiliated to International Confederation o f Trade Unions.
The British Trade Union Movement is the oldest in the world. With tlie
emergence o f industrialisation and development o f capitalism, the workers
realised the fact that they could not witlistand tlie power o f tlie employer alorie
and have to bargain collectively. The employer did not like tlie workers to join
hands with eacli other and form a combination. The State helped them in tliis.
G.D.H. Cole writes "tliere were, already in tlie eigliteenth century a number o f
statutes forbidding workers. Tlie workers faced persecution and repression. Yet
against all odds they were able to win their right to unionise."
At tlie present juncture British Trade Union Congress is the apex body o f the
workers o f Britian. Most unions are affiliated to it. I t separates itself from
political parties o f U.K. However generally labout. party draws bulk o f its support
froni trade unions. However, tliere are some unions whicli are staunch supporters
o f conservative party. By and large trade unionism in Britian i s mainly
'economic' like U.S.A.
Tlie role o f trade unions i s considered very different in socialist countries from a
capitali51 system, where they are considered as pressure groups. Tlie purpose o f
trade un?ons in socialist countries is to ensure workers' participation in socialist
production managenient. Therefore the workers associations were considered the
most important social force in tlie vast lalid o f Soviet Union. The Trade Unions
o f the U.S.S.R. enlisted the working people in coping with tasks connected with
tlie further development o f production, teacli the masses socialist discipline and
c o n i ~ n ~ ~ n i tattitude
ies to work and public property, and instill in the industrial ar~d
office workers a sense o f being masters o f their own country.
A brief sketch o f history o f trade union movement brings out the fact that prior
to Bolslievik revolution in Russia, Trade Unions had come LIP quite late.
Capitalisni got a very late start in tlie Russian Empire arid the protective
organisations o f the workers were correspondingly late in making tlieir
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I appearance. Tlie first A l l Russian Trade Union Conferelice, composed chiefly o f 'l'rade Union hlovement
delegates from Moscow i ~ n i o n swas held in October 1905. Tliere was ruthless
suppression o f their activities b y the Russian authorities. As a consequence i t was
difficult to witlistand the ruthlessness o f Russian State power and b y tlie winter
o f 1916-1917 the membership o f unions dwindled to 1500. After March
Revolution a council o f trade i ~ n i o n swas formed in Moscow and one i n
Petrogard. I n Petrogard, and Moscow and other cities i i ~ i i o workers
~i carried out
final seizure o f power which followed falnoi~sOctober revolution.
i s discussed i n 1918 at
Tlie new role o f all Russian Congress o f trade u ~ i i o ~was
petrogard in its first congress. With the introduction o f N e w Economic Policy,
tlie unions became ecolioinic collaborators and advisers in the management o f
industry. Before October revolution tliere existed a large nu~iibero f small ilnions
that had sprung LIP lnostly after march days which were later united in a central
01-ganisation known as tlie A l l Union Central Council o f Trade Union/Central
C o i ~ n c i lo f Trade Union ( A C C T U or simply CCTU).
Cl~cckYour PI-ogress 8
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I) What are tlie main national trade i~nionsin USA, U K and the foniier Soviet
Union?
One o f the features o f trade union movement is its belatedness. In real sense
trade union movement eiiierged o n national scene only after the first world war.
Because o f late development o f industries, tlie workers are new to the industrial
culture and dominated by rural moorings. Besides, there are strong political
linkages witli tlie trade i ~ n i o nmovelnent in tlie developing countries w i t l i national
movement. Generally during tlie colonial period tlie trade unions were in the
forefront o f freedom struggle, and therefore apart from trade union activities were
deeply involved in the politics o f the country.
Indian 'I rade Union Movement reflects tlie special nature o f the trade union
moveriient o f an erst\vliile
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colonial country.
Before first world war the trade unionism in l ~ i d i awas very negligible. Generally
there were some organisations which came up but they were very short-lived.
During tlie war some efforts were made to organise workers on' ~ n o d e r trade
l~
A.I.T.U.C. had close links witli the national movement. Many o f its presidents
were active in tlie national movement. Before Independence it was tlie front
organisation o f tlie workers, just like Indian National Congress whicli was an
umbrella for different shades o f opinions and ideologies. Silnilarly in A.I.T.U.C.
also there were different approaches to trade unionis~nthat merged in one trade
i~nionorganisation. At times there were splits also because of sharp differences in
view points. Apart fro111A.I.T.U.C. Gandlii also enunciated a trade union
movement based on his ideology o f Sarvodaya. Ahmedabad Textile Union or
Mazdur Mahajan Sablia was a trade union organisation wliicli represented
Gandhian philosophy o f industrial relations.
1) How can tlie political nature of trade union movement in lndia be traced in
Indian National Movement?
I Proletariat :
and instead free associati011of individuals without arms
be established.
1
McCarthy, W. E. (ed.), 1972.
I
Raman, N. Pattabhi. Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions, New York,
i
I 1967.
Saxena, Kiran, National Movement and Trade Union Movement, New Delhi,
1990.