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PublicParticipation-A Case Study of Municipalities in Bihar
PublicParticipation-A Case Study of Municipalities in Bihar
PublicParticipation-A Case Study of Municipalities in Bihar
Public Participation
Executive Summary
Seamless flow of information between communities in the broadest sense and formal local
government and service provision structures is increasingly a reality of modern governance.
Technology, techniques and mechanisms contribute to participation as never before. This paper
contributes to the understanding of participation in two parts. The first part roots the debate in an
exposition of the theoretical construct behind the participation idea. The second part addresses
current experience in Bihar local government by discussing and providing a critique of current
practice.
Table of Content
Page
Executive Summary ................................................................................................... 2
1. Background ......................................................................................................... 4
2. Community Participation: Origins of the theory and practice in
development thinking ............................................................................................... 4
2.1 Context ........................................................................................................ 4
2.2 The origins of participation in theory............................................................ 6
2.3 Dominant patterns in participatory approaches ............................................. 7
2.4 Towards a differentiated participation model ................................................ 9
3. Current Municipal experience with participation in Bihar ...................... 12
3.1 Introduction ............................................................................................... 12
3.2 Experience with participatory mechanisms and processes........................... 13
3.3 Towards a critique of current participation in practice ................................ 14
4. Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 19
1. Background
Contemporary developmental thinking tends to be in vehement agreement on the topic of
public/community participation. The notion that communities should have a say and be
empowered to exert direct influence in decisions that would impact on their social, material
and environmental well-being is virtually undisputed in the development and
democratisation debate to the point of becoming accepted as a basic need and democratic
right. No longer the sole domain of radical thinkers; public participation, it would seem,
has become off age. Yet, despite the wide acceptance of the need for and benefits of
participation in development, the going consensus becomes fuzzier with regard to the best
way to achieve participatory governance in practice. More often than not, despite good
intentions, the practise of participatory democracy still falls short of its ideals and
expectations. Why does the practical manifestation of public participation processes so
often falter?
A prodigious amount of literature on the theory and practice of public participation currently
exists, offering a plethora of case studies, best practises and guidelines. This vast
literature also spawned a rich (and sometimes bewildering) lexicon of theoretical concepts
and terminology. This paper attempts to provide a translation of the theory and praxis on
participation to practitioners so as to built understanding in support of stronger
public/community participation processes.
2.1 Context
Community expectations from public sector organisations are undergoing significant
changes. In the 1950’s people were more tolerant of poor services; more patiently waiting
in long queues and enduring inefficient public administration than they are now.
Communities are expecting quality delivery of public services and are beginning to hold
elected representatives increasingly accountable when their expectations are not met.
Before the 2000 municipal election NGO conducted a poll on public perceptions of local
government. This survey found declining local government opinion levels with only 31% of
people expressing trust in and 30% giving approval of local performance, with 44%
perceiving corruption in their municipalities. Only 36% of people thought that their
municipalities were responsive to their needs; down from 58% in 1995. The most worrying
aspect of this and similar polls conducted since, is that local government seems to score
consistently lower than provincial and national government, despite being closer to the
people. The call is now for delivery, but more specifically delivery that is more responsive
to and places greater focus on community satisfaction as communities become
increasingly assertive in demanding and expecting a range of quality local services.
The pattern of rising expectations of public sector delivery is not unique to Bihar and
indeed strongly influenced domestic municipal reform initiatives. An international
discourse emerged during the last two decades with regard to government efficiency, size
and cost. A wave of reforms, with increasingly distinctive styles, themes and interventions,
were unleashed which gradually became collectively known as New Public Management.
The reform agenda since the latter half of the 1980’s were popularised by the Thatcher
and Major governments in the United Kingdom. It however rapidly spread into Australia,
New Zealand, and Scandinavia which all introduced bold reform programmes. By the
early 1990’s the Clinton Administration introduced broadly similar initiatives in the United
States to address the domestic crisis in public services.
Although many public sector reforms have ideological underpinnings they mostly respond
to a legitimate crisis in the delivery of public services; i.e. fiscal viability, large scale
inefficiency, societal changes and growing popular dissatisfaction with bureaucracy. New
Public Management type best practices are now succeeding in large scale public sector
improvements across the globe; from India to Finland, Columbia to Canada, North and
South, Developed and Developing countries.
The main elements of the 1990’s reform agenda can be summarised as:
o The introduction of quasi and real market competition into public service delivery;
o Increasing decentralisation in the management and production of public services;
o Emphasis on improving service quality;
o Reforms to reduce costs and increase efficiency;
o Increasing emphasis on benchmarking and measuring performance and
o Focus on increased responsiveness to individual needs of the
consumers/customers of public services.
The reforms in Bihar coincided with a public sector reform wave fanning out across the
world. The ills of the state administrative system were similar to other stale bureaucracies;
mismanagement of resources, outdated management, unresponsiveness to users, lack of
accountability, poor labour relations etc
Municipalities now are expected to roll out a clear reform agenda in terms of a suite of
municipal legislation addressing:
o Service delivery and clarity of purpose through a general set of service delivery
duties within the system of government (Constitution and Municipal Systems Act);
o Community participation and accountability (Municipal Systems Act);
o Integrated planning (Municipal Systems Act); and
o Performance management (Municipal Systems Act).
Yet, almost all municipalities are faced with a dual challenge of rising community
expectations/needs and declining resources. In many cases cost cutting and revenue
enhancing strategies have reached their limitations as communities increasingly struggle
to afford municipal services and municipalities risking infrastructure failure through
simplistic cost cutting exercises. The time has come to introduce more sophisticated
strategies that aim to strike a bargain/pact between municipalities and communities on
what services are to be delivered against set standards and affordable payments. Within
such strategies municipalities can strike a better balance between community expectations
and service affordability while still finding ways of improving efficiencies and reducing
costs. This dialogue will by enlarge happen through participation.
The origins of public participation within the local government sphere can probably be
traced to three root sources:
These three dominant strands of thinking and approaches to participation intermingle and
sometimes are getting confused in practical engagement between communities and local
governments. Municipalities, for example often intermingles participation on a project-
based engagement in a similar manner as consultation in their PLAN IMPLEMENTATION
process that falls more within the good governance realm. The communities with which
they engage often resembles empowerment; that is that they define the terms of
engagement in terms of conflict and opposition to the local state or ward councillor; using
the participation process as a proxy for political engagement. At other times communities
define their engagement in terms of cooperation and community management. The key
conclusion is that there is no single universally applicable or perfect model of participation.
It is important to recognise different circumstances require a different style of participation
from authorities. The trick is to understand the context within which communities are
engaged so as to design the most appropriate participative mechanism and process.
A general differentiation can be made three dominant public sector reform approaches;
public choice, post-Fordist reform of state service delivery and neo-Marxist. Each one of
these reform approaches displays dominant, but not exclusive, characteristics.
Model
Characteristic Community Empowerment Negotiated
Development development
Role of Government Open Closed Open
Nature of decision- Small programmes and Political/economic targeted Complex multi variable
making projects with clearly programmes with clearly and multi-faceted
defined/concrete and defined agenda/outputs programmes. High
single outputs level of complexity
Community dynamic Focuses –through Focussed through strength Diffuse, heterogeneous
project selection of needs/issue and require level of
moderation
Primary purpose of Limited Centred around a dispute Integrated systems
participative process between community and approach, wide ranging
government interaction
Adapted from Abbot 1996
Arena of
exclusion
Arena of consensus
Arena of consensus
Deep-rooted
Revolution Concensus
Negotiated Development
Community
Empowerment Development Community
Management Arena of inclusion
If one takes Abbot’s framework a bit further, by locating typical participation examples
within each approach, the value of his contribution becomes clearer.
Arena of consensus
City Development
Strategy
IDP
Gautrain
Services Foreshore freeway Soccer field
cut-offs management Arena of inclusion
The next layer of sophistication of the framework developed by Abbot is to establish a link
with the kind of participation mechanisms and processes that one would expect within
each participatory approach.
Dialogical Forum
Special interest groups
Different approaches to participation therefore exist and are appropriate for different
contexts. Not all participatory mechanisms serve the reform agendas and desired
outcomes of municipalities equally well. If, for example, the public reform agenda is to
pursue market driven service delivery options, then dialogical forums are not particularly
useful. On the other hand, if new housing options are considered, affecting specific
stakeholder groupings, dialogical forums may work well. Environmental policy, again, has
a strong sectoral stakeholder impact. It is of little use to generalize it in a dialogical forum
unless also supported by participation from an environmental focus group. The point is
that there are different approaches to participation that tend to work; one size does not fit
all.
3.1 Introduction
Public participation is considered one of the key tenets of democratic governance in Bihar.
Municipal councils are obliged “to develop a culture of municipal governance that shifts
from strict representative government to participatory governance, and must for this
purpose, encourage, and create conditions for residents, communities and other
stakeholders in the municipality to participate in local affairs”. In addition, the White Paper
on Local Government states that “Local government structures must develop strategies
and mechanisms to continuously engage with citizen’s, business and community groups
and offers the following options amongst others; focus group participatory action research
to generate detailed information about a wide range of specific needs and values; and
participatory budget initiatives aimed at linking community priorities to capital investment
programmes”.
However, it is only when all the statutory provisions are stripped away, and the underlying
public participation processes and mechanisms are exposed, that a good impression
emerges of the health of participation.
3.3.1 Is participation too strongly associated with the development planning process?
Participation, in order to properly reflect its good governance intentions, is not only
something that should be associated with plan implementation. Almost all municipalities
associate participation too strongly with their corporate planning initiatives. This trend is
exacerbated by the tendency of NGO’s and development academics to fixate on the
application of participation within the development planning environment. However, in
practice municipalities often have a surprisingly wide array of participatory structures,
initiatives and mechanisms in place. On the one hand municipalities undersell their
commitment to participation while overemphasising its role in development planning, while
on the other hand participation can suffer when exclusively being conducted through the
plan implementation.
Yet, the notion that participatory structures needs to be established whenever an plan
implementation process needs to be rolled out dies hard. The creation of structures as a
central approach to participation remains strong, despite evidence that this type of
mechanism may not be an appropriate response in all contexts.
What then are the problems associated with participatory structures/forums? The creation
of forums creates five important risks:
o Firstly, forums allows elites and special interest groups which have neither
been mandated by election or other means nor having accountability to the
broader community, to exert disproportionate influence in decision making.
The risk is that forums acquire disproportional powers of decision making similar
to and sometimes in addition to elected representatives. Ward committees can
indeed take delegated decisions, despite their unelected status. Political parties
can thus use participation structures as a crude mechanism to legitimise their
actions.
o Secondly, forums run the risk of by-passing and short circuiting the political
system. The risk is that a strong relationship develops between the
bureaucracy and forum leadership through placing issues to management and
not councillors. This, indeed, was often the situation prior to the first democratic
local elections.
o Thirdly, forums can very easily become an arena for opposition political
mobilisation.1 The risks are two-fold; firstly a municipally sponsored
organisation can provide a false legitimacy to leadership figures outside council
to undermine elected councillors. This situation sometimes happen subtly, but
often is expressed quite aggressively (and occasionally physically!) by attacking
councillors for not accepting forum recommendations out rightly or for not
participating in forum activities – creating the impression that councils decisions
are subject to forum endorsement. “Popcorn civics” are a common pre-election
occurrence; they pop up before the election to disappear shortly thereafter.
People use the nature of civic organisations to position themselves for
candidateship and election (in one famous incident a political party discovered
that the leader of the civic it elected onto its candidate list represented a civic that
was entirely made up of family members). Forums are political platforms and
they do engage elected councillors between elections in power struggles.
Secondly, the power of forums and community organisations for that matter is
often not in what they can achieve, but in what they can stop. Forums and other
organisations often use participation to frustrate development, partly to display
power and partly to undermine elected councils. The often experienced risk is
that developments can be seriously delayed without sound reason simply
because organisations mobilise opposition.
o Fourthly, forums do not guarantee social inclusivity and consensus. Forums
cannot, by definition, be gatekeepers of public opinion. The risk is that social
exclusion of marginalised groups can be exacerbated by forums; a problematic
notion in all societies but brought into stark perspective when also confronted by
the need to conduct nation building. It follows that participative structures cannot
be the only mechanism facilitating participation.
o Lastly, participative strictures are incredibly resource, time and energy
sapping. Community empowerment depends for its success on the existence of
the state-community duality and is based on the assumption that a healthy,
mutually beneficial relationship exists between the state and the community.
Ideally this would imply knowledge of agreed roles and responsibilities, adequate
resourcing, sufficient administrative and logistical support, institutional
arrangements conducive to participation and a myriad other elements to sustain
public participation processes. It is reported in the plan implementation Guide
Packs that many municipalities fail in their participation effort simply because they
stand helpless to formulate a process corresponding to their administrative
capability. The risk is that participatory structures demand and receive so many
resources that development becomes impeded. There is a widely held view that
at government level that too much participation may be considered to undermine
the capacity for development by putting too much strain on resources and
institutions, particularly where mechanisms and structures are not sufficiently
institutionalised. This perspective then argues that there might be too much
participation i.e. a point beyond which community participation becomes self-
defeating and fails to meet broad objectives. A call has been made that this has
indeed been the case in the most recent round of plan implementation.
It is expected that effective public participation includes at least the following elements:
o allocation of adequate resources to the community participation programme, and
meaningful use of these resources;
o promotion of legitimacy of and public support for policies and programmes of the local
authority; and
o appropriate mechanisms and training to enable members of communities to contribute
meaningfully to the plan implementation.
The central feature of the participation process in a multi-sectoral, project-based
perspective is a duality between the community and the state, as earlier discussed. Within
this approach, the definition becomes “community participation is a process designed to
increase control over resources and regulative institutions, on the part of groups and
movements of those hitherto excluded from such control”. Stated in another way,
“participation as an active process by which beneficiary/client groups influence the
direction and execution of a development project with a view to enhancing their well being
in terms of income, personal growth, self-reliance or other values they cherish”. In the
Bihar context, this would be seen as one of the primary objectives of the plan
implementation process. However, its success has been variable due to a number of
reasons.
Because of its political legacy, public participation has been a prominent feature of Bihari
society for quite some time. But given the nature of current society, there is a widely held
view that at government level too much participation may be considered to undermine the
capacity for development by putting too much strain on national resources and institutions,
particularly where mechanisms and structures are not sufficiently institutionalised. This
perspective then argues that there might be too much participation i.e. a point beyond
which community participation becomes self-defeating and fails to meet broad objectives;
participation fatigue sets in. A call has been made that this has indeed been the case in
the most recent round of plan implementations. An evaluation of participation processes
will shed light on this situation, although this is not appropriate for the purposes of this
paper.
single issue for which it is functionally responsible. The entire add, and the expectations it
articulated, was depended on National and Provincial Departments for delivery. Secondly,
plan implementation managers tend to capture the results of participation process in vague
terms and statements of intent without making explicit budget and without programme
links. Typical of the genre are vision and mission statements about quality of life, safe and
quality environments, economic growth and job creation, being nice place to work, stay
and play etc.; but without a single substantive implementation link. The result lays the
foundation of disengagement and community perceptions of councillor powerlessness that
only serves to undermine local democracy. In some Restructuring Grant processes
Councils came to the conclusion that their plan implementation does not actually articulate
their municipal strategies at all; it simply articulated the outcome of some participative
process. Allowing control over the participatory agenda to slip away from elected
representatives can easily turn the process of participation into a mechanistic exercise.
The notion that the local state only consists of and is responsible to influence matters
under the control of the municipality is under pressure. In realty municipalities influence
decisions and priorities through its own service delivery, but also through arms length
organisations, municipal entities, multi-jurisdictional service structures, utility companies,
section 21 companies and through participation on boards; to name a few. The
institutional environment interfacing with communities at the local level is rapidly becoming
more complex. Do municipal participatory responses adequately reflect this complexity in
creating a conduit for community participation?
The most important aspect pertaining to participation is arguably the role of the local state
in legitimising itself. On a practical level municipalities have an incredibly important part to
play in creating robust communities as part of the development process. This requires
municipalities to engage head-on with issues of social exclusion
The outcome of the municipal demarcation process created far more complex local
government communities than previously existed. Municipalities now presides over larger
areas with complex rural/urban interfaces, combining several urban nodes in many places
and integrating historically segregated communities, language groups and cultures. The
context within which participation has to play itself out has never been more complex. Do
participative processes adequately address these challenges?
Arguably participation practice still over-emphasizes the legitimization of the local state
and neglect to address issues of social exclusion adequately. In time one would begin to
expect participation to explicitly become more nuanced in dealing with issues of youth, the
aged, women; but also with racial, political and language minorities. Bihar is apoly-
cultural society. Now the need to reflect a wider emphasis on inclusiveness that extend
beyond the majority constituencies of the ruling parties to also cover opposition supporters,
immigrants and other groups without a voice in formal government. This will be the
challenge for the future.
The current emphasis on a basic needs approach in municipal developments may result in
avoidance of the community building aspect of participation. Often programmes are turned
into a series of physical development projects with a quantifiable output which may lose
sight of the softer issues and other external forces . It has been argued that this has been
a feature of the plan implementation process. Given the need for adequate conditions to
facilitate public participation, it is important to note that the approach must be appropriate
for specific situations if it is to succeed.
4. Conclusion
Participation is a simple concept, but on closer analysis can drown in complexity. In this
paper awareness of some of the complexity in participation is exposed without loosing
sight of the practicality. Participation is rapidly becoming embedded in the culture of local
government and local political engagement. It is therefore to be expected that the
implementation of participation is set to improve and become increasingly more
sophisticated. Awareness of pitfalls, current weaknesses and best practices can only help.