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(Leslie - Bethell) - The - Cambridge - History - of - Latin - Am 1870-1930 - Revolución Mexicana PDF
(Leslie - Bethell) - The - Cambridge - History - of - Latin - Am 1870-1930 - Revolución Mexicana PDF
(Leslie - Bethell) - The - Cambridge - History - of - Latin - Am 1870-1930 - Revolución Mexicana PDF
OCTOBER I 9 I O — F E B R U A R Y I 9 I 3
The spectre haunting Mexico in 191 o was the spectre of political reform.
The country's politics had to change soon, because its central political
institution, President Porfirio Diaz, was mortal and 80. And the change
would go deep, because after 30 years of vigorous capitalist development
and shrewd personal dictatorship, politics meant business. In maze upon
maze of graft and collusion between politicians and businessmen, reform
meant renegotiation of a myriad of shady deals.
Of the country's several important kinds of conflict, the two most
pressing were about business. One was the rivalry between twenty or so
big British, American, French, German, Canadian and Mexican banks
and companies, for bonds, concessions, and national markets. Treated in
the highest and tightest financial and political circles, it remained
orderly. The other kind was the conflict between the major firms and
hundreds of small Mexican enterprises over local opportunities for
profit. These struggles were almost always disturbing, because they
threatened established deals. If entrepreneurs big or small pursued
a new venture, they risked subverting a local hierarchy of interests
and authority; vice versa, subversion could open a new field of
transactions. Since the crash of 1907, disappointments in politics and
business had so angered some entrepreneurs that they considered a
revolution necessary to promote their deals. After the electoral fraud and
Monterrey
Year Barley Corn Cotton Henequen Sugar Wheat Copper Gold Oil Silver
iron/steel
1910 131,700 42,776 94,79° 159,049 320,785 48,160 41.420 '65,373 3,634,080 2,416.669
1911 139,264 — 34,203 "6,547 •52.551 520,54c' 56,072 37.120 217,999 12,552,798 2,518.202
1912 120,128 2,062,971 51,222 139,902 146,323 320,849 57,245 32.431 15 5,247 16,558,215 2,526.715
1913 211,308 — 43.830 145,280 125,922 286,549' 52,592 25.810 46,321 25,692,291 1,725.861
1914 232,271 1,961,073 — 169,286 108,262 214,288 26,621 8.635 5 26,235,403 810.647
1915 214,260 — 20,356 162,744 88,480 207,144 206 7-35 8 8,74i 32,910,508 7«2.599
1916 211,308 — 18,109 201,990 49,210 286,549' 28,411 11.748 37,513 4O,545,7'2 925993
1917 — — 13,582 127,092 65.396 — 50,946 23.542 49,536 5 5,292,770 1,306.988
1918 379.525 1,899,625' 78,040 140,001 68,894 280,441 70,200 25-313 68,710 63,828,326 1.944-542
1919 — — — 113,870 90,546 3 8l .399 52,272 23.586 90,020 87,072.954 2,049.898
1920 — — — 160,759 113,183 400,469 49,192 22.864 76,000 157,068,678 2,068.938
a
Incomplete data.
Sources: Columns 1 and 3 are derived from Banco Nacional de Comercio Exterior, Mexico
exportador (Mexico, 1939), 11-12. The first five rows in these columns were recalculated
from years ending in 30 June to calendar years. Columns 2 and 4 are from US Department
of Commerce, Statistical abstracts of the United States, 1919 and 1920, table 283, p. 399, and
table 288, p. 407, respectively.
consumption and export. (For statistics on exports and imports, see table
But better business did not restore the old order. Since political
controls had slackened, the economy's growth made the conflict among
the big companies worse, rocking the new government hard. The most
troublesome conflict was over oil, with Standard and Mexican Petro-
leum demanding concessions like Aguila's, Aguila defending its
privileges. ASARCO and its American, British, German, French and
Mexican rivals and customers lobbied almost as roughly against each
other.
Without tight political control economic growth also brought out
vigorous organizing among workers. The Mexican Union of Mechanics
(UMM, founded in 1900), the Mexican Railway Alliance (AFM, 1907),
the Mutualist Society of Dispatchers and Telegraphers (SMDT, 1909),
and most powerfully the Union of Conductors, Engineers, Brakemen,
and Firemen (UCMGF, 1910) established wide authority in the railway
companies. Encouraged by strikes, the new Mexican Mining Union
multiplied its branches in the north-east, and the Veracruz and Tampico
port workers unionized. Strikes swept the textile mills and urban trades
2
Lorenzo Meyer, Mexico andtbt United States in tbe oil controversy, 1917-1942 (Austin, Texas, 1977), 31 •
5
Luis Liceaga, Felix Dia% (Mexico, 1958), 216.
' Jesus Carranza Castro, Qrigcn, tltstinoj ligaJo de Carran^a (Mexico, 1977), 199.
10
Kenneth J. Grieb, Tie United States andHutrta (Lincoln, 1969), 115-16.
11 I2
Link, Wilson: the new freedom, 396. Ibid., 407.
14
Jesus Silva Herzog, Breve bistoria de la revolution mexicana (2 vols., Mexico, i960), n , 144-60.
the war had ended, many more oficinas de bienes intervenidos opened, old
and new offices increasingly serving private interests.
A U G U S T 1 9 1 4 - OCTOBER I 9 I 5
18
John Womack, Jr, Zapata and the Mexican Revolution (New York, 1968), 217-18.
19
Fabela and Fabela, Documentos historicos, iv, 107-iz.
» Ibid., 493.
25 M
Ibid., 639. Fabela and Fabela, Documcntos bistoricos, rv, 155—6.
27
Canova to Lansing, 13 October 1915, United States National Archives (USNA), Record Group
59, 812.00/ 16546-1/2; Canova to Lansing, 16 October 1915, USNA 59, 812.00/ 16547-1/2;
Lansing, Memorandum to Arredondo, 19 October 1915, USNA 59, 812.00/ 16548-1/2.
30
Arthur S. Link, Wilson: confusions and crises, ifij-1916 (Princeton, i960), 290.
35
Haley, Revolution and intervention, 245; Smith, United States and revolutionary nationalism, 89, 91,
x
105—6. Katz, Tbe secret war, 363.
39
Salazar and Escobedo, Las pugnas di la gltba, i, 245.
from Jalisco and Murguia from Chihuahua for a major campaign to take
the Tampico—Tuxpan oil fields. As a long shot he also arranged an
approach to Cowdray, for the British collapse in Europe had made
Aguila acutely vulnerable to American challenges in Mexico.
All but one of these ventures proved disappointing. From 17 to 25
November 1917 the manufacturers met. But unlike the merchants they
complained about the new constitution and resoundingly reaffirmed the
privacy of their enterprises, which they would defend in a new National
Confederation of Chambers of Industry. Gonzalez's forces secured only
the eastern third of Morelos, and the Dieguez-Murguia campaign
actually lost ground. Dieguez moved into the oil fields, but Murguia had
hardly left Chihuahua when the Villistas raided Ojinaga again, and he
had to retreat to his weakened base. Thrashing around the north-east in
December, Dieguez ruined the rigging of Coss's election in Coahuila,
and provoked Coss to revolt. In Tamaulipas, where Dieguez disrupted
Caballero's plans for election in February, a new Felicista band began its
own rebellion, and the Pelaecistas strengthened their positions. Only the
approach to Cowdray succeeded — a deal in mid-December over the
Tehuantepec Railway Company (which Cowdray co-owned with the
Mexican government) released $3 million in cash and $4.5 million in
stock.
Sharp signs of new trouble soon appeared. On 1 January 1918 the
PLC Obregonistas for the first time publicly rebuked the president, for
interfering in state elections. On 12 January, because of renewed
disturbances along the Texas border, the United States ordered its forces
to pursue suspects into Mexico. On 14 January a military plot to
overthrow Carranza was discovered, involving garrisons in Mexico City,
Veracruz, and other important towns.
Carranza's search for support became increasingly improbable. To
counteract the PLC, he encouraged the formation of a new Partido
Nacional Cooperatista, starting with a national labour convention in
Saltillo, to attract unions away from the CGO. While he went on
returning attached properties and encouraged landlords to organize
their peons as local militia, he had the National Agrarian Commission for
the first time run steadily at least in low gear, in order to interest the
villages in his government. Secretly he had Dieguez negotiate with
Pelaez. And he sent the undersecretary of finance to Washington to try
again for relaxation of restrictions on American exports. The last two
efforts quickly failed.
Carranza then took a major risk. On 18 February, under Article 27, he
41
Ibid., 122.
On 11 November 1918 the first world war ended. The United States, the
most powerful victor, enjoyed new freedoms around the world. In
particular it enjoyed the freedom of exercising the only foreign pressure
in Mexico. Without risking interference from other foreign powers, it
could even revoke recognition of Carranza's government, unless, for
example, Carranza agreed to negotiate on Article 27 of the constitution.
This ended Mexico's chances for centralized government.
Economic conditions after the war confirmed a regionalized 'recon-
struction' in Mexico. Although the American boom continued for
another two years, American demands for Mexican products varied
widely. The demand for precious metals and oil remained high, but the
demand for copper dropped quickly and the demand for henequen
crashed. The Spanish influenza pandemic, probably the most devastating
blow to human life in Mexico in 3 50 years, also reduced production and
trade. Hitting first in the north-east in early October 1918, its awful
'second wave' raged around the country until mid-January. In the army,
of 125,000 men on the rolls, 25,270 fell ill with influenza, and 1,862 died.
Altogether as many as five million Mexicans may have gone down with
Spanish flue. A moderately low estimate of deaths ranges between 2.5
and 3 per cent of the population, around 400,000. And probably half the
dead were aged between 20 and 40, so that in only four months 4 per cent
of the most able-bodied Mexicans died. Through the economic trends
and the pandemic the Gulf fared best, the north-east and north-west next,
much better than the north and the west. And the last two regions,
whatever their losses, fared better than the centre and the south, and
much better than the south-east, which slid into a long depression.
National politics began to move in new directions. From November
1918 the country's most pressing conflicts became part of the struggle
scheduled for resolution in the presidential election in July 1920. But
although this was no longer a struggle for centralized power, it was much
42
Liceaga, Felix Dia%, 489-504.
43
Edgar Turlington, Mexico and her foreign creditors (New York, 1930), 275.
In the final test the united north-westerners had defeated the divided
north-easterners and won responsibility for 'reconstruction'. But
because they did not have the strong ties that the north-easterners had
57 M
The New York Times, n June 1920. Ibid., 5 July 1920.
historically definitive in its principal economic and social results: the same
big companies existed as before, plus a few new ones, relying more heavily
than ever on American markets and banks; a population reduced by war,
emigration, and influenza from 15 million to around 14.7 million; a
foreign debt of around 1,000 million pesos, plus more than 300 million
pesos in overdue interest; a surplus in revenue amounting to 3 million
pesos for the year; an army of almost 100,000 men claiming 62 per cent of
the budget; national confederations of merchants and manufacturers; a
national confederation of labour at odds with the country's railway
unions and the new syndicalist movements; and a still largely landless
peasantry still demanding its own lands.
On 1 December 1920, without US, British, or French recognition,
Alvaro Obregon was sworn into the presidency. His Cabinet included
Hill as minister of war, Calles as minister of the interior, de la Huerta as
minister of finance, and Villarreal as minister of agriculture. Obregon
also repaid the CROM, leaving its previously appointed leader in charge
of the Federal District and granting its secretary-general the directorship
of the federal arsenals.
Thus the struggle between the victors of 1914 resulted in a new
regime. The central political institution was not a national leader or party
but a regional faction, the north-western bourgeoisie, internationally
unconsecrated, but indomitably entrenched in the highest levels of the
state and ready to manage a flexible, regionalized 'reconstruction'
through deals with factions from other classes. The new state itself
would therefore serve as the nation's bourgeois party. Its function
forecast its programme, a long series of reforms from above, to evade,
divide, diminish, and restrain threats to Mexican sovereignty and
capitalism from abroad and from below.