Maasai

&
Modernity

Identity regulation by
Modern organizations
Through
The Concept of “Normality”

Dieke Geerling (1053265)

Gorinchem, november 2012
Culture, Organization & Management
Faculty of Social Sciences
VU University Amsterdam
 Table of Contents

Foreword 3

The Origin of Cattle 4

List of Maps and Names 5

Introduction 6

1. Theoretical framework “Concept of Normality” 9

1.1 Globalization 9

1.2 The role of identity regulation within organizations 10

1.3 The power of “normality” 12

1.4 The power of agency 14

2. Field research in Kenya 16

2.1 Preceding 16

2.2 Day 1: Maji Moto 16

2.3 Day 16: Tepesue 51

2.4 Day 21: Ololulunga 62

2.5 Day 23: Naikarra 67

2.6 Day 29: Ololulunga 75

2.7 Day 32: Nanyuki 78

Summary and conclusions 86

Features of “being Maasai” 87

Factors considered to change culture 88

Transnational influences 89

Appendix: Methodology 90

The outline of the research 92

Start of the Research 92

Position of the researcher 93

Finding respondents 93

Interviews 94

Constructing a theory 94

References 95

2
 Foreword

Without the trust and unconditional support of many friends. Especially of Salaton ole Ntutu and all the persons
shown below, but also of my good friends Jek & Marion Persoons, this thesis wouldn’t be written. Further I would
like to address a special thanks to my parents who took care of all kind of (not less important) practical issues like
children, food and cats during my study and field research. Last but not least my gratitude goes to my supervisor
Harry Wels who convinced me that I actually was able to write a thesis. Thank you all!

Dieke Geerling, November 2012, Gorinchem

3
 The Origin of Cattle

In the beginning, the Maasai did not have any cattle. One day God called Maasinta,
who was the first Maasai, and said to him: "I want you to make a large enclosure, and
when you have done so, come back and inform me." Maasinta went and did as he was
instructed, and came back to report what he had done. Next, God said to him:
"Tomorrow, very early in the morning, I want you to go and stand against the outside
wall of the house for I will give you something called cattle. But when you see or hear
anything do not be surprised. Keep very silent."
Very early next morning, Maasinta went to wait for what was to be given him. He
soon heard the sound of thunder and God released a long leather thong from heaven to
earth. Cattle descended down this thong into the enclosure. The surface of the earth
shook so vigorously that Maasinta’s house almost fell over. He was gripped with fear,
but did not make any move or sound. While the cattle were still descending, the
Dorobo, who was a housemate of Maasinta, woke up from his sleep. He went outside
and on seeing the countless cattle coming down the strap; he was so surprised that he
said "Ayieyieyie!” an exclamation of utter shock. On hearing this, God took back the
thong and the cattle stopped descending. God then said to Maasinta, thinking he was
the one who had spoken: "Is it that these cattle are enough for you? I will never again
do this to you, so you had better love these cattle in the same way I love you." That is
why the Maasai love cattle very much. And that’s why the Murran are still jumping to
reach for the skin.

How about the Dorobo? Maasinta was very upset with him for having cut God's thong.
He cursed him thus: "Dorobo, are you the one who cut God's thong? May you remain
as poor as you have always been. You and your offspring will forever remain my
servants. Let it be that you will live off animals in the wild. May the milk of my cattle be
poison if you ever taste it." This is why up to this day the Dorobo still live in the forest
and they are never given milk.

Kipury, N., (1984) “oral literature of the Maasai”, East African Educational Publ. Nairobi, Kenya
Found on http://www.bluegecko.org by Jens Finke

4
 List of Maps and Names

Salaton ole Ntutu; left-hand chief of IlKisaruni age set and owner of Maji Moto cultural camp
Ole Tompoi; right-hand chief of IlKisaruni age set
Sinti ole Nasi; left-hand chief of IlMeshuki and my cook in Maji Moto
Hellen Nkuraiya; with Salaton founder of the Enkiteng Lepa school
Meeri; my translator of Maa and Maasai habits
Mwenda; a Meru from Nanyuki area who cooks often for Salaton
Parkimolo ole Shongo; my guard in Maji Moto cultural camp
Kesue; junior elder in Maji Moto
Koileken ole Kiok & Dopoi ole Siololo; two students being members of IlMeshuki age set
Susan; an American lady who truly supports Salaton
Saboye ole: community chief and member of Ilkisaruni age set
Dennis; student, Christian and member of IlMeshuki age set
Baba Sinti; father of Sinti and member of Nyangusi age set
Stephen ole Kisotu; community chief in Naikarra and member of IlKisaruni age set
Nickson; good friend of Stephen and guide at a luxury lodge in the Maasai Mara
Charles: good friend of Stephen and shopowner in Naikarra
John Ole Tingoi; chairman of MCH Maasai cultural Heritage in Nanyuki
Charles; worker at Safi project in Nanyuki

5
 Introduction

Sitting under a tree somewhere in the Loita plains in Kenya, with cattle and wildebeest wandering
around us, I ask Dennis about his future dreams. He starts drawing in the sand. It becomes a nice
permanent stone house for his mom and one for himself. A beautiful fence around his whole plot to
paddock it with many cows and sheep inside makes his dream complete. Although in an earlier stage
he said he wanted to be manager or doing bookkeeping, having cows and a nice permanent house is
the most important and valuable assets to be a wealthy and happy man.
Dennis is a nice, approximately 18 years old, Maasai boy living with his family somewhere in
the Loita plains far away from the nearest settlement. He is sponsored by an American Non-
government organization (NGO) to attend secondary boarding school in Narok. Converted to
Christianity by missionaries at the only school on a proper walking distance less then one hour he is
together with his sister Mary the only non-traditional religion believer in his family. Discussing his
future dreams I ask why he wants paddocking, as the Maasai are pastoralists, living by migrating from
pasture to pasture? Because they do it in Denmark, he is been taught at school. But does he realize
that Denmark is different, having much more rain, even sometimes too much and therefore it is
possible to have intensive cattle keeping. But here living in a semi arid or even arid area intensive
cattle keeping is not possible? The reply stays the same; he has learned it at school. And what about
fencing? The Maasai have a communal shared use of land. Although families do have rights and
claims on the land, according to tradition, must the land not be open to share it with others in need
and not unimportant wildlife migrating towards the green pastures? Silence, no answer, finally he
states again that he has learned it at school. The sometimes even heated discussion with Dennis is
exemplary for my observations among the Maasai of Maji Moto during Spring 2012. I came here to do
an empirical field research as described in the methodology appendix. The question was:

“How do the cultural identity processes of the Maasai of Maji Moto interact with the
transnational entrepreneurial activities of Salaton Ole Ntutu, one of the chiefs of the Purko Maasai.”

About how to deal with the ideas brought in by modern (often Western) organizations like
missionaries, NGO’s and government influencing the Maasai culture deeply. As the interview with
Dennis showed, there is a debate going on among the Maasai. The strong traditionalists who want to
keep all modernity out (mostly among the elders), a small group who tries to combine the best of
both worlds (Salaton ole Ntutu and Hellen Nkurayia). The youngsters seem to take for granted that
modern (organizational) life is the only way to make a living; it has status and seems to be a Utopia
solving poverty and promising a rich life. Older people are more skeptical, having seen many people
changing into modern Kenyans, and as older Maasai state, “leaving the traditional Maasai culture”,
blaming the missionaries and education for “losing people” to modernity. Despite the deceptions and

6
sceptics of the elders, it looks as if modern organizational life is acting for the youngsters as a modern
myth, replacing in part the myth of the traditional Maasai culture as an ideological model, calling it
being backwards, old fashioned and not “normal” (Rabinowska, 2010). As modernity in the form of a
modern formal organization, is a dominant perspective, it occurs in any social sector to public or
private for-profit or non-profit activities. However, other studies and my own observations show that
people despite the promise of Utopia are often left with deceptions, loss of money and cattle,
development failures, corruption, and dashed hopes. As one of the elders (around 85 years old) made
his opinion clear to me by arguing that there was no poverty before money was introduced.
Everybody was wealthy or suffering depending on environmental circumstances and having the same
chances to survive. Doing research I noticed that not only Maasai do experience this ignoring of
traditional systems, but also “others” meeting modernization as the example of banning child labor by
Nike and western NGO’s in Pakistan, actually creating more problems than the proclaimed prosperity
(Khan et al, 2007).
As in the Netherlands, a debate is going on about the effectiveness of development policies
dividing the debate into a “trade or aid” discussion. Based on my empirical research the social
relevance of this thesis is in my argument that this debate ignores or doesn’t recognize the underlying
hegemonic power of identity regulation by most modern formal organizations (Drori, 2006) regardless
if these are private enterprise, NGO’s or governmental agencies. According to the critical management
perspective, modern, formal organizations are constituted by identity, formal and informal power,
control mechanisms, and also described as “emotional arenas where feelings shape events, and
events shape feelings” (Fineman, 2003, p.1.). Through domination via the global expansion of the
modern formal organization, the organizational identity regulation creates a hegemonic power of
“normality” whereby the requirements and existence of the modern organization is the norm and
taken for granted (Drori, 2006). By this process combined with ignoring and not recognizing the
identity of the “other” including cultural values, knowledge, environmental circumstances and
traditional organizational leadership and control systems, a void is created in which both traditional
and modern power relations and control mechanisms are lacking and therefore creating space for
misuse and corruption. Also difficulties of the “other” to have access to requirements needed for
entering the modern, formal organization are often not acknowledged (Drori, 2006). But by
recognizing the hegemonic power of “normality”, identity regulation can be used by both the modern
organization and the “other” by using agency to create a new identity in which the traditional cultural
identity and structures can be combined with the requirements needed to enter the modern world.
The scientific relevance of this thesis is the empirical and holistic basis of this research.
Reading about the Maasai the focus in the literature was only strictly bounded towards one topic
being anthropological or veterinary or wildlife or livelihood. But it is the strong belief of the Maasai
that their natural environment is a holistic system in which Maasai, cows and wildlife do have equal
rights to live in and are all strongly connected. By taking this perspective during my research from an
insider position and combining it with a critical management view with a notion of identity and power
7
processes in organizations, this holistic view could lead to recognizing the power of “normality”. As in
more focused researches, the consequences of modernity on traditional social structures are often felt
in areas outside the focus of the research. Even if the neglecting of the local structures is noticed, this
observation often comes no further than one or two lateral remarks within the literature (Rutten 1992,
Van der Duim, 2011). Before going to the empirical basis of my research I will explain shortly how the
identity regulations of modern formal organization can have a hegemonic power through the concept
of “normality”.

8
 1. Theoretical framework “Concept of Normality”

1.1 Globalization
In Western countries, being acknowledged as the base of modernization, described by sociologists as
Baumann (2000), Beck (1992) and Giddens (1990), three phases of modernization are distinguished.
A pre-modern one in which family religion communities, culture, tradition and class were important.
Followed by the first phase of modernity in which individuals became more autonomous and get
looser from structures, which defined their boundaries. The last one is the second phase of modernity
also called High Modernity in which individuals free themselves from these boundaries and
individualism and autonomy become important. Leaving the boundaries of religion and spirituality, the
emphasis on rationality in this phase, creates an idea of Utopia and highly individualized people.
According to Baumann (2002) the high price of this is consumerism and loss of citizenship. Another
consequence of modernization is described by Inkeless and Smith (1974) and in a paper by Robertson
(2003), as modernity is being referred to as a rational view with “objectively measurable attributes –
such as education, occupation, literacy, income and wealth”. According to Weber (1924/1968), this
should have left out “irrational” traditional forms of power.
This modernization has slowly spread out over the world with the ongoing process of
globalization. Next to worldwide concrete interdependencies, globalization also involves the
consolidation of a world culture and its related assumptions (Drori, 2006), as for example the role of
the empowered individual, the notion of scientized universality, and from the organizational
perspective the sense of the social authority of rational models, changing former rules embedded in
tradition, religion or other organizational contexts. According to Bruff (2005), globalization is often
connected to the macro-economic perspectives of neo liberalism including the promoting of individual
properties and a free market without interference of (national) politics. Assuming transparent nation-
states managed by accountable governments and operating in a world of open international markets.
Also assumed is the role of highly rationalized firms and public agencies operating within and between
these states with clear objectives, effective management, transparent accounting, and high standards
of quality. It assumes that policy and planning are based on self-correcting and with the principle of
individual and organizational actorhood, without the guidance or domination of a central source of
power. The stimulation of these apparently strictly economic (neo liberal) based ideologies is
described by Drori (2006) and Bruff (2005) as the expansion of underlying cultural processes by
formal organizations. Although this perspective is deeply cultural and ideological rooted, it is seen as
rational and not ideological.
The expansion of these cultural processes is caused by the modern globalization of politics,
culture, and identity (Bruff, 2005). The three main characteristics of this expansion are the increasing
number of social entities calling themselves organizations. Also these used to be only institutions
linked to church and state (not or rarely existing in African countries), but are now almost in every
field. The last feature is that formal structures and regulations have now also often penetrated into
9
social communities, which used to be much more informally organized like in this case the Maasai
(Drori, 2006, p. 267). Often the expansion of organization is explained as a need to control and
manage the complexity of the periods of high modernity (Baumann, 2000; Inkeless et al, 1974).
These modern systems of production, trade, and exchange, including the more often complex and
differentiated division of labor, require that management and coordination need to be modernized,
rationalized and differentiated.
To enhance system efficiency and capacity, the approach of organizational modernization is
seen as being driven by technical requirements and as a mechanical solution and purely rational
system to solve problems of management and social order. A shortcoming of this approach is that the
globalization of the organizational has also extended to regions were life is not (yet) changed in
complexity. As purely rational and economical arguments can’t be given for this penetration, Drori
(2006) argues that this is because of underlying cultural forces. As these forces do have a hegemonic
power (Bruff, 2005, p. 275) expanding that processes are being rationalized and standardized,
reinforced and further accelerated by the expanding of global institutions like the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and Worldbank. Also, globalized institutions of science and technological
expertise promote the expansion of an individualistic, empowerment culture and organizational
actorhood. This concept of actorhood is described by Drori (2006, p.14) as “the principle that social
life is built up of actors- human individuals, organizations and national states with valid interests that
others are to respect, and with the capacity (i.e. agency) to validly represent those interests in
activity”. Hereby a notion is created that empowered individuals, associations, and polities are agents.
Therefore empowered individual actors gathering in organizations, as free associations will solve the
problems in a risky world.
Leading from this risky world perspective, the need to control and manage the risks of the
modern high society is almost naturally followed by an expansion of the modern formal organization.
Even in not complex pre-modern societies. Following this perspective, modern organizations can be
described as highly rationalized, formalized, and coordinated as independent actors. The members are
seen as active participants in the rationalization and formalization of the organization pursuing the
creation of dynamic, adaptive, innovative organization (Drori, 2006. p. 39-40). Not as passive or
immobile institutions, but as sovereign actors with rights and responsibilities. Within this perspective,
organizational actorhood, constituted by the individualistic empowered agency of all members serving
the purposively collective action, appears to be the most central feature of modern organizations.

1.2 The role of identity regulation within organizations

But now knowing about globalization of organizations and the supremacy or hegemonic power of the
dominant discourses, it is not yet explained how these processes are working on a micro level like for
example on members of an ethnic group facing formal organizations. As explained before,
globalization has (partly) to do with the concept of modern formal organizations being introduced in
pre-modern societies by transnational institutions and organizations. Social actors within the fields

10
adapt to the changes and want to conform to the new wave. Hereby modern formal organizations are
acting as the dominant culture, having a hegemonic power. This power influences the identity shaping
and positioning of the individual and hereby eventually changing the social identity of the ethnic
group, weakening older forms of authority and solidarity in that domain. By the hegemonic power the
agency of the individual and the organization are emphasized and assume an equal playing field with
power distributed along clear defined structures. But seen from a Critical Management perspective,
power is invoked in the sense of the Foucauldian perspective, as power being diffuse and everywhere
instead of hierarchical based in procedures.
Another power structure is created (Drori, 2006, ch, 2), by stimulating the globalization of
scientification changing the base for authority. Authority is no longer based on spiritual or religious
expression or charismatic personalities; rather it is based on the level of education and experience
within formal organizations. Hereby education is serving as the legitimate route to success and a way
to get out of poverty instead of other traditional forms of livelihood. It is easily said that this adapting
of the dominant culture is purely based on economic survival. Surely basic economic reasoning is of
great influence as people need to survive, and therefore they are flexible in adapting different
livelihoods other than the traditional ones. But why are social actors taking a dominant perspective for
granted?
According to Brown (2003), the important role of Identity construction can be a coherent and
linking concept between the economical perspective of modern formal organizations and other social
sciences like anthropology to unravel the more hidden and diffuse processes within the cultural
changes. Giddens (1984) explained identity in his structuration theory as a kind of individual process
interacting with the structures around it. But Watson (2008) is making a clear distinction between the
internal personal self- identities and the external discursive “social identities”. The latter is the linking
pin between the socially present discourses as in this case the discourse of globalization of the
modern formal organization interacting with the Maasai. By putting social identities in between
discourse and self identity, he recognizes these as the personified elements of discourse to make the
discourse manageable for the individual to deal with through the concept of identity work.
But where identity work is the individual process of identity shaping, the power and control of
the organizations shaping social and self-identities are not explained. This process is described by
Alvesson and Wilmott (2002, p. 625) via the concept of identity regulations. It is used by modern
formal organizations to (intentionally or unintentionally) control the transformation or reshaping of
identities. By identity regulation, the concept of the modern formal organization is having a hegemonic
power within the globalization of modernity.

11
 The process is divided by Alvesson and Wilmott (2002) in nine ways described namely:
1: Defining the person directly
2. Defining a person by defining others

3. Providing a specific vocabulary of motives

4. Explicating morals and values

5: Knowledge and skills

6. Group categorization and affiliation

7: Hierarchical location

8: Establishing and clarifying a distinct set of rules of the game.

9: Defining the context

1.3 The power of “normality”

Above I explained how identities are being shaped, reshaped and regulated from traditional into
“modernized” social and self-identities, but it doesn’t explain why dominant perspectives are taken
over. Even if, as the case of the Maasai shows, modern life is clearly having a negative influence on
livelihood, given that the only way to survive within the harsh environmental conditions of living in
(semi) arid areas is the traditional pastoralistic life of the Maasai.
And keeping in mind as mentioned several times by Watson (2008), Giddens (1984, 1990),
Alvesson and Willmott (2002), Ybema et al. (2009), Gabriel (2002) and others, identity work and
regulation are not powerless processes. Employees or individuals are not passively taking over the
discourses via social identities (Watson, 2008), but are consistently interpreting their surroundings,
actively and critically shaping and reshaping their identity. Therefore, it is still surprising that this
adaption of “modernity” is taken for granted and seen as the only way to go. Here the power of the
concept of “normality” could give an interpretation.
The process of identity regulation has already been explained briefly in point 8 above
(Alvesson and Wilmott, 2002, p.631) as establishing and clarifying a distinct set of rules of the game,
dominant ideas and norms about “the normal” way of doing things in a certain context situated within
a certain place and time. The frame of rules of what should be normal can have major implications for
identity constructions as these are not openly expressed as clear norms and values, but often settled
in subtle and implicit frames of meanings and guidelines to make corporation or organization work at
best. Giving the individual the impression of being incorporated and being part of the socially
advantaged group, Drori (2006, ch. 2) argues this with the example of the “soft” power of
scientification within the globalization process. This hegemonic power of frames and discourses is
often accepted as taken for granted to be the right path to follow and integrated.

12
 Why agents accept these discourses and frames as being normal is explained by Misztal
(2001). According to this author, normality is based either on the way we experience and bear daily
events (its factual dimension) or on our characterization of actions as rules or norms (its normative
dimension). Or easier said, it just is our everyday reality in which we experience our way of being in a
material and pragmatic way. This concept of normality is needed to gain trust and cooperation and
herewith people reduce the complexity of life by making it predictable and reliable. Searching for this
trust, working or living in an environment with strangers is disturbing daily life; as “strangers” are
there but not there, being present, but not being socially convenient. Hereby upsetting any settled
pattern, assertion or appearance of fixed social arrangements (Pickering, 2001, p. 204). Creating more
need to look for “normality” to be able to trust and predict daily life again.
Seen from a sociological perspective life is constantly influenced by perceptions, imagination
and discourses. These influences can be seen as structuring reality, as a social arena shaping and
reshaping social identities. Goffman (Misztal, 2001) acknowledges the layeredness and complexity of
the social arena and the identity work of individuals to maintain or construct an order to make life
reliable and predictable, by gaining trust and cooperation. A shared definition of what is `normal` is
created and participants of the social arena are stimulated via different techniques and strategies to
involve and ensure the agreed set of values and norms. Pickering (2001, p. 197-201) goes further by
arguing that normality is posing her own boundaries and makes social judgements on the deviancies.
But the hidden or troubled processes behind the creation of these boundaries are unseen and
therefore troubling the act of judging. The deviancy is not only necessary to create normality to gain
trust, but also threatening as reflexivity on the own limits can cause relativism about the own
normative judgements. Fear and fascination being two poles in the attractiveness of deviancy create
processes by the dominant force of normality to deal with the deviant “other”. One coping mechanism
is to despise and deny the “low-Other” (Pickering, 2001, p. 201) at the level of political organisation
and social being while it is still used in shared imaginary pictures and stories of the dominant culture.
Talking about organizations as social arenas, the process of creating “normality” is happening
via identity regulation as described by Alvesson and Wilmott (2002). As this identity shaping within the
social arena implies an active interaction between the agents, the normalizing power of interaction not
only sustains social order, but also produces and reinforces cooperation, creating a notion of
“normality”.
An important aspect is the Utopian aspect of it. As already described by Baumann as being
part of modernity. But also according to the observations of Goffman (in Rabikowska, 2010, p. 8)
normality is something agents want to become in the future, having the idea of Utopia and wanting to
become part of something big and good. But in fact, it is shaping the identities in the present by the
prevailing desires. In this present social arena, the shaping of “being normal” is taking place.
Rabikowska (2010) concludes that from the sociological theories of normality of Goffman (1974),
Giddens (1987) Durkheim (1982, 1983) and Berger and Luckman (1966), this is not possible if there is
no reference to something. It always needs a context in which the “normal” is measured against the
13
deviant, the “abnormal” (Rabikowska, 2010, p. 10). In this case, the “normal” modern Kenyan life is
measured against the “abnormal” traditional Maasai culture. Rabikowska (2010) shows that these
processes of hegemonic power transforming other cultures than the dominant perspective of
normality, are also happening in other contexts as shown in her research among Polish emigrants in
the United Kingdom.
Rabikowska argues that the idea of the Western Utopia (based on the idea of democracy and
neoliberalism) is used as the concept of normality. Although the western Utopia has a dominant
position, there is a constant discussion between “modern” and “traditional” discourses. Baumann
(1992) and Giddens (1991) have already argued that with modernity, old and traditional guidelines
are disappearing and are therefore creating an ambiguous self-identity where the norms, values and
practised rituals defining the social arena of the traditional culture and the social arena of the global
market with his own value and norms like liberal individualism, are competing. But despite this
competition, modernization, which is often criticized for neglecting and ignoring local cultures and
traditions, is favoured by many young Polish people. They are expecting to find normality within
modernity. Paradoxical as this normality is associated with the Western Utopia idea of becoming a
better world, (Baumann, 2000) freed from social structures and the last decades being formed in the
neo-liberal free market ideology, it is likely to create social inequality, insecurity and anxiety in local
and global settings (Kim, 2004, p. 4).
As the original “normal” order is disturbed by the new “normality”, an ambiguity in self-
identities (in this case the Polish migrant) is created causing a constant state of being in / being out,
being here and there at the same time. This ambiguity can be liberating of pressing social structures
but also can be difficult as it means a continuous back and forward, being in and out and in between
different defined social arena’s, leading to a dichotomous shaping of identity. The constant shift
between being in/ being out, trying to find “normality” for building trust to control and manage life,
often results in not getting trust in both the old and new cultural defined social arena’s. In the
interviews conducted by Rabikowska et al (2010) among the Polish immigrants, a collective identity
empowers migrants in the new culture, but the feeling of belonging or exclusion is an individual
process based on own their expectations and experiences, confirming the processes of the constant
interaction between social identities and self-identities. Also, it underlines the fluidity and strategically
use of the social identity. Goffman (1959) describes this as the front-stage/back-stage performance,
as individuals as agents are not passive, but are very well able to manipulate or influence their own
identity, having their own power within the processes of identity shaping.

1.4 The power of agency

The role of power in identity processes is a hidden factor within the identity debate. Are agents
passively adapting the hegemonic power or are agents able to resist and adapt critically parts of the
imposed culture? Foucault (1975) defines the diffused role of power. He recognizes the power of
normalization, with a specific role for discipline as being described as a specific form of power.

14
Discipline is made possible by knowledge and technology resulting in a dominant force, increasingly
entering all aspects of society (Foucault, 1975). According to this author, normalization power is often
unseen but disciplines and controls by upholding normality as the norm to which everybody should
conform blindly. Foucault argues that power and knowledge mutually constitute each other and is part
of identity shaping (in Foldy, 2002: 96).
Where Foucault differs from other critical theorists is that he argues that power is not
specifically directed as he argues that power is everywhere in every relation. There is a hegemonic
power present, but it is not only an external force overruling. As in the social arena, there is room for
agents to shape identity by identity work through dominant discourses, but also to resist the dominant
discourse by being aware, critical and selective in shaping and reshaping their identity, with choosing
and manipulating the actors influencing the identity work (in Foldy, 2002: 100).
The ability of agency to construct and reshape their own identity, including the strategic use of social
identities, makes members of ethnic groups like the Maasai not powerless victims for whom it is the
only way to prosperity, to take indiscriminately over the “normality” of frames of rules of
modernization or modern organizations. According to Foucault (1975), Goffman (1956), Giddens
(1984), agents can create their own free spaces within the social arena in which they do have the
power to shape and reshape an identity in which they empower and educate themselves without
taking over the concept of normality of the dominant discourse of modern formal organizations.
Technical structures are almost unavoidable; Maasai are being confronted with the modern world, but
these are technical aspects. Talking about the cultural forces and hegemonic power hidden in the
interaction, it must be very well possible by recognizing these processes to shape an identity in which
the values, norms, and rituals of their own traditional culture are included. But also, at the same time
the possibility of acquiring the requirements to be able to live in the modern world with a new identity
shaped by the best of both worlds.
That this possibility is not a very common thought became clear during my 34 days stay
among the Purko Maasai of Kenya. Being agents in different structures and surroundings, the power
of “normality” became sometimes explicitly clear, but more often it showed it selves in little and
implicit details during daily practices and experiences. Being placed in an unknown world without the
protection of a modern formal organization, with not enough money to buy off or protect myself
against “abnormality”, it was a continuous confrontation with “normality” followed by a iterative-
deductive process of analyzing what was happening, resulting in the above theoretical chapter. I will
lead the reader through a thick description of my experiences, thoughts and emotions to show the
explicit details about differences in the value of money, organizational structures and issues of power
and control mechanisms. But also the little, sometimes hidden but often important details in daily
practical issues as bathing, authority or having access towards transport or electricity, uncovering the
hegemonic power of “normality”. All easily overseen when staying or travelling in our own comfort
zone.

15
 2. Field research in Kenya

2.1 Preceding
Jek and Marion, clients of my tour operator business Kusafiri, became during the process of preparing
their Kenya itinerary, good friends. Being busy with their itinerary I heard from my ground handler
Shelina about Maji Moto a cultural tourism camp of traditional Maasai in Southwest Kenya. At the
same time I was doing a Pre-master in Culture, Organization and Management. Being interested in
identity processes, I was curious about the relation between the culture of the founders and the
identity processes of the Maasai within eco-tourism projects. After contacting an eco-lodge in the
Maasai Mara and Salaton ole Ntutu in Maji Moto it turned out that I was welcome in Maji Moto. With
the help of an American woman called Susan Olofson, the research subject changed into the final
question
In the meanwhile Jek and Marion came back from Kenya, having had the best time in Maji
Moto and being very impressed by the good works and personality of Salaton. The idea of a
fundraising trip of Salaton to the Netherlands was born. The intensive process of preparing the visit
together with Marion and meanwhile reading about the culture and the history of the Maasai
continued. The preparation for the fund raising activities eventually resulted in a two-week visit of
Salaton to Gorinchem in March.
The four of us (Jek, Marion, Salaton and I) visited the schools of our children, the mills of Kinderdijk,
Bilthoven and other places. We got to know each other quite well. Salaton told a lot of stories at the
schools, but also at the family diners almost every evening at Jek and Marion’s place. Here we found
out that Salaton is a chief of his age set among the Purko Maasai. Also that he is a highly gifted man
who mediates often and asks for advice and good energy from his ancestors.

2.2 Day 1: Maji Moto

Maji Moto is a settlement in the Loita plains, 7 kilometers from the mainroad of Narok to the Maasai
Mara. During the rain season wild animals are abundantly present. Permanent buildings are a small
shopping centre, a permanent water resource, three primary schools , a government, catholic and
private Maasai school and a secondary girls boarding school. Also three small tourism camps are
based in the surroundings. Primarily Maasai are living here with only some other tribes who own some
shops. The Maasai who are still living according the pastoralist way are around when enough food is
available for their livestock. So the number of people living here can fluctuate between a couple of
hundred people and only some mothers and old people left behind to take care of children attending
school. In times of big draughts the permanent water resource is used by human, cattle and wildlife,
creating human wildlife conflicts. As Maji Moto is the only more or less permanent settlement within
30 kilometers it is also often a meeting place when important decisions has to be made within the
Maasai community.

16
Day 1:
A dark, busy road in Kenya. It is lightning above the plains and it starts to rain. The wipers beat the
rhythm of the night. Sitting in the front seat of the car with a friendly driver who only overtakes when
there is no insight into oncoming traffic, I decide that I have a profound conviction that my time has
not yet come. The phone is ringing. Salaton chuckles and tells me that it is raining in Maji Moto. His
voice sounds very powerful and pleasant. Different from the soft and modest voice during his stay in
the Netherlands. Again the phone rings, it is too dangerous to drive to Maji Moto. The risk to get stuck
in the plains is too high and we have to stay in Narok for the night. I am back in “Dark” Africa.
Conditions such as time and place are in the western societies made controllable through modern
techniques. But here they are in the poor and/ or rural areas still serious circumstances to be taken in
account during daily life.

Day 2:
The next morning we leave early to be in time in Maji Moto. I estimate that we need one hour for the
40-kilometer drive. Everything takes so much time in Africa! Finally on our way to the Mara. After
Narok the modern world disappears. There are some Maasai walking around, but mostly all is
savanna. Some description is needed about the road to Maji Moto to understand the stories. From
Narok you take the road to Kericho. Shortly after that you go right to Ewasu Ngiro, a reasonable
village with a huge livestock market on Saturday. In Ewasu Ngiro the road goes to the left. As it is the
main road going to the Maasai Mara, many tourist cars are passing and also some not too small
souvenirs shop trying to make a living. It is still a tarmac road until you pass the hill with forest shortly
after Ewuso Ngiro. From there it is a bumpy dirt road all the way to Nwgosani and the park gates.
After the hill on the left side there is in the middle of the short grass plains a tree with a sign of the
secondary school. Here the track to Maji Moto starts. Officially it is a road, but due to the soil, which is
very slippery and turns easily into shifting sands when it is raining, it become many tracks blurred into
one. After the sign of the secondary school I begin to understand why we have stayed in Narok. The
road seems reasonable until we drive over it. We slip and slide throughout the road and end up
eventually in a trench. It costs us 10 minutes to get out after we have a created a big mess of the
road.
It is something over half past nine o’clock when we arrive at the camp. On the way from the
main road to the camp we pass many wildebeest, zebra’s and gazelle's. The wildebeest migration is
now in the Loita plains and the Ndutu area of the Serengeti. I am warmly greeted by Susan and a
few medical students. But it is quick, quick, because they have to go to visit some mobile clinics. It's
pretty hard work for the driver occasionally. After a cup of coffee, I take a sprint to my tent to check
it. Sleeping is fine! It was one of my biggest worries before leaving for Kenya. Actually it was my
biggest worry. The stretcher is slightly too big for the tent. Hopefully this will pose no problem with
17
leaks. The question if I may sleep outside under a mosquito net, is answered in the negative by Philip
the camp manager. Too wet due to rain and too dangerous because of hyenas and lions. "Yeah, sure"
I still think.
When we finish, I walk along with Meeri, a teenager who will be my guide during her school
holiday to explore the area. She tells me that she is the youngest widow in the widow village of
Salaton and Hellen Nkuyaria. When she was young (ca. 10-12 years,) she got married to a man as
old as her grandfather. The man died and although she was pregnant, she was treated very badly by
the other widows. When she heard of the shelter for young widows of Salaton and Hellen, she walked
three days, sleeping in trees to protect herself against wild animals and family members who were
looking for her. As she didn’t know where the widow village of Salaton and Hellen was, she found the
way to Maji Moto by asking people. In the village she stayed for one year nursing her baby and went
back to school. Now she is boarding in the 2nd year of high school.
We walk to the hot springs. There is a pipeline directly from the ground to tackle drinking
water. Furthermore, the men have their own "bathroom" at the origin of the spring. Downstream in
the dirty water of the men, the women can take a bath and wash clothes. After this the water streams
into a basin to collect water for cattle, wild animals and irrigation of the land. It confirms the answer
of Salaton to my question if women and men have equal rights: “Women are not equal but special”.
Although it does not look like they really suffer. Anyway, I just enjoy the laughter and the work of
women. Again I make some beautiful portraits of children and an old woman.
After saying goodbye, we walk to the famous hill from the stories of Jek and Marion. Along
comes a man in western clothes starting to talk to Meeri. Shankale! It appears to be the brother of
Salaton. He has a competing camp further. This is set up with a former business partner of Salaton.
But according to Salaton, this man had a bad influence on his warriors. I also get the impression that
this man would do little for the community. Shankale continued with him, but apparently all is forgiven
and forgotten. At least where Shankale is concerned, when it comes to the European I am not so
sure. Moreover, Salaton told this story in the Netherlands. Shankale himself is a very charming and
handsome man. What a charismatic personality! Meeri and I say goodbye to Shankale, I should really
have a look in Shankale's camp, he tells us.
After a trip to the hill I've seen enough and we walk via a detour to the mall back to the
camp. But it turns out that we first walk to the camp, because I made a comment that I doubt if I
have enough water. It is sometimes so difficult to communicate or at least find out whether they have
understood me well or not. They (Africans) are so friendly and helpful, but not always respond as we
(whites) are used to. So I often think that they have not understood me or just don’t want to
understand me. It turned out that Meeri had understood me perfectly, but wanted me first to have
water. Well, so much helpfulness I can’t resist! On the way Meeri has told her story about how she
ended up in Maji Moto. Very impressive, because a day later I found out that she was only circa 16
years old (note: Hellen told me later that she is approximately 18 to 20 years old) and up to 3 years

18
older than my eldest child Mathilde. But with a daughter of 4 years. Help, there goes my mother
heart. It's just a kid.
Back in the Camp Meeri drinks no water although it is warm and we have walked. It is one of
my first observations that Maasai drink only when thirsty, meaning only very little during the whole
day. Actually not so strange when you live in a semi-desert. A day later, the visit to the clinic will
demonstrate that it has a downside. Many children are in fact dehydrated. In Maji Moto shopping
center (4 blocks of concrete with tin shops and butchers) we walk around. I buy credit for my phone.
Also it appears that laptops and other electric devices can be charged. A few Maasai women sell flour
and a kind of spinach. (Later on Hellen will tell me that Salaton buys stuff in Narok, gives it to the
widows to sell so they can earn a little bit of money).

Day 3:
At night I wake up and I am listening. I didn’t believe Philip during daytime, but tonight first I hear a
hyena making his typical sound, shortly after that dogs start barking loudly and forcefully. Then a cow
moos. I decide not to think about what most certainly happened. Later I return back in the tent after
a walk to the toilet in a very dark night, I hear three coughs of a leopard, very close to the camp.
Okay, it's really wild around here! Fortunately I have Ole Shongo to watch over the place. (Though I
am certain he was sleeping or at least dozing off in his chair).
During the morning I am at the clinic where the American medical students travelling with
Susan and a physician called Mr. Ole Sankok, who is one of the few Maasai medical specialists. They
are doing the clinic today and many people come from near and far to see them for advice. It is very
busy and outside an old man with a broken hip is lying outside the clinic. When I want to ask some
people to take pictures, it creates great fun. Most of them don’t want to, especially one of the
traditional clothed women. The men accompanying her and the children forbid it. Meeri explains that
they believe that their soul is taken away. Other women are just like fotomodels and like to pose. Also
two good friends are happy to be portrayed (later I heard these are Topoi and Koileken). The boys I
ask if they want to be interviewed for my report and they do agree to come later during the week. I
don’t have anything of a planning and just grab everybody I think who is interesting to interview. In
the afternoon we go for groceries to Narok and take the old man to the hospital. It must be awful.
The road is bumpy, slippery and the car is shaking all the way to the tarmac road. But the man
doesn’t give a kick, although his facial expression shows the suffering. In Narok we drop off the old
man in the hospital. A simple operation will cost 50 US dollars (USD), but with an average income and
40% of the people with no jobs and living below the poverty level of 1 dollar a day, even the 50
dollars is a lot of money! A boy who got a lift jumps out in the center and we all go for a bit of
shopping to return back later for dinner and hearing the stories about the clinic. It seems that there
are lot of medicines available for malaria, but it is not given. Maybe because the centrifuge for testing
blood is not working well? There has been a lot of dehydration of the children, but also a lot of
malaria and not too difficult diseases.
19
Day 4:
The next morning starts quietly. I am awake at 5 o’clock in the morning and I just lay awake. Then I
decide to get out of bed to write reports. It seems so little written down, but it takes at least one or
two hours per day writing to describe one day. Another bump in the road is the fact that charging my
laptop is taking three hours for two hours work. Never knew a laptop consumes so much energy. Also
with so many people in the camp I can’t use the solar panel (it is raining season!) without empting the
complete energy supply of the day.
When finished I try to instruct Sinti only to make a fruit salad for breakfast and a cup of
coffee, but nothing else. The African breakfast consists of a mandazi (kind of donuts) and chai. (tea
with boiled milk) He looks at me as if I ask him to walk to the moon. I think it is the language barrier.
He doesn’t speak English and a little Swahili. I don’t speak Maa and only a little Swahili. Marion and I
call this China time. It just like if I am talking Chinese to somebody who doesn’t understand. In the
next couple of days I keep trying to explain, but later on I just accept that my breakfast will consist of
mandazi or pancakes and fruit salad. Mostly accompanied with chai and if available coffee. A couple of
weeks later when other clients are there he is really happy to make a really English breakfast with
French toasts and eggs. Later on I understand from Stephen that Sinti is also difficult to read for
Maasaï. So no cultural misunderstanding here, but a mix of language, different characters and two
people who have specific ideas about the role of a cook.
After bringing the laptop to the shopping center I fall asleep in the sun, which I will regret for
a couple of days. The kitchen is transformed to a family house with many people walking in and out.
Also Meeri, Sinti and Ole Shongo accept my invitation to share in my meals. When this continues Sinti
even indicates what he wants to have for dinner and what not. (He doesn’t like the kales, a kind of
spinach). Later my generosity brings me sleepless night as food goes very fast with having so many
people over for the meals. But I don’t like to eat on my own. For me this is sometimes difficult as I
always leave food for them to eat. And the other Mzungu (Swahili word for white foreigners) don’t do
that. When Susan is around or other clients and friends of Salaton, the staff will always eat separately.
In itself it's good, because they are tourists / short-term volunteers, but I will be around for so long.
Moreover, I can’t stand, that I myself am eating while the rest is watching. I think a bit the peasant
background of both my families. There is always food and everyone is welcome. Or maybe because I
spent my first 5 years in Africa growing up? With expats I am sometimes struggling with this
inequality or difference. It makes me feel weak as I adjust my behavior to the Mzungus and who are
not standing up to leave food behind for the staff. It is almost a moral question.
In the afternoon Meeri and I go to the widow village to buy jewelry for the children of one of
the schools. Salaton helps us, but drops out when it's too complicated. “Women’s work” he mutters. I
have now met his wife and youngest child. After a lot of hassle with Meeri explaining and translating,
we are finally done. Includes a chain for a person we have met during Salaton’s stay in Gorkum.
20
Salaton just looks around for what we need and orders his sister to give it to him. It is a personal
possession of Salaton's sister, who is also medicine woman in the village. There are many children,
sheep and goats in the village. And possibly even more flies. The girls’ house looks neat. With Meeri I
have agreed to stay next week for a couple of nights in the widow village. I am looking forward to it,
but don’t want to think about all those flies.
Back in the kitchen Salaton tells everyone how great my children are! He finds them fantastic
and everyone should know how nice they are. I am so proud of those children! I am not really missing
them, but during my stay I will find out that my temper is moody every time I hear them on the
phone. Okay, I do miss them. In any case I have an appointment with the son of the man with the
broken hip for next Tuesday, as both the man in the hospital and his son are very respected people
within the community. Who knows what stories these people have. Tonight it is Nyama choma on the
menu. A real feast for everybody! Maasai do fancy meat the most! Salaton thought it was funny, I
believe we have created a real family kitchen!

Day 5:
I wake up and I go to the cook of the Americans, Mwenda for a cup of coffee. I don’t succeed in
calling the children. (I'm secretly glad when I can talk to them). My sinusitis is still affected by the
smoke and open windows which doesn’t exactly improve my mood. I notice that these issues really
affect my perception. The world looks much more atrabilious today and I realize that I have to
distinguish these two items. So change the mind set and get up and running again!
Susan comes to me and asks if we can handle the current business. Cozy in my pajamas (it is only
07:30 am), we handle the money side. I actually get some discount from her. She is very involved,
but clearly draws her borders. This makes her occasionally somewhat hard to deal with. At least for
me. So also having a business and distant like attitude as with Salaton would be my suggestion. After
the issue of money, we make a list of names. Susan is talking again and again about a matrix of who,
what, where, and how. It's just all right to me. Just a list of names, contact information and some
background. Easy said and done. If everything is successful, then my agenda in the coming weeks
will be rather filled up. In the end the talk still goes wrong. She asks whether it could be a perspective
to interview customers about their perception of their stay in Maji Moto. I don’t feel like it and I
respond (too) quickly. But it is China time again, so Susan does react a bit fractulant, and says that I
didn’t understand what she meant. I certainly understood her, but I am here for the view of the
Maasai and their perception of what is happening in their culture. Frankly, it doesn’t interest me at all
what the Americans are thinking. We go for coffee and breakfast and here I have an interesting talk
with one of the American students. She is a good friend of Susan's daughter who lives in India. The
student has just returned from a tour of 2 months in India. Including the slums of a big city. But
before they came to Maji Moto they have been in the Kibera slums in Nairobi also. So when I asked
her what the difference was in the mentality of both countries, she told me that Africans are always
busy to get ahead and to improve their lives. Every African whom you speak to talks about getting an
21
education, finding a job and often they don’t feel subordinate to or feel less than someone with more
money. In India, people won’t be so pushing forward as they know they will never leave their caste.
I've been thinking about this and it's true. People have their pride and get along with us like equals.
During the morning Philip, the camp manager stops by. A computer they find incredibly
interesting and I tell him what I'm doing. He begins to tell why the Maasai are so proud and after half
an hour I have heard a lot about Salaton’s work, the rites of passage and resistance within the
community and how he handles it. Since the day before yesterday, I have been using a Dictaphone.
This device works like flies to syrup, because once people realize that they are taped, they want to tell
their story. The same applies to Sinti, who appears to be chief of his age set. We understand nothing
of each other, but that doesn’t matter.
Time for a bath! In the hot springs I do not know exactly what to do. So I take off my clothes
and go bathing naked. Oops. Meeri keeps her underpants. Hmm. Stupid action? Perhaps better to look
here next time. Just act if everything is business as usual. The water is warm and I think that in the
Netherlands we pay a lot of money for a natural spa like this.
Back in camp I have an interview with Mwenda. He lives in Nanyuki nearby Mount Kenya and is hired
by Salaton to cook for guests. He also trains Sinti, when there is time. He likes to be heard. The
reason I interview him is because other tribes are already much more "modernized". And I wonder
how this happened. It might help to gain further insight into whether this is going to happen with the
Maasai culture.
After an hour I'm so done as a cooked rabbit and I stop the tape. I need a coffee. It is so
tiring to listen and always translating, analyzing, adjusting the interview as necessary and try to
explain what I want to know. (Even with Mwenda speaking reasonable English, we are often talking
"Chinese”). We walk to Mwenda's kitchen, where some new faces are around. Today I write the
names of the persons, because I cannot remember the names without seeing them. The conversation
immediately gets bogged down in the explanation of the age sets system, the names of the age set.
They are not really known, but there are at least four to five at this time. Then I ask Ole Shongo (who
doesn’t speak English and only a little Swahili) where his "village" is (translated by Meeri).
Ole Shongo: Close to the Tanzanian border.
Dieke: Oh and how do you get there and can I look up your family?
Ole Shongo: Walking!
Dieke: (thinking: What will it be more than 100 km?)
Dieke: Ooh and how long does it take to arrive there??
Ole Shongo: Two days.
Dieke: Two days?? Over the hills among the wild animals??
(Note: Behind Maji Moto the Loita hills starts. Let's say they are a bit steeper than the
hills in Limburg).
Ole Shongo: Yes, really it is two days!
Dieke: ????? Is this possible? Can you show how fast you walk?
22
Maasai do stroll a bit around in a very easy to keep up with pace, so I guess overconfidently that I am
going to keep up with Ole Shongo. Finally I am a good and fast walker in far away (very flat) Holland.
It's relatively flat terrain and after 30 seconds my tongue hangs out of my mouth. It feels like a deer
panting for flowing streams. Although my soul is not exactly panting for god. I call Ole Shongo that I
am not going to make it. Gone, the idea that I am able to walk comfortably with him to visit his
family. I now understand why it is possible that if you're standing in the Serengeti plains seeing
nothing, it will take five minutes and you will be surrounded with at least a dozen Maasai. I think the
average Dutch jogger does not even get this walking pace. In any case, I learned that the warrior
hood takes about six years and that my condition is worthless.
After lunch it is time to go to have a look in the widow village. The sister of Salaton Nanyori is
going to do my washing and asks 150 Kenyan shillings (Ksh, about € 1.50). I think it’s a reasonable
amount, when you consider the huge pile of clothes. After this Meeri and I walk into the village and
enter the house of the late mother of Salaton. Due to the belief that the house of a descendent will
gain bad energy if not used, the wife and daughter of Salaton are living in it. The house is full of an
eye-prickling smoke and because of the lack of windows and chimneys, very dark inside. After a while
and through my irritated eyes I can see two beds, a small, corner for calves and young goats.
Between the two beds a small fireplace is created. The cause of my irritated sinuses and eyes.
Fortunately the girls’ home looks spacious and more comfortable. Good to know for my coming stay
here!
In the afternoon I am going to interview Twala. Before my appointment with him I want to
wash my underwear. Meeri and I walk to the hot springs. There are children playing and women /
girls are washing themselves and some clothes. I plop down a bit clumsy with a bucket with some
clothes and start washing. There is a girl with her baby. Probably she is around 11-12 years old. As
she has her babyboy (Leshan), she will already be married. I still can’t get used to the fact that
children younger than my own daughter have gone through pregnancy, childbirth and have the big
responsibility of raising children. With the washing I use too much soap and I want to throw it in the
bushes. Especially not in the water, because of the cattle and livestock drinking the water from the
basin. “Nonsense” according to Meeri,” but if I necessarily want to….”
Back in the camp I feel tired and drowsy. I am going to lie down a couple of minutes before
Twala would arrive. He is a man in his early twenties (same age set as Sinti) and one of the first
working for Salaton. He trained him as a guide and he is going up for his exams as a silver guide (In
Kenya there are two systems of guides. One is the course of the Kenyan wildlife services and another
one is the Kenyan professional Safari Guides Association (KPSGA), which is the examination body to
improve the level of quality of guides. They have a bronze, silver and gold level. At Silver there are
less then 150 guides. At the Gold level are only 12 guides and they are considered the best of Kenya.
I tell Meeri and Sinti that if Twala has not shown up at two o ‘ clock I will look for him. Two o’clock
time for Mwenda’s kitchen. No Twala! Meeri starts asking around for his phone number while I am
playing with Simba the cat. It is a little one, brought in from the widow’s village, with the task to catch
23
a mouse in the room of two of the American students. First she was shy, but because of all the
attention and food she gets, she becomes more and more active. I notice that animals give a kind of
comfort and do empty ones mind. The American students have had a very intense trip through all the
poor districts and out back regions, which is tough if you’re brought up in all western luxury. They are
really fond of the little one. Later one I will see the same with the English medical student, he finds it
very comforting and emptying his head of herd cows. And I take an interest in Simba the dog (all cats
and dogs are named Simba). For me it is nice to give positive love and attention to something alive
that really appreciates it without asking or expecting something. This issue of everybody expecting
something of you and being part of a fixed image as the “white, rich Mzungu” I find it very difficult to
create an equal relationship; and especially when the stay continues it becomes for me a constant
struggle. I do realize that it is a very personal struggle, as I know people who wouldn’t have any
problems with this, being much clearer about their own personal boundaries.
Meeri returns and it turns out that Sinti has the phone number of Twala. Of course he has
disappeared with Mwenda. Ole Shongo is asleep and I end up with Kwela and Meeri in the kitchen.
Well, African rhythm. As Susan says, Africans continue to die of anything and everything, but not
stress-related illnesses. Fortunately, I gained experience in Tanzania, so Hakuna matata (no problem).
Meeri calls Sinty, who appears with Mwenda after fifteen minutes. We change phones, as Sinti
doesn’t have airtime (credit) to call. But Twala turns out to have no range. Well, we'll see how we will
get a hold of him. I do mooch a bit. Unnoticeable it is still a bit warm. Meeri and I go to the shopping
center to fetch some bottles of beer. In the bar we meet Sinti again. It turns out he is either working
here or he owns the bar. Hence he has always hit the road. In the shopping center we leave the
computer behind. After buying a sort of spinach-like vegetable called Kales we go back hiking pole
pole (literally: slowly slowly) to the camp, as Twala may show up or not.
No Twala, but the Americans are there who have been to the clinic in Ewaso Ngiro. Doctor ole
Tankot was there also, but had to leave earlier. So the Americans are back in camp sooner than
expected. It is certainly a quiet day. Susan asks me if I want to join the group for a visit of the
Enkiteng Lepa school of Hellen. She started this school together with Salaton to protect young girls
against circumcision and early marriages. But also to provide boys and girls education embedded
within the Maasai traditional culture.
We meet Hellen there even though the school is closed due to holidays. During the tour
Hellen tells me a lot. It is clear that the school gets a lot of support, but they are not there yet. They
still have 4 classes to build. We are all very impressed by the stories. It turns out that the project is
much bigger and has much more impact than only the school and her rescued girls. From all over the
Narok district teachers, family members or government employees contact Salaton and Hellen to look
for help for the girls. They already have helped more then 50 girls. They are not in Maji Moto,
because this school is new and only has classes up to the 4th grade of primary school. Many girls are
much older and situated in secondary boarding schools all over the district. One example is Meeri who

24
is boarding in the secondary school in Maji Moto. The intention is to create more classrooms up to
class 8 and to have all girls who are going to primary school boarding in the Enkiteng Lepa School.
The boys Koileken and Topoi are also there. They have just finished high school and have
achieved the highest possible score! (Later on I will find out that Topoi graduated two years ago
already, but was busy with fundraising money to get to university. Koileken was the one who
graduated this year with an A+).
I do meet here so many smart and intelligent people although most of them haven’t had any
education. Unbelievable. One of the boys wants to become a cancer researcher and the other a
teacher. I agree with them on having an interview next week. Attentiveness must be here. I make
many appointments for interviews, but whether they will be performed? Maybe I should have a more
active attitude instead of the laid-back African pole pole way.
After visiting the Enkiteng Lepa School we are invited by Susan for a Nyama choma party. She
has bought a goat and it is going to be slaughtered the Maasai way by suffocating it. After that it will
be roasted on the campfire. Yesterday I told Susan that I wanted to have one when I am leaving.
Nyama choma is something you make Maasai very happy with!! The students and I mooch a bit
around. Susan told Sinti already he is off today. Of course we end up again with Ole Shongo, Meeri,
Peter, Sinti and me in my kitchen. Sinti starts cooking. Although I try to explain that it is not necessary
to prepare diner, the preparations still continue. I give up. Sometimes I suspect Sinti just pretends to
be deaf and not understand me, so that everyone will have something to eat. The positive explanation
is that his English is very bad. Yes could be, but sometimes he does understand me quite well or ...
Never mind, I continue with our Joris Luijendijk! A Dutch Anthropologist who writes nice stories and
observations about the Arabic world and journalism.
Eventually, when we already have had our diner, Philip picks me up to see the blood drinking.
The Maasai are all excited. The goat is just dead. Maasai believe that you have to treat animals with
respect also when you kill them. In traditional Maasai culture to bring your animals to a
slaughterhouse is not done, as animals are not treated respectfully. But due to the need to raise
money, nowadays many sheep, goat and cows are sold to slaughterhouses, sometimes all the way in
Nairobi. The way Maasai kill goats and sheep is by pressing the animal to the ground, sitting on top of
it, holding it tight with 3 or 4 people, and one person suffocating it by putting his hand on the nose of
the sheep or goat. A cow is sometimes fed with local brew so it becomes drunk. Here the same
procedure is done, by suffocating it, but because of the size also a sharp knife is pushed in the neck.
For the blood drinking, the Maasai love it! If I ask why they do it, a surprised look is given.
They just like it! If the goat is dead, they carefully cut the throat open, so the skin can be used to
collect the blood. One after one other they drink it. Later during my stay I do hear that this form of
partying is a bit disturbed by fear because of the upcoming use of veterinary medicines.
Susan apologizes that she has not called me when they slain the goat. But I tell her that I've
consciously avoided this ritual. It feels very hypocritical as I do participate in hunting, and love eating
meat. But I can´t see how a living creature is slain, not even a fly or mosquito. Obvious this creates
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often heated debates between me and friends and family. Unfortunately, in the end the relevant
insect loses. If they start slaughtering again I have no emotions, but when they start drinking blood,
my stomach develops a bit of uneasiness. During the roasting which is done by spreading meat on
self-made wooden triangle sticks, the Maasai including Salaton start singing and dancing. It is quite
impressive. We are halfway up a hill, overlooking acacia trees and plains. It's dark, cloudy and
lightning illuminates the sky regularly. And then the jumping and specific moving of the Maasai with
their songs. It sounds like rhythmic grunts and chants clarified by the tinkling of their necklaces.
Cool!! On the spot I decide that my good friend Astrid who is going to join me in the last week
definitely has to experience this! Once in a lifetime you experience something like this, because this is
not what they do with the common tourists! Nyama choma is a big party! And I like to party!
At the party I meet Kisea from the camp of Shankale. He speaks English very well and can tell
me much about the culture. Actually he loves to talk! Salaton also makes an attempt, but is clearly
annoyed if I do not understand what he is saying correctly according to him and also ask stupid
questions. Kisea and I agree that he comes along tomorrow for an interview. I'm curious!
The Americans are having diner in their "dining room" I'm going to sit here with Peter. But we both
quickly depart. One way or another there is no warm feeling. Whether it is the atmosphere within the
group or that they are exhausted, I do not know…

Day 6:
The next morning Susan comes in early. She tells me that she is one of the founders of Asante Africa.
Now she stepped back and became advisory board member, because it was too complicated and
confusing with her own travel agency. Her customers donate 5% of the fare for projects of Salaton.
Not the customers, but she and Salaton decide where the money goes. She has personally sponsored
Koileken. It is a nice story about how important coincidence and luck is. The scholarships were just
being divided. But on her last day before departure, Koileken walked into school with his headmaster.
With the headmaster asking for a fund for this exceptional boy. She was instantly sold, but first she let
him write an essay conform the application procedures of Asante Africa. Because she was a board
member she could still get him in the program. He is now one of the best students of Asante Africa.
Susan tells me that the way it used be within Asante Africa was more loosely organized. Now there
are requirements, forms, and it is much more structured. Which is in one way necessary as the
amount of money they deal with is quite large. Some people do agree on it, some people don´t.
Introduced are requirements for the children. They should get a minimum of C for the term exams.
(Which is a minimum of 6 or 7 in the Netherlands). So no high grades but only to succeed. If they fail
the first term, they receive intensive counseling and mentoring. If they do not reach a sufficient grade
for the second term, they get a warning. If they still can´t have sufficient grades, they lose their
scholarship. According to Susan it is a very controversial approach. (Later on I will notice that for
instance Hellen is furious about this way of funding as you give children hope and then take it away).

26
 Asante Africa is also working in Esilalei at the Engaruka plains close to the Ngorongoro crater
in Tanzania. Someone I used to work with, Jeroen Harderwijk and his Maasai wife Jane, have their
own fundraising foundation Kamitei, which specializes in education for Maasai children. She doesn’t
know him or his organization although they both built schools in Esilalei. And I can’t say that Esilalei is
that big…. Actually in my toilet in the Netherlands I have a very beautifull picture of the inhabitants of
Esilalei (between 50 and 75 people, some of whom were recognized by Salaton when he visited my
home. For Asante Africa he has been helping building a school over there.
According to Susan, it is logical to think that cooperation between all those NGOs would be
prudent. According to her, in practice cooperation between the NGO’s is quite difficult. Because one
organization has ideas how they want to have things done, and there are always other people who
also want to sell their ideas and at the end nothing will be executed. Asante Africa now accounts for
half a million dollars a year donor money. And is only now taken seriously. Apparently you're not
taken seriously when you're talking about 25,000 to 50,000 dollars per year donor money. It is an
interesting explanation about how these NGO’s seem to work. Or rather not working together.
After this discussion I do some work. And I decide to enjoy floating in the hot springs. Having
arrived at the spot, the water is brown. Okay big girl, let’s go for it! But you have to pass just a little
stream to get to have the (limited) privacy of the vegetation. Actually, it used to be just an open spot,
but Salaton built a wooden (still a bit open) fence to give the women a bit of privacy. Officially for
protection against buffalos. But this little stream of water is already so cold (due to the heavy rains at
night and of course the men side doesn’t suffer from any lack of privacy or cold rains), that I decide to
go back. I take a shower in the camp.
It is 10 ‘o clock and Kisea can arrive any time. No Kisea! I walk around a bit dubbing what to
do as I am still in the western mode of scheduled agenda’s and wondering how to deal with this. I
discuss these things with Susan about the uncertainty of working in Africa. It seems that just an
endless flexibility and creativity is necessary.
At a certain point I get a text from Twala, he is on his way. At the same time, Kisea stands in
front of my nose. The other Maasai don’t know him. For us whites it seems like that they all know
each other very well and are close friends of each other. Appearances are deceptive sometimes! We
go back to my kitchen and start talking. Kisea starts talking about all the great stories of the Maasai.
One is about Olonana, the first prophet of who predicted the coming of the British. He has many more
stories, but now I see Twala passing by with Salaton, so after 1.5 hours I stop the interview by asking
friendly if it would be okay to meet him next week again. He tells me that his grandmother knows
many stories. She should be around ninety years and we agree to go visit her. Age is always a guess
around here. It takes an average of 10 minutes to discuss the age of a certain person. And that for us
white Mzungus who are used to label everything into measurable categories, locked up in very
efficient computer programs.
The prospects for a keen traveler are positive. Going to Narok, a couple of nights in the widow
village of Meeri and Hellen suggest that I definitely have to stay at her new tourism camp in Tepesue.
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Also Salaton brought up the idea that I have to talk with Ole Kaunga in Laikipia. Help! But it's so great
to hear all those stories. The people love it that their voices are heard.
After lunch, all alone. The others leave me alone now that they see that I did one interview after
another. It's funny, I thought that I would run and walk a lot, but my chair is in the corner and I
cannot get out. The family kitchen has now been transformed into a living room and interview
location. Fine anyway! People come naturally.
At lunch I see Twala coming in. Kisea just left the kitchen. With Twala who speaks very well
English, the same as Kisea, I have a conversation of more than two hours. We talk about the lion
killing of the Maasai (still happening although Susan told me that it is not happening anymore. Just
curious who told her that!) and nature conservation. Fabulous! He works at Karen Blixen, the camp
where I initially wanted to also go for my thesis. When I tell him about my first research question, if it
makes a difference for the cultural identity of the Maasai who started the business, the answer is
short and clear, definitely yes! I am not going by any questions about this subject, but the statement
is clear. Twala turns out to be a very accessible, friendly resource and I definitely go visit him again.
Salaton also stopped by. It turns out that I have to pay the widows for fetching water. Salaton
murmurs something like `has nobody told you’. For me it is a rather unpleasant surprise. The money
they ask is about 4 Euros per day. It may not sound all that much, but for 47 days the amount of
money accumulates quite hard. Especially if you know that my budget is not that big and I have a bad
reputation about controlling spending. After my conversation with Salaton, I explain to him that I am
really on a budget and that this is a bit much given the price of 25 USD per day for staying in the
camp. He explains that the intention is to create jobs. But he will not force me, he gave me quite a
low price and I don´t have to pay if I don´t sleep in the camp.
Well, I actually believe him, but still the problem of being on a budget is not solved. Mixed
feelings, but these have more to do with me than with Salaton. What I hear from other people about
his activities: Hats off! It appears that he works with the government and teachers to save children
from circumcision and early marriage. So far he has `saved` 50 to 60 children, sending them to
boarding schools all over Narok districts. Costing about 350 to 600 dollars per child per year. He has
supported and therefore saved the medical clinic in Maji Moto after the missionaries retreated. He
sponsors and travels all around the world for fundraising activities for the Enkiteng Lepa School. And
last but not least, trains people and creates jobs. If anyone has any doubts about a charity to donate
money to, I can assure them, every single penny is spent in a most honorable way.

Day 7:
My next trip is the following morning to Nairobi. Just before six I get out of bed, because by sunrise
we would like to leave. In Africa the suns comes up at 6:30 in the morning and goes down at 6:30 in
the evening. And it is dangerous to drive during nighttime. But as usual it is at least the intention.
Mwenda is taking care of Peter and me and has made a delicious breakfast and with coffee. At 6:15
am everybody is ready including the American students and Susan, but no Salaton. Philip is looking

28
twice for him. Completely at ease and at a leisurely pace, Salaton just shows up shortly before seven.
There is also one of the runaway girls from the widow village who needs a transfer to Narok whom we
have to wait for. Of course there are additional cases, which has to be arranged now. (Salaton seems
not to be very practical). So finally at half past seven we hit the road.
I hate it, because I've agreed with my Dutch acquaintance Jos to meet at 09:30 in the hotel in Nairobi
and I would still like to visit the Amref office at Wilson Airport. It takes at least three hours before we
are in Nairobi and we have to be back home before dark. That makes our time in Nairobi not quite
long.
But relax…. It is African time. Peter brings us, including Susan and the students, with the 4 x
4 minibus to Narok from where we will take a taxi. Is the intention again. On the road we meet a
group of wildebeests and zebra’s. Because of the rains these animals migrate to the Loita plains. The
wildebeest of the Mara go either to Ndutu in Southern Serengeti or to these areas. Along the way I
ask Salaton all kind of things. He says the culture depends on land and language. If either one of
them disappears, the Maasai culture is lost. In particular, the land is necessary to preserve the ancient
knowledge regarding nature and of course for keeping cattle in a pastoralist way. The rituals and
ceremonies are bound and influenced by the use of land and its livestock and cattle.
According to Salaton, the major (negative) influences on culture are education and religion.
The latter I can agree with. Everything what looks like a village is packed with the American
evangelical missionaries (and other nationalities), stations and organizations. Salaton wants to protect
the culture by giving children the right to education and encouraging the students to get high grades.
(Little guess, American influence?). Also he wants to teach them to be proud of being Maasai, while
telling stories in order to get the rich knowledge of the Maasai culture transferred to the next
generation. He also tells people that even if they have an education, they must not forget where they
come from. The next day Kesue tells me that the elderly calls educated children, “the lost generation”.
Often they go to town and don´t come back anymore. Or if they come back they have lost their
culture. This remark about the lost generation in connection with education I will hear repeatedly
many times during my research.
Then it turns out that Saboye has to get into the car too. Therefore we have to stop in Ewasu
Ngiro. I decided quite a while ago that the only way to cope with Africa is to let go of every schedule
and strict ideas of planning. So I am very relaxed. Actually Salaton is busy on the phone, but Saboye
must walk for more than 5 km and it is a very slippery road. So it will take a while. Being relaxed now
and following my own agenda I decide to visit a souvenir shop. When I come back the decision is
made to drive in the direction of Saboye. It seems that also with Salaton and Saboye the notion of
getting late has imbued. We see him slipping and running and trying to be fast while standing on his
feet. Saboye is a charismatic (in my eyes, not according to my friend Astrid) handsome man who
speaks perfect English. (He has studied in California and has just returned from a 3-month travel
through the USA). He is tall, has twinkling eyes and makes jokes. What more does a woman want?

29
 Off we go quickly to Narok. I continue to ask many questions. Now it's my chance to speak to
Salaton! He is extremely nice and friendly but Saboye speaks better English and it makes things much
and much easier. When we arrive in Narok, Time has become fluent again. Books must be bought for
the girl. I take the chance to look for vegetables, as feeding 5 people a day takes a lot of food. Peter
can take this back. But I can only find potatoes, otherwise there’s nothing. Saboye rightly remarks
that it is too early (08:15 am) for the ladies to sit next to the street. (I have my own street side with
ladies to buy from). For me travelling for a while it seems to be much later.
Salaton has called a taxi, but it takes a long time before it is here. I see the time pass,
indecisive between irritation and surrender. Surrender, we'll see how the program will end in Nairobi,
but (irritation) time is precious and in this way nothing much will be accomplished. But no stress, what
comes, that comes. Finally at 08.30 am we are on the road again. The trip goes smoothly. The views
are magnificent. After Narok we see a large farm belonging to a white man. Previously this area was
all forest and Maasai land, but now it looks like many big farms are situated here. It is funny. I am in
the front seat and my two big traditional Maasai Salaton and Saboye are on the back seat phoning
and texting all the time. A special combination of modernity and tradition. In between arranging their
affairs, they tell me that the Maasai once lived much more in the north including the bush savannas
around Nairobi, but with the emergence and growth of the population of especially the Kikuyu
(farmers) tribe they voluntarily left the savannas and humid areas. (Actually much of the land around
Nairobi is still owned by Maasai and during the last 20 years sold or rented out to other tribes. The
same process has happened around Ololulunga).
The Kikuyu had access to education much earlier and thus were able to take over power from
the British. Since then they have bought up land everywhere including from Maasai. When he was in
the Netherlands, Salaton told me that therefore education is so important. It seems that many of the
Maasai don´t understand the value of money and certainly do not know how to read and understand
contracts. Ending up being cheated or having lost their land.
According to both men, there are also selfish Maasai who put up fences around their land and
thereby are harming wildlife, which get caught and disturbed in the migration. And of course,
obstructing the traditional way of migrating with cattle.
Ultimately, the trip goes quickly and at 11:15 am we are in the intercontinental. In the parking
lot I get a short introduction into the authority of Salaton. In normal interaction he is very pleasant,
quiet and modest. But if the parking attendant forbids the taxi driver to park his car in the parking lot
in between the posh 4 x 4's used for all the important people inside the hotel, Salaton grows 10
centimeters, raises his stick and with a powerful voice, he tells the parking attendant, that he has
customers inside, and that the car shall be parked in the parking lot. Oops.... within a minute the taxi
is in the parking lot.
Inside the hotel my two Maasai men reveal quite a stir through the people. Of course I act
nonchalant, being busy with very important matters, and being secretly proud of my two men! Both
are greeted immediately and paid respect by all kinds of people who are apparently also Maasai.
30
 When we are ready to go, we see an old man standing in a tracksuit. My acquaintance and I
discuss that he is just out of hospital but can´t be very important, maybe staff. But I do see that he
has a black staff decorated according to posh Maasai standards. So that´s a bit strange. When Saboye
and Salaton see the man they hurry towards him to greet him. It turns out to be William Ole
Ntimama, one of the most important Maasai in Kenya being a minister of heritage in the present
government. He has been 35 years in politics and his integrity is without doubt. (Searching on the
Internet, the opinions are divided, as he seems not to be afraid to defend the interests of the Maasai
quite fiercely).
Salaton and Saboye tell me that they are obliged to show respect. If they pass him without doing this
they will hear it afterwards and that would backfire on them. But they seem only too happy to do so.
In the car we decide to go back. It is 3:00 pm. I get a text message from Susan that they are
heading back to Maji Moto, because of lack of Internet and electricity in Narok. I do accept it
uncritically, but in discussion with Salaton he clearly has no message to this. He takes the phone, calls
Susan. Talks to Susan and Peter has to return back immediately to Narok to pick us up. (45 minutes
one way). Okay!
Along the way it appears to have rained tremendously. Deep trenches are created along the
new tarmac road. (Two showers, and the road is gone). Flooding along the river has caused floods in
which cars are stranded. Salaton tells that these types of tornado storms and flooding are new.
`Global warming` it sounds in choir from the backseat in choir. The trip is continued with napping and
phoning. It is again so funny. Two Maasai constantly calling and making jokes in the backseat.
Back in Narok I go shopping. After buying some baskets for some housing structuring, I go to my
women. Great hilarity as I buy from every woman something. A woman, who according to Salaton
won’t cheat me, asks me the first time directly an `Mzungu` price. When we have found Peter by
texting, we go back to Maji Moto. No rains, so an (almost) guaranteed arrival!

Day 8:
The next morning it feels like a doom day, I am now nearly a week in Maji Moto and not a short-term
guest anymore, so things will settle down. It seems that either I am not so interesting anymore, or
somebody has said something, as we aren’t eating together anymore. (I suspect Susan after I told her
that I am feeding the whole camp and she remarked that it is expensive).
Since Sunday everyone eats separately, still using my food, but not with me. Sometimes I'm
so suspicious. Sometimes incorrectly so, because I catch some words or stories and distort things in
something that turns to be wrong (story of family situation Kesue and Kisea). But sometimes my
suspicion is correct. For example, Peter is nice and friendly, but yesterday I told him that we would
share a beer together at the campfire. He went to pack his bags and went to bed. I did not see him at
the campfire. (Though everyone was in the other kitchen). But this morning the beer was finished. Is
it miscommunication or is it using the opportunity? It's like the 2,000 shillings, which I had lent him. It
is only because I asked Susan the money back. Presumably he had not given it back.

31
 With the Maasai I have no sense of distrust. In relation to them, it’s more a sense of being left
out as I don´t speak the language and we have little in common to discuss. Also most Maasai speak
only a little English. The ones who do speak it well like Saboye, Kisea and Twala are my favorites. And
I notice that I am somewhat envious when it comes to the position of Susan. In short my ego is
playing with me. And it is still an issue that I have to pay more than 25 USD per night and that’s only
for sleeping. So food, electricity, charcoal and water are separate charges. A quick count tells me that
the difference with the 50 USD full board including activities is not that much more expensive. So the
25 USD is not this very special rate. Especially if you realize that there is no cleaning, only when other
guests are staying. That's not bad, but it feels like I'm more a charity organization than a guest at a
tourist camp. Feeding again that idea of what I have discussed with Harro Boekhold. (An
acquaintance, who has lived now for almost a decade in Tanzania advising local communities to set up
tourism projects). It's so easy for people continuous giving money and expecting nothing in return.
But hereby creating an attitude and expectations with local people that Mzungu are loaded with
money and always give it away. I still don’t know whether this gnawing feeling remains from a distant
frustration of 20 years ago in Tanzania, or that it is an incorrect feeling. It makes it so difficult not to
let these negative feelings penetrate into my observations so I won’t see the many good things that
are happening anymore. I should work it out one way or another. Although when I discuss it with
Salaton, I get a whole story about how much charity he does with it. He deserves nothing. (I believe
that once; later on I do understand that he earns money with a bit of the tourist camp and his KTB
activities etc. etc.) End of discussion. But yes ... it is the classic discussion within development
organizations.

Day 9:
This morning I asked Philip if I also could move to the other kitchen, because there are no customers
yet and everyone is there including Simba the cat, but it was not allowed because there are
customers. Well I think the first customers arrive around May 10. And then again around May 17
when I'm almost gone. So I still don’t know what the reason is. Also I asked Philip whether it was
possible to visit the Eunoto, which is held within a couple of days some hours drive above Narok.
The Eunoto is one of the most important ceremonies in which the current generation of
warriors officially becomes junior elders and their age set name is given. Some elders and mothers are
chosen to stay in the Manyatta. (I always call the villages “Manyattas” but that is not right. Manyatta
is the village of the Murran. A village for families is called Enkang). These Murran (warriors) of the
Purko Maasai sometimes leave home one or two weeks before, as they sometimes have to walk 150
kilometers with their cows and goats. They have long hair and wear short Shukas (red clothes), and
sometimes leather cloths. The age is around 14 – 18 years at least from what I have seen. All these
boys together create a Manyatta of thousands and thousands of people. Can you imagine???
I am happy!!! A Eunoto is only once every 14 years. Susan has already told me that they are
not allowed to visit according to Salaton. But Philip said a couple of days ago it was no problem until

32
yesterday morning Salaton said that Philip had to ask permission from the elders first. So Philip tells
me this morning that I don’t have permission. The elders are afraid that Mzungus are taking photos
and videos and will sell the culture. I try to convince Philip that I am not selling the culture and I will
leave my camera at home. But he bends over the administration, doesn’t answer anymore and I
consider that the end of the discussion.
After this I want to visit Kisea in the camp of Shankale. But Meeri says I have to ask
permission from Philip to go to this place. Apparently, the staff is not allowed to visit Shankale's camp.
Although Susan told me everything is fine between Shankale and Salaton there is still something going
on. However it turns out that Kisea is still in his house, about a seven-kilometer walk from here. Too
far for me today, as it will take a whole day.
Moreover, yesterday during our shopping in Narok we met Tompoi, the man with the father
who has a broken hip. He is trying to see if he can get money somewhere for his father, who is in the
hospital in Kijabe, to bring him in for surgery. According to Tompoi he cries all day because of the
pain. What do you want with a broken hip? Even in the Netherlands with the best help available this is
a very painful trauma. I asked him if I could interview him today which was not a problem, but he is
only back in the afternoon. Hakuna Matata, no problem. It seems not to be a very lucky day. It’s just
like swimming 50 meters in 21 seconds in a bath full of syrup. And since all men are busy cleaning, I
feel a bit desolated and lonely. But out of idleness creativity arises and with Kesue I arrange to visit
his mother at her home. We walk to Kesue’s house behind the Enkiteng Lepa School. Here lives
Kesue’s mother Meliu (who later turns out to be approximately 48, but looks like she is 80 years old)
and five children. I see 5 children, but according to Kesue one is from a woman who is washing
clothes. Meliu is very proud that a Mzungu visits her home and I am offered a cup of chai in a very
small, dark and smokey house. I ask her to tell stories, but keep getting the same story about Kesue
told in different forms. Although there are still some details added. The mother was the 6th female of
her husband and she is circumcisized and got married around her 9th year of birth. The man died
when Kesue was about five years old (of course an estimation). Kesue is now estimated to be 25 or
26 years old. The second child, a girl named Nau, is 12 years old (personally I think she is more like
the age of 16). Another daughter called Naisea is 7 years of age, and the boy Seloji approximately
one and a half years old. The baby girl Senoi is 2 months old. She lives here, and the mother comes
to visit Senoi, although Meliu breastfeeds her. (Later on it would become clear that it is Meliu’s
youngest child, when I asked Kesue why he didn’t tell me he looked embarrassed and shrugged his
shoulders).
Meliu remembers that everyone was still wearing animal skins as clothes and shukas. To the
question when the Maasai started to wear shukas, I get no clear answer. Also in that time the people
only drank milk and ate meat. When she was married and later when she was widowed, she had a
few cows. But in a severe drought she lost all her cows. It is a bit unclear to what drought she is
referring. According to Kesue it was 20 years ago, but during my stay I hear people talking about the

33
big drought of 2009, when you could walk on the carcasses of cattle and livestock. Many Maasai lost
their animals during that year.
Kesue’s family now has only two goats, one is pregnant and so a third goat is on its way. The
pregnant goat costs 4200 Ksh. A large cow is 12,000 Ksh (120 Euros) and a calf is 9000 Ksh. These
are large amounts of money considering that people have almost no income or just little daytime jobs.
(Salaton pays 200 shilling per activity to his Maasai). Kesue is the man of the house and he has
decided that his sister Nau is not going to be circumcised and get married young. He is saving money
to get her to school. In addition, he has a shambaa (piece of land for growing vegetables) where he
cultivates corn. This is for the family for selling but also for food storage for the dry period. (Maji Moto
is literally an oasis in an extremely dry area). As he is extremely proud of his corn, I have to check
almost every stem for the amount of corncobs. During this walk he tells me that he has to go to Narok
town to pay 12,700 Kenyan shilling for the land rights. The total amount is 20,200 Ksh and he already
paid 7500 Ksh. His mother is asking Kesue if he already did this. The answer is no, but the money has
to be paid at the end of May. Otherwise they don’t know what is going to happen with the land.
Maybe there is somebody else who can pay the money and then the land will be dedicated to
somebody else. Although they have already lived on this land for over 12 years. According to kesue
after 12 years you have a right on the land where you live.
Back after our walk over the shambaa it is clear that Mother and sisters are proud that I am
here. There has never been a white man or woman at their place. The little boy is just very scared
and starts crying every time he sees me. Just a strange idea that these weeks everywhere I come
little children are afraid of seeing me. It apparently still exists, those uncharted, unthreaded places
(assuming that only white people exist and no other human creatures). Nau constantly touches my
hair, which she finds unusually smooth and sleek. During my visit we meet an older man. He comes
later in the compound. It appears to be the man of the irrigation committee checking if Kesue needs
water. When Kesue consults this man, I take portraits of the mother and daughters. The big fun with
the modern photo cameras is the screen where the pictures can be looked at. During my stay these
portraits gave hilarious moments and promising people to give them the photos was a hit in the bull’s
eye. It makes people very happy, as they often don’t have pictures of themselves. Although language
is a problem, Nau wants to try to take pictures. She just gave a beautiful necklace of her own and I
ask her to take a picture. When I want the camera back, she gently keeps it. As I don’t want this, I
subtly take it back. Giving a camera away is way too much. After the interview I ask if I can come
back. That is always possible and I am most welcome again. Here the endless drinking of chai starts
(boiled milk with black tea and loads of sugar). In one of the stories Kesue told us, the older
generation talks about the children who receive education as the lost generation. If they have
education, they forget their culture.
At one point Meeri calls. She begins to talk excitedly to Kesue. Apparently she gives him a
hard time, apparently about taking me to his place. When we walk back Kesue emphasizes that it was
really my request and that he doesn’t’ want to use me to get money or something else. And he is
34
genuinely happy that I had visited his mother's house. It seems that he is afraid of some angry
reactions from people in the camp who seem to be afraid that he will abuse me. Or seeing Meeri's
excited phone call, they are maybe a bit jealous? I tell him that occasionally I have the feeling that
people only see me as a big bag of money. (Also Mwenda asked casually in between other lines if he
could have a bird book). And I promise Kesue that I will tell people in the camp that it was my own
idea. Later on Susan will make a remark about visiting people at their houses. It feels like if I
shouldn’t have done it or if I should have asked permission. Together with all the small things like not
having permission to go to Shankale’s camp, it gives me a bit of a feeling of being limited in my
doings.
During our walk back, I ask Kesue if all children have the same father. Only the youngest of a
year and a half has a different father. In the articles of Spencer en Waller (1984) I have read that
women may have sex or even should have sex with men from the age set of their husbands. Also for
widows it is apparently common practice to have a boy friend and relationships between others than
husband and wife are the order of the day. I do not know, but it is a very personal question. Later
during my stay it appeared that Kesue has a different father. He died and then Nau, Naisea and Senoi,
the baby girl, all have the same father. This was after the remark during one of my last visits that Nau
and Senoi look like copies of each other. Although Kesue is not an imposter, it is very difficult to get
direct answers. But if you ask such personal questions, you could ask if you would get straight
answers in the Netherlands too… It could be just very impolite.
After these I ask why his mother is not part of the widow village of Hellen’s and Salaton. She is not
asked by Salaton, perhaps later. In any case Salaton helps him by offering him little jobs at the camp.
The people I speak to all talk about the generosity and goodness of Salaton. This is positive!
Back in the camp Meeri wants to know where I was. She had brought Simba back to the
widow village. The Americans were told that they found her somewhere all by herself, but I have seen
two adult cats walking in the village, so I am afraid they have been told a nice story. The good times
are over for Simba, I'm afraid. Great chance she will be a frightened and hungry cat again! (Here I am
completely wrong as weeks later Simba will turn out to be very well and very distant to Mzungu).
They really believe that you must not give any food to cats or dogs, as they will not hunt. As if you do
have the energy for hunting, when you're hungry and afraid. I have to think about the cats at the
Schervenweg (great parental farm in the Netherlands). Same reasoning, same discussion
During the day it is muggy, meaning rains are in the air. It starts to blow and dark clouds are
racing through the air. In the meantime I hear from Sinti that Tompoi will be back only during the
evening, so no interview today. It’s my own fault, because he already said subtly that he wouldn’t
make it but I kept saying that I want to have the interview in the afternoon. Here we go again; a
lesson learned a long time ago; Africans don’t want to offend and therefore they don’t say no directly.
But in my drive to go on with my thesis I keep forgetting it.
In any case we have a massive downpour in which I absolutely necessarily want to recharge
my computer again. As with all those other modern things like laptops and ebooks, cables and
35
electricity are required. Preferable for every item a different cable to make it easier! I am dragging a
bag with those things. But being in the outback the obviousness of just starting the computer and
working all day is gone. I realize more and more often that in the Netherlands people often say, “They
just have to do this, or to do that. Just a button to press”. But in the Netherlands we have the
obviousness of short distances, electricity, computers and a ve dfcx ry good access to education. For
us Dutch people (at least in my surroundings) it is something self-evident. Around here it is
something, as a good friend of mine remarked, which takes a lot of energy and action to get
arranged. Well, at least I am a good friend with the lady of the charging point. (Especially when on
the last day I found out that I had paid too much for charging my phone.)
The afternoon I spend with Meeri and ole Shongo. I ask Ole Shongo about all rites of
passages of the Men within the Maasai; so I can write them down to remember later. Meeri doesn’t
know them, so with her as interpreter, we end up with Ole Shongo. Then Meeri is called away and I
am alone with Ole Shongo, Great fun! We understand nothing of each other. Ultimately, he gives me
the names of the plants when we decide to walk to the hot springs. He has to catch me every time I
cheerfully fall down. The earth is very slippery after the rains and I'm happy undergoing it several
times I walk. In the hot springs I go wash my feet and pants.
Sinti shows up to make dinner; he has been at a meeting of shukas under the acacia tree,
discussing the land demarcation. As Salaton says, the Maasai culture is based on land and language.
Take away the land, and you destroy the culture. I'm curious what is going to happen!
To kill time Meeri and I saunter pole pole to the widow village. At least I realize after just visiting
Kesue’s place that the widows are really blessed by Salaton’s patronage. Many goats, sheep, cows and
2 or 3 donkeys do these widows have. Of course I realize that, as Salaton keeps emphasizing, these
animals belong to many people. At least nine widows and maybe even Salaton’s. But still... Yep, there
must be a difference in life!
It is a pleasure to see how the livestock are brought inside the village for the night. Philip has
also resurfaced; it appears that the cows have been migrating for three months! And they have not
lost one of them. There are four donkeys of which the males are fighting. One is really grumpy and
tries to beat the other one. It is not accepted by the other donkeys and the grumpy one divides itself
from the group. But it is chased back by a little Maasai boy, so the fighting starts over again. The
cows, which are in the same small coral, are disturbed by these stupid animals. What I wonder is how
it is possible that the Maasai are known for their excellent knowledge of their livestock and these kind
of things happen? It should be the difference between pasting labels on complete population groups
and the individual characters. I do see more of this mal treatment of animals. Most often by young
children and adolescents.

Day 10:
The whole afternoon, night and early morning it is raining. Meaning wet hair and feet as my bed is too
big for the tent. I hear a hyena very close to the camp, for the second night already. Half the night I

36
have been thinking about the situation of Kesue's mother and the father of Tompoi (the man with the
broken hip). How often in my life haven’t I had help and support in tough times? When you have
nothing, you can’t get more. You can’t make something out of nothing. You always need something to
start with before getting more. We have so many things and access to basic necessities in the
Netherlands that we sometimes don’t realize how important this is to stay alive. At least in the social
circles in which I move around. Of course, in the Netherlands there are people who don’t have
anything. But at least they have access to education and healthcare. If everyone gives a small
contribution, these people get help. And in particular Kesue's mom.
It is breakfast time and Mwenda is leaving. It is just a relaxing start. Have a nice coffee, talk
to the children back home, relaxing in the hot springs…. Then it starts. Kisea, no reach. I want to
clean my tent, but the sky is dark grey and impressive. I walk with Mwenda to the shopping center to
charge my laptop battery again after working this morning. Mwenda is concerned; because of the
rains the road is very bad. And to Nanyuki will cost a lot of time. First to Narok, then the matatu to
Nairobi and the 3 hours to Nanyuki. I leave him behind relaxed and waiting.
Back in the camp, Meeri comes and tell me that all huts in the widow village are leaking and
the floors are covered with mud. Our kitchen is also leaking, so I'm extremely grumpy. Meeri is
leaving, but returns with the phone. It is Salaton (who is on safari in the Mara with Susan and the
students). I am not allowed to go to the widow camp, have to stay in the camp and am only allowed
to walk close by it. In combination with previous things that were not allowed - bigger tent, move to
another kitchen (guests since late May)- it is too much for me. I feel like being imprisoned. I think
Salaton assumes that Meeri is around and that Philip is here to help me. But Sinti is gone, Meeri has
to clean in the widow village, Philip is only 5 minutes per day in camp and sometimes I don’t see him
at all. And Ole Shongo has gone to sleep. I'm really all alone and I pity myself a lot. To do something
I walk into the shopping center, to see if my laptop is ready. I am happy Mwenda is still there. He
missed the matatu to Narok and is preparing to take the piki piki (motor taxi) to the main road, to
catch a matatu (small bus full of people) there. This will cost him an awful lot of extra money.
When I talk to Mwenda I just start crying and complain how pitiful I am. Mwenda tells me that
Salaton is responsible for me and that it is somewhat dangerous to walk around. I also realize that he
has arranged support by Sinti, Meeri and occasionally Philip and because Salaton is far away, probably
thinks that things are going wrong around here. I'm just crying, feeling alone and tired. Actually the
first ten days are over, and more often during travelling I have an emotional breakdown at this point
in time. I am just a huge hard disk filling up all emotions and impressions and after 10 days it is just
overloaded and needs a reset. I thank Mwenda a lot. (The piki piki was waiting all the time). I promise
him to visit Nanyuki and watch him leave.
Sinti notices that I am not feeling comfortable and is super sweet and kind. Meeri is back and
we go learn Swahili together. During this activity she tells me everything about Maasai weddings. A
whole procedure and when I ask whether brides of 10 years old may show their emotions, she says

37
that they will be crying constantly from the time they are circumcised until their marriage. Thinking of
my daughter being 3 years married now and having sex with a man who could be her grandfather...
After the emotional eruption the day ends well. I hear a lot of songs from Ole Shongo with
whom I have big fun. Meeri and Sinti are really taking care of me including arranging that from now
on I am allowed to sleep in the kitchen! At least no wet feet and no sounds of hyenas and leopards
passing by. How can I fool myself, because they are still there, but at least I can keep up the feeling
of safety. Okay, it is most probably safer within mud walls. At least it is dripping next to my bed
instead into my bed.

Day 11
The following morning I experience a nice example of handling tourists by Maasai. When I walk to the
“river” (as the hot spring is called around here). We meet Philip outside the camp, talking to one of
the American students on the phone. This woman is the one who is very involved with Simba the cat.
She asks if the cat is still around and fed daily. I know that Meeri immediately took Simba back to the
widow village after the students had left. But I hear Philip calmly say Simba is very well, ensuring the
woman that the cat gets food etc, etc. I am sure he can’t even know this, as I hardly believe that he
even knows that Simba has returned to the widow village. When I laughingly confront him, he smiles
gently. Meeri told me yesterday that she had seen Simba and that the cat was fine. Sawa sawa. The
student still thinks that Simba is an orphan taken from the bush now living in the camp and being fed
properly. I have to chuckle about this “making tourists happy” of Philip. It shows actually that I am
not considered an outsider. Time to take a bath!
While taking a bath I muse a bit about culture being very linked to economic resources,
leadership, having rights and access to resources. Culture is often regarded as something separate of
the economy. As two completely different processes. One is just earning money; the other is
something that exists. But what I notice here is that they are very entangled with each other. Culture
determines how you deal with economic resources including land and money. The Maasai are now
more or less forced to use other economic resources, or at least in a different way then they
traditionally used to do. Money only exists here for maybe 40 or 50 years (except for the taxes of the
British, but that could also be paid in cows). Concerning the issue of leadership, Salaton has an
important position and great authority within this community due to his position as chief, but also due
to his charity and integrity. Last but not least, he has a very strong character. You just don’t say no to
Salaton, that's clear!
Problems about all kind of issues like property, marriage or bigger community issues are
solved among people themselves. If a solution can’t be found, an elder of their own choice is
consulted for advice. If the elder can’t find a proper solution he can consult with other elders. In Maji
Moto many people go for advice to Salaton. He is seen as very wise and righteous. Anyway as Chief,
he has anyhow an important role as problem solver. If problems are very large, people of his age set
will come to him from near and far for advice. Of course nowadays, much is communicated and
38
arranged by phone. At least if it is not raining (no signal), low battery or lack of airtime. Well Africa!
Africa! You have to be naturally relaxed; otherwise you would die within one month of stress issues.
Stuck in the camp, because my Maasai are busy arranging their own business somewhere
else, my mood is grumpy again. It is not allowed to leave the camp unguarded, because Tanzanians
are working on a dam in the irrigation area. Grumble, grumble.
I start looking for Sinti in the shopping centre. Meeri finds out that he has seen walking with a
rope into the irrigation area. We walk a bit around. Nobody is reachable, what else to do? We do meet
two old men, around 80 years old. Later on it turns out to be Sinti’s father and uncle. After lunch we
go back for an interview. They are both member of the oldest age set, the Nankusi. Their group was
started in 1942 (Frans Mol {in Dorothy Hodgson (2001)). The men are estimated to be between 80
and 90 years old. Or perhaps even older. We talk for more than an hour. Then I am finished with my
questions. Sinti’s father tells me that storytelling only can take place after dark. Otherwise bad spirits
will do bad things. If told during daytime, Maasai fear that people and cattle will die. Fine with me!! I
agree to come only realizing too late that at night I am not allowed to leave the camp. (Actually I am
nagging to go on an Aardvark safari (nocturnal animal). I have to call Philip tomorrow to arrange this,
because this is living history! In a few years these people will be all gone). Just around the corner we
meet Tompoi. His father is not doing too badly. Beautiful! Glad to hear it!
Returning back to camp we see Kisea. He has been looking for me, but couldn’t find me. After
he has done his business in the shopping center, he will come to the kitchen. He definitely talks the
hind legs off a donkey. Although I do like these stories and meetings with him very much! More than
3 hours he tells me stories about how the Purko Maasai have beaten the Loita and chased them away
from the Loita plains, how bad the missionaries are. Tourists are not, because they may learn about
the Maasai. Last but not least also wonderful stories about how it is that cows are allowed to be
slaughtered by Maasai. Long time ago animals were able to talk, but they kept pleading so that’s why
the Maasai have forbidden the animals to talk. A bit sad is that it appears that Kesue is the youngest
of 4 brothers, some of which have already gotten married. His mother is, according to Kisea, not so
needy. I am glad I have taken no action.... It is annoying, the people are so terribly nice, but I should
be so suspicious about the information I get. In this way so much trust is destroyed. Because I do not
know when I'm too generous, because I can’t properly know when I am used. I will again check with
Salaton about the situation and if Kisea’s information is correct I will ask Kesue kindly not to tell any
lies anymore. This will give the Maasai a bad name.
Meanwhile, Meeri disappears, as she is not taking part in the conservation. Ole Shongo is
almost sleeping and I am tired. So at 21:00 I have to chase Kisea away. Otherwise he would continue
forever…. Philip and Salaton are not around, but I decide that the kitchen will be my home from now
on. When Salaton returns we will see again. Noticing that I am still not used to asking permission
continuously, I think these regulations obviously have to do with safety. But not speaking the
language, my movement is limited. Although so far I have not heard and seen so much of the Maasai.
The sun has shone all day and this is just fine!
39
Day 12
My next person to interview is Ole Tompoi, but it's raining. Sinti says that after the rain we are
leaving. He has to guide us, as I don’t know where Ole Tompoi is living. It’s fine with me, but when
the rain finally stops for a change, we have lost the keys of the kitchen. It’s starts to be tradition that
we need half a morning searching for them. Or one of us takes them or leaves them somewhere
behind. Meeri goes to Ole Shongo to ask him if he knows where they are. After 20 minutes she comes
back, but no keys. Against all regulations, we decide to go anyway. Sinti will not stay at Ole Tompoi,
but will come back to watch. Ole Shongo namely has to sleep. Actually I really don’t know where he
sleeps. I assume at the widow villages, but sometimes one of the Maasai just rolls into his shuka and
sleeps somewhere in the grass. Especially men don’t have a house of their own. They sleep at their
(several) wives' places, in the grass during traveling or at a friend's place. Sometimes the Maasai way
of living looks very flexible. Although this changes as soon as the land becomes private and more
permanent houses are built on it.
Tompoi lives on the other side of the hill, behind the shopping center. He has a very neat and
small, flat roofed, permanent house with two bedrooms, a living room and kitchen. In the living room
there are even chairs. First we get breakfast and inevitable chai. Apparently he misunderstood me. I
said in the morning or maybe he understood me just right and is this African hospitality! Well at least
the pancakes taste well. When breakfast is ready, we'll talk. Tompoi appears to be the chief of the
right hand (older men) of the same age set of Salaton. Salaton is the chief of the left hand of the
same age set. There is still a big chief of both groups, who is living in Nakuru. Tompoi tells me that if
I am still around I will see a huge meeting of all Purko chiefs. That must be a very special and
impressive meeting! Salaton, I think, will be at the Indaba in South Africa at that moment. Tompoi
knows everything about the rituals; I finally understand how the system of the age set works. At a
certain moment, an age set starts. It is done by the fire stick ceremony performed by elders of two
age sets above the one that is going to be started. They will begin with the first group, including all
the boys who are ready for circumcision in approximately the next 7 years. It is decided by the father
and is not strictly age bound. So sometimes boys don’t get permission or only at a very late age.
Sometimes they are young when the ceremony takes place. So that’s why a boy who could easily be
within the right hand age set, sometimes is in the left hand age set. After circumcision the boys get a
training by their elders. Somewhere is decided that the empakaata will take place. This is the moment
that they are initiated into IlMurran (warriors). To prove they are strong and brace, they are sent into
the wilderness to live there for the next 7 years. To protect themselves a spear and shield are given.
Finally the intention is to kill a lion. Sometimes 30 to 40 men close in on a lion and the first to throw
the spear causing the death of the lion gets the manes and is named a great hero. The manes are
made into a headdress and only the lion killer is allowed to wear this during the important
ceremonies. (Kesue killed two lions!). Philip tells me later that evening that in favor of the lion, the
warriors call. If the animal is smart, he makes sure to be out of there as soon as possible. According
to Philip, this ritual is still done, but the number of lions is very limited and there is a growing
40
awareness that a living lion is much more (economically) worthy than a dead one. Meeri told me that
the Kenyan Wildlife Service reimburses livestock, which is slain by wild animals.
Back to Ole Tompoi, he tells so many things. I consider having to send all these recordings to
a kind of museum as he is telling everything about the Maasai ceremonies. It is again living history!
He tells about the power of the chief. There are three chiefs in Maji Moto. This is also special! In
between the lines I can hear about the unequal position of women compared to men. For example
when they do something wrong they are beaten (not too heavily) by their husbands. If the man is
convicted, he must pay two cows and some blankets and shukas. Well, Ole Tompoi definitely agrees
with it and I decide not to have any (at least expressed) opinion.
From the stories it becomes obvious: Salaton does a lot for the community and it is
particularly special to have someone who gives so much and takes nothing in return. I actually hear
this from almost all people I talk to. Of course the people I talk to are one way or another connected
or depended on him.
Also in this interview I hear again the notion of how the introduction of Ugali (maize porridge
in a dough like constistency) changed the culture. This change consisted of two ways. First, before the
introduction of food, money was (almost) not needed, so it it implied an introduction of another
economic system. And the second most mentioned reason: the introduction of Ugali and other mainly
Indian food (they where the first traders in this area) diminished hunger and was more nutritious so it
improved health. It seems that although the Maasai are very proud of their traditional way of living,
only milk and meat is also for them a not so nutritious meal. This introduction of different kinds of
food is mentioned by every older person I will talk to during my stay. Another observation from my
side is that in places were Maasai still live in their traditional way, like Naikarra and Maji Moto, the
people are very slim and muscular. Actually the matatu drivers in Maji Moto were not that picky about
taking me as I represent two Maasai. It could also say something about my own more to modern life
adapted body and size. In more modernized areas like Ololulunga, you can see Maasai with
overweight, although not many.
Another aspect within the interview is when Tompoi starts telling how he thinks that culture
should be transferred to the younger generation. When I talk to people the elderly (nyangusi
generation) are very traditional and not so flexible. A bit like it should be like it used to be and this
modernization is taking away our youth. A negative connotation although it is also accepted that it is
the way it is. If I talk to the younger generation and the Americans the common opinion is that the
traditional way is fading away and disappearing. Nothing can stop this transition and why should you
deny the Maasai the comforts of Modern life? During all the times the expressing of this kind of
remarks I find myself heating up. If it is taken for granted that every Maasai who transit into modern
life will have access to this comforts. You need money for it and what many Maasai don’t have is
money or access to education and jobs to create it. Also the fatality of accepting that everything goes
as it goes makes me stubborn. There is always another way to Rome maybe even better, then the
most beaten track taken by most people! But to be honest this feeling is fed by the talks I had with
41
Salaton and this interview with Tompoi. He and Salaton emphasize how important it is to improve and
create the young people's awareness of their culture. Both chiefs do have an active role in
implementing this by not denying education or modern life to the youth, but by adapting their
ceremonies and way of living to this without loosing the most important cultural carriers, like
languages, stories, their very old knowledge of nature and livestock and ceremonies. Examples of this
are obligation of the children who have education to come home every holiday to be taught by the
elders. Every Friday morning Salaton visits the Enkiteng Lepa School to tell stories and ceremonies like
the Enkapataa and Eunoto are held during school holidays, so children are able to join in. But one of
the most important change arising out of here, is that boys don’t have to choose anymore between
being Murran and having education. Until now some boys are allowed to have education, but can’t
become a Murran. Or if you are chosen to be Murran you were not able to have education. A third
option which is found a bit sad, but has been there for many years is the son who is chosen by his
father to herd the cows. These boys were and are not be able to become Murran nor having
educated. Unfortunately in most families one boy has to do it.
After one and half hour my mind is overloaded, so I ask to stop and if I am allowed to come
back another time. As usual I am going to make portraits of the whole family and it strikes me how
much love the wife of Ole Tompoi shows to her children and husband. Not very common between all
those arranged marriages. That’s why the use of boy and girlfriends are so common around here.
Another thing that I notice is that the eldest boy of Tompoi has a wife of approximately his own age.
At least he is acting like he proclaims!
Back on the walk home it is very busy in the shopping centre. There is a huge group of men
wearing red shuka’s sitting in the grass. I do not walk to them, because I am woman and it is obvious
something serious going on. But Sinti, who just comes strolling; we ask what is going on. The issue
about the land classification is apparently still pending and there is another meeting. It’s really a lively
debate! For me it is just enjoyable and impressive to see so many red men in the green landscape.
Maji Moto is below a actually quite busy flight path for small planes to the Mara. Sometimes one of
these flights are flying low, assumable the pilot wants to show the tourists all these Maasai walking
around. Also now there is plane flying over. Can you imagine how it is to be an American just flown in
from the states and watching all these red shuka’s in the green grass? Romantic “Out of Africa”!
I know it is the African traditional culture in a sense. Once I have been to a lecture from a
specialist in Mali. He has been working with the Dogon for many years. Here and also in other African
cultures the consensus is important. Willem de Liefde has a similar story with the LeGhotla from
Botswana as described in his African Leadership Management books. Religion has a central place in
life of Africans. God is ever-present in the consciousness of the Africans. But they don’t have doctrines
about how to live to have it well in the after life. But it is emphasizing the pursuit and attainment of
human well being in this world.
Well the Maasai have the same traditions. It is extremely democratic. When there are issues,
a meeting is held. Everybody has the right to say something. The discussions continue until everybody
42
agrees. But if you agree, there is no way you can change your mind. So if a decision has to be made
by e.g. a community chief, there will be a long talk and discussion until a decision has been taken by
everyone. Only someone with great authority, like Salaton who has proven to make often good
decisions, can force a final decision as many people respect him so much that his opinion is taken as
true by so many people. I think this is totally hip and trendy in the Netherlands! Servant leadership we
call it.
Back in the kitchen (without Sinti who is at the meeting) we find the key in the lock at the
inside of the door…. I am always so jealous of people who seem to have such a structured and
organized life. The adolescents Topoi and Koileken walk into the kitchen. I'm exhausted, but we're still
going strong! There is a third boy accompanying them. I see some resemblance and it appears to be
the brother of Koileken, who will regularly interfere the interview by groaning and facial expressions.
Problem is that he doesn’t understand English (the used language) and he keeps asking Koileken
things and want to say things all the time. I am a bit rude, as this seems to influence the interview
negatively and tell him that he has to shut up, but in the meantime I promise him I will let him talk.
The boys talk about their plans (studying in Nairobi). The interview starts with saying that they are
proud to be real Maasai and they will definitely stay it, but later during the interview they confess they
are convinced that their culture is fading and that within their generation almost nobody is willing to
live in a manyatta sitting down and herding cows. At starts Topoi do say something, but it seems that
Koileken is much more fluent in English and soon the discussion is between him and me (and his
brother still expressing very clear non-verbal communication).
After a while I give the brother space to tell his story. Both he, Koileken and Topoi are the
same ageset of the Murran in the Eunoto. Laisen (Koileken’s brother) tells me that he didn’t want to
become warrior, doesn’t want to herd cows, but wants to have education and a job in Nairobi. Murran
are simple people just being wild in the bush. The talk continues. Koileken is very successful with his
A+ scores. He wants to be a very famous cancer researcher. I am bit not so unpleasant surprised by
his ambitions. Later I will hear that Asante Africa organizes leadership courses for their students every
year. Here students are stimulated to express ambitions and to present themselves in public including
for a bit elder Dutch People known as the Brinkman shuffle. I feel sorry for Laisen. He is probably just
as smart as his brother, but didn’t have the chance Koileken had. Sometimes it is just really luck that
creates possibilities. In the Netherlands, we think that we can manage our lives.
When the boys are gone Philip shows up to go to Sinti’s father. He has to accompany us
although the village is close by. I notice that Sinti is very excited to hear the stories; Philip enjoys it
and Meeri too. It looks like that also for Maasai it is very special to have the old men talking. After a
short discussion we decide not to go. Sinti’s father has to go to sleep very early. Because of his age,
Sinti has not started with cooking yet and tomorrow is a really busy day. We will leave at 7 am to
Narok with the Matatu to collect money. At least try to. Then back to Ewasu Ngiro for interviews with
Saboye and Dr. Ole Sankok. As it is also market day, I have a long list of things that I should buy for
Sinti. They don’t like cabbage, and so on. Also mister Sinti prefers Ugali. Fine, can be arranged. They
43
are fed up with all the vegetarian stuff, and if I can buy also meat? Nop just paid all my bills and
Meeri has to pay me for the Matatu. We will see. I have a feeling something is going wrong around
here.
Relaxing in the kitchen, the next feeling I have is the sense I am going to get some stories
around here. Philip, Ole songho and Meeri also are sitting in the kitchen. The Nyangusi are known as
the wildest and most brutal of all age sets. They are now the oldest generation. Estimation is that
they are between 80 and 100 years. They are known for their brutality and lawlessness. Kisea told me
that they even cut the bellies of pregnant women. But everybody agrees on that they were very good
in cattle raiding and killing people (it was not so bad, only other tribes then Maasai!). This generation
had many difficulties with the British government. Famous is the story of a Nyangusi who didn’t want
to pay taxes to the British. At that time it was money or otherwise a cow. The man didn’t want to pay
his tax and therefore a British official came to collect the cow. He chose the biggest and most
beautiful bull the Nyangusi owned. When the man came to the cattle market in Narok, he saw his
beautiful bull being sold by the British official. He took his eremet (spear) and killed the official with
one throw. The British police took the Nyangusi and nobody has seen him forever.
Philip stays during the evening and we talk a lot or at least I do hear a lot of stories. It
appears that the Ole Ntutu's always have been a very influential and wealthy family. Today there are
two cousins being politicians within the Ole Ntutu's. During the British rule there was an uncle of Philip
and Salaton who as been a district governor. (Philip is a half-brother of Salaton). In short it is a family
from origin rich and probably, smart and capable people!

Day 13:
Sinti comes walking at 06:45 hours walking. He says in his broken English that we can make it easily,
because there is no matatutu leaving at 07:00, but at 8 o'clock. I decide to have a quick breakfast as
the planning is quite ambitious and it has been raining during night. Once there, we see two matatus
but they are already full. I explode. Damn it! If I hadn’t had breakfast, I would have been on my way
to Narok. I hate myself. I just wrote down you should grab every opportunity that comes along
because you do not know when it happens again. And the same day I will let it happen again. I'm
really pissed off and I take it out on Sinti. He then begins to explain that these matatus are coming
from far away places and that these are always full anyway. At 8 o'clock the matatu for Maji Moto will
come. After this explanation I feel quite guilty now, because showing off anger in the African culture
is a mortal sin. Also in Maasai they believe that talking bad about or being angry with somebody will
send bad energy and hurt the person in question.
Okay. Time for coffee and off we go again trying to get this matatu. A matatu is arriving, we
stand a little behind and when we see the amount of people and goats that are entering, we decide to
go with the local minibus. Should the minibus not go, we always can go with a matatu. We wait a bit
for the minibus as we have seen him passing by parking close to the irrigation fields. Wait and wait,
but it takes too long before it comes to the shopping center. I don’t trust it so finally we walk towards

44
the bus. Okay. It is heading for another village in the other direction, because there is a meeting. We
run back to our initial matatu. Full! 45 minutes wasted. The driver says that there are several coming
forward and that we should walk towards the main road. We walk a bit and I notice that Meeri has
some doubts. I start to notice that my sweet little kid likes to dress up and to gallivant a bit. Well, it’s
her age. But together with this being very well dressed, walking on a muddy road is not really
included in being pretty. Well anyway back to the shopping center. Meeri has a phone number of one
of the matatu drivers and calls him. He is telling her that there are several matatus on their way. We
wait for another hour and I ask Meeri to call several times. She does and every time they have just
turned around to Narok and are coming back. I ask Meeri how this is possible. And there we are still
waiting.
Ultimately, we ask a group of women who suddenly tell us (I do not know why, because they
are here also for over an hour) that the matatus stop close to the primary school (before the shopping
center). Apparently there are many people gathering there that they don’t go any further. Now I am
really becoming sick of it. It has been nine hours. Until now it is the morning of the wrong decisions
and I can forget about using the Internet in Narok! Also I grumble that this is the ultimate neo-liberal
free market. Just turn around when the car is full without using the agreements of having a fixed
matatu rank…
Yeah! Finally we see some cars stuck in the mud. (It is actually quite special they are still
driving). One matatu manages to come through and we get in at 09:30. And of course the first thing
it does is drive to the shopping centre. African pole pole! Here many people are waiting but at least
we are first and now sure of a lift. Both Meeri and I are sitting in the front. Another lady is pushed in.
According to the driver he really can drive, but I am too big and the other lady is sitting on the
gearshift. I am telling them it is too dangerous. Especially this bad track to the main road. Meeri really
refuses to sit on my lap. Then I decide to sit on top of her. (Susan explains later that sitting on
somebody’s lap is only for small children. And Mzungus of course). My head is double nicked and
although I say it is not necessary, the driver decides that an Mzungu is his guest and this is not a
good way to transfer a guest. So Meeri is ending up in the back seat with the elder men and his goat
and another passenger. When I argue that I don’t mind to sit in the back also, its not allowed again.
We are lucky. There is only one goat in the car.
With a speed of 40 to 60 kilometers per hour, we drive on the road, which would make many
Dutch 4x4 drivers very happy and feel like real heroes. I have a huge bump on my head from
bumping time after time against the handgrip on the ceiling. At my comment that 10 adults and a
goat is quite a lot for an ordinary hatchback car, I get the answer that this is not too bad, because
now the car is filled with women. This morning the driver had 15 men and 5 goats in this car easily! It
is true, men are much thinner...
Along the way it strikes me that he is still driving only 60 km per hour, even though were now
driving on the tarmac road. The reason soon becomes clear, when a couple of minutes later the car

45
stops. A man is collecting something, which looks like a socket wrench. The wheel screws have to be
tightened. It is that I truly believe that my time to die has not arrived, or else ...
In Ewaso Ngiro I am still in the car when I see Saboye. It is now 10:30. I tell him that I still
need to go Narok to get money, but will come right back. We agree to meet again at the red mall.
We arrange a matatu and taxi and are driving as fast back and forth to Narok. It only takes less then
30 minutes. (Sometimes things can be speeded up to an amazingly high level!)
Back in Ewaso Ngiro we wait fifteen minutes for Saboye. In the mean time we meet Kwela
who tells us to wait for him. He will be here soon. When I see Twala I immediately make an
appointment for Sunday. It seems that market day in Ewaso Ngiro is the best place to meet people!
Also on other market days I meet many people from Maji Moto.
After half an hour we end up with Saboye in a café for lunch. Meeri disappears. When she
meets men like Saboye I notice that she acts shy and modest (which she is not). Saboye is walking
with a chief stick. So I ask if he is one, but he turns out to be the community chief of his village (not
of Ewaso Ngiro). It is not like Salaton being traditional chief. Did I finally understand all this stuff
about chiefs...? We talk a lot, because he speaks English very well (actually much better than I do).
It's nice to talk to him. Finally I got a clue about the approximate age of Salaton. (Still a discussion
between Marion and me, since Salaton stayed in Gorcum). He differs from Saboye about two years
and they are somewhere around 36 years. My estimation was between 35 and 40. Meaning I am
correct!
I'm looking for dr. Ole Sankok. We have agreed upon a time, but no location. It is market day
in Ewaso Ngiro and it's buzzing. Eventually I decided to dispatch Meeri for groceries and go waiting
myself in the clinic. Later it turns that Ole Sankok is not working but driving from Narok where he
lives. He asks me to come to Osim Country lodge. I think he wants to show off or what ever. I don’t
mind. Meeri is not around yet. Ole Sankok and are waiting in the car. Suddenly we see people running
and Sankok tells me to shut down the lock quickly. Fortunately it is nothing and it feels safe again.
When Meeri has arrived with the groceries, we go to the Osim Country Lodge. A lodge under
construction owned by Mr. Ole Sankok. It is situated on the river and is of African quality and conform
African ideas. According to me not too great being Mzungu, but Sankok is very proud. We have to sit
outside in a cabin. The manager is a bit shy and I understand only part of what he is telling me. Or I
am not listening to him. Also possible. In any case, Sankok comes later, sits down and orders only a
soda for himself. Okay. Where is the African hospitality? I am not drinking until he offers me one so I
refuse to order a drink and ignore the manager.
The conversation goes well. He tells many stories, showing that at least he is a convenient
fixer. In one way he has a good reason to be proud. He has struggled himself through the medical
education by having all kind of jobs. Stopped regularly and even went into politics. Here he tells me in
between the lines he tells that he is proud to know how to arrange things in a “political” way. Soon I
notice that his ego is easy to stroke, which I will do to keep him talking. He is telling me he is still a
real Maasai, because he still knows the language and traditions. But if I ask him if he still follows any
46
traditions, the answer is that he goes to his family regularly. Actually he has the Maasai culture more
or less completely abandoned as modern life is much more attractive and of higher status. After the
conversation we're back in the car and Meeri gives me 500 Ksh to pay Ole Sankok. I look a bit odd,
but say nothing. In Ewuso Ngiro Meeri explains to me that the manager told us that we were obliged
to rent the cabin and now I understand why we were not drinking. We had to pay the drinks
ourselves. What a horrible guy! Extremely conceited and self-enriching.
Meeri and I do the last shopping before returning to Maji Moto. Fortunately, there is still some
time left. I buy a shuka for Sinti to make up with him. Saboye told me three times that showing your
anger at someone is experienced as sending bad energy. It is a curse that really should be cleaned
and paid off with a cow, a shuka and a blanket. Well, together it is too much, but giving one shuka
will have to do. Hopefully it dissolves the curse a bit. Later I think conform my own upbringing that I
can’t give Sinti without giving Ole Shongo and Meeri, as they have been so sweet and kind to me. So
they also get a shuka (Ole Shongo) and two kangas (Meeri).
In the market we see a lot of classmates or acquaintances of Meeri. The matatus already left
for Maji Moto (it is around 17:00 pm). I am so sick of it all, I decide to arrange a taxi. Twala, Dennis
(friend of Meeri) and someone else can come with me. They pay for the matatu fare, so I don’t have
to pay the whole amount of money and the boys don’t have to wait. Twala arranges it very smoothly.
The drive is comfortable with only five people instead of fifteen. Good idea and within a day, you
know we're back. Sinti is very happy with his shuka. He highly appreciates my apologies. It had upset
him this morning. In the meantime the Americans decided to come back to Maji Moto for one night
and their new cook has arrived. It is Sirus and he has worked a lot with Sawadee. Meanwhile I have
been getting a banging headache. I find out that I have left my phone in the taxi. Meeri tries
repeatedly to call, but nobody answers. Twala knows a driver, who knows the driver again. We’ll see.
Often this kind of African way of finding people works quite well. I'm curious ... Ole Shongo comes
along. I give him the Shuka and get three fat hugs and a kiss from him. It's so nice!
Meeri still comes along and we decide not to go to Sinti's father. It seems that he has disappeared
behind the irrigation fields and nobody knows to where. But it seems that when he is in the mood to
return he will show up. Hmm, he can’t walk these distances anymore and if it’s nice it can take days.

Day 14:
Towards the village of Dennis! I don’t believe Sinti, but it seems really to be a 4-hour walk. We leave
early and I am happily hobbling behind my Maasai Sinti and Meeri. I am taking pictures on the way
and therefore I am jogging half of the distance while Sinti and Meeri just continue walking. My sandals
are so slippery, that the other half of the way is done skidding. In between the first two hills we are
standing among a huge herd of sheep. Sinti, who can be very playful and merry, grows 10 centimeter
and asks with full authority towards the herding boy to whom these sheep and goats belong. He is
definitely now the chief and not just the happy, making-jokes Sinti. I am more interested in the
wildebeest and eagles in the background. Further we see more wildebeest and zebras. Including

47
calves. It is clear that Meeri and Sinti don’t or don’t want to comprehend a walking safari with an
mzungu. They shout and laugh delightfully. Leaving me behind with running zebras on a picture. I
would like to get closer, but Meeri starts screaming. Well so many countries, so many wisdoms. Again
it’s obvious that I become a Maasai Mzungu as Philip keeps telling me. Well, some authority left would
be nice though…
By the time I am exhausted and would ask for a break, we suddenly are there. We have just
walked a bit more than 1.5 hours. So, I am proud of myself. I know this was just an easy pace for my
Maasai, but they can’t complain about mine. Even Dennis is impressed! But I still don’t understand
where the four hours come from. We are welcomed with delicious chai and bread. Later we get a
plate of rice with potatoes made by Mary, the sister of Dennis. It's fun, Dennis mother tells jokes and
I'm talking with Dennis. The mother of Dennis (the second wife) is a bit of a special character. She
makes jokes and tells a lot of stories to Sinti and Dennis. One of the histories she tells us is that she
was probably about 17 years old, when her father gave her away to a business partner of his. The
reason to marry this man older than her own father was to support the good business relation. After
the fourth child, she was done and went to her father to say she didn’t want to have any more
children. Her father talked to her husband and he accepted this. Now she cares for a niece and
grandchild. The husband of her daughter just had a deadly accident a couple of weeks before. So to
help her daughter, the grandchild is living at her grandmother’s.
After the incredible Mzungu question about her age, an intensive discussion between Sinti,
Dennis and his mother arises and after 20 minutes of debate the outcome is exactly 51 years old.
When I ask Dennis how it is possible to give such a clear answer, he argues that’s why it took so long
to establish. Sounds logical… But I really don’t understand it. Actually I am probably the first one to
ask about her age. At least she can recall the times when skins were still used as clothes. Also the
introduction of the shukas she can remember. The women I have interviewed so far all come from
other places, much more in the Deep South in the Mara region. Maybe the British and Indian traders
didn’t often go into these remote areas.
It is promising, but being inside a very dark and smoky hut, I get watery eyes from the smoke
and we move outward under the tree. Dennis’ family is relatively rich. At least, if I count the number
of cows and other livestock. Of course I have to divide it by four. But still there are about 30 cows.
But if you know that an average of 4 cows per family member is needed to have a sustainable way of
living, the number of cows is still not enough. The cows are exceptionally healthy looking and Dennis
explains to Sinti that around here the it is a very good grazing area and no overgrazing as around Maji
Moto. Dennis will tell later that his family decided to register this land at the community board as
theirs. Not many other cattle around, beautiful area and somewhere not too far, permanent water is
available. Also close by a missionary school is based. That’s why he and Mary are Christian. Later in
Naikarra I find out that the children are sent to a missionary school. There they are converted by
intensive biblical training. Then the children come home start to convince the parents. In this way you
see families in which one group is still traditional Maasai and other are converted Christians. If I ask
48
Dennis if this creates any tension within the family the answer is negative. According to Dennis it does
not matter whether you follow the rituals or not, you're Maasai by birth. Also according to him
Christians are fully accepted. (Maybe it would be interesting to look into who or what is accepted.
Probably Dennis as a person is accepted, but definitely Christianity is wrong according to the
traditional Maasai. This because Christianity teaches young children that the Maasai traditions and
believes are wrong). We are talking for a couple of hours and, I hear many stories about how difficult
it is to find money for education. He has only the last year of high school to finish, paid by Asante
Africa. But this organization pays no follow-up study. A big chance is that Dennis gets the admission
by his high grades, but due to lack of money has to drop out.
Quite extraordinary is the fact that also both his brother and his sister are going to school. For
the sister’s school her mother arranges everything. Who for the brother pays is not entirely clear.
Apparently this is regulated by Dennis. He is the eldest son of his mother and therefore responsible
for the lock, stock and barrel of his family. Normally this responsibility is for the father. In this case
the father is still alive, (Ilnyangusi, around 80-90 years) but he is mainly concerned with his third wife,
who is somewhere in her early twenties and mother of two small children. He told his eldest sons of
his other wives that they are responsible for their own mothers' household. Only very important
decisions about land and cows have to be granted by him himself.
Sitting outside in the grass below the canopy of an acacia, the mood is relaxed. I ask Dennis
how he sees his future. His great dream is to own a piece of land which is fenced with barbed wire
including a stone and permanent house for him and the same for his mother. That’s how they do it in
Denmark as has learned at school. We have a rather heated discussion about paddocking and
intensive cattle farming as we do in the Netherlands. I explain to Dennis that the weather is much
more humid. We have the opposite problem with water. Instead of too dry it is often to wet! And the
soil is completely different and much more fertile. Making the conditions in a way that we can do
intensive cattle farming. But here in a semi-Arid Area as in Maji Moto this concept most probably not
possible. You can’t copy systems from one place to another. The circumstances have to be equal. He
keeps telling me that he wants to do it like this. If I try to explain that fencing is restricting the free
roaming of the cattle and wild animals as part of the Maasai culture. That it is often not working and
last but not least culture would be lost, he just looks at me. Actually I really get a bit angry. Barbed
wire (fencing) is apparently a big status symbol in Maji Moto, because it is expensive and all animals
just walk in and out, but is seen as something special. Apparently they haven’t taught him the
differences at school. Which makes me think about all these remarks of Mzungu people working in
development organizations telling me that most Africans don’t have access to education. And if they
have, the level of education is very low. Well we have an example on hand now!; are my cocky
thoughts right now. At least Dennis doesn’t understand so well what I am so worried about. In the
end we make a final conclusion; he still owns the land, but only fences a small part for the small goats
and sheep as protection against hyenas and leopards (okay with me) and a fence around the house.

49
Okay. I am flexible too. We are in Africa; we compromise about things here. And being self-reflective,
it is rather presumptuous to teach a Maasai about his life and culture.
We finish our discussion. We are going back by Piki Piki. It could easily start to rain. Dennis is
coming with us, as he has to leave to Narok tomorrow. It is a nice Maasai safari. There are no roads,
just tracks of goats, the road is bumpy and we are three persons on one Piki Piki. Back home we
continue the interview. Kisea drops in and is big fun as he is a born storyteller! Dennis is very
reluctant to leave so I have to be a bit pushy. The night closes in with our own resident rabbit, our
sweet loving pair of Dikdik (smallest African antelopes) and a couple of bush babies roaming around
the kitchen.

Day 15:
Shopping again is the idea of the next day. We can have a final ride with the Americans towards
Narok. Saves a lot of waiting and less but not least money. Meeri and I are going for shopping and
Cyrus takes the matatu home. First we go for coffee in my favorite Spears hotel. The waiter already
knows me. Cyrus told me yesterday that he is part of the Ooloiboni family. So I am deeply interested
in this! We take 1.5 hour for an interview. The Ooloiboni are prophets. The most famous one is
Olanana who saw a black snake going through the landscape (depending on the storyteller the snake
can be a road or another line) and white people coming into the country. This all before the British
made their road. The gift of foreseeing is hereditary and stays in the family. Many people come for
advice and foreseeing to the Ooloiboni. He is not allowed to advertise himself otherwise the gift is not
working. Also he knows a lot about all kind of medicinal use of plants and sorts of good luck blessings.
Meeri is doing something in town. Later on I see that she has been to the hairdresser again.
After the departure of Cyrus, I am still having a coffee and reorganizing some paperwork and photos
in Spears restaurant and known and unknown people from Maji Moto people come to my table to
greet me. I start to become famous I think. Good feeling though!
Meeri is back and I am a bit in a rush, as the weather seems to have much rain in front. Outside the
hotel we see the sky is really moving into a dark grey wall of clouds coming our direction with a speed
to fast to be happy. I start to urge Meeri, as we need to return to Maji Moto before the rains starts.
According to me Meeri is too relaxed and I definitely don’t want to overnight in Narok. Everything
what is so normal in the Netherlands, is ending up here in a kind of uncertain adventure. Quickly we
do our shopping, we find a taxi driver. (I am not going to wait for a Matatu). The clouds are getting
darker and come closer every minute I look. Also it starts to drizzle. I hold my breath.
In the car I am getting nervous, but the driver is relaxed. The clouds are catching up. Just
before the exit to Maji Moto we see a dead hyena on the road. We think. Shall I turn? Let’s do it.
Back, a look, take a photo. No spotted hyena and very small. Maybe a striped hyena. At home I look
in my safari guide, it appears to be an Aardwolf. My first one ever! Unfortunately, this morning after
we passed the spot a car must have hit the animal.

50
 Regarding the road. Hats off to the taxi driver, because it has rained in the hills and the road
is flooded with water, tracks are not reachable, with deep trenches overflowing, slippery until the end
and we subside to our axles into the mud. But we make it! It starts to rain when we arrive in Maji
Moto. I give the taxi driver some extra money and tell Meeri that she should give her phone number
in case he gets stuck. If this is the case at least we can help him before it’s dark. I think Meeri and the
taxi driver find it all a bit overdone. But half an hour later we receive a text message to tell us that he
made it to the main road.
Having diner Sinti tells us that his father is still enjoying the good times at his friends place. So
the evening will be peaceful. At least for a short time. Shankale comes along and we talk big stories
and laugh a lot. He’s a charming man. According to Susan his mother had the same charm.
He tells a story about an elephant, which has killed Maasai. The elephant was washing itself
and the man came with his cattle. He didn’t want to wait and chased the elephant away with sticks (is
one version of the story). The elephant came back and stamped the man to death. Maasai took
revenge and killed the elephant. But as elephants do have a memory and have provable emotions, the
family of the elephant came to the spot where the elephant was killed. The group of elephants
blocked the road for days to mourn and refused to let any Maasai pass by as a form of revenge. Then
another elephant was killed by the Maasai. The elephants reacted by continuing their protest and
another one was killed. End of story is that Salaton organized a big meeting to tell the Maasai that
these animals have as much rights to live around the area as the Maasai. There is no need to annoy
or kill them. At the same time Salaton had asked the Kenyan Wildlife Services to chase the group
away. They came with helicopters, but instead of chasing away the elephants crawled together and
hold their place. But when everybody was gone, the elephants left. Now every year during dry
seasons the same herd of elephants when they come for drinking they remain to mourn for one day
at the spot where the elephants are killed. Really animals don’t have any emotion?

2.3 Day 16: Tepesue

Tepesue is an area north from Ngowasani on the Narok – Talek gate (Maasai Mara) road. And about a
45 minutes drive south from Ewasu Ngiro. At the time of the research I could observe one widow
village and a huge settlement of three enkang (family settlement or village) belonging to three
families. According to the estimation of Hellen at least 100 children were living here. Probably there
would have been more settlements, but all migrational. It is located on the slopes of the Loita hills
with one of the three permanent water resources within Maji Moto group ranch close by. The
environment consists of savanna woodland with some grassland in between. During dry season this
area is much more inhabited, as more Maasai from for example Maji Moto shopping center will
migrate to this area. Also this is an important wildlife corridor for wildebeest, zebras and elephants
migrating from and towards the Maasai Mara. Close to Tepesue is Ngowasani, a small settlement were
twice a week a market takes place. Together with Ewaso Ngiro it is one of the biggest cattle markets
in Narok district with once a week about 6000 to 7000 cows and 12,000 sheep per market day sold
and transported to Nairobi. Sheep, goats and cows are departing their villages to walk to the cattle
market, days prior to the market day.

51
A special day today! Philip arrives early, because we're going to walk to Hellen's widow village.
According to Philip It is a four-hour walk. And we did it including 3 short breaks. Of course Hellen tells
me later that day that Ole Shongo often just passes by for a cup of chai, but he can walk this distance
in 2 hours. On our way we see a trace of a lioness. Giraffe, impala and zebra are roaming around in
the distance. The area is very beautiful and I talk all the time with Philip about the idea of a
conservancy to include a Lodge for creating jobs and income for the group ranch. Now it appears
there has already been a Lodge for a period of about twenty years (Olarro camp). Philip has a much
more important position within the community than I realized. He is member of the community board
and he has a lot of respect within the community. Another person very underestimated. I find myself
having somewhat arrogant tendencies. Not in the sense that I think I'm more worthy than others, but
I underestimate every time people when it comes to prestige and capabilities. Obviously I am still
labeling people according to western standards such as money and education.
Maji Moto community is approximately 100,000 acres, last year it had 7000 inhabitants and
now most probably 8000. As a friend who is working for the United Nations said, the world has only
one problem and that’s overpopulation… Olarra Lodge contributes about 21,000 euro’s per year. But
unfortunately the previous chairman of the community board left to Nairobi with 5 years of revenue.
Apparently he managed to control the bookkeeping himself. Other board members who were
asking what happened with the money, were kept away by first playing the trust card and later by
aggressive behavior. Ultimately, it is the story of corruption and theft again. How is it possible that
this situation can still happen? Philip gave the answer that people are not literate and this man was.
So he actually had the power of acting without any control mechanisms. The others had no other
control mechanisms than trust. When they asked the investor of the lodge, who is also proudly
announcing on his website that he sponsors the chairman personally with solar panels at the
chairman’s house, to do something, the investor replied that he did his job by giving money. How it is
dealt with is the communities’ own responsibility. When I ask Philip if they called in the police, he tells
me a bit resigned that the man is cursed and banished by the elders. The police cannot be called in as
the elders have decided that these are the appropriate punishments. And the money? Philip shrugs his
shoulders. In his voice there is something helpless. If the elders decide something, people have to
accept it. Happy chairman, living with 100.000 euro’s in Nairobi and knowing that nobody will come
after you. Sometimes I am really surprised. I am not a skeptic concerning, spirits, talking to ancestors,
prophecies and being more in between heaven and people. During my life I have seen things, which
are sometimes difficult to explain. But if it comes to the more practical side of life I think 100,000
euros is a big amount of money and it would be worthwhile to get it back. And Ancestors don’t tend to
bring money back…. But here I still underestimate the strong beliefs of the Maasai in the powers of
their ancestors. Even an apparently modernized man as Twala, genuinely believes that if the Elders
pronounce the most powerful curse, which is binding a special rope of a certain type of grass around
the person’s ankle meaning the person will be dead within seven days, the person will die! When I ask
him if he have seen proof of this curse working, the answer is whole-hearted yes.
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 Well, welcome to the interaction between a newly introduced economic system and traditional
leadership. What a huge amount of money is just transferred to an account without assuring how it is
dealt with. Can you imagine what you should do? It is the equivalent of 33 times a moderate year
salary donated without anybody who can control you. Back home in discussing Africa always the
corruption is mentioned with an air of sublime moral toward those simple black Africans who can do
better. Well I suspect that some of these people would at least think of taking at least a bit of the
money, when somebody just donates to them an amount of 33 times a year salary. As Saboye said,
people are people, everywhere. Of course culture has an impact on how things are done and
arranged, but it is also being human which determines the decision-making. Shaping of identity is a
complex interaction between the agent and structure. But on the level of structure I realize that it has
also to do with power- and control mechanism. Although these organizations are not organized in a
western idea of how it should be, you could look at it if it would. And then two different kinds of
organization systems and beliefs are popping up. One dominant western mechanism, which
deliberates a money-based free market, trade, distrust, and therefore creates a huge control
mechanism and individualism against a cow–based, a specific use of land based on mutual respect
and trust communal organization. It is a bit polarized stated this way, but in a way the clashes of
these two different systems are shown in diverse observations I have seen so far.
I start to understand why Salaton goes his own way. He knows himself being incorruptible, so
he doesn’t want to have to deal with political games or other people. Maybe that explains his
tendency to be very controlling. He earns a little bit by the revenues of the camp and his work for the
Kenyan Tourism Board. He is famous for only having a small number of cows for such an important
man.
At lunch we arrive at Hellen's. I am a bit tired. There is a room in which I can stay the night.
Including a mattress! When Hellen and I sit down, it is the beginning of a conversation that continues
until we go to bed. I hear all about women and girls dying from mutilation caused by circumcision, as
for example bleeding to death during the ceremony itself or by a perineotomy during childbirth and
the inevitable incontinency. I tell Hellen that we don’t have girl circumcision in Holland, but also there
incontinence is a common problem. She can’t believe it; but okay, says Hellen, in Holland women are
not outcast by their husbands because of smelling dirty (lack of water is not only a problem for your
internal body). True. It seems that women’s health care is very bad and the conditions are
deteriorated by circumcision. These women (often girls) are dying somewhere in a mud hut, but as
Maasai don’t talk about the dead, and children in remote areas are not registered, it is unknown how
many times women are dying. They disappear literally into oblivion.
Hellen loathes the idea that girls of sometimes less than 10 years old are obliged to have sex
with men, sometimes as old as their grandfathers. Creating a lot of damage in the reproductive
organs, as the girls are not full-grown yet. I tell the story that I have read in the articles of Spencer
and Waller that the custom of early marriages only started in the fifties. This only because IlMurran
(age set of warriors being around 14 -20 years) were bored of not being allowed by the British to fight
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anymore. To get rid of their hormones they started to be busy with girls of their own age, so the rate
of unmarried pregnant girls was increasing. (Pregnant before a girl is circumcised is a problem
because the girls can’t be married off). To solve this problem the elders decreased the average age
from 17-18 to 10-11 years. (I think this age is before the first time of having a period). At least they
would be married if they became pregnant. Only the elders now had another problem. The Murran
kept going on with their behavior so instead of unmarried pregnant girls, there was a lot of adultery.
Maasai women are only allowed to have relationships with men of the age set of their husband. And
certainly not with handsome, fertile young IlMurran!
Hellen continues by saying that Maasai are actually stupid having norms and values
sometimes opposite those of other people. As she says: “What you find normal we don’t find normal.
But what you don’t find normal, we find normal”. She tells me that it is a taboo to tell, but within the
Maasai community girls are not allowed to be a virgin when they get married. So the Murran have the
noble task to have sex with girls who are not yet circumcised. Didn’t I hear all these children playing
and shouting during nighttimes? That’s when the courting happens. The traditional circumcision is
sometimes as young as 10 years, so just figure out ... Having my 13 years old daughter in mind, it
makes me a bit nauseous. Now I understand why I heard all these young voices shouting and
laughing from the village next to the Sinti’s, on the evening we were looking for Sinti’s father.
Sometimes everything falls into place. It takes a while, but…
The personal story of Hellen is one of stubborn persistency. Her father is a Damat Maasai and
her mother Purko. Her whole life she has been living in and around the Narok district. As she says,
she was fortunate to be a daughter of the most disliked wife of her father. So when the government
officials came to the village to collect children to bring them to school, her father gave her away.
Again life is not so manmade as we seem to think. One way or another she got married and widowed
very young. An Italian nun took care of her and paid for her education. In the end she became and
still is one of the few female Maasai teachers in Kenya. During her adult life she has been moving
throughout the whole Narok district, based in small places at the Tanzanian border and eventually in
Maji Moto. As she has been fighting against early marriage and circumcision in an often not subtle
way, she has been fired and transferred every time. The last time in Maji Moto, when she was head of
the school, Salaton and she became good friends. And when she was fired again, they started to have
the idea of starting a private school to rescue these girls.
Hellen claims that every time she has difficulties God (and Salaton) helped her. When she was
fired again and doubting how to continue, she and Salaton run into a Polish embassy worker who was
stuck in Narok and was looking for a nice holiday place to stay. Salaton had just started his campsite
so the Polish woman stayed in Maji Moto. After a couple of days the relationship was so good that she
fundraised enough money to build the first four classrooms of the Enkiteng Lepa.
Although Hellen conducts the practical side of her projects and is officially the person in
charge of the Enkiteng Lepa School and widow villages, she has the full support of Salaton. He is very
busy with fundraising activities and if Hellen is sick and tired and when she is mentally exhausted by
54
all the negative reactions, Salaton helps her to get up again by telling of all the good things she does.
Almost every day she is fighting with parents, for money, with members of the community. Salaton
gives her the courage to continue again.
I hear the stories behind the collaboration with Asante Africa. As far as I understand, it is not
active anymore. Salaton did say something like this. And Susan has mumbled something about that
now she is only advisor and not member, as it was to confusing and complicate. Also, Susan muttered
something about a new system, which not everyone agreed on. What happened: Asante Africa came
in sponsoring some kids. To benefit more from it, Asante Africa asked all the contact details of the
American sponsors she found herself. As Asante Africa is an official charity organization, donations via
them are tax-deductible (same as in the Netherlands). This went well for 1.5 years. Until 5 sponsored
children knocked at the Enkiteng Lepa School looking for Hellen. They asked money to pay for school
the school fees. Hellen, still thinking everything was arranged properly, called the children’s school
and heard indeed that school fees had not been paid. Getting upset, she called the sponsors in the US
(very expensive) to ask if they had paid the school fees. Yes they had, for a whole year, to Asante
Africa. And were they aware of the fact that the school fees had not been paid. No, not at all.
It turned out that Asante Africa had a new procedure consisting the requirements of all
sponsored children having at least a C (A is highest, E is lowest grade) for every exam term (3 times a
year). If they have a D or an E, one term the children are getting mentoring and tutoring. If they
don’t pass, the funding will stop. Consequently the children have to leave school, if no other funding is
found. Hellen was furious when she heard this and still is. Asante Africa didn’t inform her about these
new regulations, they decided to do it with money donated by donors brought in by Hellen herself and
last but not least in this way only the smart children have the right to education. And what happens
with the children who are not that smart or have other problems?
Hellen took immediately action, opened a bank account of her own, mailed her sponsors to
use this account and from what I understood the partnership with Asante Africa is terminated.
Although Asante Africa is still sponsoring a considerable number of children around Maji Moto. But I
don’t know if these children are at boarding schools in Narok and surroundings or also at the Enkiteng
Lepa school. Also the fact that Asante Africa stop sponsoring when the children finish high school can’t
count on too much enthusiasm. I do agree with that. You give children hope and take it away again,
because most people can’t afford school fees (that’s why they have been sponsored), so they
definitely can’t afford to pay fees for polytechnic school, college or university. And also in Kenya only a
high school degree is not good enough to get a sustainable job (after my stay in Kenya, I found out
that many NGO’s only sponsor primary and secondary education. It is obviously not their responsibility
what to do afterwards, but the reasoning behind this I didn’t ask).
The conversation goes on and on. We are talking about the “dark” side of Africa, white people
who do all kind of things they wouldn’t dream of doing at home. I hear stories about white women
letting themselves be seduced by black men. For the women it is often experienced as love, but
frequently men use the women ruthlessly for their own purposes, meaning fundraising. People around
55
these men often know what’s happening, but is there a need to disappoint the woman by telling her.
At the moment there seems to be a woman in Ewaso Ngiro who is sleeping with several Maasai men
at the same time. Jealousy or envy is coming up and these three men have been fighting in the
street. The affairs are still continuing, but are disturbing the community. Elderly already came to
Hellen if she could talk to this woman as they thought it was her friend (she knows the lady from the
Enkiteng Lepa school). But Hellen told the Elders that it is not her friend and she is not going to talk
to this lady. In the meanwhile it still continues. Other stories are following.
Well ... Hellen also tells about a Dutch woman who with her husband and child came to Kenya
for a holiday some 20 years ago. Back home she got divorced and came back to Kenya. She literally
entered a village of a family she had met the time before, sat down and stayed for months. The family
did not understand what was happening. They thought she would stay for a couple of days, but after
two weeks they asked Hellen to ask her what the plans of the woman were. The woman couldn’t
speak Swahili or Maa and the Maasai only spoke Maa.
When they realized she wasn’t going to leave, they asked Hellen to find out what she was up
to. End of story, she didn’t leave for 13 years. In the end she was living at Helen’s expenses. The
woman wrote a book a about this period which is, according to her publisher, a description of her true
passion to live in the wild. The Maasai who know her just think she was stupid. Even in the new
widow village some people still know her and start laughing immediately when her name is
mentioned. The last thing Hellen knows is that the woman has been scammed by Nigerians and
become nuts. Well ... Africa remains an amazing continent. I suppose it has to do with being outside
your own social structure and being thrown back on your own moral standards without having the
social pressure to correct them. Just as if in Africa no moral standards are applicable…
Fortunately, I have had only two more or less marriage proposals from non-Maasai. It is not
that many. Probably due to my grey hair and becoming older… Cyrus overwhelmed me with phone
calls and text messages that he was missing me. (After the last visit to Helen, the texting stopped; it
wouldn’t surprise me if there has been mutual contact between Hellen, Salaton and Cyrus about what
has occurred. Hellen, Philip and Salaton are very strict in these things. So the harassment or suffering
from it is not that bad! Or the (traditional) Maasai are too confident to get into this kind of asking for
money. Later on I will notice that Maasai who have been in contact with tourist do ask for means and
money. But people connected to Salaton don’t. Anyway, I keep my distance to men. Precisely for the
reasons told by Hellen. This whole conversation is a revelation. It is so nice to talk with Hellen. We
talk about "women" things and she speaks English very well. Last but not least, she is just a very nice
woman! I notice that I do miss talking freely and without any communication problems.

Day 17:
The next morning Philip, Hellen and I are going to visit a huge village situated close by. The
inhabitants are families from Maji Moto and there are many children who Hellen wants to have
attending school. Time for a visit!! It ends in many cups of chai and two cups of sour yoghurt (a real

56
treatment according to the Maasai). Outside there are many bleating cows, goats and sheep. At one
point there is a group of goats, which starts to herd themselves. I ask Helen whether that is normal.
“Sure” she says, but then I see a woman running after the herd to rush them back to the village.
Anyway. Visiting at least 6 smoky and dark cabins and walking through human, cattle and dog
dung, I am not known for my housekeeping qualities and I really don’t mind dirt, but being in a big
village shortly after the rains, with hundreds of sheep, goat, cows, children covered by flies and
hollow-eyed dogs, even the nicest and most friendly greetings of the inhabitants can’t compensate for
this dirt. Every time Hellen and Philip are invited in a house, I decide to wait outside and help to catch
escaped little goats that want to join their mothers. I'm starting to get bored a bit. It is hot and every
time I've gotten Hellen to leave, Philip is gone, and vice versa. The young animals are kept separate
from the mothers as they graze. It is too dangerous with leopards and hyenas around. There are
some smart ones, who are constantly escaping. I pat and hug the animals and see that some kids
copy this behavior. Maasai know everything about their cattle and take good care of them, but petting
and cuddling animals are still at an idiot high Mzungu level. They let us do these stupid Mzungu
things; apparently we need it…
The herds go for grazing in the early morning, come back in the late morning for milking. In
the afternoon this pattern is repeated. If you remember that certainly in the dry season, the
distances to water and grass are fairly far, it is good to see that traditional Maasai cows are mixed
with zebu, a race coming from the far North. They can walk long distances in arid areas. Incidentally,
I do hear several times stories about the great drought of three years ago. It was very recently, in
2009, that the entire Maasai Mara and Loita plains were strewn with skeletons and cadavers. Many
Maasai have lost their cattle. It's a constant battle with drought (according to Maasai, it’s global
warming), getting money for school, food and healthcare. But it is not only this big drought. Since I
have been here, it has rained; but it is actually the first normal rainy season in years. The last 15
years only 2 or 3 years there was a normal rainy season. The other years it has been dry, including
two big droughts. Droughts have been there in the past, but not so many in such a short period.
But despite everything, people are friendly, hospitable and like to tell you much. In one of the
houses belonging to a widow of Hellen's project, but with cows and sons so she can provide for
herself in the village, a discussion between Hellen, a woman, a man and a girl starts. Hellen tells me
that she is one of the two wives of a certain man, who wants Hellen to be the third wife or at least to
be the girlfriend of this guy. The guy agrees on this and Hellen plays along with the game. She wants
the oldest daughter in school. This daughter also happily discusses the current situation with Helen,
and tells her how stupid parents are that they don’t allow her to attend school. After the discussion
whether or not she is the girlfriend of the spouse, Hellen tells me that she plays along, but that she
really doesn’t sell herself to get this girl in school. Earlier in the day she had told me that within the
Maasai it is very normal to have relationships or sex with men from the age set of your husband. A
relationship with a man from another age set or a man of your age is strictly prohibited. I had read

57
something about that. Apparently they are here very free with sex. I am so surprised about the
openness with which these kinds of things are discussed.
I walk back with Philip and talk with him about the fraud involving the money of Olarro Lodge.
It keeps me quite busy. It comes down to leadership yet again. You need reliable people, but the
sums of money coming in through projects are so huge, that you must have a very strong character
to not abuse it. Also we Western seem to underestimate how it is to have virtually no training. My
head is full, it's hot and we are lurching back. Hellen is happy as she had some good times at the
village. She claims to be a bad walker, but according to Philip she is just too fat. Now that she is full
of chai, it's not going any faster.
Back at Maji Moto I feel tired. It is a bit too much to talk to this people with mutual
misunderstanding or not understanding at all. Meeri is a treasure, but talking is difficult, let alone
with Ole Shongo and Sinti. Although they all are really very sweet and concerned. What is interesting
again is that there are many young Maasai in modern clothes sitting in the grass listening to a walking
Elder wearing shukas. It is the third meeting I have actually seen within three weeks. The first was on
land demarcation, the second on the domestic agenda of the big chief meeting. And Sinti knows what
this is about. It’s about a stolen sheep. The boys around the age of 20 have to listen first to a sermon
given by the elder. Then they decide commonly what the punishment will be. Something different
than the law system in the Netherlands…

Day 18:
Somewhere in the early morning I decide to go to Narok to make some good working hours. Sinti
brings me to the Nissan matatu. During my stay I have an ambivalent relationship with him. I know I
can trust him, he is playful, helps me whenever, but on the other hand I notice that I never believe
him when he says something. Walking to the shopping center, he shows me that many zebras have
walked through the camp. This time I manage to get the Nissan without any troubles, delay or
whatsoever. Sinti does arrange a seat for me and whereas my clients start to complain when they
have to sit in such a car with 8 people, today easily 25 people and two sheep fit in it.
Up we go sliding to Ewaso Ngiro. Just outside Maji Moto the car slithers pole pole into a deep
trench next to the road. I see Daniel the driver (the only one with a clear overweight, a Nissan and an
imported land rover in Maji Moto, business is going well!) trying to get the car back on the road.
Simultaneously the car inclines in an angle of more then 45 degrees. I hold my breath, thinking we
will tumble down and I'm exactly sitting on the wrong side, as at least 5 people will fall on top of me
when it happens. Visions of being crushed to death by suffocating flash through my brain. The
moment I have decided my time has not yet come, Daniel gets the car back on the road. But I
prepare myself with practicing in my head how quickly I can stand up. If we roll over, the people will
fall on my legs instead of my head and breast. Breaking legs sounds more surmountable than
suffocating. The road is extremely bad. We slip and slither through, but eventually the car get stuck.
No problem, first three men are ordered to get out to push. Too heavy, 8 men pushing, it fails. Then

58
everybody has to get out; some 10 men are pushing while the rest of the people are waiting.
Suddenly the Nissan spurts ahead with 25 people galloping after it. I take it easy and get my right
place again. Occasionally I take advantage of being Mzungu!
In Ewaso Ngiro I take the matatu to Narok. It appears to be the boy who was taxi driver when
my phone was lost. Which actually was returned one day later by piki piki! With all honor to Twala
and Meeri for arranging this! I found the car already looking so familiar! Philip calls me. He is also on
his way to Narok, but is not sure whether any cars are going. Can you imagine being in the
Netherlands not knowing whether or not you are going to have transport? Once a year it is breaking
news when trains are stuck due to snow or fallen leaves!
The day is going well. I am definitely being recognized in Narok by several people. Meeting
Topoi he tells me that he is finally able to find money to go for university, after running after it for two
or three years. Back in Ewaso Ngiro I do the same trick again by hiring a car and let Topoi arrange
some people. It ends up in trouble, big inconvenience and discussions. All kinds of people interfere
and finally I talk to the taxi driver. We end up with a flat tire at the plains, but I get home at least.
After dinner a beautiful 4 x 4 Landrover defender enters the camp. Salaton, Philip, and two medical
students are getting out. Simon is one of the boys and knows everybody. He was one of the first
guests in the camp and has come here regularly since 2004. I still enjoy everything around here!

Day 19:
Today, I go for pole pole. The two English students are pleasant company. They have just taken their
undergraduate medicine exams and done practical training for 6 weeks in a hospital in Uganda. Simon
has been coming to Maji Moto since 2004 already, knows many people, is very popular and speaks
reasonable Maa. Sam is someone who is youthful enthusiastic, walks around everywhere with a
notepad to write down everything, Especially words. He actually knows more Maa words after one
day, than I do after four weeks. And last but not least he likes to herd the cows. It is empting his
mind. We have nice meals together.
Twala comes along. He is a good friend of Simon. It gives me the opportunity to ask him
some questions in particular about how power is divided between the governor's chief, the community
chief and the traditional chiefs. Belief in the power to be able to curse humans is apparently still
strong. But all these different chiefs and especially different systems of power make it quite
complicated again. And for someone who wants to do harm and has the advantage of being able to
read and write it is easy to be malicious.
In the afternoon I finally go as promised to the mother of Kesue. There is some confusion.
Kesue indicated that it was easier to come in the afternoon, but now it appears she has been waiting
since morning. Now she is gone. I heard some comments in the Netherlands that it is stupid to spend
money on communication tools if you have hardly any money for food. But I actually do understand.
If you imagine how much time is lost and how big the distances are (everything has to be walked) by

59
looking for people or passing messages, it makes life much easier when you can text them. Good
communication is almost a necessity of life.
Kesue proudly shows his shambaa see with corn, beans and potatoes. For someone who has
no farming background, he is doing well. It strikes me that of the two adult goats I saw the last time
only one is remaining. It appears that it was sold to buy food. How can you build a herd if you have to
sell your goats every time to buy food? He also needs 127 Euros before the end of the month to
register his land. If not, then he risks losing everything.
Talking to his mum (with Kesue as translator) I'm asking questions and get more insight into
the life of a widow. She likes the celebrations around circumcision most. The worst part of her life is
to raise five children without the support of a husband. She does have some support from friends, but
it isn’t really much. Later on I do suspect her so-called friend is also the father of three of her
children. She got married young and her origins are closer to the Maasai Mara, where she has always
lived with her husband and 4 other spouses. Apparently she was the least popular woman. After the
death of the husband she came towards Maji Moto to live here.
Nau, the sister of Kesue, who stays close to me, touches my hand, hair and skin continuously.
It is probably the first time she has been so close to a white person. For me it is the first time to see
so close the struggle, which is poverty. Back in the Netherlands I have to raise three children on my
own with alimony from which I can live. It is according to me not enough, but I know I can pay the
rent, buy food and other necessities. And last but not least I do have much support from my family
and friends. The poverty of Kesue’s family doesn’t let me go. Although here again the poverty is
relative, considering that they still have a shambaa and she has a healthy son aged 25. According to
my own western standards it is good to see that Nau has not been given away for cows by Kesue. As
it is an easy way to fundraise some cows!
After the interview we go home. We all eat together and get ready for Sinti's father stories.
Sam, Simon and Philip are coming along. Meeri is nowhere to be seen, while we have to leave early.
Sinti's father is old and wants to go to bed early. Finally she turns up and rather late again namely
around 8:00 we arrive at Sinti's mother’s place. But baba (father) turns out to be at his other wife’s.
In every house the stinging smoke from too wet wood is filling the room. I can get used to
everything, all the dirt, shit, food, not having any luxury, except this stinging smoke!
Sinti's father tells us how a young Maasai grows up later, and the story of why the rabbit is
the smartest animal in the wilderness. And that was the story for which we finally arrived. It comes
down to that king lion conflict and that the hare had the need to solve it. However he had the
disadvantage of the lion's right to speak, and to ensure that he was not eaten by the lion he first dug
a hole with two entrances. So he could still escape the lion. Now baba Sinti is tired, and we're going
home with the agreement to come back Tuesday. We see a dikdik and a bush baby to the delight of
Sam.
When we walk back Sinti is completely happy. For him, these are also special moments. We
say goodbye. I call home, but they were just about to call me. The children sound happy and are
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doing well. For me it is hard to hear that and I go to bed with the idea that I really just want to be
home with my kids.

Day 20:
When Sinti arrives to prepare breakfast, he shows Ole Shongo the cows standing behind the kitchen.
They are apparently lost and have been there all night. Ole Shongo didn’t see them, but will bring
them to the village widow for their safety. Losing cows will result in quite a beating for some children.
It is again a pole pole morning. I can’t reach people I would like to talk to. Salaton is passing
by without greeting, Stephen, the conservationist from Naikarra, could pass by. But nobody knows. So
I just go walking to Ole Tompoi to do something. It is very inconvenient, because he is on his way to
Narok to find some money for his father. Apparently the situation of his father is deteriorating. But the
big issue is how to raise money. Only 1 taxi ride will cost 100 Euros one way. An operation about
1000 Euros and then all the days you have to be in the hospital. I ask him briefly about the power
relations and according to Ole Tompoi, although the community chief is elected by the community, he
has more power than the chiefs of the age set, because he is dealing with money. Okay, a bit wiser.
We will meet Wednesday to discuss it further. He has great concerns, that is clear!
Meeri and I are walking back through the irrigation area. Some shambaas look great, some
are sloppy. Reminds me of the huge flock of sheep that we had seen the previous day. Those were
the witchdoctor’s. Being a witchdoctor seems to be a thriving business! We check whether the laptop
is charged and one of the old men we have spoken to asks money for food. The man of about 80
years old came walking for over 5 days with his son to visit is brother. He lives about 80 kilometers
from here. But his brother died when he was here and he looks very sad. And now he is asking for
food. I talk with Meeri. She says it is because I gave him a little money after the interview. But that
was to thank him for his efforts. Susan had advised to give some chai, but Sinti said that giving
money was better as they can buy something they need. I do not know. It remains an eternal
struggle. Despite giving just a small amount, it is still provoking begging behavior again. Even small
children in the village are now asking for money. Also the cook of Olarro camp who I met in the taxi
last time coming from Ewaso Ngiro for air time, after picking up my phone in the taxi (I seem to lose
my phone every time in the taxi). It is an unequal relationship, which I never get used to. And
probably a confrontation with my own impossibility to draw limits very clearly. I am sure my friend
who will visit me, won’t have any problems with this.
In the evening Susan is joining us. She knows Simon from earlier visits and the conversation
is animated. Everyone contributes to the food. I make a feeble attempt to leave some food for Sinti,
Ole Shongo and Meeri, but we whites finish everything. Well, the atmosphere is very nice.

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2.4 Day 21: Ololulunga
Ololulunga is a 15-minute drive East from Narok close to the Narok – Sotik road. Being in the Mau hills
originally it was part of the Mau Forest having fertile soil and permanent water. Therefore it is/was a
very important area for pastoralist Maasai and wildlife, as a source of food supply in times of draught.
But also Mau Forest is still considered a spiritual and holy place for the Maasai. According to Cyrus,
some Okiek (hunters/gatherers), the original inhabitants of this area for over ten thousands of years,
are still living here. They seem to have chosen to be very well hidden and withdrawn from modernity.
Almost nothing is known about these Okiek and considered is that there are only a few left. Due to
overpopulation, introduction of farmers from other tribes and a change into farming lifestyle by the
Maasai, the Ololulunga area became deforested and (fenced) farmland. In the last 15-20 years wild
animals have hardly been seen anymore and also conflicts with pastoralist Maasai are often there, as
the farmers don’t want cattle wandering around. Most Maasai living in this area have turned into
settled farmers, wearing modern clothes and a lot of intertribal marriages are taken place. The latter
is absolutely not done within more traditional areas like Maji Moto or Naikarra. Some Maasai farmers
do have cattle, but left their traditional pastoralist way of living by only sending one or two men with
the collected livestock of some families to places like Naikarra, creating the possibility for the rest of
the family to stay at the permanent home in Ololulunge.

My kitchen is empty nowadays. For food and coffee I have to go to the other kitchen. There is no light
in mine therefore Sinti prefers the other one. As expected it is meticulously empty. I even have to
miss the company of Ole Shongo. He is not guarding anymore, as he has to herd the cows. Which
during the night I don’t like too much when I am walking alone to the toilets. Meeri is back to
boarding school. Anyway, during breakfast, Susan and Salaton appear soon and bring me up to date
with their plans for dealing with the money fundraised back home. Frankly, it doesn’t interest me. I
truly believe Salaton is integer and with Susan our conversations about this subject are always a bit
uneasy, ending in some little mutual annoyance. I am not looking for any conflicts. Okay, my reaction
is one of obvious resistance and I try to tell them that I don’t want to know anything about it. I am
just helping Marion. But Susan insists that she and Salaton tell me what the plans are. When I see the
money needed, I tell Salaton that it is almost the same amount as what is in the Dutch bank account.
I promise to send Marion an email for sending an up-to-date overview. But this is all donor money
stuff, not my piece of cake. For me it is a clear case of one person too many around here. It feels very
uncomfortable, Salaton just taking responsibility towards me. I am here for my research not for his
fund-raising issues. I find it awkward.
After the pole pole feeling of the last three days, I have suddenly three appointments during
the weekend. Stephen will collect me on Saturday morning. I am supposed to go to Cyrus, and
yesterday Baba Sinti invited us for a ceremony for becoming senior Elder. (After being Murran you are
junior elder, but when older, a man can decide to become senior elder by slaughtering a holy cow.
Then he will be able to let his own children be circumcised). We'll see what will happen. Furthermore,
warns Susan not to put everything on the Internet or make it at least anonymous. She has discussed
this with Salaton and now Salaton asks me this. Oopsie. Back home I am always very picky with this

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kind of thing and now I am doing it myself.... I decide that once I'm in the Netherlands, I will remove
the blog immediately from the Internet. Fortunately, it has only been read by a few people (I follow
the statistics), so that is at least reducing...
We - the English students, Susan and I assemble in the kitchen and have breakfast together.
Everybody is going to Narok and Nairobi, but the question is whether we can get a lift from Salaton.
Just before 8:00 am it is clear we can. It's another slippery and pounding adventure across the plains.
Also, there are huge groups of wildebeest and zebras. I text Cyrus that I am on my way. Finally I am
going to stay a couple of days at his place. In Narok it turns out that we have to pay for our lift.
Everybody needs to pay 500 Kenyan shilling. It is just a disappointment, because even when you
share it's still more expensive than taking a matatu. The boy doesn’t have much money and I haven’t
either. And if we had known this, we would have taken a matatu. I notice that also the English boys
are feeling uncomfortable. Susan is a bit surprised but doesn’t show anything.
After breakfast in Spears, Cyrus and I are going for shopping and then depart by matatu
towards his house. It gets a bit uncomfortable. Cyrus has sent messages all week that he misses me
and now every time he puts his hand just a little too intimate on my shoulders. It is already very
crowded in the Matatu, but I still manage to move in a different position. Somewhere on the side of
the road, we get out. 200 meters from the road there is a house. It is from Cyrus’ grandfather, the
Ooloiboni. (Later it turns out to be a great-uncle). We are welcomed with chai and mandazi. The man
apparently has no wife and does everything himself, which he does quite well. Cyrus and I talk a lot
about the role of Ooloiboni and how he works. Cyrus would be happy to take over his tasks. (He
actually has to pay for it). And the OOoloiboni is teaching him to do it. As the grandfather first will
have lunch, we are going to visit the government school next to the house. I feel like the queen with
dozens of children walking behind me, trying to touch and talk to me. Finally we end up in the staff
room having a nice conversation about the various teaching programs in Kenya and the Netherlands.
One of the teachers regrets that it is not allowed anymore to beat discipline into the children. Not
really beating up but only gently with a straw on the fingers.
After this visit we go back to the grandfather, the highly respected Ooloiboni. Unfortunately,
the battery of the Dictaphone is empty and I am completely dependent on the translation of Cyrus.
The fee is 1000 Ksh. This and the fact that the Ooloiboni has some beautiful cows roaming outside the
house, it confirms my idea that both witchdoctor and OOoloiboni are the best paid positions in the
Maasai world. When the ritual begins, we must sit on the floor. The man mumbles some prayers,
lubricates ashes and/or herbs in stripes across his face, put stones in a calabash and throws them a
couple of times to see if it is a good day (it is) and then it begins. He folds his hands in a bowl
containing the note of the given thousand shilling and some stones. He blows into it and I have to
breathe in. After this he spreads it on the floor.
The man starts talking and tells met that I am travelling (seems obvious to me), but that the
trip will be smooth and that I will return safely. He shows me the orange stone, which indicates the
return. (If this will be Kenya or the Netherlands is not very clear to me). Then I can ask a question.
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Being single for a couple of years my first question is if I will ever have a partner again. He starts to
shake the stones in the Calabash. He shakes and throws them out. But he does it time and time again
and looks a bit worried. There are not so many stones and according to Cyrus he is looking for certain
stones. Hmm Now I'm starting to worry a bit. It takes too long and obvious no clear answers on this
one! I foresee a lonesome future. Then the answer is in the stones. He looks happier now and tells
me there will be certainly a new partner and I will meet him in the Netherlands. Not very quickly, but
it will come. I shouldn’t force things, because it comes naturally. A good answer that I can live with.
Still have to finish my study, find a job and get my children settled in at the secondary school….
Being only human seeking love and security, my next question is whether I will find a job.
This is already going much better. The stones roll out in large quantities from the calabash and the
ritual goes a lot faster. One stone is in front and many behind. It is explained as me in front followed
by many people bringing prosperity. The Ooloiboni is delighted. The stones are announcing good
fortune, prosperity and improvements to many people. Apparently I will come back to Kenya, as a
kind of leader (project manager, my translation) and I will help especially women. (But later on I
suspect here a deliberate wrong translation by Cyrus). Also, a lot of people will follow me. Interesting!
This makes me very happy.
The relations are changed. The Ooloiboni is much happier and open to me. Cyrus to. Even the
hints and sexual harassments are over. Although it costs him some difficulties and sometimes he can’t
resist to say something. When we walk home (50 minutes with luggage walking uphill, downhill) he
tells me that he started up a women’s project. Now I start to suspect that the translation given earlier
is a bit falsified to let me believe I have to support this project. At home I meet his wife Nasha. There
are two houses, one big house for cooking and where the children are sleeping and one small hut,
which is the living room and bedroom of Nasha and Cyrus. (I found out later, as Cyrus is not very
clear in his answers). It turns out that Cyrus and I eat separate from the children and Nasha, but also
that he sleeps with me in the same hut. Very uncomfortable, but I don’t know if this is normal. As he
doesn’t want to give me any privacy I tell him not to watch when I am changing clothes. Weird,
weird, but I do accept it as I don’t want to be rude and don’t know exactly what’s going on. Also for
me it is a big opportunity to be here so local. There is nothing, no toilet, no water, no shower, no
nothing. Well there is the very nice and sweet lady of the house Nasha. Whatever Cyrus does wrong,
is overly compensated by the personality of his wife.
The prophecy of the Ooloiboni is a great relief, if it’s about the approach attempts of Cyrus.
Unfortunately the other prophecy of me bringing fortune creates another problem. Now he is telling
everyone that I am great savior. When I arrive the first time at Cyrus' place, his neighbor sees me and
seeing that I am white, she calls me Karsis meaning "the person with money." It flatters me on one
hand, but on the other it makes me feel very uncomfortable, especially if I remember all those nights
worrying about money. Nasha is wonderful, the kids friendly and the stay pleasant. It strucks me that
Nasha is not eating with us and Cyrus is sleeping in my hut. I keep quiet, as I can’t figure out what’s
happening.
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Day 22:
I am going to have a blessing today and according to the beliefs we shouldn’t visit people before
Ooloiboni has been around. So Cyrus and I are discussing the Nalepo women’s project. The ideas look
initially good, but the plan is very general. So I ask him many questions about the details and tell him
that if he really wants me to help him, he has to show me sincere willingness. It can’t be that I am
doing all the work. Yes, Yes he says. I ask him to give the answers next week. It is difficult to
estimate if this is a realistic scheme. It is even very difficult to find some paper and a proper pencil.
But I already notice that he would find it very easy to let me do the work and funding. Anyway he is
enthusiastic and hopefully a business plan will make it concrete. With this plan, he can at least go to
donors, government and his own people. The intentions are all good, but Cyrus is about the highest
trained within his community with his sixth grade elementary school. What he says is that the most
important thing is to register a CBO (community based organization). It will cost 11,000 Ksh, approx.
110 Euros, but that money is not available. I'm talking now about what kind of products women can
make, how they can attract tourists, etc. Talking about jewelry and tourist souvenirs; everyone copies
everyone. So to find something unique is very difficult. It is important the woman makes something
original and something Mzungus can use at home. Jewelry is put in the wardrobe and never comes
out again. Talking with Cyrus is sometimes difficult, as we both have strong opinions about what
should be done and I don’t have the idea that he understands what I mean.
I have some contact back and forth with the English boys. They will keep me posted about
the ritual. It will be the end of the day! Now it will be difficult, because I am supposed to stay for two
days, but decide on the spot that I will go back to Maji Moto this afternoon. Also with Stephen I will
make an appointment for Saturday morning, but it is not clear to me whether I can stay at his place.
At the specified time, in the kitchen there is a lot of commotion. The Ooloiboni has arrived and
some neighbors and Nasha who are there are treating him with the utmost respect. He will do a
special ritual with which he will give a very strong positive blessing. (Cost 3000 shillings / 1 goat. As I
said before, the best way to earn money is being Ooloiboni or witchdoctor). Obviously first there must
be tea, endless chattering, but finally it starts.
There is a fire made, but first I must become "clean" by sweeping motions across my face,
arms and legs. Then a powder is thrown into the fire and I have to inhale the smoke. I am excited
and curious for what will come, but after this it’s ended. Well, Nasha makes me a necklace, which will
contain a protection against bad spirits, and I receive a medicine to use. I must be a very lucky girl
with three protections against bad spirits!
Then I start to interview the Ooloiboni. Now with the Dictaphone. He is telling the same things
as Ole tompoi, but what I didn’t realize before is that al the elders mention the change of food as
being one of the important changes in the last decades. Since the introduction of Ugali more people
have been born, but also more unknown and new diseases have been introduced. But education is the
key element of culture change. Also he argues that with the children who leave for the city, the
Maasai culture is completely lost.
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 After the ritual, I take pictures of everyone and we walk back to the main road to take the
matatu to Narok. The Ooloiboni, I think, is a smart man. At least confident (he's about 75 years). He
wants to marry so he has someone who can receive me next time with tea and food. (At least that is
the translation of Cyrus; because of the friendly looks and gentle embracement I think he means me).
In Narok I end up with an unknown person and Cyrus in the taxi towards Ewaso Ngiro. The
taxi driver doesn’t understand anything of it. I give complex, mixed messages and it is obvious that I
don’t have any control about what’s happening. Arriving In the camp I see clothes and junk
everywhere, but no people. Eventually I see Sam. He is such a nice, happy and open guy.
Unfortunately all the rushing was for nothing. The Maasai didn’t find a proper holy cow yet, so the
ceremony is postponed. In the meanwhile Sam has bought a goat for Kesue and is waiting for me so
we can give it together. The last time at Kesue I saw that he had sold a goat again, and that during
the fertile season. Not a good sign. The shopping for a goat with Kesue has led to all sorts of small
lies, as Sam told Kesue that the goat will be for him and Kesue has to take care of it.
In a short talk with Sam he tells me that they want to return to Nairobi tomorrow instead of
staying another week. It turns out that Simon and Sam have to pay for themselves as well and that it
is way too much. They are also on a student budget. In addition, Simon has considered himself a
friend of Salaton and the six times before he never had to pay. Now he is regarded as a tourist. Ouch,
that hurts. They are on the way to Hellen's camp, but they are so lingering, so that I push them a bit.
At the shopping center they go for a piki piki; turns out that Philip has a job as piki piki driver too.
Simon thinks he is offered a special prize by Philip, but it turns out not to be true. The faces of Simon
and Sam show disappointment, which they try to hide. It is the third time that this businesslike
attitude is disappointing. Also, I tell Simon and Sam that they are not supposed to pay for the cook.
They pay 25 USD per person for one night in a cabin instead of the 50 USD per person. But this is
including the cook and I already pay for Sinti. I don’t know what Susan is paying, but we all use Sinti
as cook. Susan has said that she is staying another night in Nairobi and Stephen is texting me that he
is picking us up in Maji Moto. (Apparently it is still the plan to stay at his house, at least I hope..!)
Philip and I stay behind and discuss how and what kind of projects would be necessary in Maji Moto
group ranch.
When I go to sleep I have again this nasty feeling constantly playing in the background. It is
becoming clearer, but it is that disappointment that every time you think you have built a sincere
friendship, in the end it always turns into a request for money. The widows for example are trying and
trying over and over again to ask more money for washing and collecting water. Only if people are not
used to money, like Kesue’s mom, Dennis' mother and Nasha, they are spontaneous and generous.
But then I ruin this behavior myself by keep on giving and promising. It remains a strange and
complicated vicious circle! But I know that I am happy that I can leave again tomorrow, mainly
because of lack of money

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2.5 Day 23: Naikarra
Naikarra is situated in the Eastern Mara region bordering Tanzania, a 3-hour drive south from Narok
and two hours from Talek, the next “big” settlement. Naikarra itself has a relatively big shopping
center (one street) with local hotels, restaurants and little shops. Some of the shopkeepers are
Somalis who are living here. The surroundings are hilly woodland combined with open grasslands.
Mainly Loita and Purko Maasai are living here. Living closer to the borders of the Mara is being close
to the jobs in the tourism industry. Creating more permanent settling of the Maasai resulting in more
overgrazing and human wildlife conflicts. The primary school in Naikarra is known as one of the best
in the Narok district and therefore very popular among the mainly Maasai population attracting many
students.

Relaxing in between activities with "In Europe" by Geert Mak (2002) I do see similarities with Europe
100 years ago and what happens here. In both situations the economic systems were different and
the small local system without money was marginalized and had to adapt to the economic system of
money. The only difference between Europe and here is that not only money is traditionally an
unknown phenomenon, but also the land (semi arid) and the use of land are different. In Europe the
latest areas that had to adapt were farmers so bound to a certain area and with a notion of private
landownership. But here the difference is stronger as private ownership of land is not traditionally
imbedded in the culture and the use of land is adapted to the semi arid conditions and therefore
migrational. I can imagine that the imbedding of how to deal and cope with money including value
and norms are different or more difficult as the process is going fast. Also the values and norms
differ; for example cows, which are the most valued items within the Maasai culture, are much higher
valuated than money by traditional Maasai.
Stephen texts me that he will arrive later. No problem for me, because Sam calls a few times
from Hellen’s place, that he wants to give Kesue a loan for his shambaa (I realized that I don’t have
the money) and tell him that the pregnant goat is for him. But Sam can’t reach Kesue, and the piki
piki that is supposed to pick them up at Hellen's camp has not arrived yet. It is what almost too late to
pass by at Kesue’s place as the boys have to pick up their luggage and to continue to Nairobi. Sam
requests me to ask Kesue to meet him at the camp. I can’t reach him either, so I will walk to his place
At Kesue’s place I am greeted warmly, but I wait outside. Kesue is not there and must be
picked up somewhere. To my surprise I notice 5 goats roaming around, where last week there were
still two of them. Nau, Kesue’s sister, presses the youngest child in my hands. Now I notice the
spitting image between this baby and Nau. Later when Kesue arrives he tells me that Nau, the baby
and the other girl have the same father. (So the baby is not from another woman, but from his 48-
year old mother. Of the five children, three have the same father. Only the two boys, including Kesue,
have a different one. It is very common for widows to have boyfriends who also support them. It also
explains the huge number of small children many long-time widows have. It also explains the 5
goats. Apparently more people saw that the goats were disappearing and the need for help. According
to Kesue a friend of his mom (father of children?) has given him one. And cheerfully he points to me
the pregnant goat he is given by Sam. And Sam has just had a sleepless night because he thinks he

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believes he is lying because Sam thinks that Kesue thinks it’s Sam’s goat. Welcome to the wonderful
world of Africa!
Stephen has arrived and after me acting like a mom by pushing the boys to hurry, he gives
the boys a lift to the main road. (Otherwise they wouldn’t make it to Nairobi). Luckily, there is a
matatu at the post sign and they can go straight to Narok.
The drive is great. Real 4 x 4 driving deep into the Eastern Mara region. The views are
formidable and we see a matatu completely stuck in the black cotton soil. People are told to walk
home. And given the distance they already been walking, the matatu must have been in trouble for a
longer period. Stephen is someone who voluntarily helps Salaton with his conservation project. He
himself has a Masters in Biological Conservation from the University of Kent. He works partly for the
Eden Project funded by Richard Leakey, an organization that tries to preserve biodiversity. He was
born and raised there and has now already been working 12 years in the Mara. We talk a lot about
how the problems in this area can be solved. Both wildlife and the Maasai culture are under severe
pressure. Furthermore, there is no other income than livestock and it is difficult to develop activities,
as the infrastructure like roads, electricity and water is very bad or not present at all. This because of
the really isolated position of the area. The closest bank is in Narok, a three-hour drive.
In Naikarra I could see clearly why this Mpesa (banking by mobile phone) is so popular.
Especially, while I didn’t have much cash and needed an ATM myself. It is contradictory. In the
traditional Maasai way of life money was not present. But nowadays if they still want to live the
traditional way of life they still need money as they are used to Ugali and have to pay school fees. But
the more modernized, the more money is needed for living. And people do come to know about the
comforts of modernization. They want to send their kids to school and have a stone house, a mobile
phone, a computer, a piki piki or even a car. So the feeling of poverty is created. As a Nyangusi said:
“We never used to be poor, but since money has been introduced, we are!” You can almost say that
the introduction of money increased poverty as the Maasai don’t have or have poor access to
education or means to provide the requirements of a modern life including a modern livelihood.
Actually, tourism and livestock are the only possibilities around this area to earn an income. The only
advantage of Naikarra is that it has one of the best primary schools of Kenya, founded by the
missionaries somewhere in the sixties.
Stephen and Nickson (a friend of Stephen, who is in Mara Intrepids guide) tell me a lot about
the life of the Maasai, problems of wildlife and tourism. According to Stephen, the system of
conservancies, which has been popular among private conservationists, is not helping. The Maasai are
complaining that they don’t have insight in the number of tourists coming in, sometimes don’t get any
legal contracts and don’t have any influence on the running of the conservancy or whatsoever On the
other hand, the managers of the conservancy are complaining as they pay the Maasai for renting their
plots, not letting their cows graze within the conservancy areas, and last but not least killing any big
cats as revenge for eating their cows. But this I find rather stupid because if you know just a little bit
about Maasai, you should know that every still-a-bit traditional Maasai with a little bit of money
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immediately buys cows or at least sheep and goats. Their social connections are not bound to the
surroundings of their village (although someone mentioned this as being threatened, caused by the
individualization of the land and therefore settling of people. Migrational way of life is stopping) and
reaches out to far and away places. Often these are very suitable places for both wild animals and
livestock.
So Maasai in these suitable places are paid to herd the cows and goats creating an
overpopulation of wild stock. Settling of Maasai in this area and herewith creating an increase of
human-wildlife conflicts. And angry Maasai killing the big cats. Which annoys the white men of the
conservations, who lift up their hands and will say that Maasai are selfish and unreliable as they do
pay them money for not doing any of this. But of course the white men of the conservationist are not
responsible for what happens outside the conservancy. To be honest, if I hear how much the
conservation is paying the Maasai, I understand the reaction of the conservationists. I tell Nickson this
when he is blaming them. Due to my experience in the Dutch healthcare, one of my experiences is
that if people start to complain about money, the problem is most often much deeper layered inside
something within the organizational structure. Often people find themselves not taken seriously by
management. I wouldn’t be surprised if this process is happening here to. The trick is to take both
livestock Maasai and wildlife preserve into consideration and see it together with the Maasai culture as
one holistic organizational system.

Day 24:
The first woman I interview in Naikarra is 80 years old. It's a nice conversation with Nickson as a
translator and she tells me about the cattle raids done by the Nyangusi. They were quite notorious /
famous about it. Some find them heroes and others say they were very cruel and/or brave. These
practices are also banned by the British. The woman tells about paying tax under the British rule. If
you didn’t voluntarily donated a cow, then the British came to get your best bull.
Other topics discussed are the changes in culture caused by: (let’s guess!!) food, education
and the inevitable Christianity (I often have to think about the Western discussion about Islam taking
over the western culture) and rituals such as female circumcision and forced marriage of young girls.
Sometimes circumcision is so bloody that girls almost faint, but this lady guarantees that the girls
never die. Unfortunately, I have heard some other stories from Hellen, but all right. Contrary to a boy,
a girl is allowed to cry at the circumcision, but it is embarrassing for her family and especially her
father. Boys should not cry because it's such an embarrassment that all guests will leave and no
celebration will take place. The lady is funny and friendly and promises to make me a ring.
The next person is an older man (around 60-70, I think). He turns out to be the chairman of
the group ranch Naikarra. An important position it is. He has little time, because the room next to me
turns out to be the place were people can register the land. And the chairman wants to keep an eye
on what happens.

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 It is obvious that only now the land demarcation is taking place. Just like in Maji Moto. In
Ololulunga (Cyrus his home) it has taken place much earlier. Later on I will hear that’s because in
Ololulunga and around Nairobi the soil is much more fertile and suitable for farming. Everywhere I do
ask the same questions and get similar answers. The big changes began with the introduction of food,
education and the conversions by missionaries. There is a loss of mutual respect and not all changes
are bad. For example education is considered to be very important, although it is a threat for the
Maasai culture. This man believes that the culture will slowly disappear, as a ritual such as the Moran
living seven years in the wilderness is difficult to combine with school.
I can’t resist stirring things up a bit, so I mention that there is a third way proposed by some
chiefs (Tompoi and Salaton) to do some adjustments of the rituals and ceremonies to be able to
combine traditional Maasai life with education. It is evident that it is a something new to him. A good
idea, though. Major culture mediums are language and having cows (use of land). Rituals and
ceremonies are actually barely mentioned when I ask what makes someone a Maasai. Although most
people (not the one who are "lost" in the city) still follow the initiation rituals and ceremonies.
Later during my stay, Nickson attends the funeral of a friend. When he tells me about the ritual
sounds as if rituals like funerals already have modernized a lot. In the case of this funeral, there was
virtually no ritual, except that the best guy is buried on a nice spot under a tree. According to Steve it
is due to living far away (this boy came from Narok), lack of money (the family didn’t have money to
let him in the expensive mortuary) and the traditional way (Spencer, 1993) of putting the body
outside the village to be eaten by hyenas is not possible anymore. Either there are no hyenas
anymore (accept for Maji Moto) or it is highly forbidden by the Kenyan government. I discussed this
ritual with one of the American students and she shivered at the idea of the corpse eaten by wild
animals. Actually I can see the big advantage of it. For migrating people like the Maasai, never living
in one spot for a longer period so no possibilities to visit graves or whatsoever, having many wild
animals around is a very clean and proper way to get rid of a body. It is almost definitely gone,
including the bones, within one or two days. (If not after one day the person was cursed and the
whole family will be cursed for generations). So no risks for diseases, it is part of the circle of nature
and no need to drag a body around. As I said, safe and tidy!
In the afternoon I have an interview with a scout of Stephen. He knows everything about the
area, tells me about the wild dogs, which are roaming around every June and July in the hills of
Naikarra. He hasn’t been Moran and not gone to school because he was chosen by his father to herd
the cows. If he could choose, he would rather go to school. His tone is telling! His daughter attends
the missionary school, but according to him requested herself to be circumcised. (I can’t imagine, but
probably she knows that her family finds it still very important). Christianity is no discussion within the
family and most of the members are somewhat compromising between the two religions. It is the
third story of which I hear that the children go to a missionary post and then try to convert the
parents. Smart missionaries to use the indirect method! But last but not least the church here has

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apparently began a charm offensive. Nickson and Charles tell me later that some rituals and traditions
are encouraged again. One example is wearing shukas to church.
He also told me that this area was once wildlife area, including rhinos, cheetahs and the rest.
However, 5 years ago, all animals moved out to the Loita hills, but mostly back to the Mara. Only the
greater kudu, some klipspringers and wild dogs stayed behind in the impenetrable Loita Hills. The
disappearing of the animals is mainly due to the increased population and Stephen later tells me that
people put on large fires and therefore chased the animals away. The scout also sees great changes
as modernization and with major causes (and again the same answers I can predict them now)
education and Christianity.
During dinner (actually the best food I have eaten during my whole stay in Kenya) and
breakfast, I faithfully take my Ooloiboni medicine to real hilarity of Nickson and the staff of the
restaurant. Although they believe in it themselves, seeing an Mzungu doing this is rather funny. After
dinner I want to have a drink, but Stephen has warned us not to go to a bar and to be careful. Also
Nickson, who acts as my patron, doesn’t think it’s wise. When I enter the bar to buy some drinks I can
see why. Some very drunk Maasai and according to Nickson also stoned from drugs are sitting and
making remarks. I have seen some Somalis even here all the way in Naikarra. For 10 to 5 years they
have spread out all over Kenya as trades and salesmen and according to many also in drugs called
Khat. The Somalis are an emerging phenomenon and bring along some bad influences (according to
the Maasai). They are the only Muslims in the region. But it hurts me to see these drunken Maasai.
Even in Sinti’s bar I have seen these Maasai sleeping off the alcohol at 10 o’clock in the morning.
Addiction is one of the delights of modernity....
In all interviews so far the same answers have popped up. Until recently, some things were
not available and by modernizing things like rituals and use of land, respect for elders is lost.
However, people don’t want to do without modernization. If you know what it is available, the longing
for belonging is created. “Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.” Nothing human is strange to
us!

Day 25:
The next day I realize again how much energy my laptop uses. If it is a cloudy day, my laptop charges
all the electricity available. At home it is just on the whole day! If everything is charged and written
down we go to the school over the hill. It is an original missionary school, but is now paid by the
government. Nickson‘s sister is boarding at this school. Nickson comes from Talek (at the Maasai Mara
entrance), but this school has the best results in the Narok district.
At the primary school it turns out to be the yearly countrywide athletics school competition.
Today it’s the internal competition, so the winners of today will compete the next day against the
winners of the other regional schools. These will compete against the other district winners. And so on
until the winner of the national will be invited at the State house in Nairobi to meet the president.
(When I come back in Maji Moto later on, Kesue tells me that one of the national winners is from Maji

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Moto. Also he definitely claims that he is running faster and could have been there too. But he also
tells me, and my then visiting Dutch friend, that he has killed two lions. Which I have no reason not to
believe, but the statement that he is the bravest Maasai by doing this, being one of at least 40 Maasai
surrounding the lion is for my friend and me reason to frown our eyebrows at each other….)
The field of action is pleasantly crowded, but obviously we need to greet the head of the school first.
The office is very impressing. It’s filled with plans, goals and budget plans. (The salary of a
teacher is around 260 Euros per month). The principal tells me that since he took office in 2005, the
number of pupils has increased from 400 to 1739 students. With a team of 33 teachers it means an
average of 53 pupils per class. The target of the government is 40 pupils. The classes are full, per
three children one book is shared. I already think that in the Netherlands being a teacher is a calling,
but here it’s admirable of the teachers that under these circumstances they are still able to stimulate
the students to the average of a B-score performance. At the school of my children they are not able
to that, but of course in Kenya they are not bothered by smart parents. Everything is classical and
there is no room for individual counseling. The ages at primary school vary from 4 to 18 years.
Outside the nice weather gives a relaxing ambiance for the 3000-meter run for men. Little
boys of 6 years old compete against guys from 17 years old. And it must be said, the winner is a big
boy, but there are a lot of little boys who can keep up! Keep smiling with too big walking shoes
absolutely not fit for the purpose. There is some dancing, a class with an enthusiastic teacher acting
as cheerleader and teachers and older pupils taking good care of the participants.
After some time I am fed up and go for a long walk with Charles to find the last wild animals
in the area. We do find some little Thompson gazelles in quite a distance, but the evening is closing in
and we go back for diner. At our usual spot Nickson tells a lot about Stephen. Stephen has advised
him a lot and probably plays a fatherly role. (Stephen is my age and Nickson and Charles are around
23 years old). Nickson's father has been dead for a couple of years, so he carries the responsibility for
his mom and his younger siblings as the eldest son of his mother. I feel sorry again. Hearing these
stories again and again about how hard it is to find money for hospitals (2500 Euros for illness father,
illness mother nearly 1000 Euros) and still to pay school fees, food and transportation with a monthly
income of 250 Euros! It's the same story every time. The endless efforts to keep on scraping the
money together for the necessary living expenses. If you're lucky you have a sponsor. (Nickson said
he had a Swiss sponsor, but that he is paying very irregularly and since January no payments have
been received). He is lucky with his job as guide. It gives him an earning of approx. 250 Euros per
month and the possibility of receiving some big tips from his clients. He saved a lot of money and was
therefore able to pay for his sister’s school fees the amount missing from the Swiss sponsor.

Day 26:
After a leisurely breakfast (otherwise is not possible within the Naikarra rhythm) we check all our mail
and telephones. Again the young generation is stuck on Facebook and phone. Then at Nickson’s
request we go back to the athletics competitions in the primary school. At arrival the youth are still

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arriving and we walk further to the secondary school. As it is the old school of Nickson and Charles we
do have a short talk with the teachers. And with some interesting titles about Maasai stories and
cultures we go to the school’s principal. After a short introduction, we develop an interesting
conversation about the difference between government in the Netherlands and Kenya. Here the
government abandoned the idea of free education or scholarships for students in the nineties. I
suspect under American influence as they switched to performance scholarships and borrowing money
for your studies. It sounds very American to me! In the Netherlands it is only coming up now. What a
surprise. Dark, black Kenya is ahead and more neo-liberal than our modern, liberal, enterprising
Netherlands! Moreover, it becomes clear within the discussion that the consequences are very
selective, because a very large proportion of the youth will never have the funds to be able to go to
college anyway. 40 % of the people in Kenya (CIA factbook) live below the average of 1 USD a day,
meaning they even can’t afford “free” primary education. Even people say primary school is free, still
about 90 Euros per year has to be paid for food, clothing and other requirements.
Only students with an A+ average will be qualified for a state scholarship and that is even
only in the form of a loan. The government chooses which study shall be followed and then the
student is obliged to work for many years for the government at locations chosen by the government.
I don’t want to blame the Dutch government for doing the same thing, but here in Kenya I did
see some examples of truly neo liberal free market capitalism, which even righteous VVD voters may
want to sleep over one night before wanting to introduce these systems. Every time what I come
across here is the uncertainty, the luck you must have to come across the right people to be able to
make something of your existence. It is the moment I start to realize that in the Netherlands there is
also poverty and people not knowing how to find money to buy food. But whatever happens,
education and healthcare are accessible also if you don’t have any money. And that is a big
difference! Which I really would like to cherish.
Other things I do hear people commenting a lot on are the ecological changes visible to the
Maasai. Almost everyone I talk to is mentioning global warming. The newspapers are full of stories
about flooded rivers, drifting houses, drowned people and destroyed infrastructure. But it takes place
particularly in overcrowded areas. I suspect here that global warming is not really the issue, but more
people living and building badly build houses in floodplains. Here in Maasai land, the damage is limited
to roads changing into fast streaming rivers, washing the roads and changing them in large bumpy
potholes when the rains are over.
Anyway, back to the principal. It appears that Stephen is Chairman of the Board. I didn’t
know, but Stephen is community chief of Naikarra and from a very rich family. There's been years of
mismanagement, but since Stephen is president and this man principal, it is climbing up in the right
direction, although the results are still poor. Again here, big problems with drugs, teenage
pregnancies, girls who disappear after circumcision and early marriages. Another problem are
especially girls’ parents who don’t want to give them an education. But the teen pregnancies are still
the biggest problem. In a population of 400 students there are 1 to 5 girls leaving school per year for
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this reason. Other problems are the irregular and too late payments of the government. Also the lack
of electricity so children can’t study. But this is remarked more as being a fact of life, than as a real
problem. The classes are very large, because they have an average of 50 students per class. But
again there are super-motivated teachers, which make me believe more and more that being a
teacher is a calling. I will be guided by two teachers. It unfolds in an interesting discussion about
whether or not there is loss of culture. (Probably according to the Luo teacher, because that is also
happening with other cultures). I don’t have my Dictaphone and my notebook with me. But the crux
of the stories is that the cultural change is something inescapable, coming with the modernity and the
traditional Maasai culture is said positively old school. Finally we walk back to the primary school and
see a few good races. Fortunately for me, only strong young men of about 18 are selected for the
100-meter race. (A simple form of Darwinism and a pleasant view).

Day 28:
Just before Stephen brings me to Ngoswani shopping center (near Hellen's camp), to wait for Philip to
pick me up with a piki piki, an unpleasant surprise is given to me. It turns out to be the bill for the
meal is Ksh 8400. Almost 84 Euros. I was so happy with the hospitality of Stephen. Being far from the
ATM in Narok, I don’t have access to my account. Mobile banking is a tremendous phenomenon.
Stephen sees that I hesitates and asks whether it is not too much. I say that I will pay him on Monday
when we will probably drive together to Nairobi or at least I will leave the money at Spears hotel.
When we drive back I am thinking that like this the stay is almost as expensive as being in
Maji Moto. How come that everywhere I go, I am seen as the rich, giving mzungu and for me it's
spoiling a lot of relations and fun. Although I am also terribly guilty by paying the little extras. I do
create my own pitfall. Conclusion: I must be much tougher and refuse more often. The "rich" Africans
like Stephen and Hellen are facing the same problems, but are much clearer and stronger about their
own boundaries.
Upon arrival, I find myself happy again to be back. Simba the dog is not there yet. I go to
school to distribute the cloths brought from the Netherlands. Salaton tells me to take pictures for the
home front, so the donors can see it really arrived. Although I feel uncomfortable about this. Why do
donors need proof of their good giving? Feeling very tired and a bit pessimistic. The laughter, the
jokes and the joy of the children and teachers created by the gift of the clothes enlighten my mood a
bit. I invite Hellen out for dinner. Meat and beer, please, is the request!
Back in the camp I am going to wash my clothes, before I go for reading. It looks like I
imported some bed bugs from Naikarra. Simba has heard me and the dog is crawling towards me
wagging and squealing with joy. He follows me faithfully to everything. Sinti is cooking tonight. His
cordiality and our strange gibberish are again heartwarming. Also our reunion is very good. There is
still enough food left, so that I do not need to worry about it. In short, life looks a lot more positive
now. Meanwhile, I have received a text message from Stephen, I do not have to pay the other half of

74
the bill. This makes me very relieved. Stephen is such a good man. Unfortunately for Hellen, at the
butcher’s place only the intestines of a goat are hanging, so no meat tonight!
Hellen arrives very late for diner, but the evening is great fun. I talk to her about the fact that
I find this fixed image of Mzungus so annoying, especially because I am at on tight budget and it is
just so hard to build friendship on this unequal base. She thoroughly agrees with me and asks me to
repeat this to the teachers at school. Hellen has been travelling to Europe and the US and knows that
many people don’t have the money to travel to Africa. So only rather rich Mzungus are here. The
teachers actually believe that all Mzungus are rich and here to give things. I am telling Hellen that it
makes sense. The only Mzungus they see come to school to give things or bring money to spend. It is
also a one-sided picture of what they get. The stories are coming out. Kenyans who go sit uninvited at
her table and expect Hellen to pay the bill. Same happens with taxis. Hellen regularly threatens people
to go to the police if they don’t want to pay for their own expenses. Apparently, it is the only thing
that helps. You see I am not strict enough for Africa.

2.6 Day 29: Ololulunga

Today I will leave for Ololulunga to visit Cyrus and Nasha. I go with the piki piki of Philip. I think every
time that he has a good job as camp manager, but I start to notice that he has responsibilities of his
own and isn’t that wealthy either. So a job is always welcome and I have to go anyway... It is 600
shillings to Ewasu Ngiro. It may not have been so much more expensive to Narok. (Matatu price 80
shillings). Again it will turn out that it is unfortunate that I understand Sinti so poorly. Or maybe never
want to listen to him. He says that I can better go with the piki piki to Ewasu Ngiro and then take the
matatu. However I have no money to pay someone or something and the closest ATM is in Narok. I
have to pay Philip anyway for my overnight in Maji Moto camp so this way I can combine both.
Besides, it is easy this way. I do not need lunch, and around 13:00 we leave Maji Moto. The landscape
is already seriously turning into the dry, dusty African plains. The roads are easy to travel and the
plains are still crowded with zebra, wildebeest and ostriches. Of the three places I have visited, this is
still the only one with wild animals wandering around. It gives me a very special feeling. Philip drives
quietly. It is a heavy burden for his piki piki, which seems to have one breakdown after another,
carrying a heavy backpack, a laptop and me. In Ewaso Ngiro the chain has to be tightened and
refueled. And just before Narok, Philip circumvents a policeman who admonishes to stop.
“Corruption”, he mumbles and just passes the policeman. No problem according to Philip. He stops at
a garage; fifteen minutes walk from the center. Apparently, the engine must be repaired. It is a bad
motor, parts are continually broken. And I like to walk, Philips likes to remind me.
I walk to the center, collect money, and go to buy a new Internet bundle. Probably too much,
but I do not know what I have consumed last month. Philip, I promise can have the remnant of the
Internet. He is committed, and never asks for something, working in the background. We go to
Spears, and unfortunately there is power cut in Narok, so I can’t charge my laptop. I treat Philip to
samosas (Indian pastry) and we drink a soda.

75
 Talking about the payment of the trip, it turns out that Philip wants 2500 Ksh. I say it's too
much. A piki piki is 600 Ksh to Ewaso Ngiro plus 80 Ksh for a Matatu further to Narok. Even a taxi
from Narok to Maji Moto is only 2000 Ksh. He mentions with a straight face that a piki piki is more
expensive than a taxi. I ask if he cheats me on the price. No, really! I want my laptop charged,
Salaton trusts him, so I pay (with distrust) the money.
After I have charged my laptop at a store with a generator, I ask on the way to matatus how much
they charge for a trip to Maji Moto. 1500 Ksh! I feel very cheated. Meanwhile, I have sent a text to
Hellen about how expensive the piki piki is to Narok. During the matatu ride my eyes fill up with tears.
The last person I expected to do this is Philip. That everyone is trying to make use and asking for help
or money is bad enough, but he? When I arrive at the Olooiboni place, Cyrus is also there. I am
greeted very warmly by the Olooiboni and Cyrus, they see that I'm having a difficult time and come
with all kinds of gifts. I tell Cyrus immediately that he doesn’t have to expect money from me Advice
and practical support fine, but my bank accounts are relatively empty.
During the 45 minutes walk to Cyrus place it starts to rain very heavily. We are completely
soaked but as there is not much of choice we walk through. Nasha, the wife of Cyrus is a very nice,
sweet woman. The children are happy to see me and the reception is super friendly. I’ll get dry kanga
and all clothes are washed. Other women of the group are happy to see me and I'm treated like the
queen. That’s nice, and so far so good, but it can be a bit overdone.
In the evening when I go to bed, I share the room with Cyrus again which I find unpleasant
again. And I am still wondering if this is a Maasai habit. (Don’t think so). Also very occasionally, he still
tends to be touchy, but I ignore him completely.

Day 30:
I'm still tired when I get up. We mess around, with all the children, chickens, dog, donkey. It is a
cozy and messy affair. Nasha works hard and she is really nice woman. She clearly loves the children
and is probably in a fairly equal relationship with Cyrus. When dressing up, Nasha decides that I'm
going to be dressed as Maasai. However, Nasha is half the size of me. If we later go visiting the
mother of Cyrus it creates problems. The kangas are always fallen open and my thighs are shown,
despite my desperate attempts to cover them. And that is extremely rude. Nasha tackles the issue
firmly and ties a scarf around me. Fully covered in many layers I walk like that the rest of the day. A
bit warm in the sun ...
In the afternoon we have a meeting with the Nalepo Women’s group. The meeting is opened;
many speeches, prayers are said (half the group is Christian), and a number of gifts are given to me. I
talked to Helen on Thursday about it. The poorer the people are and the less accustomed to Mzungu,
the greater the hospitality, spontaneity and honesty. After the opening Cyrus and I go shopping. I
said I would pay for the food, which is fair I think for the hospitality. Throughout the day we have
talked about the plans the women's group had and what the best place would be to set up a tourist
camp. After the inevitable chai and the message that Cyrus has to go to Maji Moto tomorrow, I decide

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to take another day and a night to stay with Nasha. Cyrus is discussing some issues with Nasha and I
enjoy my short time of privacy. Nice all this African communal village life, but I'm still too western for
it ...

Day 31:
It is Sunday and when Cyrus has gone, I'm ready to go with Nasha to church and shopping center to
charge the laptop. The church service lasts two hours and is full of hallelujah, crying people who
pray, sing and clap a lot. Whoever does the sermon is a fiery star in preaching. Full of power she tells
the public about how Jesus is always there to give courage and declares his plans for us. The service
is full of suffering and the hope to overcome people’s sorrow. I am placed next to Alex for translation.
A Maasai who has a shambaa (piece of farmland). He has done high school, speaks very well English
and I notice that he would like to do something else instead of farming. But no money for further
education, so he is “sentenced” to farming.
After the church we walk / drive to the shopping center. I'll be treated to lunch by Nasha. And
we are discussing the plans for the women’s group. I also try to explain that I don’t have money and I
don’t want to be called Karsis. She understands. Later she will give me another name. At least
someone who understands me! We look around for examples of products to make. It is relaxing and
when the laptop is charged, we take a matatu back. At the main road we meet a son of the Ooloiboni.
We're talking about my research. He tells me that many Maasai are not poor. At least, if they have
cows. They just don’t want to bring the kids to school. In Olulunge many tribes are living mixed and
that is because of the land demarcation. The nightmare of the traditional Maasai like Salaton.
According to Ooloiboni’s son, the Maasai culture will inevitably disappear but everyone will be
Maasai as long as they speak the language. However, he says that there are already children who no
longer speak the language. I call them Kenyans with a Maasai background. Here he doesn’t totally
agree. He is and remains Maasai.
When Nasha finds a matatu, Mzungu prices are requested. Later when I discuss this with
Mwenda, he tells me that Africans who help Mzungu or have an Mzungu over as a guest will be
approached by fellow Africans, asking them for money. Because the reasoning goes, if they have an
Mzungu with them, that person must also be rich or have money. So I can also cause nasty situations
for my host / hostess. In Maji Moto I have not really noticed, but when you come out of the protection
of Salaton...
At home the atmosphere is cozy and domestic. Nasha appears to speak much better English
than I thought (she is sometimes humble when Cyrus is around, although she can answer him quite
fiercely. At night Nasha sleeps with me in the hut. It turns out that this is the bedroom of Nasha and
Cyrus where they also normally eat. But because of my visit, Nasha has to sleep in the kitchen while
Cyrus stayed in the hut. For me it's much nicer now that Cyrus is gone, I think disrespectfully. The
next morning I will finally go to Nanyuki. One way or another it seems that I have an interview with

77
Mali Ole Kaunga, a business partner of Salaton who is very active in the Maasai empowerment
movements.

2.7 Day 32: Nanyuki

The city of Nanyuki is situated on the slopes of Mount Kenya about 210 kilometers or 3 hours driving
north of Nairobi. As the climate is very pleasant and mild and the black soil is very fertile, it was one
of the first areas to be divided among the English colonials. Until today it is very popular with white
Kenyans, foreigners working for NGOs and foreign farmers. Also a huge British army base is situated
north from Nanyuki with often 3000 to 4000 British Military practicing for one month in bush survival
techniques. The Maasai, originally roaming North East from Mount Kenya in the area Laikipia are
moved by the British towards the semi arid and arid area’s in the upper North of Laikipia. Nowadays
many (white) farms in the fertile South Laikipia are turned into wildlife conservancies or sold to
foreign or black elite people. But these areas, (some ranches are still owned by Maasai) are often
fenced and not accessible by wildlife and Maasai. In Nanyuki itself is a mixture of different tribes as
Bantu tribes like Meru and Kikuyu historically live and farm around Mount Kenya. By this intermingling
of often youngsters looking for work and modern life, many intertribal marriages do occur. When
walking around I didn’t see any people wearing traditional clothes. It seems that when going North,
especially pastoralists like Maasai and Samburu (an ethnic group sharing language and many
ceremonies with the Maasai) are still living and clothed in a traditional way.

We catch a ride to Narok with a government clerk who wants to run for governor next year. He tells
us about his plans and visions of big infrastructure including an international airport are given. When I
tell him that so many big planes will disturb the environment and the being in the wilderness
experience by air pollution, but more important by the tremendous noise, the reply is a version of “it
is the economics, stupid!” Well at least short thinking economics I think. Destroying the wilderness is
also destroying tourism.
At the bus station Nasha speaks to the driver of the matatu to Nairobi to make sure he will
drop me at Tearoom in Nairobi city. The journey goes very well. Kenya is a very beautiful country. I
understand perfectly why all these Mzungus continue to come and stay. We enter downtown Nairobi,
a section where I have never been. It looks fascinatingly oriental. High buildings, small streets, a truck
waiting to unloading its goods without taking any notice of others. All passengers in the matatu are
long gone, but the driver asks me to stay. Eventually he decides to bring me on foot as the road is still
blocked. And therefore blocking the way for all those behind us.
We see the same truck again, now 20 meters further on the road blocking the way again. The
driver is just laughing loud making joking and takes no notice at all of the 50 cars behind him. In the
matatu back to Nanyuki I end up sitting for 2 hours sweating in a cramped bus, before it leaves. It is
now after 16:00 pm and we have certainly 3.5 hours to drive. Behind me is a pretty cool young man.
He is a prison guard in Nanyuki. We talk a lot about politics and the situation in Kenya and about
prisons in Kenya. It is not his dream job, but as he says, there are no jobs at all, so you take what
you get, or in this case who can pay. As it turns out that for this job he had to pay the recruiter.
I see that the garbage collection is in private hands, and increasingly wondering I ask myself
how much influence the U.S. and the IMF have had in the Kenyan government. In the Netherlands

78
there are a lot of comments from mostly conservative VVD members on development etc. But what I
see here in this country is that everything has been more privatized and tasks of governments are
more done in the free market than in the Netherlands.
In Nanyuki, Mwenda and his friend Charles have been waiting all afternoon. After drinking a
beer we take the matatu. Close to Nanyuki a big English army base is situated. At times 3000 to 4000
soldiers train here for a month. Also close by Laikipia is very popular among Mzungus for living,
tourism and farming. It is ten o'clock and the wife and children of Mwenda are already in bed. I still
chat with Charles about the ranches and Maasai. He also told the same story as Stephen that Maasai
are hired to poach and then just get paid a very little. There are apparently large mafia-like
organizations at work here. Also because of cow diseases in combination with the very strict European
meat market, often ranches belonging to white Zimbabweans are completely electronically fenced and
no Maasai living anymore in these areas. Nowadays they are mostly living in the semi arid areas of the
north. But actually these huge farms were already bought by the first Mzungus a long time ago.
And what about wildlife?, I ask. In the rainy season, the gates of the conservancies are left open so
the animals can go outside in the Maasai area. During this time the grass inside the fences can grow
becoming unreachable for Maasai and cows. And once the grass in communal Maasai land is finished,
meanwhile creating many human-wildlife conflicts, the wild animals run again into conservancies.
Gates close, wild animals get food and are inside for tourists to see. And the Maasai are standing
outside without having access to proper grazing areas to feed their cows during dry season.
Well, hardly any need to tell that it appears the Maasai are not very happy with these developments.
This story of Charles is repeated again by Mr. Ole Tinpoi the next day.
Charles also said that poaching of rhinos, as Max in the Ol Pejeta conservancy last year, must
have been an inside job. Rhinos are guarded day and night and if they manage to shoot a rhino,
without people getting hurt or injured by protecting the animals, someone must has been bribed to be
somewhere else. It is interesting to hear these stories, particularly as these conservancies promote
ecotourism by protecting nature and the Maasai culture. But this seems to go like Olarro camp.
Donate some money to the local school and moral obligations are paid off. Marketing works
wonderfully!

Day 33:
Today I am going to interview at least one person. Yesterday it turned out that Ole Kaunga (a person
Salaton really wanted me to talk with) is not in Nanyuki but in Nairobi. I am here especially for him,
according to Susan he is completely chaotic, to me I think he is just careless. Later on he admits that
he thought I would be in Nanyuki for a complete week. But Ole Kaunga arranges an interview with
Ole Tingoi. That’s at least something.
We'll see ... First leisurely breakfast. I get huge amounts of food presented. I know, African
hospitality, but my stomach calls urgently for a Lent term of at least three weeks. I truly enjoy my
stay. Mwenda and his wife Florence (he is 1 meter 95 and she is 1 meter 55) are caring and nice; the
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environment is fresh and green. I am pampered and enjoy the weather, which promises something
good! A clean shower room and a clean toilet (hole in the ground) and only 1 dead bed bug in my
sleeping bag. My stay in Naikarra brought me at least something! From top to toe, the flea or bedbug
bites (still figure out which one is it) are itching me. But these little animals are miserable bitches; you
can’t get them simply out of your clothes.
Eventually we arrive in Nanyuki. Finally, after many wanderings and calls from Mwenda to
people he knows, we find Nice safaris. But at 11:00 according to the appointment, no Ole Tingoi. He
has a meeting somewhere else. My good mood turns into petulancy again. Mwenda doesn’t really
have an easy time! In the office next to it, there is an NGO with a Maasai who doesn’t mind to be
interviewed. It is SAFI, something with waste management, sanitation in Maasai land and a grumpy
Yale PhD. Eventually, this interview with again a Charles turns out to be a very good one. Many
questions, endless stories, and we are now two hours ahead. My mood barometer is again pretty
going up. He tells me about the disparity between the white ranches down Laikipia south and the
group ranches in North Laikipia.
It actually gets emotional when he shares that the Maasai don’t have access to the white
ranches. It is not even about grazing cows, but just having personal access to the many historical
places like the old earthen Euonoto manyattas, resting places of old family members and more. He
really almost breaks out in tears. Furthermore, again the story of having difficulties to have access to
education, culture change by education and Christianity, the consequence of this shown in the
upcoming of individualization. Mixing of tribes by intermarriages. But especially the emotions around
the loss of fertile land to the big individual farms. This happened already during the British colonial
period. Nowadays not all ranches belong to whites anymore. Also rich black people have huge
amounts of land, like president Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta. During an interview with a Kenyan Phd
student, who does her research in Ol lentille, a Maasai group ranch 75 kilometers from the north of
Mount Kenya, I am told that she finds it a bit sentimental to lament over lost land which happened
years ago. According to her, the Maasai just don’t accept the situation as it is and it is not necessary
to bring this historical fact to mind every time. When I argue that these decisions still have
consequences by the marginalization of the Maasai as they don’t have access anymore to good
pastures needed for surviving dry seasons and draughts, she shrugs her shoulders. We live here and
now and we can’t change it.
Charles tells me with significant more emotion about this forcing back of the Maasai to the
semi-arid areas and the refusal of white ranches and conservations in times of drought to let the cows
of the Maasai graze. The latter has to do with the economic fact that the white farmers are producing
meat for the European and American markets. These markets have strict requirements regarding
contamination of foot-and-mouth disease and other animal diseases. The cows of the Maasai are free
roaming and therefore more vulnerable and the circumstances are more difficult to control to protect
against diseases, as the market rules that no vaccinations are allowed. Actually, also Stephen
mentioned this issue. By this free roaming and not following the requirements, the Maasai do miss a
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lot of income from this market. His suggestion is to build slaughterhouses in the small marketplaces,
and to do more to follow these requirements. It could be a big improvement in the livelihood of the
Maasai.
After this good conversation Ole Tingoi almost appears to be around. We go for Nyama
Choma (roasted meat) for lunch. One of the things I do share with the Maasai and other Africans.
Many consider this as a real treat. After lunch Ole Tingoi is indeed present. He is leading a Maasai
heritage trust, recording the stories and rituals of the Maasai on DVD and audio products. A kind of
storage of living history. Again I do have a very good conversation about what is happening.
Land demarcation in the past led to huge farms, often in the hands of other tribes who are
more and more coming into the area. Many inter-marriages are taken place nowadays. The loss of the
Maa language and cultural media like traditional clothes and ceremonies. Also again to my big surprise
as Maasai are trained not to show emotions, Ole Tingoi is very emotional about the fact that the
Maasai have no access to their original lands. To me it becomes very clear that in spite of all these
nice marketing stories of many eco-lodges, the Maasai don’t benefit in any event. Maybe a school or
whatsoever is supported, but that actually leads to loss of culture instead of helping the Maasai
culture. What I have seen and heard Ol Lentille is an exception as it is owned and managed by Maasai
and still a group ranch.
According to Ole Tingoi because of this not having access, many conflicts are between the
owners of the farms and the Maasai. He also confirms the story of the friend of Mwenda about
opening the gates so that wild animals are allowed to graze in Maasai land, but cows are not allowed
to graze within the conservancies. An additional problem is with elephants. Elephants have a very
good memory when it comes to their environment. Sometimes they still know the route to find water
when they have walked it once thirty years ago. The electronic gates make it particularly for elephants
very difficult to migrate. (An elephant can walk up to 400 kilometers in one night!) The elephants
inside the gates do have a relatively good environment. It is safe and there is food. However, the
elephants outside the gates don’t have any access to the old migration routes and the good pastures
inside the conservancies and therefore no escape routes in times of hunger and droughts. And what
happens? There is significantly more aggressiveness caused by elephants outside the conservancies
and therefore more wildlife-human conflicts. Right! Another positive image shattered to pieces....
We talk and talk for more than two hours and I tell him about the idea of Stephen and me
creating a kind of umbrella organization that unites Maasai and their land. And above all making use
of the traditional Maasai structures and not those modern, western-based individual organizational
forms. It sounds to him as very good idea! The interview confirms other stories told by the Maasai I
interviewed in the last couple of weeks. For the cultural identity processes, land is important in the
sense of ownership, utilization and access. Education has a bad influence on these processes, but is
seen as something necessary to survive in the world outside the traditional Maasai culture. And we
have it back again! Christianity is one the important forces behind the cultural change. Although in
interviews with Christian Maasai, they still consider themselves as Maasai. Also the introduction of
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money has caused a lot of changes. At the end of the conversation we both feel satisfied. It was a
pleasant meeting. Now towards the Zeitz Foundation! We don’t know where it is and walk out of
town. We end up in a (richer) Mzungu area. Frankly I cheer up quite a lot when I walk through it.
Despite the fact that I'm very fine in every place I stay, some comfort and luxury is quite pleasant and
feels very comfortable. We end on a dead-end road and literally walk into a car, the driver of which
we want to ask for the Zeitz foundation. It turns out to be Julia Francombe (www.samburutrust.org).
A white Kenyan who spent 6 years living between the Samburu (cleavage of the Maasai) and got
married to one. She tells me about the books of Paul Spencer that they are very accurate. Good to
know, because I use them as reference book for all the rituals and Maasai culture, I know now for
sure that it is correct. Within ten minutes talking we turn out to have the same ideas and findings
about what’s happening with the Maasai/Samburu traditional culture. She also criticizes the impact
and working methods of NGOs and missionaries on the culture. Both work too much from their own
perspective based on western values without considering or noticing the traditional ones. But she is
now on her way to Nairobi and probably has no time for an interview. But we exchange email data
and I'm sure I will send her an email (to which she actually never replied).
During my stay in Maji Moto I tried several times to have access to western organizations. I
never succeeded for different and most probably for correct reasons. I was not allowed to interview
people at Ol Lentille; emails to African Wildlife Foundation in Nairobi with a request for an interview
have never been replied to. Olarro Camp was only accessible after asking permission at the head
office in Nairobi. The director of the Zeitz Foundation Kenya did reply, but never came up with a
proper proposition for an interview. So in the end (okay, I could have taken more action, transport
and time schedules were a bit of a problem) I could say that when Africans are more modernized like
Ole Kaunga, these people are more difficult to have access to. Apparently taking over some western
habits.
After this talk and some calls of Julia the presumption is that the Zeitz Foundation is based in
Segera and only has a post box in Segera. The next day I see that the owner Jochen Zeitz director of
Puma is with the best-paid football player at that moment on his way to Segera. The next day there is
a benefit football play organized by the Zeitz Foundation in Nanyuki. So maybe that’s why the
reluctance to answer my emails comes from.
Well, we tried and we walk back passing the office of the African Wildlife Foundation. It is an
organization, which promotes the combination of protecting wildlife and including ownership and
control of local people. As they never returned me email, I decide to just walk inside. Well, good
decision as within five minutes it seems I can get a lift, deep into the interior of Laikipia to ….Ol
Lentille lodge. The access was once denied! I grin, the Dutch expression: you never know how a hare
catches a cow, proves it’s meaning every time. But for this lift I need a letter from the university
proving I am a student. Of course! No problem, if I seize an opportunity I won’t let it pass.
Back to the Internet cafe, Harry is not answering the phone, the second reader Carel doesn’t
answer. Ida doesn’t answer. Then I am going to try Frans. Naturally, he is talking to Harry on the
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phone. But anyway, Harry is on his way home, so Frans will write me a letter. Wait for 5 minutes;
print the letter and then run back to AWF. It has been five o’clock already. Closing time for offices. On
the way Mwenda points me to the secretary walking to the main road. Fortunately the director is still
inside. Sighing and panting. Well.... There seems no place at the lodge anymore. The plans have
changed, unfortunately... Well, it was worth giving it a try.
Now we finally go home and meet the children of Mwenda. I buy a lot of fruit and we leave
home, Of course I check emails and guess what! I have received an email from the director of the
Zeitz Foundation. It was sent on 9 April and only arrived today...

Dag 34:
Again a relaxed and quiet getting up, busy checking emails especially looking for the one of Segera
lodge/Zeitz Foundation. No, and in the meanwhile I am stuffing myself with pancakes. When I walk
around, I see only now for the first time, that we are really on the slopes of Mount Kenya. The top is
clear and bright in the morning sunshine It is now clear that I will just go to Nairobi to spend two
nights before my friend arrives. Mwenda and I go for a walk in the surrounding areas. It turns out we
walk into the direction of the school of his children. The vegetation is abundant, but large areas have
been chopped down, as you can see that traditionally this should be rain forest. The air smells fresh,
it’s a pleasant cool temperature and a lot of people are working at the (large) shambaas. Here you
see the different kinds of soil. When there is black cotton soil, the crops grow considerably less. Also I
notice that, although it is a more hidden feeling in the background, that being in a green and lavish
environment life is much more relaxed. Being in Maji Moto where you feel and see that after the rain
stops life will be harsh and tough again it is about surviving and conquering nature. Around Mount
Kenya it is stirring nature. A huge difference in living your life.
At school the children look surprised and elated. We first go to the school principal. He
introduces himself as Charles (seems everyone has adopted the name Charles), and the second
question is whether I want to donate money. Both questions are asked within 30 seconds. This I don’t
like and I mumble something evasively. I really just want to see the children of Mwenda to take
pictures. These kids leave their houses already very early in the morning. The school lasts from 07.00
am to 17.00 pm including homework and preparation. The results of the school (2 years, 200 students
and 11 teachers) are pretty good. 500 is the maximum number of points and the average is around
350. About a C-score average, with very little children having a less score and a lot with a higher
average. Not bad! It is clear that Mwenda is able to earn more than what I have seen in Maji Moto.
He hires for 3000 shillings a piece of land. He says the land is very expensive, but he is allowed to
grow crops and food for himself. Also he is able to pay for a private school for the children. What he
and his friend say is actually too silly to be true. They hire themselves out as carriers or cooks for
Mount Kenya trekking. Although they pay a contribution to a kind of job agency or carrier
organization, they often only know one day in advance if they have to work. That’s crazy as most trips
like this are booked at least 3-4 months in advance. It explains this endless waiting and hanging

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around looking for a job. And also it explains the remarks of western people that Africans don’t invest
in their future. If you never know when you have a job, it is difficult to invest, isn’t? Fortunately,
Mwenda and Florence do have a proper shambaa, so at least they can provide themselves with some
extra income and ensure some food.
At school I speak with the teachers and it is asked that I go around the classes to introduce
myself. Most pupils don’t know the Netherlands or Amsterdam. But The Hague, due to the Ocampo
Four, is known. These Ocampo Four are four major politicians who were accused of paying young
boys to start riots during the last elections, whereby at least 1500 people were killed by the former
prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. After all classes have been visited,
we walk back. And slowly, slowly I take the matatu back to Nairobi. I lose my patience when I think
they again try to take advantage of me and Mwenda has to bear my grunts and bad moods. Poor
man. Finally after crossing highways and finding my way at local matatu stands in Nairobi, I arrive in a
nice guesthouse in Nairobi owned by a Dutch lady. With this lady, who has lived her whole life in
Kenya I spend a couple of hours talking. She is very disappointed in fundraising and development
aid, because according to her the consequences are that African people no longer take responsibility.
Whether it is the mentality, the culture or being paralyzed, but sometimes it seems like people are
terribly passive.
But we do agree upon the reality that the tremendous efforts people here in Africa sometimes
need to make to gain access to education, jobs, etc. can also make people passive and depressed.
She gives the example of finally having a job interview, but there is no money for the bus or for clean
and nice clothes. Poverty makes slow. However, she tells that even Europeans who have been living
here too long tend to be somewhat slower. It is a huge struggle. If you are pushing too much, you're
the arrogant Mzungu, if you are doing too little, nothing happens. But what she rightly points out, is
all this funding absolves the government from taking responsibility and creates the image of the rich
Mzungu who always gives. (To my own doubt I do it properly myself). She talks about the
conservancy made by the owner of Porini camp. He gives every owner a fee of two good maize crops
per year instead of paying per tourist what is more common. Also other friends have been living in the
Loita hills to start a reforestation project. They thought they were right on track, but ultimately vague
opposition and power games finally paid the consequences and they had to quit the project. Bad
management by Maasai is later that day also given by Robert as a reason why a lot of these projects
are failing. But how important is education and knowledge? For us it is so normal to have knowledge.
We don’t even realize that we have gained a lot of knowledge during our daily life. It so normal to
know things or to have access to it. At least as being a highly educated higher middle class person.
How do we know how it is if you don’t have this self-confidence?
Or as the Loita Maasai, still living strong in ancient cultures with another kind of knowledge
extremely well adapted to the harsh life in the wilderness, but not useful in modern world?? When are
we expressing our way of thinking or our so self-evident culture and when they do the same but then
with their own? And what to do with the complete, almost white industry that has arisen, like the two
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very wealthy men from whom one is working for the World Bank. This industry is not removing itself
out of the system. But we do pretty much agree that many NGOs have only one goal or organizational
objective, creating and stimulating a lot of hope to finally deprive recipients of this hope when the
organizational objectives are fulfilled. Only taking responsibility for one part of the process. As
exemplified by sponsoring a child with only good results for primary and secondary school and then
subsequently not continuing sponsoring for further education. While also in Kenya you don’t have
much with only a grade of secondary school. And the children who are sponsored for primary and
secondary school are the people who even can’t afford to pay this. Let alone the often much more
expensive higher or vocational education. People have smelled, heard and learned what is available
and it is again impossible. In short, it remains a struggle!
That night I go for diner at Shelina and Robert’s. She is my ground handler in Kenya and her
husband Robert has been working as a veterinary specialist among the Kisongo Maasai in Tanzania for
years. He knows the Maasai very well, likes them very much as they share the same passion for cows
and Robert knows everything about land use management and grazing programs. Now he is working
for the FAO as a veterinarian specialist. We have a long talk about the Maasai, their culture and their
problems. The crux of the story is that the "modern" way of cattle and crop farming, such as pad
docking is promoted. However, these are methods good for wet and fertile areas. Not for the semi-
arid areas where the Maasai live. For these areas, pastoralism is the most effective and efficient way
to survive. Today this way of living is complicated and severe under pressure by overpopulation,
permanent settlement (as Stephen indicated) the individualization of land (land demarcation) and the
emergence of large ranches and farms. But also many problems are caused by bad or wrong
leadership among the Maasai themselves. The notion of money is unknown or at least money is
valued completely different from cows. (Nothing can beat a cow if it comes to status and wealth!). As
we say in the Netherlands in the land of the blind, the one-eyed man is king. It confirms a bit of the
story of what happened with the money of Olarro camp in Maji Moto. If anyone only has a little
knowledge, it gives power and makes it easy to deceive the rest of the community.
The evening and my stay in Kenya ends in a lively discussion and an evening full of laughter and
stories in one of Nairobi’s most beautiful, expensive residential area’s.

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 Summary and conclusions
As the research was iterative-deductive, before asking the following question: “How do the cultural
identity processes of the Maasai of Maji Moto interact with the transnational entrepreneurial activities
of Salaton Ole Ntutu, one of the chiefs of the Purko Maasai”, the direction of the outcome was not
known. But now the results are more or less part of a debate about the position defining cultural
identity as described by Stuart Hall (1994). The first position is based on the perspective of one
shared culture, reflecting common historical experiences and shared cultural codes or identifiers as
ceremonies, languages, religion, and artefacts. All providing a stable, unchanging and continuous
frame of reference and meaning brought together in “one” identity. Leaving Hall with the question if
this identity is more a product of retelling or producing it than of being grounded in historical facts.
Hall (1994) argues that there is another way of positioning namely the cultural Identity as “a matter of
“becoming” as well as “being”. (...) It is not something which already exists, transcending place, time,
history and culture. (...) they (cultural identities) undergo constant transformation” (Hall, 1994, p.
225). He argues that the cultural identity is not something fixed from the past, but the names we give
to the different ways we are positioned and position ourselves within the narratives of the past. Being
a position, but not an essence (Hall, 1994). I refer to him as the outcome of this research reflects
both positions. Asking Maasai about them being Maasai the same answers came every time. Reading
in the extensive and detailed articles and research of Spencer (1988, 1994), Spears (1994) and others
there is a notion of cultural identifiers describing a cultural identity existing at least for the last 200
years. Although the research of Spencer and Spears were conducted in the early 1980’s I still saw and
heard during my research about ceremonies and traditions done nowadays, which were exactly
described and executed 30 years ago and even before that. This suggests that you can talk about a
cultural identity with certain historical roots and prescribed rituals and way of living. Maasai
themselves were mentioning the same identifiers and dividing themselves in “True Maasai” and “lost”
Maasai or just “ being Maasai”. With especially Maasai living according to the traditions as described
by Spencer and Spears positioning Maasai not living according to these traditions as the “Other”. The
other position of cultural identity constituted within representation with the notion of “diversity and
heterogeneity which lives with and through, not despite, difference; by hybridity” in a constant
transformation (Hall, 1994, p.235 - 236). As Hall describes this in the context of identity and Diaspora,
you can see the same with young Maasai confronted with modern society in which constantly new
identities are produced and reproducing themselves.
With these two positions in mind, some patterns could be recognized in the results. The
questions I asked were meant to look for the cultural identifiers to find out how individual Maasai
would describe their cultural identity. These questions were not specifically to discover the self-identity
of every individual (Watson, 2009). Sometimes, when coming to a more personal level within the
interviews, the dynamics of individual agency towards the cultural identity of being Maasai became

86
clear. Especially with the youngsters like Twala, Koileken and Dopoi interacting with the traditional
cultural identity and a new self- identity mixing both tradition and modernity.

Features of “being Maasai”

The first repeating similarities were when asking what the cultural identity of being Maasai includes.
Three features were mentioned by the traditional people: language by speaking Maa, the pastoralistic
way of living, and derived from this the traditional religion and ceremonies. According to the
traditional Maasai, who often call themselves “True Maasai”, Christian Maasai are not “true” Maasai as
they left the traditional religion and are taught by the missionaries that the traditional way of living is
backward, wrong and harmful. This in contrast with the Christian Maasai who claimed to be real
Maasai as being born from Maasai parents and still talking Maa. Also, the latter considered them
selves being fully accepted as being Maasai. In observing daily life, I could not see any difference in
interaction between both groups. Although, according to respondents, in families where both
traditional and Christian religion was practised, this issue created frictions and problems, but was
often solved in diverse ways. But both groups agreed that if people can’t speak Maa anymore, they
are lost for the Maasai culture.
Although Maasai traditionally don’t have legal claims on specific land, they do have specific
ways to divide areas as primary residential areas to specific families. Only when needed, the Maasai
can migrate to everywhere when asked and granted permission by the Maasai family to whom the
area is appointed. This is linked to the second pattern I found, which is the linkage between
location/fertility of the main residential area and the degree of traditionalism of the cultural social
identity. In short, the more remote Maasai are living (like Maji Moto and Naikarra), the more they live
the traditional pastoralistic way and conduct the rituals and ceremonies as described by Paul Spencer
et al. (1993). Coming into areas less remote, being closer towards the borders with other tribes and
often having more fertile soil like Ololulunga, Ngong, and Nanyuki, the Maasai are often more
modernized. They express this in a more individualized way of living, having turned into farmers with
cattle or with jobs outside agriculture and almost no traditional clothes seen in public spaces. Also, the
fertile areas are not only mainly inhabited with Maasai, but are more intermingled with other tribes,
including an increase in intermarriages. Asking around in these areas what being Maasai means, the
same answers as the Christian Maasai in the more traditional areas came up. Being born out of Maasai
parents and speaking the Maa language are considered the main features of being Maasai. Asking
about the Maasai rituals and ceremonies I couldn’t get a clear picture. No direct answers were given,
but yes, they are still doing the rituals. I do suspect that most rituals and ceremonies are left and only
rites of passage are performed. But again, I could not get straight answers, so an answer can’t be
given here.

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Factors considered to change culture
On my question if there is a change in culture, and if so, what are the forces behind the cultural
change, everybody told me within split seconds: education! This was immediately followed by
Christianity. Both are considered negatively by elders and also by middle-aged traditional Maasai. The
really old ones like the Nyangusi are strongly against education as especially they talk about “the lost
generation”. When children do get an education they will go to town looking for jobs and only come
back once a year or even never. Interviewing some of the young generation below 30 years old, most
of them want to have an education and think it is very important and attractive to be modern. The
educated youngsters, who were closely linked to Salaton and were therefore not able to follow the
traditional illMurran ceremonies, still claim to be “true” Maasai. But by probing a bit and letting them
talk more about their future plans it became clear that they think the Maasai culture will fade away
and will be lost within a couple of years.
Last but not least was the influence of Christianity being very intermingled as education is
provided by a Christian government and missionaries. In Maji Moto and Naikarra, being remote and
(semi) arid areas, the traditional Maasai were in the majority. In Naikarra the missionaries seem to be
very active and effective as the percentage of Christians is estimated by locals to be about 40. One
explanation given is that in Naikarra, both primary and secondary schools are popular and they are
very active in conversing the children. By telling at home about Christianity, many parents are
converted too. In Maji Moto, only 5 % is estimated to be Christian. But here the Catholic mission post
did not prove to be a success and was abandoned many years ago.
Also the son of the Ooloiboni agreed upon the inevitability by stating that it the cultural
change is irreversible. Even the Americans agreed upon it that modernization and loss of culture is
something inescapable. Exceptions are chiefs like Salaton and Tompoi being active incorporating
requirements for modern life as education into the traditional Maasai culture and banning harmful
practices like circumcision. This is done by starting a private Maasai school where education in the
government curriculum and in Maasai culture is given. Also traditional clothing is obliged. But also the
Maasai ceremonies are rescheduled during school holidays so boys don’t need to choose anymore
between being Illmurran or attending school. For girls these chiefs are trying to banish girl
circumcision and early marriages which are still strongly present within the traditional culture. Being
prominent elders within their community both Salaton, Ole Tompoi and Hellen are actively shaping a
new identity in which both aspects of the traditional Maasai culture and modernity are intertwined. By
this, a new “true” Maasai is created. It is one, who is grounded and formed in the traditional Maasai
culture, but with all requirements needed to be able to participate in the modern world. “Taking the
best from both worlds” as Salaton keeps saying.

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Transnational influences
But this is only about the change of cultural identity in common, not directly related with the so-called
transnational entrepreneurial activities of Salaton, which are fundraising and tourism. Salaton’s and
Hellen’s tourism business and fundraising activities, like staying for months abroad for marketing and
public relations, is mostly to have little earning themselves, but mainly to provide the community with
enough money to support schools and providing children with education. Asking the people involved
with these projects, but also those in Naikarra, Ololulunga, and Nanyuki, these activities are seen and
experienced as positive and not as a threat to the cultural identity. Tourism and fundraising is said to
be respectful of the traditional Maasai culture, as tourists and donors want to learn about the
traditional Maasai culture while Christianity and government education have the opposite intention.
But here my own observations show something else. Tourists and donors are mostly genuine in their
curiosity about the Maasai culture and at least they assert they respect the culture as it is. But
observations show the subtle influence of these outsiders on the community. This could be described
as taken the dominancy of the modern world for granted. Both western people and Maasai (not the
really traditional or old people) seem to accept fully that the way of the modern world seems to be the
only way to develop. Although it could be true in areas like Ololulunga or south Nanyuki, having good
soil and therefore better access to requirements like electricity and education, in remote and semi arid
area’s like Maji Moto, north Laikipia and Naikarra this is not by definition true. Actually for these
environments, the only effective way of making a living is the traditional Maasai pastoralistic way of
life.
Both West - European and American organizations apply the same management format; goals
and aims of the organizations are to support the local community by sponsoring primary and
secondary education or medical care. They are claiming on websites how they respect the Maasai
culture and how generous the organization is, resulting in happy Maasai who are grateful that white
people give them a livelihood. This applies for all kind organizations like Asante Africa but nowadays
also for private enterprises like eco-camps such as Olarro camp and Segera lodge. In reality, hidden
consequences of the way these organizations work could be given in a few examples. With eco-
tourism, one example is the fraud with the revenues of the Olarra camp, created by huge amounts of
money with only one person having access and the requirements to control the processes. Or the
emotional outbursts of Maasai in Lakipia because of the exclusion of the Maasai from their own land
by fences. These fences also create exclusion of wildlife and hereby an increase of human-wildlife
conflicts about water and food. In education, another example is the sponsoring of children by Asante
Africa, as being sponsored means the obligation to do the utmost best to perform. The best students
are sent to an American style-based leadership course to teach them to empower themselves by
setting goals, and to be ambitious. Also, to make something out of yourself and discover your own
qualities and leadership including courses how to present yourself and debating. Boys like Dennis and
Koileken are told to be ambitious, to do their upmost best, to hope for a good future, to dream of a
good job, giving the implicit message that only a modern westernized life is good. Unfortunately, I
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have learned in Kibera slums, Nairobi, that also in “modern” life these promises are mostly not within
reach of the majority. When they pass all exams with excellent grades, despite all difficulties of
sharing books with three others, lack of electricity and other things, the funding stops after secondary
school. The organizations aims and goals have been reached; the organization is not responsible
anymore. Let alone the question about moral responsibility, as we are talking about children who
cannot even pay primary school, which costs about 120 USD a year. One year of college will cost
about 2225 USD per year. A few quotes of Hellen give a good reflection of the negative consequences
of this policy: “so only smart people do have the right to education??” and “You give them hope and
then you take it away?” A last example is the change of policy regulations about sponsoring not being
discussed with their (former) key partner Hellen, thereby completely ignoring the ownership and
leadership of local people, and not showing respect for their stakeholders. The problem with
organizations as Asante Africa (being synonymous for NGOs in general) is that the intentions are
good, the money is desperately needed by the recipients, but I do wonder if both the giving and the
receiving party such as children realize the hidden consequences on social and cultural aspects of life,
as Modernity is the “normality”, the norm to fulfil, leaving traditional culture behind.
Other observations of the cultural identity processes of the Maasai in relation to fundraising
and tourism are the struggle against fixed images and the difference in attitude towards money
compared towards cattle. I experienced that the less people are confronted with the modern world,
the more spontaneous and generous they are. The more people are in contact with white people or
modern life, the more people do ask for money or even cheat which they would never do in a
traditional way. Examples of this are the hesitance of Sinti to give my change back and the cheating
of Philip with my piki piki ride to Narok. Both persons are in other aspects very reliable and trustful.
Other examples are people outside the direct influence of Salaton, like the cook of Olarro camp, Cyrus
and others. This behavior is not directed towards Mzungus, as better-situated African people like
Hellen and Stephen also are confronted with this.
Talking about identity, the strategic use of their own fixed image I have often seen by the
Maasai. A fixed image is a fixed frame of features representative for a cultural group. Salaton is using
the fixed image of the noble and fierce Maasai (which is in many ways also a true picture) but is
willingly leaving out all stories about corruption, political games, and other facts, which he knows a
donor doesn’t want to hear. Hellen told me about the teachers not believing that there are indeed
poor Mzungu. The Mzungu do have the fixed image of the poor, helpless, and very grateful Maasai
and they do like it when school children say in choir: “thank you mzungu.” Also, it became clear that
the people working for Salaton do use the same story again and again, Meeri with her runaway story,
Koileken with his ‘I want to be a cancer researcher’. Although the stories are genuine, by repeating it
again and again with the same words and in the same context (only to Mzungu) it becomes a
marketing story of a fixed image needed to earn a living by making a strategic use of their own
identity. All these conclusions together made me realize that often the stories about difficulties,
stereotyping or corruption of working in Africa do have a hidden background within identity
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regulations. If it has to do with fixed image, agency, fixed or fluid cultural identities, it is commonly a
key concept within (global) organization sciences. But it can only be fully effectively descriptive in
combination with an eye for processes of power, control, and surveillance. As neither individual nor
collective identities are merely private matters, but are part of social arenas in which social rules of
what is normal, legal norms and obligations towards kin and religion are of strong influences (Brown,
2001).

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Appendix: Methodology

The outline of the research

As I wanted to see and hear the Maasai perspective on transnational organisations and processes, but
being very unfamiliar with this culture, I was very attracted to the ethnographic perspective of Clifford
Geertz. Also because ethnography exploits the capacity that a social actor like me possesses for
learning new cultures and the objectivity to which this process gives rise. According to the naturalist
account, the value of ethnography as a social research method is founded upon the existence of
variations in cultural patterns across and within societies, and their significance for understanding
social processes (Hammersley & Atkinson, p. 7, 1995).
Therefore, this field research is done in a Geertzian way, being an empirical based, qualitative,
intensive, small scale and ethnographic research. Following the iterative-inductive approach (O’Reilly,
p.3, 2005) in which the design evolves throughout the study, I first started with emphasizing detail by
focusing on field research and a thick description of events and cultural processes. After this, the
research evolved into broadening the context by reading literature on eco tourism, livelihood
strategies, and use of land and Maasai culture to get a deeper insight in the processes I had observed
in Maji Moto. Combining the little details of the observation and the broader historical and economical
contexts my theory is created and depending on the outcome of the observations. The theoretical
base is used in this case to explain the processes I have seen and used according to grounded theory
in which the research is essentially inductive and theories do have value but must be grounded in data
(O’Reilly, p.200, 2005). Being at the same time modest, as the research is more idiographic than
nomothetic, being a “thick description”. It describes the study of a group, seen as an entity, with
specific properties that set it apart from other groups (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983). Also, I try to
describe the effort to understand the meaning of contingent, unique, and often,
subjective phenomena seen during my research.

Start of the Research

The research started in a real ethnographic way as O’Reilly describes ethnography “is usually
necessarily fluid and flexible” (O’Reilly, 2009, p.27) with a genuine wondering about what happens in
the cultural identity processes in interaction between Maasai and other “western” cultures. It
developed in an iterative -inductive way, as it seems to evolve in design through the study (O’Reilly,
2009, p. 3). Without knowing were I was going and who I was going to meet I arrived in Maji Moto.
From this position the research started just at the bottom; Salaton appointed me a young girl who
became my translator and organizer for interviews. Also, she provided me with explanations about
what could be done or not within the Maasai culture. Only problem was that after two weeks she had
to go back to school, making it more difficult for me to find respondents, as many Maasai didn’t speak
English (good enough) and knowledge of my Maa is not more then Sopa (hello) and Oleseri
(goodbye).

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Position of the researcher
From the philosophical hermeneutics perspective of Gadamer (Atkinson & Hammersley, 2007, p.12) it
is argued that the social world observed is always seen through the eyes of the researcher who has
her/his own ideas and pre-understandings. So data and accounts couldn’t be seen as objective, but
only as constructions influenced by the socio-historical position and background assumptions of the
researcher (Atkinson & Hammersley, 1983, p.12). My starting position was not a blank one, as I was
brought up in Nigeria and Cameroon. Having travelled extensively and lived during my twenties in
sub-Saharan Africa. Also the setting of having a father being a retired assistant professor Tropical
Forest and Nature Conservations specialized in the Sahel gives me sound background knowledge of
Africa. But never having lived so rural, I still did not know the people and place I was going to. With
Salaton ole Ntutu was agreed that I would be a participant observer. Arriving in Maji Moto, I started to
observe and look for respondents to interview. Being a participant observer researching a familiar
group or setting, I was required to treat the Maasai and the Maji Moto settlements as
anthropologically strange, which was in my case was not that difficult. This to make an effort to make
explicit the presuppositions I was taking for granted being a member of my own social and historical
context (Hammersley & Atkinson, ch. 1, 1983). Sometimes this was difficult also as I try to be a blank
and objective researcher. As Duijnhoven and Roessingh (2006) explain, doing ethnography in a tourist
setting it is almost impossible not to become part of the research itself (Duijnhoven & Roessingh,
2006, p.117). Therefore the issue of positioning was an important issue to be aware of. In the end
the blurred insider/outsider position as described by O’Reilly explaining Malinowsky’s methods (2007)
asked a constant alertness and reflexivity by asking myself in what present position I was. It was
surprisingly easy as I was afraid it would be a continuous process of shifting between different
identities, being white among blacks, being woman among men, being researcher among tourists and
being tourist among Maasai. But it appears to be a problem in a few cases. Being a woman travelling
alone in Africa it only created unwanted or at least awkward sexual tensions in relationships with
Cyrus. It is a known problem already described by Hamersley and Atkinson (2007, p. 92-93). Only the
position of being white and Western and therefore assumed to be much richer than the average
village member created a complicated position. But after a visit of a good friend, I realized this was a
more personal issue, as she didn’t have any problems dealing with this issue. A very positive
conclusion was that in the end the Maasai treated me as the “mzungu Maasai”. Officially I was not a
guest or stranger anymore, but although a bit strange, one of them.

Finding respondents
As I didn’t know anybody on forehand except for Salaton my first task in Maji Moto was to find
respondents. To do this I tried to get in contact with people of all generations via the snowball
method (O’Reilly, 2005), meaning I knew people and asked them if they knew people who wanted to
be interviewed. Sometimes people were pointed out to me by Salaton, like Stephen in Naikarra and
Mali ole Kaunga in Nanyuki, but often respondents were just people walking through the camp or

93
people greeting me in the village. Also, friends or fellow schoolmates of Meeri and accidental fellow
taxi passengers; but all people were ending as thankful “victims” for many (sometimes very private)
questions. The microphone seemed to have a magnetic attractiveness as people could hear their own
voice for the first time and it helped a lot to get volunteers for the interviews. With some people, I
had several meetings each of 2-3 hours. Especially with for example Ole Tompoi who could give me
much inside information about the culture and its traditions but also about the problems chiefs are
facing. Twala being a “true” Maasai but working in a top-end lodge acted very well as mediator
between the “western tourism world’ and the traditional Maasai in Maji Moto. With Nickson, Charles
and Stephen I had three days of intensive talks and discussions merely about the environmental
problems and livelihood problems of surviving in the Mara region. In Nanyuki, I had two interviews
that were unintentionally very emotional when the interview came upon the subject of land rights and
use of land.

Interviews
Almost all these observations and interviews started being unstructured, having only the idea to ask
something about their culture in relation to modernity, not having a proper plan, but to have a free
flowing and leisurely held interview (O’Reilly, p.116, 2005). But after a couple of days I started to
recognize some patterns and the interviews became semi-structured with having some predetermined
and standardized questions (O’Reilly, p. 116, 2005) as: “please describe what is being Maasai” “did
you notice any changes within the Maasai culture during your lifetime?’ If yes: “What have been the
cultural changes” and “What are the causes of these changes?” All interviews have been written down
or recorded and especially the talks with people like Ole Tompoi or the members of the Nyangusi age
set are living history and most certainly very valuable for later times, as many people do expect that
the cultural knowledge of the Maasai is on the brink of disappearing.

Constructing a theory
Back home I first had to settle down to digest my observations mentally. After two weeks I started to
rewrite my diary and to write out my taped interviews. Followed by reading much literature about the
background and livelihood of the Maasai like cattle and tourism. The combination of my knowledge
learned during my master study with my findings from observations and literature, I started to shape
my theories as explained earlier. Intensive talks with my supervisor Harry Wels helped to sharp my
theories with this thesis as final result. Hopefully the combination of having knowledge about
organizations through the eyes of an anthropologist can give a new insight in transnational processes
and identity shaping between modern organizations and non-western societies.

94
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