Draper Interior Design PDF

THE LIFE AND WORK OF DOROTHY DRAPER, INTERIOR DESIGNER:
A STUDY OF CLASS VALUES AND SUCCESS
by
John Coy Bond Turpin
A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY
December 2008
UMI Number: 3339540
Copyright 2008 by
Turpin, John Coy Bond
All rights reserved.
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THE LIFE AND WORK OF DOROTHY DRAPER, INTERIOR DESIGNER:
A STUDY OF CLASS VALUES AND SUCCESS
by
John Coy Bond Turpin
has been approved
November 2008
Graduate Supervisory Committee
Beverly Brandt, Chair

Betsy Fahlman
Mary Rothschild
ACCEPTED BY THE GRADUATE COLLEGE

ABSTRACT
An analysis of introductory and historical texts reveals that historians have not
acknowledged women in the discipline of interior design as having contributed to the
development of the profession. Instead, a masculine narrative of architects constitutes the
identity of a field dominated by women in number, but by men in perceived significance.
The purpose of this dissertation is to begin structuring a narrative that includes the
contributions of early interior decorators/designers. The focus of this study is Dorothy
Draper, a mid twentieth century American interior designer, who pioneered the area of
commercial projects.
This dissertation has two main objectives. The first is to present an in-depth
analysis of Draper's life and work and its impact on the development of the nascent
profession of Interior Decoration and Design. Historical documents from Dorothy Draper
and Company offer valuable information leading to a greater understanding of Draper's
business strategies, design philosophies, and stylistic decisions. The second objective
seeks to uncover the reasons for Draper's "success." The prevailing perception is that
decorators and designers simply respond to the capricious whims of the consumer
market, but this is not true, at least, for Draper.
By analyzing the archival documentation of Draper's life and work through the
lens of American culture between the 1880s and 1960s, the reasons for her success come
into focus. Her gender and class automatically identify her as a person of taste based on
social expectations for upper-class women. This enhances her reputation amongst
middle-class housewives and businessmen, both of which seek her expertise. She then
merges selective values from her up-bringing and that of the twentieth century middle
iii
class, creating a philosophy of life and design that she disseminates through a romantic
style underpinned by modern conveniences. Finally, Draper's business strategies allow
her to maintain a business during some of the most turbulent decades of American
history.
As a businesswoman, Draper redefines the profession by extending its scope of
services from residential projects to large scale public commissions. As a woman, she
helps redefine social constructs within the public sphere as her male clients yielded to her
expertise.
IV
To Bosha, Jasmine, Caesar, Rex
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Even though a dissertation is a very personal experience, it is by no means one
that can, or should be done in isolation. Consequently, I have people to thank and
acknowledge for their support. First and foremost, I wish to recognize my committee: Dr.
Beverly Brandt, Dr. Betsy Fahlman, and Dr. Mary Rothschild. These women provided
me the most stimulating and enjoyable experience during this arduous task. They
challenged my perceptions, supported my efforts, and increased my personal standards.
Dr. Rothschild provided me the inspiration to consider history as a multi-dimensional
experience that is not defined by any one viewpoint. Dr. Fahlman was an unlimited
source of knowledge who responded with great fervor to any question I posed. To my
chair, Dr. Beverly Brandt, I am forever in your debt. From the first time we met, I knew
that you were the only mentor who could guide me through this process. My research and
writing has improved exponentially due to your efforts, not only through your guidance,
but also through your example.
My research would not have been possible without the extreme generosity of
Carleton Varney, President of Dorothy Draper and Company. Our relationship began in
1997 when he granted me an interview to support my master's thesis on Draper. During
that visit he introduced me to the archives, an unknown entity up to that point. The
following summer he allowed me to set up shop in his office and begin scanning the
archives for two weeks straight so that I might have access to this information while at
my home institution, Washington State University. He continued to support my research
program by allowing me to publish images for my journal articles and this dissertation.
vi
One of the single most enjoyable moments of this experience was an opportunity
to spend a weekend with Penelope Draper Buchanan, Dorothy's youngest daughter, and
her husband Dr. Harvey Buchanan. Penelope became my touchstone to a past I could not
personally experience. We spent hours talking about her life and her mother. Their home
was a showcase of family heirlooms including the 18th century Angelica Kaufmann sofas
and 17th century Dutch cabinet Draper addressed in her television interview with Edward
R. Murrow. I am forever grateful for their generosity and hospitality.
On a personal level, I am fortunate to have an incredible support system. My
family has always placed great value on education. Both of my parents dedicated their
lives to education: my father, Ed Turpin, a social studies teacher, and my mother, Hays
Howard, an art teacher. My brother, Edward Turpin, was a role model by pursuing his
M.D. Closer to home I must recognize my Game Night crew: Jeremy Bolton, Janetta
McCoy, and Jon and Beth Pece. Friday nights continue to be a respite from the chaos of
daily life. I look forward to those times when we can truly laugh our cares away. This has
meant a great deal to me for the last three years and I hope there are many more to come.
Finally, no one has sacrificed more than my partner, Jeremy Bolton. He entered
into a relationship that would be a significant challenge. Each of us worked and went to
school at the same time. Our schedules kept us apart more than most. Fortunately, that
will end soon. I cannot express my gratitude for all the things you have done from
cooking a dinner, tending to the dogs, or cleaning the home—all so I can get some much
needed rest or sit in front of my laptop. You have given much and none of it has gone
unnoticed.
A heartfelt thanks to all.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF FIGURES xii
PREFACE xxiii
CHAPTER 1 A TIME OF CHANGE, OPPORTUNITY, AND GROWTH 1
Social Context 6
Political Context 16
Economic Context 22
Design Context 28
Historicism 28
Arts and Crafts Movement 31
Aesthetic Movement 33
Modernism 35
Professional Context 41
CHAPTER 2 A LIFE OF PRIVILEGE AND DISCONTENT 60
Childhood 62
Life in Tuxedo Park 79
Education and Travel 87
Marriage 92
Family Life 95
CHAPTER 3 A QUESTION OF TITLE: INTERIOR DECORATOR, INTERIOR
MERCHANDISER, INTERIOR DESIGNER? 105
The Architectural Clearing House (1925-1930) 107
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Page
Dorothy Draper, Inc. (established 1930) 120
Business practices 125
Presentations 125
Design goals 127
Aesthetics 128
Function 130
Economical expenditure 132
Maintenance 133
Design strategies 135
Supervision 136
Trademark 141
Innovation 143
Merchandising 147
CHAPTER 4 A MASTER OF COMMUNICATION: WRITER, MARKETER,
AUTHOR, ADVISOR 155
House & Garden Articles 156
Learn to Live: A Correspondence Course 167
Decorating Is Fun! How to Be Your Own Decorator (1939) 176
Entertaining Is Fun! How to Be a Popular Hostess (1941) 195
Director of Good Housekeeping's Studio for Living 206
CHAPTER 5 DESIGN: A MULTIDISCIPLINARY IMPERATIVE 218
Phase I: Revival Styles in Residential Projects (1925-1930) 220
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Page
Phase II: Experiments in Modernism (1928-1930) 221
National Junior League Headquarters, New York City (1929) 221
Carlyle Hotel, New York City (1930) 226
Phase III: Anglo-eclectic Inspirations and Public Spaces (1930-1954) 232
Hampshire House, New York City (1939) 232
Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California (1939) 257
Coty Beauty Salon, New York City (1941) 271
Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma (1944) 278
America House, New York City (1944) 284
Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil (1946) 289
Greenbrier, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia (1948) 300
Phase IV: American Modernism (1954-1965) 318
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City (1954) 319
Idlewild International Airport, Jamaica, New York (1958) 325
Convair 880 (1958) 333
CHAPTER 6 A FORMULA FOR SUCCESS 341
Draper's Upbringing: The Creation of a Tastemaker and the Class
Who Sought Her Advice 342
Draper's Gender: A Female Confidante Versus Male Confidence 354
Draper's Design Philosophy: Blurring Class Boundaries 362
Draper's Style: Emotion through Color and Scale 372
Draper's Business and Design Strategies: Innovation and Sensitivity 392
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Page
CHAPTER 7 A LIFE WORTH KNOWING 401
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 420
APPENDIX A IMAGES 432
APPENDIX B LIST OF PROJECTS 610
APPENDDC C BIBLIOGRAPHY FROM DECORATING IS FUN! 618
APPENDIX D PERMISSIONS TO PUBLISH IMAGES 622
XI
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Image from Look (1952) 433
2. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's first permanent home in Tuxedo Park, New
York (1889) designed by James Lord Brown 434
3. A partial map of Tuxedo Park (1908) 435
4. The front gate of Tuxedo Park, originally known as "the keep" for trespassers 436
5. The tower of Tuxedo Park's front gate 437
6. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's second home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1893)
designed by James Brown Lord 438
7. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's third home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1899) 439
8. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's final home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1928) 440
9. Cover board for a Dorothy Draper presentation for Mt. Sinai Hospital in
New York City (c. 1950) 441
10. Title sheet for Mt. Sinai Hospital presentation (c. 1950) 442
11. Plan for a private bedroom with an arrow indicating viewpoint of accompanying
perspective 443
12. Perspective of a private bedroom with a distinctly domestic decor and Draper's
custom bed tray with hidden compartment and flip-top mirror 444
13. Left page of presentation "book" introducing fabrics 445
14. Right page of presentation "book" with fabric samples 446
15. Left page of presentation "book" introducing wallpapers 447
xii
Figure Page
16. Left page of presentation "book" wallpaper samples 448
17. Draper included pricing information in her presentations 449
18. Perspective of the main lobby 450
19. Blueprint of custom console table for President's Room at the Greenbrier, White
Sulphur Springs, West Virginia with Draper's sign-off initials (c. 1947) 451
20. Draper alters the design of a valance for the Georgian Room for the Greenbrier,
White Sulpher Springs, West Virginia 452
21. Draper indicates a change in height for Chippendale armchairs and suggests
purchasing older chairs because she is likely going to paint them for the
Greenbrier, White Sulpher Springs, West Virginia 453
22. Lobby no. 3 side tables for the Greenbrier, White Sulpher Springs,
West Virginia 454
23. Advertisement for Kaycrest wrapping paper "excitingly styled by Dorothy Draper,
World Famous Designer" 455
24. Sample of Kaycrest wrapping paper with children encircling Draper's favored
large-scale rose 456
25. A portion of a 1952 Packard brochure featuring Dorothy Draper 457
26. Advertisement for the Willys-Knight Great Six featuring Elsie de Wolfe 458
27. Advertisement for Dorothy Gray line of beauty products (1946) 459
28. Advertisement for hardwood (n.d.) 460
29. National Junior League Headquarters, New York City, 1930 461
30. The Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930 462
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Figure Page
31. Octagonal vestibule of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930 463
32. Gallery at Temple Newsam, Leeds, UK 464
33. Main lobby of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930 465
34. Fireplace mantle in elevator lobby of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930 466
35. Stairs the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930 467
36. Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 468
37. Main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 469
38. Detail of fireplace, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 470
39. East wall of main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 471
40. English Georgian tester bed 472
41. North and east wall of main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 473
42. Corridor looking west into lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 474
43. Corridor looking east, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 475
44. Detail of plaster wall treatment, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 476
45. The Great Hall, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 477
46. The formal dining room, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 478
47. The Garden Room, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 479
48. Rendering of various interiors in the Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 480
49. Entrance to the Hampshire House restaurant, New York City, 1937 481
50. Entertaining suites of the Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 482
51. The Garden Lounge, Cottage Room, and Drawing Room "B" of the Hampshire
House, New York City, 1937 483
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Figure Page
52. The Garden Lounge and Cottage Room, Hampshire House, New
York City, 1937 484
53. Looking west from private elevator across the Garden Lounge 485
54. The Aviary in the Garden Lounge, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 486
55. Interior of Cottage Room, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 487
56. Dining Room "A", Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 488
57. Dining Room "A", Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 489
58. Drawing Room "B", Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 490
59. Floor plan for one-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 491
60. Floor plan for five-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 492
61. Floor plan for seven-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 493
62. Stair hall, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 494
63. Close-up of bench and bust, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 495
64. Rendering of various interiors in the Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 496
65. Living room, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 497
68. Bedroom with Chippendale-inspired four-post tester beds, Hampshire
House, New York City, 1937 500
69. Bedroom, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 501
70. Kitchen, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 502
71. Bathroom with glass shower doors, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937 503
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Figure Page
72. Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 504
73. Front entry for Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 505
74. Main lobby, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 506
75. Solarium, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 507
76. Main lobby featuring custom fireplace surrounds and built-in shelving,
Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 508
77. View of dining room from lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
California, 1939 509
78. "Fake" dresser with jardiniere in the lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort,
San Bernardino, California, 1939 510
79. Custom sofa, end tables and wall sconces in the lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort,
San Bernardino, California, 1939 511
80. Dining room, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 512
81. Garden front, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 513
82. "Fake" chinoiserie chest, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
83. Side detail of chinoiserie chest, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
84. Custom plaster wall sconce, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
85. Detail of custom wall sconce showing fruits, flowers and foliage,
Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 517
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Figure Page
86. Custom plaster wall sconce, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California,
1939 518
87. Detail of dining room wall sconce, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
88. Dining room wall sconce backed by a mirrored wall, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San
Bernardino, California, 1939 520
89. Guest room, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 521
90. Bedroom, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 522
91. Bedroom, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939 523
92. Draper receiving a rare shipment of chintz from England during World War II 524
93. Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 525
94. Display unit and make-up counter, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 526
95. Second floor of Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 527
96. Balustrade and custom display unit, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 528
97. The Tent as showcased in a fashion shoot for Mademoiselle (September 1941),
Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 529
98. Custom product display, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 530
99. Individual treatment room, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 531
100. Sales counter featuring the artwork of Alice Willits Donaldson,
Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 532
101. The Tent, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941 533
102. Custom hospital bed tray 534
xvii
Figure Page
103. Central display unit, Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City, OK, 1944 535
104. Advertisement for Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City, OK, 1944 536
105. The Mirror Room, Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City, OK, 1944 537
106. Mirror in the Mirror Room, Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City,
OK, 1944 538
107. Postcard for the Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944 539
108. Grand Entrance Hall, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944 540
109. Lobby, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944 541
110. Hall of Mirrors Palace of Versailles, Versailles, France, 1678 542
111. Entrance loggia, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944 543
112. Children's dining room, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis,
Brazil, 1944 544
113. Children's dining room featuring the house for the projector, Quitandinha
Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944 545
114. Advertisement for Dorothy Draper's "Brazilliance" for F. Schumacher
& Company, 1947 546
115. Advertisement for Dorothy Draper's "Hawaiian Islands Group" for F. Schumacher
& Company, 1949 547
116. Patterns from "Hawaiian Islands Group," for F. Schumacher
& Company, 1949 548
117. Ventana Florida from "Espana" line for F. Schumacher & Company, 1955 549
118. Granada from "Espana" line for F. Schumacher & Company, 1955 550
xviii
Figure Page
119. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948 551
120. Greenbrier hostess and Dorothy Draper in a costume designed by
Draper & Company 552
121. Draper-designed parlor maids' and chamber maid's uniforms for the
Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948 553
122. Bellboy uniform for Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
West Virginia, 1948 554
123. Ben Clark, Head Bellman, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
124. Samples of braiding and buttons for Greenbrier uniforms, White Sulphur Springs,
125. Fabric samples for Greenbrier uniforms 557
128. Greenbrier uniforms with fabric samples 560
129. Arrival lobby, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
130. Portion of main lobby, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
131. Photo of main lobby with corrective pen marks, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort,
White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948 563
xix
Figure Page
132. Victorian Writing Room, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
133. Postcard of the Victorian Writing Room at the Greenbrier Hotel and Resort,
134. Victorian Writing Room, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
135. Detail of Fudge Apron, Victorian Writing Room. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort,
136. Game tables in a lobby area on the main floor, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort,
137. Lobby on the main floor, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
138. Casual rattan seating arrangements in a lobby area on the main floor,
Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948 570
139. The central fireplace in the lobby of the Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White
Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948 571
140. Blueprint of custom bamboo double chest for a guest bedroom
at the Greenbrier 572
141. Blueprint of a dressing table for the Greenbrier with a flip-top mirror 573
142. Blueprint of a custom night table for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier 574
143. Blueprint of a custom chest for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier 575
144. Blueprint of a custom headboard for a single bed at the Greenbrier 576
xx
Figure Page
145. Blueprint of a custom sectional sofa with green pillows at the Greenbrier 577
146. Blueprint of a Lawson chair for the Greenbrier 578
147. Blueprint of a custom single sofa bed for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier 579
148. Blueprint of a custom kidney for Lobby no. 1 at the Greenbrier 580
149. Blueprint of a custom table for the Greenbrier 581
150. Blueprint of a custom console table for the Greenbrier 582
151. Blueprint of a custom design for a four-post, tester bed for the Greenbrier 583
152. Blueprint of a custom breakfront for the Greenbrier dining room 584
153. Blueprint of a custom chair with a fanciful back for the Greenbrier 585
154. Blueprint of the central table for Lobby no. 1 at the Greenbrier 586
155. Main lobby of the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco, California, 1952 587
156. The Peacock Court, a ballroom in the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco,
157. The proscenium of the Peacock Court at the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco,
158. Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant, New York City, 1954 590
159. Draper's famous "birdcage" chandeliers in the Metropolitan Museum
of Art restaurant, New York City, 1954 591
160. "Aganippe" by Swedish sculptor, Carl Milles, in the center of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant, New York City, 1954 592
161. The view of the restaurant at the Metropolitan Museum of Art
from the museum 593
xxi
Figure Page
162. Advertisement for Dorothy Gray line of beauty products, 1946 594
163. Advertisement for the 1952 Packard 595
164. Sales display for the Chrysler Corporation, 1953 596
165. Sales display for the Chrysler Corporation, 1953 597
166. Temporary Chrysler showroom in one of its Michigan plants, 1953 598
167. Fabric samples for Chrysler showroom in one of its Michigan plants, 1953 599
168. Main lobby, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York, 1958 600
169. Assistant manager's desk, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica,
New York, 1958 601
170. Lobby to meeting rooms, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica,
New York, 1958 602
171. Rendering of the hotel's meeting room lobby at Idlewild International Hotel,
Jamaica, New York, 1958 603
172. Lobby seating area, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York, 1958 604
173. Interior of the General Dynamic's Convair 880, c. 1958 605
174. Draper's concept for the interior of General Dynamic's Convair 880, c. 1958 606
175. Draper's concept for the General Dynamic's Convair 880 lounge
showcasing a Mondrian-inspired wall treatment, c. 1958 607
176. Camellia House in the Drake Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, 1941 608
177. Sample mantles from Decorating Is Fun! Drawings by Lester Grundy 609
xxii
PREFACE
Dorothy Tuckerman Draper (1888-1969), mid-twentieth century interior designer,
became a figure of interest to me within the first few weeks of my masters program at the
University of Cincinnati. During a seminar on the history of interiors, Dr. Patrick Snadon,
my mentor, juxtaposed Draper's image with that of architect Eileen Gray (1878-1976).
The discussion focused on issues of gender and its manifestation in the history of interior
design and architecture. Draper projected an image of quintessential femininity bedecked
in the accoutrement of the American upper class: feathered hat, fur stole, satin gloves,
and a diamond bracelet. Gray wore a man's coat and tie and her hair lay close to her head
in a tight crop. The image was decidedly masculine. The subtext of the images
emphasized the social perception of decoration as a feminine interest and architecture as
a masculine profession. This conclusion was not ground breaking, but what followed was
a personal epiphany.
Dr. Snadon continued the discussion by providing brief biographies of each
woman. What I found astonishing was my lack of knowledge of Dorothy Draper, a
woman who pioneered the arena of commercial design. Her peers inducted her into
numerous Halls of Fame, organizations identified her as a leader in her profession, clients
awarded her two international commissions, and society acknowledged her as the most
recognizable figure in design by I960.1 Upon a bit more reflection, I realized that I could
According to Carleton Varney, the Center for Research in Marketing completed a

survey revealing Draper was more familiar to American housewives than industrial
designer Russell Wright (1904-1976), furniture designer and decorator Paul McCobb
(1917-1969), architect and furniture/industrial designer George Nelson (1908-1986) and
architect and furniture designer T. H. Robsjohn-Gibbings (1905-1976)—all leading men
in the various fields of design. See Carleton Varney, In the Pink: Dorothy Draper,
America's Most Fabulous Decorator (New York: Pointed Leaf Press, 2006): 27
xxiii
name but one female interior decorator, Elsie de Wolfe. This surprised me considering
the number of art, architecture, and interiors history courses I had taken during my
academic career. Just a few moments of thought yielded countless architects, even a few
who were women. The realization that I had been schooled and practiced in a profession
whose complete history I did not know was troubling. I knew then that Dorothy and I had
a long future ahead of us.
The majority of the information on Draper lacks depth and draws heavily from
Carleton Varney's, The Draper Touch: The High Life and High Style of Dorothy Draper
(1988). As an employee of Draper's and now President of Dorothy Draper & Company,
Varney offers crucial information on her public and private life. His second publication,
In the Pink: Dorothy Draper, America's Most Fabulous Decorator (2006) makes public
the impressive amount of archival work the firm has retained since the 1930s. The
dissemination of this information provides easy access for scholars to pursue further
research. What is missing currently is a contextualization of Draper's life and career, and
an appraisal of her impact on the then developing profession of interior design. The
problem is not unique to Draper. In fact, the general lack of substantive information on
the "Lady Decorators"3 speaks directly to a bias of epidemic proportions from the
academic community during the first sixty years of the 20th century. Historians
2
Carleton Varney, The Draper Touch: The High Life & High Style of Dorothy Draper
(New York: Prentice Hall Press, 1988).
3
"Lady Decorators" refers generally to upper-class women who entered interior
decoration without any formal training. Most of these women entered the profession
between 1895 and 1930.
XXIV
systematically wrote women out of history as a result of patriarchal criteria that did not
value or recognize their contributions.
The Feminist Movement, part of a general shift toward post-structuralism in the
academy, challenged the current research methods and allowed many disciplines to
rewrite their histories by acknowledging that women's experiences were vastly different
from those of their male counterparts. A study of introductory and historical interior
design texts in 2001 indicated that interior design scholarship lagged far behind other
disciplines in its endeavor to uncover lost figures from its past. Furthermore, the existing
texts were rampant with gender discrimination.4 The most common methods by which
authors revealed gender discrimination included: the omission of women from the
narrative, the assigning of different value to women's accomplishments as a result of
being viewed under masculine criteria, the perpetuation of gender stereotyping, and the
inconsistent language by which the authors described their male and female subjects.
Each of these methods created a bias in the existing scholarship that favored the male
gender. Historians had not acknowledged women in the discipline of interior design as
having contributed to the development of the profession. Instead, a narrative of male
architects defined the profession's development.
By 2007, a second analysis of the literature about female interior decorators and
designers indicated a growing interest in women and their relationship to interior design.
4
John Turpin, "Omitted, Devalued, Ignored: Reevaluating the Historical Interpretation of
Women in the Profession of Interior Design," Journal of Interior Design 27, no. 1
(2001): 1-11. These findings supported a previous study that looked at a broader range of
disciplines. See Ellen DuBois, Gail Kelly, Elizabeth Kennedy, Carolyn Korsmeyer, and
Lillian Robinson, Feminist Scholarship: Kindling in the Groves of Academe (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1985).
xxv
The study revealed five distinct concepts (gender, taste, consumerism, identity, and
modernism) that demonstrated great value in uncovering the female
decorator's/designer's experiences with, and contributions, to society.5 Authors now use
these concepts to aid in the construction of theoretical frameworks to explore the
relationship between women and design.
Each of these concepts also underpins the study of Draper's life and work.
Beyond the obvious identification of Draper's gender, feminine and masculine constructs
collide as she leaves the domestic sphere for a career in the public sphere. Her gender and
class status actually assist her efforts as an individual working with the interior
environment because society perceives upper-class women as purveyors of taste. As a
businesswoman, Draper sells products and services; consequently, consumerism is a core
issue. Much of the research on women and design examines how female consumers made
purchases as a means of expressing their identity, a new opportunity resulting, in part,
from the freedoms gained in the early 20th century. Draper is also concerned about her
identity as a tastemaker, businesswoman, wife, mother, and member of the upper class.
The time frame of Draper's life makes relevant the issue of modernism and modernity.
Draper's professional career coincides with the Modern Movement—the dominant style
as perceived by 20 century historians. Yet, she practices a much more romantic style
that historians have ignored. As a woman, she and her female clients attempt to negotiate
modernity, which offered an opportunity of redefinition and self-expression. Draper's
traditional upbringing comes into conflict with the era of the "new woman."
5
See John Turpin, "The History of Women in Interior Design: A Review of Literature."
Journal of Interior Design 33, no. 1 (Fall 2007): 1-16.
xxvi
Gender, taste, consumerism, identity, and modernism are the core concepts in
much of the literature dealing with women and design for the reasons stated above. This
study recognizes and discusses these concepts, but adds three additional concepts:
romanticism, class, and values. Even though Draper works within the time frame of the
Modern Movement, she does not follow its tenets. The Modern Movement requires
humanity to face the reality of its circumstances head on. With good intentions
underpinning their theories, the modernists seek to provide "good design" for all. They
qualify "good" as functional and affordable. Meeting this objective requires a ban on the
superfluous—ornamentation. The lack of visual stimulus results in relatively cold, harsh
environments that many Americans did not accept. Draper takes a very different
approach. She realizes the value of distraction and diversion. Her design philosophy
allows the individuals to escape temporarily from the exigencies of everyday life. By
embracing romanticism, Draper creates experiences that transport the users to another
time and place. Her strategy is appropriate for the decades defined by two world wars and
a depression. This study suggests that the Modern Movement may not have been the only
socially responsive movement during the 20 century.
Draper's upbringing influenced her predisposition toward romanticism. As a
member of the upper class, she lived in peaceful, idyllic communities where each estate
offered its own fairy tale experience. Renaissance palaces, Spanish villas, and Gothic
manors dotted the picturesque landscape. Ornamentation abounded out of necessity in
order to recreate the experience of the various times and places. Draper's childhood
experiences, a result of her position in society, played a critical role in her personal and
professional development. Even though many of her clients were her social peers,
xxvii
Draper's professional career crossed class boundaries. Most of the Lady Decorators
focused their attention on providing services for their own class. Draper, however,
considered the middle and working class as major targets for her design advice and her
mass-produced products, such as fabrics and furnishings. Considering Draper was the
most recognizable name in the design industry by 1960, she must have been able to
provide services and products that satisfied a wide range of consumer profiles. At the
core of this capitalist evaluative process (whether consumers purchase goods or not), is
the final, and perhaps most important concept—values.
Scientific advancements, political conflicts, philosophical realities, artistic
expressions, and product selection reflect directly a hierarchal system of worth defined by
values. The latter two fall into the purview of this study. Though numerous variables
affect the construction of an individual's unique value system, some values are shared
and identify general characteristics of a group. This study focuses on values derived from
a person's class and gender. Draper embeds her own value system into her designs. Her
childhood experiences, the manner in which her parents raised her, are the foundation of
her values. Her clients represent a broad spectrum of the American public from the
socially elite to the common person on the street. How Draper manages to tap into the
value system of each provokes exploration.
Adding to the complexity of class is the question of gender. Draper interacts with
both genders, but through very different methods. She prefers businessmen as clients for
a couple of reasons. First, they possess the real estate that offers Draper the most
seductive projects—large-scale public spaces. Second, they invariably recognize her
expertise in the area of decoration and design and most often give her complete control
xxviii
over the project. On the other hand, Draper spends valuable time and energy addressing
working- and middle-class housewives. She provides advice to them through various
forms of media: print, radio, and even television. However, she avoids having them as
personal clients; they challenge her authority due to their investment in the decoration of
the home. The range of client profiles Draper addresses suggests the existence of a very
diverse portfolio, and yet, Draper did not prescribe to fashions and fads; she maintained a
consistent approach to design for over three decades. Her ability to satisfy such a wide
range of the American population raises the central question of this study. Why was she
so successful?
The purpose of this dissertation is twofold. The first objective is to analyze and
locate Draper's work within the larger design continuum of the twentieth century, thus
further developing an historical narrative that recognizes the contributions of the female
decorators/designers. The second objective is to identify the reasons for Draper's success
as an interior designer beyond the superficiality of fads and trends. Since values underpin
this reading of "success," this study begins with an overview (Chapter 1) of the context in
which Draper and her soon to be clients develop. The second chapter focuses more
specifically on the development of Draper as an individual. From her childhood in the
exquisite, and yet often restrictive, surroundings of Tuxedo Park to her marriage and
eventual divorce, Draper's experiences are steeped in the tradition and romanticism of the
upper class. Chapter 3 traces Draper's evolution from a housewife and mother to an
entrepreneur and businesswoman. One aspect of her business is her clever use of media
to market her business and disseminate her design philosophy (Chapter 4). From articles
in House & Garden to her two books {Decorating Is Fun!, 1939 and Entertaining Is Fun,
xxix
1941) Draper begins a dialogue with middle- and upper-class housewives regarding the
domestic environment and their role in it. However, Draper does not place judgment on
women and their choice to be the traditional housewife or "new woman" of the twentieth
century. Instead, she offers them solutions for both and in many instances what appears to
be a compromise. The fifth chapter analyzes the phases and characteristics of Draper's
style and approach to design. Relying heavily on the archives at Dorothy Draper &
Company, this discussion puts Draper's work in perspective vis-a-vis her own oeuvre as
well as that of the early and mid-twentieth century. Chapter 6 discusses the factors
attributable to Draper's success as a design professional. It elevates the historical
significance of the early interior decorators by challenging the common perception that
they were passive participants focused only on the past and responsive to trends. The
conclusion recognizes Draper's achievements and contributions to the profession of
interior design and offers suggestions for future study.
Dorothy Draper's life and career is remarkable for many reasons. As a child, she
travelled by horse and carriage. As an adult, she designed the interior of an airplane. She
entered the field of interior decoration with no formal training, and yet redefined the
profession's scope of services and business practices. Draper entered a masculine realm
and challenged its methods, manners, and rituals by celebrating her femininity. Her story
has a great deal to teach us all.
xxx
CHAPTER 1
A TIME OF CHANGE, OPPORTUNITY, AND GROWTH
In 1952, Look magazine asked seven leading textile designers to pose with
identical camp chairs covered with their signature fabrics (figure 1). Albert Radoczy (b.
1914) with hands folded stoically in front stood detached behind the chair showcasing his
textile "Stone Upon Stone." Donelda Fazakas (b. 1920) displayed proudly a playful
nursery fabric installed on the ocean liner SS United States. Ben Rose's (1916-2004)
"Cross-Stitch" offered a modern interpretation of a traditional pattern, as did Ted
Muller's "Harlequin." Erwine (1909-2003) and Estelle (1915-1998) Laverne and Angelo
Testa (1918-1984) showcased textiles—"Square Circle" and "Textura-Secunda,"
respectively—demonstrating America's preference for a more relaxed interpretation of
modernism.1 Unlike all the others was Dorothy Draper's (1888-1969) cabbage rose
chintz. Bursting with life, the over-scaled floral made a distinct impression even in a
Albert Radoczy, a graduate of Parsons and Cooper Union, embarked on a multi-faceted

career that allowed him to paint, draw, and design furniture, textiles and exhibitions.
Donelda Fazakas, also a graduate of Cooper Union, started her own business (c. 1943)
designing award-winning textiles for both commercial and residential projects. Originally
trained as an artist at the Art Institute of Chicago (1939-1941), Ben Rose opened his own
textile company in 1946. He garnered awards for his textile design from the American
Institute of Decorators and the Museum of Modern Art. Erwine and Estelle Laverne were
painters trained at the Art Student's League under Hans Hofmann (1880-1966), a
Bavarian-born abstract painter, whose legacy was not only the success of his paintings,
but also his teachings in the United States. They established Laverne Originals in 1938,
an influential New York company driven by their precise and unique modern artistic
style. Angelo Testa studied at the Institute of Design in Chicago (1940-1945) with Laszlo
Moholy-Nagy (1895-1946), famous educator of the Bauhaus, and Marli Ehrman (1904-
1982), a graduate of the Bauhaus from the weaving workshop. His clients included Knoll,
Herman Miller, Edward Field, Marx and Co., Schumacher, and TWA. He received
several awards from the Museum of Modern Art. Ted Muller (n.d.), an architect and
furniture designer, at one time was an employee of Dorothy Draper. Background
information on Ben Rose, Donelda Fazakas, Marli Ehrman and Angelo Testa comes from
"Fabrics," Everyday Art Quarterly, no. 25 (1953): 5-20.
2
black and white photo, standing in stark contrast to the decidedly abstract compositions
that donned each of the other chairs. Much like her textile, Draper garnered a great deal
of attention in the photograph with her veiled hat, white gloves, and dark dress pinned
with a large medal-shaped brooch. Her confident stance and pleasant smile did not
indicate a level of discomfort for someone who might appear out of the mainstream
considering the modern flavor of all the other textiles. Instead, her expression suggested
that she had just accepted a life-time achievement award for design excellence. Draper
was the epitome of elegance and grace, a lady in the truest form. She was the anomaly in
the picture; the last romantic standing in a sea of modernists.
Dorothy Tuckerman Draper was a mid-twentieth century interior
decorator/designer.2 Though she started her career as one of the "Lady Decorators,"
characterized by her social status and lack of formal training, she was a crucial figure in
the developing profession of interior decoration and design. Born a member of the upper
class and in an exclusive community northwest of New York City, Draper married into
another prominent family as expected and had three children. After that, her life detoured
dramatically from the prescribed role of an upper-class woman. She opened a business
(the Architectural Clearing House) in her own home that grew into a company (Dorothy
Draper, Inc.) five years later with a much greater expanded scope of services. Her efforts
2
Dorothy Draper's career spanned almost four decades (1925-1964), a critical time in
which the nomenclature of the profession was in flux. The term "interior decorator" was
very much the standard in 1931 with the creation of the American Institute of Decorators.
The term "interior designer" began to appear in the 1930s, but was not adopted by the
professional organization until 1961 (American Institute of Interior Designers). This
dissertation does not attempt to draw the line between the interior decorator and the
interior designer. The term changes only when Draper herself switched nomenclature.
altered interior decoration's narrow focus on residential projects by pursuing aggressively
large-scale public commissions. During her career she broke records for the amount of
money awarded to a woman or any designer due to her fee structure. One of the reasons
for her success included her forward-thinking approach to interdisciplinary design. Her
firm provided interior decoration and design, furniture design, graphic design, and even
industrial design. By the time Look magazine was identifying top designers in textiles,
Draper had conquered that arena as well. Her reputation was unmatched by any other at
the moment when the shutter clicked. The timing and composition of the image captured
a poignant moment in Draper's career, in the history of interior design, and American
culture.
The photograph recalled a timeless, reoccurring battle between "old and new."
Throughout history, periods of rationalism like the Renaissance and Neo-Classicism
preceded more romantic styles, such as the Baroque and Victorian. For the twentieth
century, the old was historicism, anything that referred to the past, and the new was
modernism, that which responded to the current state of "advanced cultures." After
almost two decades of resistance, the United States began to accept European modernism
in the 1930s on its own terms. The severe austerity of the style lessened as Americans
desired a softer, warmer approach to their designed spaces. One of the earliest products to
reflect this was, in fact, textile design. Historians noted that architects, designers, and
artists challenged vigorously the public's taste for historic fabrics, which some noted as
the "pseudo-period rut," a clear promotion for modernism.3 Articles in popular and trade
3
James McGibbon, "Fabrics in Interior Decoration," The Architectural Review 86, no.
4
magazines supported the anti-historicist movement by showcasing individual designers
whose work embraced modernist tendencies.4 Even though many sought to champion
modernism, Draper debuted her cabbage rose chintz in 1934, over 15 years prior to the
photograph in Look magazine. The ratio of modern designs to traditional designs was
overwhelming, making Draper's cabbage rose print appear almost anachronistic, and yet,
the editors of Look magazine identified the burgeoning floral pattern as being relevant
even in the early 1950s. The predominance of geometrically-inspired modern
abstractions, however, indicated a distinct shift in consumer preference.
The second message the photo implied was Draper's success as a designer. She
was in her early 60s and nearing the end of her career, which coincided predominantly
with the Modern Movement, at the time the article appeared. How did she manage a
successful design career, as indicated by her selection as a top textile designer, in an
environment seemingly unsympathetic, according to most architectural historians, to
romantic ideals? When modernism began to take hold in the 1930s, the F. Schumacher
Fabric Company launched one million yards of Draper's cabbage rose textile into the
marketplace, due to Draper's reputation and the quality of the pattern.5 As one of
Schumacher's all-time best sellers, their predictions matched the consumers' acceptance
of the textile. The fact that the pattern was still relevant and recognizable in the 1950s
515 (October 1939): 176.

4
See "Textiles: Angelo Testa," Arts and Architecture 62 (October 1945): 42-43;
Elizabeth McCausland's "Dorothy Liebes, Designer for Mass Production," Magazine of
Art 40, no. 4 (April 1947): 131-135; and Gerald Cooper's "Margaret Simeon," Studio 137
(May 1949): 150-151.
5
Carleton Varney, The Draper Touch: Draper (New York: Prentice Hall, 1988).
5
was a testimony to Draper's work, which implied consumer satisfaction. How did Draper
maintain her popularity for over three decades with minimal alterations to her signature
style?
Perhaps the most intriguing implication of the photo was an essay on the
significance of values when speaking of "success." In order for each of these individual
designers to appear in this article, they must have demonstrated a significant level of
success in their careers. For capitalist America, profit making was the key indicator for
success. Each designer created a product for sale, whether it was a building, an interior,
or a textile. In this case, the textile was embedded with the value system of the designer,
thus defining or guiding the product's aesthetics and function. Once on the shelf,
consumers then put in motion their decision making process, which relied inherently on
their individual value system. Unlocking the key to consumers' values was the shortest
distance to their pocketbook. Business people were keenly aware of this fact, as
evidenced by the development and exponential growth of the marketing and advertising
professions during the 20th century. In essence, the consumer's values validated those of
the designer and vice versa. One can assume, then, that Draper possessed rather different
values from the other designers based on the design of her textile. She was likely to have
more traditional values—values rooted in romanticism.
As a powerful artifact, the photograph in Look magazine begs reflection, in part,
because so little is known about interior design and its history. It offers a figure of note, a
context defined by duality, and a complex system of values as represented by the
individual designers, their peers, and the consumers of their products. In short, the
6
photograph offers an opportunity to evaluate "success" in what seems to be an impossibly
subjective arena—design. In order to understand the intricacies of the value systems at
work—those embraced by Draper, romanticists, modernists, and the American
consumer—an analysis of extrinsic forces is critical. The remainder of this chapter briefly
spans the social, political, economic, and design landscape from 1880 to 1960 that was
responsible for shaping the values of all those involved in the complex relationships
among Dorothy Draper, her clients, and the consumer. From romantic mansions nestled
in the Ramapo Mountains in New York to the social revolutions of the 1960s, the range
of topics and events underscores the growing pains of a youthful nation whose instability
made the twentieth century both surreal and mundane in the most palpable way. Draper's
story is all the more meaningful due to her ability to negotiate these events as a woman in
the public sphere.
Social Context
The social landscape of America in the 1880s was as diverse as its growing
population. The wealthy were soon to splinter into two factions while a strong working
class supplanted slave labor and foreshadowed the expansion of the middle class. The
poor—a constant in the social structure—balanced the good fortune and opportunities of
the rest of the nation. During the decade of Draper's birth, the volatile social situation
would have dramatic effects as the gap between the haves and the have-nots grew at
unfathomable rates. The results would be an American experience defined by social
romanticism and social realism.

7
Mark Twain (1835-1910) and Charles Dudley Warner (1829-1900) coined the
phrase "Gilded Age" in their 1873 collaborative novel, The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today,
satirizing greed and political corruption after the American Civil War. The social
ramifications of such behavior not only widened the gap between the poor and the
wealthy, but also introduced a new upper-class group defined solely by money. They
attempted to occupy a sphere previously exclusive to the "Old Guard," the remnants of an
English landed gentry. Money did not define this social group. Appearance, breeding, and
behavior separated them from the rest of society. Most people, however, viewed them as
simply being rich since they did not have access to their private affairs to hear their
conversations or view their behavior. Newspapers and magazines were the only vehicle
for communicating the activities of the upper class to the rest of the nation. With a
protected position in society for over two centuries, the Old Guard was not ready for the
rh
onslaught of rich, poorly bred, crude families that found financial success during the 19
century. The number of millionaires jumped dramatically from 350 in 1860 to at least
2000inl880. 6 The nouveau riche had arrived.
The Old Guard used French terms like parvenu and nouveau riche to describe the
new wealthy in polite terms when, in fact, they were embedded with harsh criticism.
Lack of pedigree and poor behavior separated these newly wealthy families from
Milton Rugoff, America's Gilded Age: Intimate Portraits from an Era of Extravagance
and Change, 1850-1890 (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1989). Trade, industry,
finance, and land speculation are the leading vehicles for wealth. Rugoff uses the term
"red blood" as a metaphor for the "everyman" who can make a fortune and enter the
newly defined upper class. The "blue blood" refers to the group whose heritage is the
single most important trait for placing them in the highest levels of society.
8
America's true elite. While the Old Guard kept the parvenus at arm's length, the
parvenus did everything in their power to mimic their new social peers. They built
massive mansions in some of the most exclusive communities, including Newport, Rhode
Island and the Hamptons on Long Island. They challenged the Old Guard for social
position by throwing expensive galas. Their fortunes quickly surpassed those of the
landed gentry, allowing them to entertain on a much grander scale.
A defining moment occurred when Mrs. Caroline Webster Schermerhorn Astor
(1830-1908) called upon Mrs. Alva Erskine Smith Vanderbilt (1853-1933), a member of
the nouveau riche.1 As a means of celebrating the opening of her 5th Avenue Manhattan
mansion in 1883, Mrs. Vanderbilt held an extravagant ball.8 The event was one of the
highlights of the social season and every young debutante yearned for an invitation.
When one did not arrive at the Astor home, for her young daughter Carrie, Mrs. Astor
grew concerned. Mrs. Vanderbilt noted that it would be improper for her to send an
invitation to someone who had not invited her to visit. The day Mrs. Astor heard the
news, she traveled to the Vanderbilt home, and left her card. Before the end of the day, an
invitation arrived for Carrie, but the victory belonged to Mrs. Vanderbilt. Mrs. Astor's
invitation acknowledged the Vanderbilt's full acceptance into the upper echelon of
fashionable New York society and the shift of social power had begun.9
7
Alva Erskine Smith married William Kissam Vanderbilt (1849-1920), son of William
Henry Vanderbilt (1821-1885).
8
Richard Morris Hunt (1827-1895) designed the French Renaissance style mansion at
660 5th Avenue from 1879-1882. It was demolished in 1926.
9
A more detailed account of these events may be found in Clarice Staez's The Vanderbilt
9
The nouveau riche defined social power based on gender. For the male, money
was power. During the latter portion of the 19 century, wealth became the "basis of
commonplace reputability and of a blameless social standing."10 The gross fortunes of the
parvenus outmatched the Old Guard. Here, they had the upper hand as Americans
responded to the dollar figure attached to the name. As noted by Thorstein Veblen (1857-
1929), a Norwegian-American sociologist and economist, the possessors of this new
wealth created a new social group, the leisure class. Their fortunes spawned a different
way of life that allowed them to compete with the Old Guard. The leisure class's major
task on a day to day basis was to spend money. The practice, however, was not arbitrary.
The Old Guard constantly reminded the parvenus that refined tastes, manners, and habits
were equally necessary traits for an individual to be considered a member of the elite
fashionable circle. Since good breeding required "time, application, and expense"—a
luxury not available to those who must spend time and energy working—the parvenus
engaged in conspicuous consumption to validate their social worth to their social
superiors.11 Enter the female.
Upper class women wielded social power essentially as tastemakers. With
extensive budgets and the growing responsibility of the home and its activities, Victorian
women spent money to enhance the social standing of the family. Their prescribed role
Women: Dynasty of Wealth, Glamour and Tragedy (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998):
83-86.
10
Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Penguin Books, 1994):
29. First published in 1899.
11
Ibid., 49.
10
dictated that they decorate the home and entertain according to their station. Mrs.
Vanderbilt was an excellent example. Though she did not have the prerequisite pedigree
demanded by the social elite, she utilized her husband's great fortune to force her way in
to the sacred inner circle. The three-million-dollar ball that announced the opening of
their 5 Avenue mansion made the society matrons take notice. As long as Mrs.
Vanderbilt ascribed to the rules of decorum set by the Mrs. Astors of the world, her
acceptance into society was only a matter of time. Tensions rose as the long-standing
Mrs. Astor and the newly-crowned Mrs. Vanderbilt battled for social superiority.
Whoever was declared the victor would become a major force in defining taste and
decorum for the upper class and thus the rest of the nation. The relationship among
women, the domestic environment, and taste would prove a useful breeding ground for
future decorators like Draper.
By the turn of the century, both the Old Guard and the parvenus had essentially
merged into a single class, in part, because they began to marry one another. The fairy
tale stories of the parvenus enchanted the middle class with the potential of achieving
wealth and success without a name like Astor in the family history. With the death of
Queen Victoria (1819-1901), a monarch not known for her interest in fashion, Edward
VII (1841-1910) ascended to the throne and with him the fashionable elite of London.
The Old Guard continued their anglophile ways and the parvenus quickly embraced the
new ruler—all becoming Edwardians.
The life of the typical Edwardian debutante, like Draper, included an education
delivered by a governess until the parents selected a private finishing school. The years of
11
youth culminated with the young girl's "coming out" or debut in which she mingled with
society's most eligible bachelors. A marriage and children followed. While these women
also had assistance in raising their children, their free time often focused on volunteer
efforts. Draper diverged from this prescribed path as she desired a career in the public
sphere as opposed to an existence bound by domesticity.
Over the next fifty years following the death of King Edward in 1910, the upper
class changed dramatically. In the United States, income taxes12 and the Great Depression
consumed fortunes and the stars of Hollywood became the new leaders of taste as movies
disseminated images and lifestyles of beautiful women and dashing men. Hairstyles and
fashions of the leading starlets became the taste of the day, and Americans followed the
dreams produced by Hollywood. The decline in economic and social power did not
threaten the existence of the upper class, but it did challenge their influence. As the upper
class experienced a gradual diminishing of social power, the middle class developed into
a major economic force.
As a result of the industrialization of America, massive businesses and
corporations formed across the country. Captains of industry and robber barons alike
required workers at all levels. The necessity for growing management systems offered
many Americans the opportunity to escape manual labor and enter the newly defined
"white collar" jobs. By 1900 17.6% of the work force was engaged in these positions.
12
The United States collected the first income tax in 1863 and continued to do so until
1895 when the Supreme Court declared the Income Tax Act of 1894 unconstitutional.
The Underwood Tariff Act of 1913 created the system in use today. See Steven R.
Weisman's The Great Tax Wars: Lincoln to Wilson: The Fierce Battles over Money and
Power that Transformed the Nation (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002).
The number continued to increase reaching 42% in I960.13 The rise of the middle class
fueled the consumer economy as households had more money to spend on luxury items.
The middle class practiced a form of conspicuous consumption befitting their class; the
children and the home were the most common benefactors.
The middle class sought stability and progress throughout the twentieth century.
While focusing on maintaining their position in the social structure, they kept one eye on
the upper class with the hopes of reaching the American dream that seemed so common
an event in the latter part of the 19th century. In preparation for that potential when they
might "strike it rich," the middle class turned to their social superiors to provide advice
on how to act like the upper class.
The Ladies Home Journal, under the editorship of Edward Bok (1863-1930),
helped lure middle-class women into the hypnotic addiction of taste. Bok headed the
Journal for thirty influential years (1889-1919).14 With an unprecedented one million
faithful readers during the early 1890s, Bok convinced his readership that the then
popular "Queen Anne" style was an eyesore in its excessive ornamentation. Colonial
homes or the more restrained half-timbered "Old English" homes were far more
13
Department for Professional Employees/AFL CIO, Current Statistics on White Collar
Workers: Edition 2003, Publication #04-1 (April 2004): 5. Document retrieved on March
23, 2008 from http://www.dpeaflcio.org/t)df/2003 GeneralChartbook(ALU.pdf.
14
Much of the information on Edward Bok came from Russell Lynes' The Tastemakers
(New York: Harper Brothers, 1949). Bok's own autobiography, The Americanization of
Edward Bok: The Autobiography of a Dutch Boy Fifty Years After (New York: Scribner
and Sons, 1920), is a resource that offers more in depth information. This publication
received the Gold Medal of the Academy of Political and Social Science and the Pulitzer
Prize for best autobiography.
13
appropriate for the upper middle class. The plans he printed in the Journal began
appearing all over the country. Having affected greatly domestic architecture at the turn-
of-the-century, Bok shifted his sights to the interior.
In a chance encounter with a woman who confessed her desire to see the interior
of another woman's home, even on the occasion of the latter's funeral, Bok realized that
women perceived the interiors of homes to be the clearest manifestations of taste.
Voyeuristic strategies became the conventional means for learning about taste, which
fueled social interaction and thus the significance of the home and its appearance.
Consequently, Bok created a new department in the Ladies Home Journal that showcased
one hundred images of interior spaces. "Inside a Hundred Homes" struck a chord with his
female readership as the home became a distinct symbol of the inhabitant's good taste
and the reader's desire to emulate. Bok had become a tastemaker.
In addition to decoration as taste, etiquette also became a popular subject. By
1918, a wave of publications on etiquette flooded the market.15 Between 1918 and 1945,
over 140 books appeared with the purpose of educating the American public on socially
acceptable behavior - many of them included sections on decorating. American historian,
Arthur Schlesinger (1888-1965), attributed the proliferation of these books to the "many
earnest souls [searching] for a steadying hand in a period of bewildering flux in social
15
According to Arthur Schlesinger the period between 1870 and 1917 was the greatest
period of production for etiquette books with five or six being published each year. See
Learning How to Behave: A Historical Study of American Etiquette Books (New York:
Macmillan Company, 1947): 34.
14
conventions."16 Between 1922 and 1945, Lillian Eschler's Book of Etiquette sold over a
million copies; this number was far below that of Emily Post (1873-1960), whose
publication, Etiquette (1923), reached over 65 million homes in roughly the same period.
Americans accepted etiquette as a generalized pattern of behavior designed to enhance
social intercourse. In addition, etiquette and decoration were intimately interdependent.
Following the American trend of dispensing taste to mass audiences, decorators
quickly moved into the business of providing advice. Many of them felt qualified for
much the same reason as Draper; they grew up in high society when taste and decorum
were the standards for a young woman's education.17 Their popularity, much like Bok's,
shifted their role from taste-advising to taste-making. Through the manipulation of taste
values, female decorators facilitated a visual language for the house that allowed women
to create their own modern identities, a timely concern for a decade that ushered in the
Nineteenth Amendment. In fact, Draper and the other decorators were participating in the
"new woman" movement by experimenting with new forms of public behavior, in this
case, journalistic expression.
By the 1920s, advertisers focused their marketing campaigns heavily on the
female consumer. Women's desire to emulate those in upper classes required marketers
16
Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 51.
17
This was not to suggest that an upper-class birth was a prerequisite for becoming a
decorator. For example, fashion critics recognized Elsie de Wolfe as one of the most
fashionably dressed women. Her notoriety for fashion translated into a reputation of taste,
and was her entrance into interior decoration. Fashion and taste were linked in much the
same way as fashion and decoration. See Jane Smith's Elsie de Wolfe: A Life in the High
Style (New York: Atheneum, 1982) and Penny Sparke's Elsie de Wolfe: The Birth of
Modern Interior Decoration (New York: Acanthus Press, 2005).
15
to present them with idealized visions rather than prosaic realities. They invited women
of all classes to participate in the world of luxury by the presence of beauty in the goods
promoted. The home was a particular point of focus. Veblen, who noted that the lines of
demarcation between social classes had grown vague and transient, recognized this
trickle-down effect. When this occurred, the influence of the upper class's taste extended
down even to the lowest class.18 The fact that advertisers provided these luxurious visions
in all manner of media indicated that material possessions and taste were values
embraced by their audience. Otherwise, the product would not have sold. Taste's ability
to communicate complex messages about values, aspirations, beliefs and identities
created a distinct link between the then controlling upper class, which included Draper,
and the middle class's desire to emulate them.1 Draper utilized her Edwardian education
to construct a career in the public realm based on the complexities and power of taste.
As the decades passed and the glamorous life of the Old Guard and parvenus
seemed less attainable, however, the middle class began shifting their sights toward the
west coast and Hollywood. Here, breeding and manners were far from the criteria for
being wealthy. The good life was made more realistic as martini parties and barbecues
replaced balls and galas.
The identity of the middle class developed throughout the twentieth century until
it found its unique voice in the 1960s. By this time, the relationship between the classes
1 O
Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, 84.

Penny Sparke, As Long As It's Pink: The Sexual Politics of Space (London: Harper
Collins Publishers, 1995): 1.
16
would be quite different from what it had been at the turn of the century. What started as
a relationship of admiration and emulation had culminated in one of distrust and
discontent. The middle class no longer sought the advice of its social superiors; they
figured out how to live the good life and they wanted to do it on their terms. This shift in
class relations had a distinct impact on Draper's career. For as much as the social context
of the early 20th century encouraged Draper to enter interior decoration, the social context
of the 1960s was a major factor in her decline.
Political Context
The political-gender issues and the fluctuating cultural landscape of early 20th
century America challenged Draper, but she overcame them and even turned them to her
advantage throughout her career. Gender became politicized in the United States during
the 19th century as women began to pursue equality. In 1848, Elizabeth Cady Stanton
(1815-1902), a social activist, organized the first women's rights convention with the
intent of changing women's position in American society. The outcome of the convention
was the Declaration of Sentiments, a rewrite of the Declaration of Independence. The
resolutions addressed women's legal standing, property rights, paid work opportunities,
and education, to name just a few. Other famous individuals joined the cause—Susan B.
Anthony (1820-1906), Lucy Stone (1818-1893), Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947), Lucy
Burns (1879-1966) and Alice Paul (1885-1977)—and were responsible for the ratification
of the 19th Amendment in 1920. In addition to that historic legislation, the Women's
Movement forged paths for women in almost every aspect of American life throughout
the 20th century.

17
Education was one of the major areas in which women sought reform. The
nineteenth century did see progress in women's education. The first public schools for
girls opened their doors in 1826 in New York and Boston, and the landmark event of the
19th century was the first co-educational college in the world—Oberlin College.20 Four
women began their matriculation at Oberlin in 1837. Three graduated. The number of
women in higher education grew significantly. 21% (11,000) of all students in 1870 were
female. The number increased to 32% (40,000 students) ten years later.21 During this time
period, a dearth of primary and secondary teachers caused such concern that society
considered allowing women to teach. Resistance came from those who believed the
removal of women from the home would be detrimental to the family. Need, however,
outweighed concern. Teaching was one of only a few "appropriate" professions for
women; nursing and clerical positions were the others. Programs in interior decoration
would not become available until the early 1900s. Consequently, Draper would enter into
a profession without any formal training.
Whether educated or not, the central issue for women was the choice between
family and career. Women who diverged from the traditional path of wife and mother
often risked social ridicule and their own personal welfare. Society often accused the
20
Prior to the opportunities at Oberlin College, society trained high school graduates to
become teachers of primary education at Normal Schools (later to be known as Teaching
Colleges). The first one opened in 1823 in Concord, Vermont. By 1834, women
outnumbered at 56%. See Jurgen Herbst's And Sadly Teach: Teacher Education and
Professionalization in American Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1989).
21
Sara M. Evans, Born for Liberty: A History of Women in America (New York: Free
Press Paperbacks, 1997): 147.
18
career woman for "unnaturally" refusing motherhood.22 Nearly half of the women who
chose college in the latter portion of the 19th century never married, in part due to the
Civil War's adverse affect on the male population, and the prevailing belief that too much
education could harm the female reproductive system. The male dominated medical
profession began opposing education for females after puberty had set in, because, they
asserted, it diverted precious energy from the ovary to the brain.23 The patriarchal
political system construed meticulously the connection between science and the
traditional ideal of the role of women. Even if the college-educated female chose
domesticity, society—at least the males—had marked her as "damaged goods." By
choosing a career path, these women risked financial stability as employers underpaid
them grossly in all areas of the workforce and society marketed them as potentially
unable to produce a family. As noted in a 1910 New York Times article, they made a
living, but "none of the material prizes of life [were] theirs."24 The financial risks for
women choosing alternative futures to those prescribed by society were palpable.
Though Draper did not take advantage of the growing educational opportunities,
she benefited from the early effects of the Suffrage Movement. Like all upper-class
women, a well written narrative, plotting each chapter of her life, accompanied her birth.
22
Ibid.
Peter Filene, Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modern America (Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press, 1998). One of the earlier studies to disprove the negative effects of
higher education on women includes Mary Roberts Smith's "Statistics of College and
Non-College Women," Publications of the American Statistical Association 7, no. 49/50
(March-June 1900): 1-26.
24
"What Successful Women Earn in Many Fields of Work," New York Times, 13
November 1910, Magazine section, SM8.
19
From finishing school to her debutante ball, marriage to volunteering, Draper's life
overflowed with privilege, but few options. Fortunately for her, many of the women in
her family possessed a progressive, liberated spirit. Each began pushing the boundaries of
socially accepted behavior, instilling a sense of rebellion in the young Draper. The
political milieu of the 19th and early 20l century would prove an important factor in the
development of Draper's career as she broke free from the domestic sphere and engaged
the public sphere with great passion and force. She, in her own right, would become a
pioneer for women.
One of the most significant political relationships Draper experience was her
friendship with Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962). Though part of the same social
communities, the two women met through their husbands who were long time friends
from their days at Groton.25 The Roosevelts attended the Drapers' wedding and the
interaction between the two women began. It grew over the years as the political career of
the Roosevelts flourished. The soon-to-be outspoken Mrs. Roosevelt was a role model for
Draper, demonstrating the impact women could have on large social issues.
Supplemented by the upper-class woman's role as a charitable volunteer, Roosevelt's
social activism influenced Draper who turned many of her professional endeavors
towards providing the "good life" to the middle class. Her efforts were genuine as she
was determined to educate the masses regarding how to enjoy life on their budget. The
lesson was that money was not the root of all happiness. During such difficult times as
25
Groton School is a private, college-preparatory boarding school in Groton,
Massachusetts.
the Depression and World War II, Americans appreciated the advice. Draper and
Roosevelt, as two popular and influential women, expanded their efforts beyond the
Junior League to effect change on a much larger scale.
World War II had significant impacts on American society. The most notable was
the changing role of women. Though the frontline was thousands of miles away, the
lifestyle at home changed dramatically. As males shipped out by the thousands, a labor
shortage crippled the commercial sector. The government had no choice but to call into
service the most underutilized segment of society—the women. The media campaign that
followed mercilessly bombarded women with the message that their importance to the
country was far beyond that of mother and housewife; they were now needed also as
workers and even as soldiers.26 By 1945, 36% of the labor force consisted of women,
with the highest increase coming from married women. Consequently, the psychological
stress of work and home intensified and women struggled to maintain the household and
finance it.
Most women saved their earnings, fearing a recession would follow the war.
Meanwhile, with so many shortages due to war time restrictions, purchasing options were
limited. Ironically, one of the few items not placed on the War Production Board's list
was lipstick. This decision had a couple of notable effects. Most employers encouraged
women to wear make-up, thus maintaining their feminine appearance, while "doing"
masculine tasks. For women, the ability to wear make-up elevated morale and interest in
26
See Susan Hartman's The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s
(Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982) for a complete account of the female experience
during World War II.
21
the production necessary to feed the military effort. Women's brave response to the
national crisis was not diminished but enhanced by reasonable attention to appearance.
Beautifying showed women's 'own sense of pride' and respect for the men they tried
most to please. Lipstick—worn as a badge of courage signified—"iron in [their] hearts,
the red blood of the true American woman."27 When Draper had the opportunity to
design one of the Coty Beauty Salon's flagship stores in New York City (1941), she used
a patriotic color scheme of lipstick red, white, and a powder blue. The celebration of
femininity in American culture during World War II was an unexpected outcome.
For Draper, the war years were an opportunity to continue her family's patriotic
duty in service to the country. With predecessors like Oliver Wolcott, Jr. (1760-1833),
signer of the Declaration of Independence, and Sarah Draper (1751-1777) who tended to
the soldiers of the Continental Army, Draper stood ready to assist in any way possible.
And she did. From radio shows to advice columns, Draper communicated with the public
on how to help the war effort. She even took a personal interest in the housing shortage
and low-income housing. Draper, along with Theodore Simpson, was the first interior
designer to be funded by the Federal Housing Administration for her work on Stonehenge
(1941), a low income housing project in Albany, New York. Interior Design and
Decoration magazine viewed her participation in the project as "particularly significant"
because of the FHA's recognition of interior design as a "necessary and proper
11
New York Times Magazine, March 29, 1942, 10-11; April 26, 1942. Located in Kathy
Peiss's Hope in a Jar: The Making of America's Beauty Culture (New York: Henry Holt
and Company, 1998): 239.
expenditure." Though her contacts in the White House (Eleanor Roosevelt) did not
materialize into any government funded projects,29 Draper took the lead herself and used
her own methods for disseminating her plans. Draper's vocal presence during the war
years solidified the foundation of her popularity with the American public elevating her
to nothing short of celebrity status.
Economic Context
Dramatic economic shifts defined the period between 1880 and 1960. During the
late 19 century, American society was split harshly between the "haves" and the "have-
nots." The era of Reconstruction favored the industrialists. The businesses of railroads,
steel, and oil realized huge profits and grew at a tremendous rate. Cheap immigrant labor
expanded exponentially in order to keep pace with industry. The workers did not share in
the wealth of the burgeoning businesses. Industrial work offered low wages, long hours
and hazardous working conditions even in times of prosperity. The situation for women
and children was even worse. While the American upper class experienced
unprecedented pleasures, their workers struggled to live from day to day.
28
"Stonehenge: A Garden Apartment Project in Albany, New York, Utilizing Interior
Design for Low Cost Housing," Interior Design and Decoration 17 (October 1941): 34.
The project included nine buildings with 212 apartments on fifteen acres. Draper
collaborated with Theodore Simpson of Mayfair, Inc. Though Mayfair was the official
interior design firm of record, they opted to sub-contract Draper due to her national
reputation.
29
In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Greenbrier underwent a remodel to extend its
conference facilities. The government joined the project secretly and constructed a
bunker beneath the hotel. The bunker continued to be an evacuation point for the
government. Though Draper was involved in the design of the conference wing, she was
not a part of the bunker project.
23
The economic conditions for the nouveau riche spawned new approaches toward
spending. In their attempt to demonstrate their equality with those families that had "old
money," the leisure class began spending vast amounts of money to construct new
identities. Though they had worked very hard for their new fortunes, they now focused on
leading a life of non-work, or leisure, to prove that they had achieved financial success.
Having the wife focus on spending money to decorate the home and entertain were
crucial aspects that facilitated social relations and interactions. The price tag for the
various Vanderbilt homes, including both exterior and interior, was a case in point:
Marble House (1889-1892, $11 million), The Breakers (1895, $7 million), and Biltmore
House (1895, $5 million).30 This move toward purchasing an ancestry bode well for the
field of interior decoration. The Vanderbilt mansion at Hyde Park cost $660,000, but the
interiors cost over $1.5 million, twice that of the architecture. The interest in creating
lavish interiors heightened the need for decorators.
As wealthy businessmen continued to expand their ventures during the late 19
and early 20th centuries, the number of managerial positions increased dramatically. This
should have offered the middle class an opportunity to share in the prosperity occurring
in the upper echelon of society. However, a series of economic crises prevented the
middle class from getting a stable financial foothold. The Panic of 1893 was the worst
John Foreman and Robbe Pierce Stimson, The Vanderbilts and the Gilded Age:
Architectural Aspirations, 1879-1901 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991). Marble
House, though much smaller in size, cost more due to the extensive use of Tuckahoe and
Carrara marble for the exterior.
economic crisis to date. A shortage in credit spurred the panic, resulting in a depression.
Fifteen thousand businesses closed, while 600 banks and 74 railroads failed. By June
1894, three million Americans were unemployed. As the new century approached, the
anticipated optimism followed. The people "looked forward to the 20th century with a
degree of confidence unequaled by any previous age and unregained since. Paced fast or
slow, progress was sure, limitless, irreversible."32 Considered a fresh start, the 20th
century left behind the scars of its predecessor, but all was not to go as planned. The
Panics of 1901 and 1907 kept the American public in disarray. The stock market fell
nearly 50% in 1907 and a recession followed. Americans had to suffer through a world
war before a significant financial respite arrived.
During the 1920s America experienced a period of prosperity unmatched by any
other time in its history. The average American was better fed and clothed than his
predecessors in any industrial nation around the globe.33 The government offered free
schooling to their children and for the first time in American history the vast majority of
the adult population could read. Residential housing boomed throughout the decade,
compensating for the wartime housing backlog, while the volume of construction rose by
31
See William Jett Lauck's The Causes of the Panic of 1893 (Boston and New York:
Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1907).
32
"The Half-Century," Time 55, no. 1 (2 January 1950): 26.
33
George E. Mowry, The Urban Nation (New York: Hill and Wang, 1965): 17.
more than 6% a year with the addition of public projects and the mass infrastructure
necessary to support the newest American commodity, the automobile.34
The economic stability of the 1920s provided middle-class Americans the
opportunity to become major consumers. Items for the home were high atop the list.
Since the explosion in the growth of millionaires during the late 19th century, the middle
class set their sights on the lifestyle of the upper class. Many believed that they too could
strike it rich. In the meantime, they prepared themselves by demonstrating good taste in
decorum and decoration. Interior decorators benefitted as the home became a major focus
of American consumerism. Advice books increased rapidly in number as did the
decorators themselves, many without any formal training.
The prosperity of the 1920s ended almost as quickly as it had begun. The
Depression doused the dreams of countless Americans, rich and poor alike. This
traumatic economic downturn brought construction to a halt, and consumer spending
froze, shifting financial decisions into survival mode. Even Draper and her family felt the
effects. In combination with an untimely divorce, the Depression sent Draper into
unfamiliar territory—a one-bed room apartment in which she assigned her daughter and
the family Dalmatian bunk bed privileges while she relegated herself to sleeping on the
couch.
The Depression came to an end once America entered World War II. As the men
ventured off to war, women went to work. Fearing another economic downturn like the
34
Ford's mass production blossomed into the economic wonder of all time more than
doubling the cars on the road from 1920 to 1929. "The Half-Century," 32.
one that followed World War I, women saved their earnings. The economy stayed
healthy and the saving efforts of the women led countless Americans to the dream life
they had been searching for outside of the city. The exodus to the country caused a
suburban explosion as young couples claimed their lot of land and built their new home.
Once again, consumerism spiked as middle-class Americans purchased a new life in a
similar fashion to nouveau riche in the late part of the 19th century. The 1950s were a
return to economic prosperity much like the Roaring Twenties.
The economic turbulence between the 1890s and the 1950s were a particular
challenge to women such as Draper. Free-spirited and desiring a life outside of the
domestic sphere, women sought economic independence at a time that was anything but
favorable for such possibilities, both socially and economically. In general, women
entered into the work force at a steadily increasing rate. In 1870, women comprised
14.8% of the work force. By 1940, that number increased to 24.4%.35 These increases
were a response to women's initiative and necessity. Though generally small in number,
"decorators and window dressers" comprised a rapidly rising field. The number
burgeoned from 457 in 1910 to 6,488 in 1930.36 The result was a giant leap for women as
the total percentage of females in these two areas jumped from 7% to 26%. The
Depression slowed the growth of this category, adding less than 4% to its total number
35
Janet Hooks, Women's Occupations Through Seven Decades (Washington, D. C :
Zenger Publishing Co. Inc., 1978): 33. Reprint of the 1947 edition published by U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, which was issued as no. 218 of the Women's
Bureau bulletin series. The census of 1900 recognized decorators and window dressers
for the first time and placed them in a single category.
36
Ibid., 198.
27
(6,488 - 6,732) and dropping to 22.6% of the total number of workers (male and female).
Draper certainly contributed to these statistics since she began her first business venture
in 1925, but she also added to another category of the census—Proprietors, Managers,
and Officials.
According to the census between 1900 and 1940, "proprietors, managers and
officials" included the entrepreneur who owned a business, the manager who conducted
business for someone else, and the official who determined policies.37 This category
counted everyone from captains of industry to the baker who operated his/her own shop.
Few women up to this point were captains of industry or held important managerial
positions. For the most part, women fell into this category by operating their own
business, much like Draper. By 1940, women accounted for 318,647 proprietors,
managers or officials. Decorators were likely included in one of two categories: the 18%
(57,147) noted under "other retail trade and wholesale trade" or the 8.4% noted under the
category that included construction. Draper, in particular could very likely have been in
the latter due to the nature of her first business, which would place her among the 2% of
women in these types of positions. While the numbers were comparatively small in all
areas, women were making strides in the workforce, especially as owners and leaders.
Women in the workforce grew seven times between 1870 and 1940, and the number of
business women exploded by a multiple of 40.
Draper was fortunate enough to be born into a wealthy family and was unaware of
the plight of most Americans during her childhood. The walls surrounding her exclusive
37
Ibid., 180.
community shielded the Old Guard from the realities of a typical American life. She
wanted for nothing. The volatility of the economy had very little impact on Draper even
when she opened her first business in 1925. The Depression, however, affected her
severely. Resolute, and with the help of her social connections, Draper not only outlasted
the Depression, she actually made great strides during the 1930s toward the development
of her reputation as a decorator. Even in the 1940s, when many shops closed, Draper
maintained her office at full staff and full pay, due to the wealthy businessmen who
sought her service. The late 1940s and early 1950s offered no external economic threats
as she sailed steadily toward retirement. As volatile as the social, political, and economic
times of Draper's life, the design aesthetic followed suit ranging from a celebration of
history to a religion of modernism. The variety of styles manifested the continuous shift
in American values.
Design Context
Historicism
In addition to the intangible constructs of society, politics, and economics, the
more palpable built environment was equally important as an extrinsic force that would
affect Draper's career. At the time of her birth, American design continued its
longstanding tradition of looking across the Atlantic for inspiration. England, in
particular, maintained its influence over her now-liberated colonies, at least in the areas
of design and decorum. Advancements in machine production coupled with a financially
stable middle class fueled an interest in historicism. Revivals abounded as the middle
class sought to lay claim to a heritage through the acquisition of material objects
previously exclusive to the landed gentry. English craftsmen and designers reinterpreted
the Renaissance, Rococo, and Gothic styles along with many exotic expressions coming
from the Middle and Far East. The machine made it possible for previously cost-
prohibitive objects—from furniture to decorative arts—to be produced at an affordable
cost. During the bulk of the 19th century, these revivals, defined by the proliferation of
objects in which no surface—vertical or horizontal—was left bare, dominated the designs
of English and American homes. Three examples of revival styles follow: Greek revival,
Gothic Revival, and Second Empire Style.
Some examples of famous 19th century historic revival homes included Melrose
(1845) in Natchez, Mississippi.38 The Greek revival home boasted a temple front in the
Doric order with similar columns framing all exterior doors. A railing detailed with
classic honeysuckle blossoms edged the top balcony. The square plan drew inspiration
from the geometric proportions codified by Italian architect Andrea Palladio (1508-1580)
in his Quatro Libre?9 The interiors used similar motifs blended with geometric patterns
in moldings and carpets. Furnishings, though at times inspired by Greek antiquities such
as the klismos, often mixed designs from previous eras in the composition of the room, a
common characteristic of 19th century design.
38
Jacob Byers (1797-1869?), a Maryland architect, helped John T. McMurran (1801-
1866), a lawyer and state senator, turn Holly Hedges into Melrose. See Virginia and Lee
McAlester's Great American Houses and their Architectural Styles (New York:
Abbeville Press, 1994).
39
Andrea Palladio, a Venetian architect, first published Quattro Libri dell'Architettura
{The Four Books of Architecture) in 1570.
Alexander Jackson Davis (1803-1892) designed one of the hallmark American
Gothic Revival homes in Tarrytown, New York for General William Paulding (1770-
1854), mayor of New York City. Pointed arches, rosette windows, and stained glass
defined the style of Lyndhurst. Stair-step battlements and spire-like formations mixed
secular and ecclesiastical design. Davis provided rich interiors characteristic of the 19th
century. Highly detailed gridded ceilings housed individual quatrefoils in each unit.
Wood furniture made it easy for craftsmen to carve the intricate piercings and tracery so
familiar in Gothic church architecture.
In an attempt to revive the grandeur of his uncle's empire, Napoleon III revived
the French Empire style. Architecturally, the home followed the Italianate style earlier in
the century. A tower dominated the asymmetrical composition. The French Second
Empire Style simply added the steep mansard roof with dormer windows. Seth Bradford
(1801-1878), a relatively unknown architect, employed this style for Chateau-Sur-Mer
(1852) in Newport, Rhode Island for his client William Shepard Wetmore (1801-1862), a
merchant in the Pacific trade. The Second Empire Style was very popular at mid-century.
However, Wetmore redesigned the home in 1872 with the help of French-trained
American architect, Richard Morris Hunt (1827-1895). His refinements to the waning
style turned Chateau-Sur-Mer into the quintessential French Second Empire building.
The interiors did not follow suit. Instead, Chateau-Sur-Mer embraced numerous revivals
with its Rococo ballroom, Baroque library, and Aesthetic Movement-influenced
bedrooms.
31
Broadly defined as the Victorian era, these styles were the first Draper would
know as a child. Her early homes in Tuxedo Park, New York favored not only the
historicism flourishing in the United States and England, but those that originated in
England itself. Two of Draper's childhood homes included the "Olde English" style and
the so-called "Queen Anne" Revival, both a product of the English Domestic Revival
movement. The anglophile tendencies of the Old Guard resonated in the design of the
homes. Wainscoting and heavily turned banisters with exquisite moldings typified the
interior architectural elements of the home. The objects demonstrated the heritage of the
family with heirlooms dating back to the 18th century. By the time Draper was born,
however, a shift had occurred in England and a group of artists wanted to combat the ill
effects of the industrialized world. The Arts and Crafts movement had arrived.
Arts and Crafts Movement
William Morris (1834-1896) was a prolific critic of the Industrial Revolution's
negative impacts, clearly attributing the decline in quality of objects to mechanization of
the design process. Spawned by the avarice of capitalists and salesmen, cheap products
lacking in design sensitivity and craftsmanship flooded the market, and then insinuated
themselves into the open arms of a voracious middle class desperate to display their new
financial status. Morris chided the industry and these new "handicraftsmen" whom he
claimed "never did a stroke of hand-work [sic] in their lives."40 The essence of Morris's
criticism decried the lack of human contact with the object during production. The
40
William Morris, "The Lesser Arts" in G. D. H. Cole, William Morris (New York:
Random House, 1934): 504.
32
laborer simply pulled a lever or pushed a button with such regularity that the machine
imposed its own protocol for production on the human system, suppressing intellect and
creativity for mere muscle memory.
The mechanization of the design process also laid waste to the quality of life.
While the wealthy factory owners and the middle class prospered, the proletariat suffered
greatly.41 Morris described the conditions of this social class as including "coarse food
that does not nourish, with rotten raiment which does not shelter, with wretched
houses."42 In response, the inner city decayed and crime rose severely as laborers turned
to numerous vices to quell the painful reality of their empty, abused lives. The machine's
impact was indeed far-reaching.
Consequently, Morris turned his eye to the medieval period for inspiration. Not
only was this a recognition of a time when the artists and craftsmen were one, but also the
importance of vernacularism where "convenience, construction, and propriety" guided
design decisions.43 The simplicity of Arts and Crafts interiors stood in stark contrast to
the prevailing Victorian interiors. Distinctly vernacular due to the emphasis on
handicraft, the furnishings characteristic of this movement often defied time and place.
Ladderback chairs with rush seats presented visual interest mainly through turned
41
William Morris and E. Belfort Blax, "Socialism from the Root Up" in Commonweal:
1886-1888. Retrieved from the William Morris Internet Archive at
http://www.marxists.org/archive/morris/works/1886/sru/index.htm on October 4, 2003.
42
William Morris, "Useful Work versus Useful Tool" written in 1895. Retrieved from
the William Morris Internet Archive at
http://www.marxists.org/archive/morris/works/1886/sru/index.htm on October 4, 2003.
43
A.W. N. Pugin, The True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture (London:
John Weale, 1841).
33
elements. Applied ornamentation was uncommon. Rooms lacked the ostentation of the
revivals using hand hewn wood beams and detailing to great effect. The spaces were
warm and intimate due to the preference for wood and low ceilings. Natural materials
dominated both the exterior and interior. The style was charming and reminiscent of
cottage life.
Americans latched on to the romanticism and socialism imbued in the movement.
Gustav Stickley (1858-1942), an American craftsman and designer, championed the style
as appropriate based on the democratic principles of America, "the life of the plain
people [was] the life of the nation."44 While designers like Charles (1868-1957) and
Henry Greene (1870-1954) and Stickley promoted the importance of handicraft,
department stores quickly realized the ease at which they could knock-off Arts and Crafts
furniture and make it by machine. The popularity of the style ensured that the low prices
would be more than well received by the public. The style spread quickly and soon
department stores, such as Sears, even sold homes as kits to the hungry consumer.
Bungalows became a hallmark of the period.
Aesthetic Movement
Prior to the spread of the Arts and Crafts style throughout middle-class America,
another movement with some similar interests in design reform affected decoration and
decorum on both sides of the Atlantic.45 The core philosophy of the Aesthetic Movement
44
Gustav Stickley, Craftsman Homes (New York: The Craftsman Publishing Company,
1909): 156.
45
For an overview of the individuals involved in the Aesthetic Movement, see Ian
Small's The Aesthetes: A Sourcebook (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979). See
34
stemmed from the work of John Ruskin (1819-1900), British author and critic. "What we
like determines what we are, and is the sign of what we are; and to teach taste is
inevitably to form character."46 Similar to this quote that originated in the mid-1860s, the
supporters of the Aesthetic Movement believed in a distinct relationship between the
quality of the environment and the standards by which people lived by. Beautiful
surroundings could "instill within each person a corresponding beauty of demeanor,
thought and deed."47 The aesthetes differed rather significantly, however, from the
followers of the Arts and Crafts movement. The thrust of Morris' philosophies were
political and the process of design was as important as the design itself. The aesthetes
viewed the product as the primary element in a manner that suggested almost a drug-
induced euphoria that shielded them from the harsh realities of life. From 1870 to the turn
of the century, upper- and middle-class English and American households embraced this
artistic manner of living.
The domestic environment of the Aesthetic Movement focused on the nostalgic
and the exotic. Though the style looked to the past for inspiration, the goal was not
historical accuracy. "Queen Anne" homes became the style of choice while early
Matthew Arnold's Culture and Anarchy (New York: Macmillan Company, 1925), first
published in 1869, for a discussion of "sweetness and light." Clarence Cook's The House
Beautiful (New York: Scribner, Armstrong and Company, 1878) is the primary source for
the effect of the Aesthetic Movement on the interior of the American home.
John Ruskin, The Crown of Wild Olive: Four Lectures on Work, Traffic, War and the
Future (Philadelphia: Henry Altemus, 1895): 67.
47
Beverly Brandt, "In Quest of Usefulness and Beauty: Changing Interpretations of the
Arts and Crafts Ideal, Part II: The Aesthetic Movement," Designers West, September
1989, 168.
35
Georgian and Classical Revival styles defined the interior's furnishings and decorative
arts. The exotic came in the form of blue-and-white ceramics, the quintessential artifact
for the true aesthete. Motifs including dragonflies and peacocks further instilled the
romance of faraway places while sunflowers, poppies, and lilies encouraged visions of
romance, happiness and delight.
The philosophies of the Aesthetic Movement played a critical role in the
development of Draper's personal values and design philosophies. Descriptions of her
childhood homes, one of which was a "Queen Anne," and the interiors suggested that her
parents, Paul (1856-1940) and Susan Minturn (1865-1956), might have been aesthetes
themselves. The consequences were significant in that the exposure to this way of life
affected her own approach to design greatly. She, too, was a master of assimilation when
it came to styles. Exotic references were frequent and many of her major motifs looked to
history. Most importantly, Draper used the built environment to create escapist
experiences for the downtrodden Americans who lived through two wars and a Great
Depression in less than 25 years. Furthermore, the idea of a modern aesthete was not a
consideration for historians who so quickly embraced the more socially based theories of
the modern movement stirring in the Germanic countries.
Modernism
The Modern Movement continued the spirit of 19th century design in a number of
ways. Most notably, the modernists underpinned all of their decisions with the notion that
design could improve life. Le Corbusier (1887-1965) believed his houses helped people
with daily tasks. One example was the grate embedded in the ground at the front door of
the Villa Savoye (c. 1929). Without effort on the part of the homeowner, the house
cleaned the shoes of debris before entering. On a much larger scale, architecture
attempted to create a building system that was affordable for the working and lower class.
The standardization of parts reduced costs such that housing was available to all. Their
humanitarian efforts suggested a new role for designers—one grounded in morality.
The modernists also sought reformation from the historic tendencies of the
Victorian era with the same passion as their predecessors. The modernists believed that
design should reflect culture and its current state. Austrian architect Adolf Loos (1870-
1933) was an early proponent of this philosophy of aesthetic advancement. He reacted
against the 19th century's endless revivals by noting a disconnect between the designed
object and the culture it represented. His home town of Vienna was the initial target for
his criticism. He argued that the present was built on the past and did not reflect the
civilized, advanced culture of Vienna. The revival references of the Gothic, Renaissance,
Baroque, and Rococo were inaccurate in representing the Vienna of the 20th century.
These postulations supported the concept of aesthetic progress. Aesthetics should
continue to move forward with the culture. A direct consequent of this approach was a
distinctly anti-historic approach to design.
Loos's seminal essay, "Ornament and Crime" (1908), identified ornamentation as
the major manifestation of historicism.48 The Beaux Arts approach was particularly
successful and popular in early 20th century Vienna. Massive public buildings dressed in
Originally published in 1908 as "Ornament und Verbrechen" Loos's essay was

translated in English in 1913.
37
classical details redefined the image of the city. This was inappropriate because Vienna,
according to Loos, was not a grand Roman republic from the age of the Caesars. He used
criminals and aboriginal cultures as examples of individuals that ornament themselves. In
both cases, the "ornamented" was uncivilized.49 Loos's theory had significant
ramifications as the modern movement adopted the absence of ornamentation, a
reflection of historicism, as one of their main tenets.
Function was one of the other cornerstone values of the Modern Movement.
"Objects had to be planned in order to work effectively, and when things were planned
effectively, it was suggested, they tended to be beautiful."50 From function came beauty.
An often cited example was Walter Gropius's (1883-1969) door handle.51 Realizing the
awkward motion to turn a conventional door handle, Gropius designed his "lever handle,"
a simple bar that fit the dimensions of the hand as it naturally extended to the door. The
horizontal design made it easy for the user to simply grab and pull down using the entire
arm. This was much more ergonomic and functional than the excessive turning of the
wrist for a regular door knob. Because his design emanated from the necessary function
and use of the object, modernist theory deemed the door handle beautiful.
49
The concept of assigning a level of social sophistication through ornament is not new.
British art historian, Ralph Nicholoson Wornum (1812-1877), was less severe than Loos
who allowed no ornament at all. Wornum viewed ornament as a manifestation of an
individual's taste and a society's level of civilization. The balance between elegance and
fitness was paramount. See Ralph Wornum's Analysis of Ornament, Characteristics of
Styles: An Introduction to the History of Ornamental Art (London: Chapman and Hall,
1884).
50
Paul Greenhalgh, Modernism in Design (London: Reaktion, 1990): 10.
51
Walter Gropius was a German architect responsible for the creation of the Bauhaus. He
was the Director from 1919-1927 before immigrating to the United States.
38
Loos, Le Corbusier, and Gropius established the modern aesthetic. Corbusier
created the foundation of the architectural system where structural columns supported
concrete slabs. This system freed the interior walls from load-bearing responsibilities and
the exterior shell became nothing more than a veneer. The lifting of these restraints
introduced opportunities for ribbon windows and eventually glass curtain walls.
Geometric form superseded artifice as function, and simplicity guided design. The
interiors, now free from structural walls, allowed space to flow effortlessly between
rooms as the role of walls took on specific functions like visual privacy and the shaping
of space. Applied ornamentation was absent in the modern aesthetic. Architectural planes
usually lacked molding with the possible exception of a baseboard. Though white
dominated as a color, the modern palette did not exclude other hues. Furniture was
equally simple with minimal elaboration. Materials were, for the most part, smooth and
lacked pattern. Once fully developed, the modern aesthetic began to stretch its influence
westward.
The Modern Movement reached the United States officially in the early 1930s
through an exhibit at the Modern Museum of Art. Henry-Russell Hitchcock (1903-1987)
and Phillip Johnson (1906-2005) documented the event in their publication The
International Style: Architecture Since 1922.52 The authors discussed the role of
functionalism, and the three major principles: architecture as volume, regularity
(standardization), and decoration (or the lack thereof). The authors criticized the
52
Henry-Russell Hitchcock, a leading architectural historian, and Phillip Johnson, a then
proponent of German modernism, authored The International Style: Architecture Since
1922 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co, 1932).
39
superficiality of American modernism as a justification for their absence from the exhibit.
The coordinators of the exhibit excluded Frank Lloyd Wright (1867-1959), among others,
for their "individualism." Hitchcock and Johnson considered them the last representatives
of romanticism—the antithesis of modernism. The absence of these designers indicated
the American distaste for the severity of the European modern movement's aesthetic,
which had prevented its full acceptance in the United States. The Art Deco period was the
American version of modernism until a significant number of foreign emigres took
administrative positions in leading educational institutions just before and after World
War II.53 Gropius went to Harvard; Mies van der Rohe (1886-1969) went to the Illinois
Institute of Technology, and numerous other Bauhaus educated designers and professors
spread across the United States. Their ideas of modernism quickly replaced the previous
eclectic directions in many educational institutions thus greatly affecting the next
generation of American designers.
Prior to 1945, the United States continued to favor historicism. The idea of
heritage and ancestry was an important value to members of all socio-economic levels.
By the end of World War II, however, the young soldiers and war brides wanted little to
do with the past; it harbored too many unpleasant memories. Their desire to purchase a
new life caused the subsequent boom in suburbia and the modern aesthetic. Infused with
a softer, more organic form of modernism from Scandinavia, the average homeowners
released their dependency on history and looked toward the future. Though historicism
53
Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) shut down the Bauhaus in 1933 causing the initial migration
of modern designers to the United States.
never vanished, the scales had been tipped in the United States for the first time in favor
of modernism.
The Victorian revivals, Arts and Crafts ideals, and Aesthetic Movement
philosophies played major roles in the development of Draper's design style. She was
not, however, immune to modernism and even demonstrated modern tendencies very
early in her career. She would build her reputation on her historically eclectic designs,
although she differed significantly from many of her peers who focused on period rooms.
Draper was part of a generation of decorators with Victorian upbringings who had to
negotiate modernism. Such diversity offered opportunities for innovation. Some stayed
the course of creating historic rooms, like Sister Parrish (a.k.a., Dorothy May Kinnicutt,
1910-1994) and Eleanor McMillen Brown (1890-1992). Others ventured into more
eclectic styles like Frances Elkins (1888-1953) in California, and Rose Cummings (1887-
1968) in New York.
Draper was a risk-taker. Having acquired an international reputation by the mid-
1940s, the encroaching modern aesthetic challenged her authority. She would have to
redefine herself to remain relevant for a swiftly changing consumer. Not wanting to
disembark from her post as one of America's leading designers near the end of her life,
she did, in fact, find new ways to insert her influence in American culture. For a woman
who grew up with horse and buggy as the major form of transportation, her contract to
design the interiors of jets made her quite a phenomenon.

41
Professional Context
Prior to Draper's appearance in the field of interior decoration, the identity of the
decorator went through many transformations. Architects were the first to lay claim to
the interior environment. Historically, they designed all of the complex interior
elevations, which often included the integration of art, and oversaw the specification of
furnishings. Robert Adam (1728-1792) was perhaps the most famous architect to focus
on interiors. His attention to detail based on classical motifs created extraordinary
elevations. He and his brother eventually followed in the footsteps of Thomas
Chippendale (1718-1779) and published a book, Works in Architecture of Robert and
James Adam (1773-1778), that addressed all aspects of the interior including: furniture,
window treatments, and decorative accessories. Within just a couple of decades,
however, architects began relieving themselves of the design of the interior environment.
Between 1815 and 1822, English architect John Nash (1752-1835) built one of the
most striking English palaces for the Prince Regent, soon to be George IV. The Brighton
Pavilion was unlike any other structure in England. Drawing little inspiration from its
homeland, the structure boasted an exotic, middle-eastern aesthetic with onion domes and
delicate carvings. The interior was equally extravagant. In fact, John Nash realized that
the complexity of both inside and outside was too much for him to handle. He
subcontracted the interiors to the firm of Crace & Jones. Frederick Crace (1779-1859)
and Robert Jones (n.d.) were responsible for the lavish Chinese inspired interiors that
were as impressive, if not more so, than the exterior. Nash's actions recognized that the
interior required as much time and energy as the architecture and set in motion the
specialization of interior decoration.
Crace & Jones owed much of their success to certain predecessors. In the late 18
century, the cabinetmaker/upholsterer emerged as a creator of interior environments.
Having specialized in one of the major aspects of the interior—furniture or textiles—the
cabinetmaker and upholsterer (or draper) eventually saw the potential to capture a larger
market by extending services into the other's specialty. Thomas Chippendale was a good
example. He was the first cabinetmaker to disseminate his product through a publication,
The Gentleman and Cabinet Maker's Director (1754). Pleased with his work, clients
soon began asking him to provide all the necessary decorations of the interior, including
soft furnishings and color palettes. Future cabinetmakers and upholsterers had a distinct
effect on the interior. Since these craftsmen received payment for goods delivered, not
design services, large amounts of furniture and fabric became common during the 19'
century.
By the middle of the century, architects, many of whom had previously relieved
themselves of the mundane task of tending to interiors, regained a degree of control. In
order to do so, they had to produce a rather apologetic note of resignation by accepting
the role of the upholsterer in the design process.54 As architects re-entered the realm of
the interior, tensions grew with the upholsterer/cabinetmakers, now being referred to as
decorators. The architectural community began challenging publicly the identity and
54
Peter Thornton, An Authentic Decor: The Domestic Interior, 1620-1920 (New York:
Viking Penguin, Inc., 1984): 10.
43
training of the decorator in hopes of bringing clients into their offices. Charles Locke
Eastlake (1836-1906), an architect and author of Hints on Household Taste (1868), wrote,
"I have never met with a class of men who were so hopelessly confirmed in artistic error
as ordinary decorators."55 The conflict over the interior would continue throughout the
twentieth century.
Cabinetmaker/upholsterers commenced labeling themselves as interior decorators
with more frequency. By the late 19th century, those who then considered themselves to
be decorators were trying to separate from the upholsterers. A mentality of specialization
took over at this point, since there was still no formal training for the decorator. This
change of professional title became a refrain in the field of interior design. It was one of
the ways in which the profession reinvented itself continuously for the purpose of
survival in the business community. Novelist Edith Wharton (1862-1937) and architect
Ogden Codman, Jr. (1863-1951) discussed this split between the decorators and
upholsterers in their publication, The Decoration of Houses (1897). "House decoration
has come to be regarded as a black art by those who have seen their rooms subject to the
manifestations of the modern upholsterer.'''' They continued, "now, in the hands of
decorators who understand the fundamental principles of their art, the surest effects are
produced."56 Wharton and Codman participated in the development of the profession's
Charles Eastlake, Hints on Household Taste (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company,
1872): 198. First published in England in 1868.
56
Edith Wharton and Ogden Codman Jr., The Decoration of Houses (New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1897): xx.
identity by marginalizing the upholsterers. For better or worse, this behavior continued
throughout the 20th century as interior design attempted to hone and claim its identity.
At the turn of the century in America the nouveau riche provided legitimacy and
validity to the field of interior decoration as "American millionaires sought to express
power and prestige by using professional decorators to recreate Renaissance palaces or
French chateaux."57 In pursuit of respect for their newfound economic position, the
nouveau riche attempted to purchase their heritage by turning to Europe. The need for
antiques to fill their palatial homes injected massive amounts of money into the antique
trade and those responsible for the selection of items, the decorator. Since only the upper
echelons of society could employ decorators, a certain status accompanied the client who
could afford the decorator. The decorator's reputation increased as well since the upper
class identified them for such an important task as advising on the appearance of one's
home. The emphasis on the retention of services, which identified the upper class, was a
significant event for interior decoration. The social ambitions of the upper class validated
the existence of the decorator as a necessary service.
Through the requests and needs of the nouveau riche, interior decoration became
married immutably with the antique trade. Period rooms were the fashion of the day.
Capitalizing on this trend, Wharton and Codman defined "natural good taste" for
American society as anything of English, Italian, or French design from the Renaissance
forward. This criterion justified a means by which decorators and clients alike could
57
Anne Massey, Interior Design of the 20th Century (New York: Thames and Hudson,
1990): 89.
45
measure or criticize what became the accepted elements for successful domestic interiors.
Beyond their historicism, Wharton and Codman identified "proportion and harmony" as
the most significant principles for the planning of interior schemes.58 Both of these terms
referred to historical consistency. Proportion implied a caution against a Victorian
attitude of over indulgence in an interior, while harmony addressed the consistency of
line and period ornamentation and furnishings. In any case, clients and decorators
accepted this criterion following it faithfully until the 1930s, when the International Style
made its debut in America. An important result of the relationship of interior decoration
with the antique trade was the exclusion of the upholsterer or any other craftsmen. Their
services were no longer the emphasis, thereby reducing their role in the design process to
that of a sub-contractor.
During the late 19th and early 20' centuries, most decorators were male, due to
the number of converted upholsterers and cabinetmakers and the limited venues for
women to learn a skill that allowed them to participate in numerous work opportunities.
Many strove to establish economic independence from husbands or fathers, and one of
the means open to them was the overall appearance of the home. Still confined primarily
to the domestic sphere, the decoration of the domestic interior was a respectable pastime
that allowed women some control over their environments, some in the sense that the
decoration of the home was still a reflection of the husband's success.59
Wharton and Codman, The Decoration of Houses, 11-14.
Massey, Interior Design of the 20th Century, 124.

46
In 1877, Candace Wheeler founded the New York Society of Decorative Arts, the
sole purpose of which was to identify outlets for feminine handicrafts. Even though this
step was a small one, a door had been opened. The organization introduced women to the
idea of marketing those skills learned in the home or at school. In 1883, Wheeler formed
one of the most successful decorating firms in America, Associated Artists, run entirely
by women. This success motivated her to encourage more women to search for
professional opportunities. Her article, "Interior Decoration as a Profession for Women,"
published in The Outlook magazine in 1895, emphasized the relationship of women to the
domestic interior environment and thus the appropriateness of interior decoration as a
suitable profession.60 She articulated reasons why the "man decorator" was not the most
appropriate choice. Even if he was not a "mere man of trade," then he was likely to be
"less interested in and impressed by individual things," implying the decorative objects
prolific in the 19th century interior.61 She also noted that men did not possess the
"instinctive knowledge which women have of textiles."62 Wheeler relied heavily on the
domestic experiences of women to define her criteria for an interior decorator. It was a
"natural field" for women that did not require education, but could be enhanced by
education.
Candace Wheeler, "Interior Decoration as a Profession for Women: Part I," The
Outlook (April 6, 1895): 559-560 and "Interior Decoration as a Profession for Women:
Part I," The Outlook (April 20, 1895): 649.
61
Wheeler, "Interior Decoration as a Profession for Women: Part I," 559.
62
Ibid.
Educational institutions did not offer interior decoration until Frank Alvah
Parsons (1866-1930) became an administrator of the New York School of Fine and
Applied Arts. Among his many achievements was the development of the first full
professional program in Interior Decoration (1907).63 By 1951, numerous colleges
professed that they met the American Institute of Decorators' (AID) standards.64 Degrees
included Bachelor of Design, Bachelor of Fine Arts, Bachelor in Interior Architecture,
Bachelor of Science in Art Education.65 A thorough knowledge of art history anchored
the curriculum and reinforced the importance of the antique trade and the historic revivals
characteristic of the 19th century to the practice of interior design. Business courses
supported the needs of women to understand how they could function independently and
legally in the service industry.
Prior to the educational offerings at institutions, a unique type of decorator
emerged from the upper class. These women have been categorically grouped as the
"Lady Decorators." They shared two major characteristics. First, they had no formal
training in the field of decoration. Second, almost all of them claimed membership in the
upper class with enviable pedigrees. Draper fell into this category, along with her cousin,
63
"Frank Alvah Parsons," Anna Maria and Stephen Kellen Archives Center for Parsons
The New School for Design Digital Collection, retrieved on April 1, 2008 from
http://library.newschool.edu/speccoll/kellen/faparsons.php. Parsons also wrote Interior
Decoration: Its Principles and Practice (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company,
1916).
64
Francis de N. Schroeder, editor of Interiors, "20 Years After ..." Interiors 110, no. 9
(April 1951): 210. Frances Evans wrote the history component of the article from which
both quotations are taken.
Ibid., 212.
48
Sister Parish. Their social status carried a great deal of weight. At the turn of the century
the education of privileged, young females was steeped in issues of decorum and
etiquette, which translated to their "taste" in all matters. This particular trait would prove
very useful as they moved toward interior decoration as a career. The exception to this
rule was Elsie de Wolfe (1865-1950), self-styled as America's first woman decorator.
Born of the middle class and trained as an actress, de Wolfe left her failing stage career to
be a decorator. Though the upper class did not view her, or any other actress, as a woman
of taste, de Wolfe crafted her own image through her fashionable clothing. When she
shifted from acting to decorating, she brought with her an impeccable reputation of good
taste, at least according to the middle class. This was a prerequisite for a successful
decorator. De Wolfe gave the young field of interior decoration a popular face and
brought welcomed publicity. Her success vaulted her quickly into the upper class, thus
altering the profile of the "decorator" from artisan and craftsman to high society woman.
As wealthy social matrons employed the emerging professional decorators in the early
twentieth century, high-society residences became the focus of the profession.
By 1925, many of the successful decorators were members of America's
privileged class. Their social contacts fueled their businesses and a sense of loyalty
bonded the profession to the residential projects of the wealthy. The role of the interior
decorator became one of "advisor and confidante."66 The upper class's demand that these
intimate working relations come from a familiar circle was not a surprise. The home,
after all, was a private and sacred place. The interior decorator was no longer an
66
49
upholsterer, a craftsman, or middle-class American woman. The profession became the
purview of upper-class women, like de Wolfe, Draper, and others. The upper class
created a new profession that became exclusive to its own ranks. Interior decorators were
a luxury typically not available to the middle class.
Never having abandoned completely the practice of interior decoration, architects
produced constant competition for the decorators. In an attempt to secure their jobs,
interior decorators sought ways in which they could separate themselves from other
professionals. For example, de Wolfe no longer focused solely on the decorative or
artistic aspects of an interior. She pinpointed the importance of functionality in an
interior. The following was an advertisement for her firm in 1931:
When Elsie de Wolfe creates an atmosphere of charm in a
home she never neglects the practical. She arranges chairs
for conversation, lights are placed for reading, while
curtains make framed pictures of windows. Elsie de Wolfe
has a sure knowledge of line, effect, proportion and color.
Her years of success in decoration are her passport to your
confidence. Visit her shop, which is of her own making,
and see for yourself.67
Elsie de Wolfe, "Advertisement for Elsie de Wolfe," Arts & Decoration (September
1931): 80.
50
These early notions of proximics and task lighting combined with sound design principles
and professional confidence, demonstrated crucial developments in the changing and
maturing direction of the profession. Though presented somewhat naively compared to
current standards, the message was nonetheless clear.
The typical method of payment for a decorator was a commission based upon a
percentage of costs. De Wolfe's most famous commission, that for industrialist Henry
Clay Frick (1849-1919), made obvious the potential of this system. Commissioned to
decorate the upper floor of Frick's New York Renaissance palace in 18th-century French
art, furniture, and decorative art, de Wolfe utilized a payment schedule of a ten percent
commission of costs. Having spent approximately $100,000, her fee would have totaled
over $10,000.68 The success of the Frick commission affected her career greatly,
bringing in numerous commissions to design interiors for America's wealthy families.
Eager to emulate de Wolfe's success, a group of professional decorators, deemed
the first generation of lady decorators, emerged during the first decades of the twentieth
century. In 1913, Nancy McClelland (1877-1959) established the decorating section for
Wanamaker's department store, the first of its type in America. Nine years later, her own
firm continued the tradition and specialized in the accurate recreation of period interiors
for the domestic market and for museums. In general, her clientele consisted mainly of
high society residences, a basic blueprint of de Wolfe's own ideology.
68
Evidence of de Wolfe's financial success was indicated in the article "What Successful
Women Earn in Many Fields of Work," New York Times, 13 November 1910, Magazine
section, SM8. She was one of seven women pictured who had exceeded the $1200 yearly
income. A lawyer, magazine editor, doctor, and superintendent of schools were also
pictured.
51
Eleanor McMillen Brown worked within the same traditional idiom and founded
McMillen Inc. in 1924. She proclaimed her business was the "first professional full
service interior decorating firm in America."69 In addition, Brown distinguished herself
from other interior decorators. Because she had taken courses in art history and business
practice, she felt determined not to be identified with the more amateurish approach of
her contemporaries. She brought education as a validating element of professionalism to
the forefront for the first time. By the 1930s, the availability of technical training had
grown and would soon define the next generation of designers. As the profession
expanded, a schism occurred between educated and non-educated decorators for reasons
of financial survival and professional integrity.
The interior decorating community chartered its first professional organization,
the American Institute of Decorators in July of 1931 at the International Conference for
interior decorators in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The impetus for the AID was driven by
the criticism that some decorators "failed to carry out [their] work in accordance with
such standards as obtain[ed] in other professions and businesses."70 The AID addressed
this concern by writing and adopting a Code of Ethics and Rules of Practice.
Experiencing a large growth in numbers, but not necessarily in talent, the organization
outlined the criteria for acceptance into AID as a means to set themselves apart from
71
"charlatan decorators." The AID limited active membership to those with at least five
69
™ House Beautiful 1\, March 1932, 167.

71
Alan Jackson, "Golden Anniversary for the Architectural League," Arts and
52
years of complete decorating experience, and to include technical training, practical
experience, or both, with a minimum of three year's of practice.72 These demarcations of
professional ability were perhaps less the product of self-reflection than a need for self-
preservation. The Depression had begun and the interior decorators struggled to survive.
By producing a 'stamp of approval,' the older members of the profession hoped to
solidify their position with the consumer and within the economy.
In these early years of the AID, support from the New York Architectural League
was a stabilizing and strengthening force. Not only did the League work closely with the
decorators to form a constitution and by-laws, but it also seemed to give moral support,
as both professions engaged in numerous exhibits. In March of 1936, when the
Architectural League was turning 50, they honored the fifth anniversary of the AID with
a joint exhibition in New York City. Popular magazines and other forms of
advertisements publicized this stand of unity. Quotes from articles covering the exhibit
implied the dysfunctional past of the two disciplines.
Specifically, the exhibition has stressed the important and
subtle interdependence of two arts. Architecture, in its
broadest sense, involves much more than the designing of
the shell of the house and the planning of circulation within
it. A mural, a piece of sculpture, the color of a tapestry
Decoration, March 1936, 35.
House Beautiful, 167.

53
may completely alter, and sometimes spoil, the character of
a house. For a house to approach a perfect unity the
architect and the decorator have to be in complete accord.
The exhibit... has shown with what amity and success the
decorator and the architect can support each other in
producing a complete and aesthetically satisfactory home.73
These public proclamations of peace, unity, and mutual respect, were again, selfishly
driven. The architects were fully aware of the growing popularity of the interior
decorators, especially in their relationship with the American public. On the other hand,
the decorators saw the advantages of instant legitimacy as a profession when allied with
an existing organization that already had publicly perceived values of stability, strength,
and respect.
For the next two decades, however, professional tensions between architects and
interior decorators heightened. Architects attempted to persuade their clients to retain
their services for both the exterior and interior. Keeping the entire project under "one
Jackson, "Golden Anniversary," 34-5. A similar situation occurred in Boston in 1897.

The "First Exhibition of the Arts & Crafts Society" held April 5-16 in the Grundmann
Studios Building directly behind the Museum of Fine Arts was accompanied by a display
of work (e.g., draftings, renderings, photographs) from the Boston Architectural Club.
They joined their fellow artworkers in this exhibition as opposed to their own annual
exhibition. See Beverly Brandt, "The Essential Link: Boston Architects and the Society
of Arts and Crafts," Tiller 2, no. 1 (September-October 1983): 7-32, and Maureen
Meister's Architecture and the Arts and Crafts Movement in Boston (Hanover, New
Hampshire: University Press of New England, 2003). The major difference between the
two exhibitions was that the AID and Architectural League were collaborating on the
designs in the exhibit.
bill" was easier than dealing with multiple contractors. In 1952, the situation climaxed.
Atop New York City's Waldorf-Astoria, the AID honored famed American architect
Frank Lloyd Wright (1867-1959) with a dinner at their national conference as a sort of
peace offering. At this event, Wright coined the phrase "inferior desecrator" singling out
Draper as the worst of all.74 The conflict between the two professions became evident
that evening when many architects felt the threat of the interior decorator was too great.
With the growing popularity of the new profession of interior decoration and design,
architects risked losing a substantial number of projects. Wright's speech defined, for the
first time in a public forum, the tension between the architect and interior
decorator/designer.
Wright was not speaking, however, on behalf of the entire architectural
community. The keynote speaker for that same conference was Joseph Hudnut (1886-
1968), Dean of the Graduate School of Architecture at Harvard (1935-1953).75 In his
address he noted that in an era of growing remoteness from architecture of the average
man, the decorator often could serve as the sole channel for bringing some awareness of
beauty '"and of the necessity of beauty in the commonplaces of life' to dwellers in 'our
Varney, The Draper Touch, 259-260.

75
Joseph Hudnut was responsible for the creation of Harvard's Graduate School of
Architecture in 1936 even though Walter Gropius has received much of the credit.
Following Hudnut's departure in 1953, the Graduate School of Architecture was renamed
the Graduate School of Design. See Jill Pearlman's "Joseph Hudnut's Other Modernism
at the 'Harvard Bauhaus,'" Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 56, no. 4
(December 1997): 452-477 and "Joseph Hudnut, Architect, Dead," New York Times, 17
January 1968, 47.
55
cellular cities.'"76 Hudnut's statement recognized two important issues. The first was the
public's initial apprehension toward modernism. The architectural aesthetic had yet to be
fully accepted. The decorator had the opportunity to deliver a more personal aesthetic to
these standardized buildings. Second, communication between architect and client had a
history of strain. The clients accused the architects of not listening to their wishes, while
the architects accused the clients of not recognizing their expertise. The decorator,
however, was necessarily a much more personable individual who required knowing the
intimate details of a client's life in order to complete a job successfully.
Hudnut also supported the AID's philosophy of education as a means of
stipulation to enter the organization. Education was "a gift, which distinguishe[d] or
ought to distinguish, the architect from the contractor, the decorator from the dealer in
furniture."77 Hudnut's address supported the AID's requirements for membership and
recognized simultaneously the decorator as a distinct profession from the furniture dealer.
He did not provide as much flexibility in the relationship between decorator and architect,
noting that the decorator was a "species of architect."78 Both "professions had their
origin in dedication to human service," he explained, and the decorators should remember
the traditions they shared with architects. Even though Hudnut tied decoration to
architecture, he recognized publicly their place in the service industry.
76
"AID Conference Hears Hudnut Call to Service," Architectural Record, May 1952,
338.
77
Ibid., 340.
78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.
Other speakers were more direct in drawing boundaries between architecture and
interior decoration. They warned conference attendees against the tendency of the client
to "cling to their architects for interior design as well as building design."80 Such
statements indicated that architects had realized the interior market was one they should
not have shunned in the late 19th century. Edith Wharton voiced her opinion on the
various professions dealing with the interior environment in her 1934 autobiography, A
Backward Glance.
We asked him [Ogden Codman] to alter and decorate the
house—a somewhat new departure, since the architects of
that day looked down on house-decoration as a branch of
dress-making, and left the field up to the upholsterers, who
crammed every room with curtains, lambrequins,
jardinieres of artificial plants, wobbly velvet-covered tables
littered with silver gew-gaws, and festoons of lace on
mantelpieces and dressing tables.81
80
Ibid.
81
The architect Edith Wharton spoke of was Ogden Codman, the young Boston architect
whom she hired to alter and decorate her home, Land's End on the Rhode Island coast.
See Edith Wharton, A Backward Glance (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company,
1934): 106-107.
57
Wharton noted the disdain of architects and their view on the practice of decoration. At
the same time she voiced her opinion quite clearly regarding the work of the upholsterers
and their desire to decorate every last inch of a space, likely because they were being paid
by the object, not by the job. Had there been professional decorators at the time, Wharton
probably would have been more satisfied with individuals who enjoyed their jobs and
were good at them.
The final significant topic at this conference was the discussion of nomenclature.
Speakers, other than Wright and Hudnut, advised the attendees to think of themselves as
"interior designers, not decorators." This was the beginning of another defining
moment in the profession. The purpose of the statement was to distance the interior
design profession further from that of the decorators. With growing responsibilities in the
public sector, interior design had expanded its services far beyond the selection of
materials and arrangement of furniture for residential projects. Designers were working
on hospitals and office environments, studying human behavior in order to provide
designs that would enhance health and productivity. The public-at-large, however, did not
understand the difference and continued to refer to designers as decorators. The name
change was a deliberate attempt at defining a new specialization in the design of the built
environment and gaining the respect of the community for their efforts and services. In
1961 the American Institute of Decorators officially changed its name to the American
Institute of Interior Designers. The profession split as designer and decorator became two
separate identities.
82
"AID Conference Hears Hudnut Call to Service," 340.
58
The lack of stability in the interior decoration/design profession proved to be yet
another challenge for Draper. She entered a young field defined neither by education nor
any existing standards. The only socially determined "truth" was that decorators focused
on residential projects. While the self-identified decorators attempted to create a
profession in the 1930s through definition and regulation, Draper remained on the
outskirts exploring possibilities. In fact, she did little to solidify the perception of the
decorator as she chose to work outside the existing nomenclature calling herself a "home
stylist," "practical artist," and even "interior merchandiser." The ambiguity of the
profession was likely a crucial component in Draper's ability to redefine the profession
and thus foster its development into its current state.
Draper's life spanned virtually all of these events. At the time of her birth
decorators were mainly males who had developed from a tradition of craftsmen and
upholsterers. As a teenager she saw the career of Elsie de Wolfe splashed across the
pages of newspapers and magazines. Glamour and success were the constant themes.
Though Draper avoided even the term interior decorator once she entered the business
community, she became a prominent figure in the industry and helped thrust the
profession into the commercial sector and thus a new direction. Her popularity caused her
to be Wright's target as he chose one of the few people who outshined even him. As a
central figure in the history of the interior design profession, Draper stood at its center
and on its margins simultaneously. She effected change from a self-defined position that
allowed her to draw upon the momentum of the young profession, while also remaining
detached from its political turmoil, at least until 1952. Her ability to navigate such a
59
complicated and fluctuating cultural landscape allowed her to alter the course of an entire
profession.
CHAPTER 2
A LIFE OF PRIVILEGE AND DISCONTENT
Dorothy Draper's personal life played a critical role in her professional career.
During these formative years, Draper's identity slowly took shape as she absorbed her
physical surroundings—in Tuxedo Park, New York City, and various European
destinations—and her relationships—with her parents, teachers, peers, and community.
These experiences embedded values into the young Dorothy that eventually shaped not
only her private life, but also her professional work between 1925 and 1965.
Dorothy Tuckerman was born in a place of privilege and during a time of change.
The place was Tuxedo Park, New York, an exclusive community northwest of New York
City in the Ramapo Mountains. The time was the Gilded Age (1865-1901), an era
characterized by a defining shift in America's perception of the upper class.1 As a result
of industrialization, numerous individuals skyrocketed into almost obscene financial
wealth overnight. The Vanderbilts, for example, accrued a family fortune of over $200
million by 1900. The reigning elite or "Old Guard," whose heritage defined their status
even more than their fortunes, dubbed the new members of the upper class as parvenus, a
French past participle of parvenir, to arrive. In an attempt to protect their time-honored
identity the Old Guard separated themselves quickly from the vulgar new-comers, who
lacked breeding and etiquette.
1
Mark Twain (1835-1910) and Charles Dudley Warner (1829-1900) coined the phrase
"Gilded Age" in their 1873 collaborative novel, The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today,
satirizing greed and political corruption after the American Civil War.
61
Ward McAllister (1827-1895), a New York lawyer and social leader, identified
"Patriarchs" as one strategy for separating the inner circle from the new-comer.2 He took
the responsibility of naming the 25 most influential men in society. They ranged from an
Astor to a Van Rensselaer and represented New York, Newport, and Southampton
societies. McAllister's list of Patriarchs soon became quite public with the first
Patriarch's Ball (1882) in which each member could invite five ladies and four
gentlemen. The parvenus yearned for the invitations as it was one of the few passages to
the inner sanctum of high society. Tuxedo Park, an eventual haven for some of these
families, soon became a manifestation of this separation, an island of old values—in
many ways English values—of taste, decorum, and social standards. Within this milieu of
competing upper classes, Paul and Susan Tuckerman groomed their daughter, Dorothy, as
an Edwardian debutante, not a Gilded one - an important difference. In fact, all of
Dorothy's childhood experiences were crucial in developing the woman she would
become. But Dorothy was a bit of an enigma.
By the mid-1940s, reporters such as Janet Flanner (1892-1978) began describing
Dorothy Draper as an "iconoclast." And yet, some might suggest that Draper
experienced the most traditional of all childhoods. Her entire childhood was spent in the
protective confines of one of America's most luxurious communities. Wealth surrounded
2
Ward McAllister, Society as I have Found It (New York: Cassell Publishing Company,
1890).
3
Janet Flanner, "The Amazing Career of Dorothy Draper," Harpers Bazaar (January
1941): 89, 90. Janet Flanner was The New Yorker magazine's Paris correspondent for
fifty years (1925-1975). During the years of World War II, Flanner lived in New York
City, thus the occasion to interview Dorothy Draper.
62
her. She traveled extensively with her family and matriculated at one of Manhattan's best
private institutions. She married a prominent doctor, had three children, and eventually
entered into a career of decorating, a socially respectable pastime for someone with her
background. With such a privileged, traditional lifestyle, what caused Flanner to describe
Draper as an iconoclast? One key moment might have been when Draper reported to
Flanner that she always wanted to "escape" from Tuxedo Park. She could not stand a
place with a fence around it.4 This quote suggested an innate spirit in Draper that may be
difficult to pinpoint in her childhood. However, the idea was deep-seated enough that it
offered an almost complete counterbalance to her traditional up-bringing. Herein lay the
key to Draper's enigmatic, and successful, life and career.
Childhood
Dorothy's parents, Paul and Susan Minturn Tuckerman, arrived in Tuxedo Park in
the winter of 1886, shortly after its official opening on May 30.5 The Tuckerman's
purchased their first property in 1888 and hired James Lord Brown (1858-1902) as their
architect.6 The "Olde English" home on Lookout Road (figure 2) was 10,000 square feet
4
Laura Furman, "Tuxedo Park," House and Garden (May 1984): 102. Tuxedo Park's
fence seems to be quite infamous and had a distinct impact, positive or negative, on those
that lived there. Consider George Rushmore's title for his experiences at Tuxedo, The
World with a Fence Around It (New York: Pageant Press, 1957). George Rushmore was
the son of the local doctor, Edward Rushmore.
5
The official opening is disputed. Carleton Varney in The Draper Touch, 38 states the
opening corresponds with the first Autumn Ball in October 1886. Various retrospectives
on Tuxedo Park suggest May 30 and June 1, while the one primary source dates the
opening as June 16 (New York Times, 13 October 1895, p. 12). Contradictions arise due
to the opening of Tuxedo Park versus the Tuxedo Club.
6
James Brown Lord graduated from Princeton's architectural program prior to his
63
with 6 master bedrooms, 7 fireplaces, intricate moldings and paneling, hardwood floors
and abundant leaded glass windows.7 Susan gave birth to Dorothy in this house on
Friday, November 22, 1888.8 Paul Tuckerman christened his daughter with a new name,
Star. The endearing term was not uncommon during this time. Constant reminders
surrounded Victorian parents of the "special-ness" of childhood. Books and articles
provided constant examples of the ideal child whose innocence and sweetness were
defining characteristics. Though authors considered children youthful paragons of
humanity that supposedly benefited everyone in the home, especially the parents, the
cherub-child had to conform to an ideal; failure to do so stigmatized not only the
children, but also the entire family as well. In most cases, the parents were culpable.9
With such importance placed on the child it was no wonder that upper class families
provided for them as they did. The Tuckermans offered Dorothy a loving atmosphere, an
training in New York City with William A. Potter. By the late 19 century he established
his own practice and began designing New York buildings: Delmonico's on Beaver
Street (1890-1891), the New York Free Circulating Library, now the Ukranian Academy
of Arts and Sciences (1898), and the Appellate Division Courthouse in Manhattan (1896-
1899).
7
The work of British architect Richard Norman Shaw (1831-1912) influenced Brown's
design for the Tuckerman home. See Andrew Saint's Richard Norman Shaw (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1976).
8
Dorothy's date of birth is disputed between multiple documents. Her tombstone and
death certificate have her birth in the year 1889. However, a record found at the Brearley
School in Manhattan and the Social Security Death Index both have her date as 21
November 1888. Penelope Buchanan, Draper's daughter and Bayard Tuckerman's,
Notes on the Tuckerman Family of Massachusetts and Some Allied Families (Boston:
Privately Printed, 1914): 220, both indicate 1888.
9
Karin Calvert offers an insightful history of children as it relates to material culture in
Children in the House: The Material Culture of Early Childhood, 1600-1900 (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1992).
impressive series of homes located in one of the most exclusive communities in the
United States (figure 3), and opportunities typical of their class, which included traveling
and an excellent education. However, Dorothy would not embrace all of her "privileges."
Within her stirred a rebellious spirit, not unlike that of her mother.
Susan Minturn Tuckerman was a perfect lady who looked every inch an
aristocrat. Though short in stature, her straight-backed posture and prominent facial
features distinguished her physically from the other women of Tuxedo. Mrs.
Tuckerman's conservative presence disguised a free spirit. She challenged convention
when she strolled around the lake in a tweed skirt that revealed her ankles with each step.
She was also one of the first women in Tuxedo Park to ride horses astride in a divided
skirt. George Rushmore (1891-unknown), son of the local doctor, remembered these
"daring innovations" as a trait of Mrs. Tuckerman, the most charming of hostesses. He
even noted that Dorothy must have inherited her mother's progressive spirit due to her
innovative reputation in the field of design. Despite the criticism, Mrs. Tuckerman
remained a style-setter and a perfect lady, two crucial characteristics Dorothy carried
throughout her own life.10 But, even more importantly, Mrs. Tuckerman challenged
patriarchal boundaries of female expression while simultaneously participating in the
Tuxedo rituals of entertaining, caring for the home, and gossiping over tea.11 The
10
Ibid., 41.
1
' Little information exists on Susan Minturn Tuckerman. In stark contrast to her
husband's obituary, Susan's mentioned where she passed away, at what age, and her
surviving relatives. The information regarding Mrs. Tuckerman comes primarily from
Carleton Varney's The Draper Touch and George Rushmore's The World with a Fence
Around It.
65
confluence of traditional and modern values became a defining characteristic in
Dorothy's professional career and was likely attributable to her mother.
Paul Tuckerman, on the other hand, was the more conservative of the two. One
fellow resident remembered him as a "mild-mannered gentleman of the old school,
always rather formally attired."12 Ever the quintessential upper-class gentleman, Paul
Tuckerman's pursuits were fully predictable. He divided his time into three general areas:
business, politics, and charity. His business acumen garnered a number of executor
positions soon after graduating from Harvard University with a Bachelor of Arts in
1878. He became executor and trustee of his father's (Lucius Tuckerman, 1818-1890)
estate in 1890 and eventually accepted similar responsibilities for his Uncle's (Joseph
Tuckerman, 1811-1898) estate and various other clients. By the 1900s, Paul Tuckerman's
skills provided him entrance into some of New York's most powerful financial
institutions. He was a trustee and member of the standing committee for the Bank of New
York, the Mutual Life Insurance Company, and the New York City Library.
Entrepreneurs headed many of the Tuxedo families. Business discussions were likely
common fare at many events, especially the legendary Tuxedo Club, where Morgans,
Lorillards, Bakers, and Astors gathered for informal socializing.
Mr. Tuckerman demonstrated his civic duties by serving those environments
much closer to home. As one of the original inhabitants of Tuxedo Park, he invested his
19
George Rushmore, The World with a Fence Around It, 19.
Quinquaennial Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates of Harvard University 1636-
1915 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard university Press, 1915).
66
time and energy heavily in the development of the community and its neighboring
village. He served dutifully and passionately in a wide variety of positions. The people of
Tuxedo elected him Supervisor of the town (1894-1896), and organizer and chairman of
the draft board (1917). Not only did he help plan the school in Tuxedo (1900), but he also
served as a School Trustee (1895), School Commissioner (1899), and President of the
Board of Education (1916-1923). Mr. Tuckerman was also one of the founders of the
Tuxedo Park Library and sat on its executive board until his death in 1940
(Secretary/Treasurer, 1901-1913; President, 1913-1940). In a 1900 article in the Tuxedo
News, Mr. Tuckerman stated that "there can be no finer charity than to supply one's less
capable neighbors with the opportunity to train their minds."14 A frustration with minimal
funds for the Tuxedo library as opposed to the fortunes being spent on massive homes
spawned Tuckerman's quote.
After having established a record of service in Tuxedo, Mr. Tuckerman directed
his time and attention to more charitable ventures in New York City. For fourteen years
(1910-1924), he served as treasurer for the Society of the New York Hospital and at one
point was the governor and secretary of the Minturn Hospital for Scarlet Fever and
Diphtheria Patients (built 1896).15 At that same institution, he accepted responsibility as
14
Tuxedo News (1900), the only addition of the paper ever published. Paul Tuckerman's
quote is particularly poignant considering Tuxedo Park had placed a $1000 minimum
budget on all homes constructed within the gates of the community. J.B.T.'s "Tuxedo - A
Representative Country Club," The New York Times - Illustrated Magazine (Sunday, 8
August 1897): 10.
15
Named after Louisa Aspinwall Minturn, Dorothy's maternal grandmother, the hospital
provided services at a reduced price. The largest contribution for the $125,000 came from
Louisa Aspinwall Minturn ($26,500). Dr. William H. Draper (1831-1901), father of Dr.
67
chairman of the Payne Whitney Psychiatric committee. Finally, he was a member of the
board of managers and former president of the New York Institute for the Education of
the Blind.16
Typical of Harvard graduates of that era, Paul Tuckerman engaged in
philanthropic endeavors. He belonged to the Tuxedo, Union, and Knickerbocker Clubs.
The club culture that defined his life was anchored by his family's roots in Boston, where
the idea of the proper gentleman flourished.17 Charity defined approximately 25% of the
wealthy families ascertained to be more or less benevolent.18 In fact, Boston was "the one
place in America where wealth and the knowledge of how to use it were apt to
coincide."19 The charitable nature of the Bostonians stemmed from their belief that a
portion of their funds, which they used for enjoyment, should be donated anonymously to
support a worthy cause. Paul Tuckerman's civic service followed the model set forth by
George Draper, was listed as a member of the original medical staff. See James Joseph
Walsh's History of Medicine in New York, Volume III (New York: J. J. Little & Ives Co.,
1919): 880.
16
The majority of the information regarding Paul Tuckerman's activities comes from his
obituary in the New York Times (September 10, 1940).
17
Cleveland Amory's The Proper Bostonians (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co, 1947)
recognizes the Tuckermans as one of Boston's "first families" dating back to the early
1800s with Joseph Tuckerman, Sr. Though their fortune was made in the shipping
industry, the panic of 1837 ended their business as no one purchased any goods from
their recent trip to the far east. Joseph Tuckerman, Jr. recouped the family fortune by
entering the iron business, which was to benefit greatly from the booming railroad
industry.
18
A. Forbes and J. W. Greene, The Rich Men of Massachusetts (Boston: Fetridge & Co.,
1851).
19
Amory, The Proper Bostonians, quoting from The Nation, 167. The Nation (est. 1865)
is a weekly publication dedicated to politics and culture.
his ancestors. This is particularly compelling when considering his work with education
and hospitals.
Like most children, Dorothy's parents influenced her greatly. Her mother instilled
in her both the responsibility of being a wife and mother, as well as her rights for self
expression and freedom. Her father, ever the businessman, perhaps exposed his daughter
unknowingly to the public realm through his own participation and service. Of all their
influences, it may have been their business skills that affected Dorothy the most. Her
mother possessed a "good deal of managerial skills" when it came to working with
charities, and her father likely infused the home with his business dealings and
conversations.20 Little did he know how closely Dorothy was listening. Because of the
exposure to her father's business relationships within the confines of their private home,
the prominent, powerful, businessmen that constituted the majority of her future clientele
never intimidated Dorothy. One can speculate that these meetings made Draper privy to
an otherwise "behind-closed-doors" business environment, giving her an important
advantage. This passive and informal education in business was crucial to her success as
a professional. Training in the area of business was rare for women. Draper's formal
education lacked this topic completely. Yet, she would run one of America's most
successful design firms from 1930 to 1960, a feat for any business person.
Aside from her parents, a third character played an equally crucial role in
Dorothy's life. With its fence that ran quietly through the wooded hills, Tuxedo Park
embraced her, sometimes all too tightly. It taught her lessons of architecture and design,
2
Rushmore, The World with a Fence Around It\ 111.
69
sparked her imagination, and inevitably became a convenient environment for
exploration when her parents were busy. Tuxedo Park's romantic history enhanced the
fantasies of the children.
Prior to European colonization of the North American continent, the Lenni-
Lenape Indians cultivated the land around the Ramapo Mountains in present day south-
east New York. The largest body of water, a lake providing crucial sustenance, anchored
the people to this region of pristine forests and abundant wildlife. The Lenni-Lenape
named this lake Tucseto, believed to translate as "place of the bear" or "clear flowing
water."21 Late in the 18th century, Solomon Townsend (1746-1811) created the first
known industry for this area, the Augusta Forge.22 The seven thousand acre tract passed
hands in 1812 to Pierre Lorillard II (1764-1817) once the forge went out of business. The
tobacco magnate utilized the land for lumbering, fueling the Erie Railroad in 1841. Pierre
Lorillard IV (1833-1901), grandson to Peter, dedicated the land on May 30, 1886 as a
sportsman paradise, in the true spirit of tending to the needs of the growing leisure class.
Tuxedo Park was born.
Under the guidance of Lorillard, Bruce Price (1845-1903), prominent American
architect, met the challenge of constructing 20 miles of roads, a gate, clubhouse, and
71
The most accessible information for Tuxedo Park and its history may be found at
www. Tuxedogov.org/history.html. This site is well maintained by an impressive,
dedicated lineage of town historians. Much of their information comes from Rushmore's
The World with a Fence Around It.
22
Solomon Townsend was born in Oyster Bay, New York, the eldest son of Samuel
Townsend a wealthy shipping merchant, and brother to Robert Townsend one of George
Washington's most valuable spies.
three dams, all within 18 months. Italian and Slovakian immigrants labored tirelessly to
raise the eight foot high, 24 mile barbed wire fence, whose purpose was to separate the
American elite from the rest of the country more than to articulate the land as their own.
The unapologetic fence changed character drastically at the gate, Tuxedo's point of
entry. Bruce Price believed it resembled a frontispiece to an English novel (figures 4,
5). Unlike the fence, the romanticism of the majestic gate hid its dual purpose as a
gatekeeper's lodge and keep for trespassers. Tuxedo remained impenetrable throughout
the 20l century even when its real estate value declined sharply in the 1970s.
The exclusive community, which officially opened on March 4, 1890, came fully
equipped with a ballroom, bowling alley, swimming pool, lawn tennis courts, boathouse,
and hatchery full of bass and trout to stock the nearby lakes. But, the houses were what
defined the character and status of the community. In the spirit of the English Arts and
Crafts movement, Lorillard instructed Price to exploit the indigenous materials and to
subordinate the design of the residences to the natural beauty of the environment. In the
spirit of Ruskin's theory of beauty,24 Price went to the extent of staining the houses the
The front gate of Tuxedo Park bears a striking resemblance to the F. L. Ames Gate
Lodge in North Easton, Massachusetts by H. H. Richardson (1880-1881). Richardson's
influence is also evident in the Tuckerman's third and fourth homes. See Jeffrey Karl
Ochsner'si/. H. Richardson Complete Architectural Works (Cambridge: MIT Press,
1982).
24
John Ruskin defined beautiful ornamentation as that which reflected nature. He further
qualified this statement by noting that the mere existence of the pattern, texture, or color
did not justify its use. Instead, there must be a certain degree of "Frequency" to justify
"Beauty." See John Ruskin's chapter on "The Lamp of Beauty" in The Seven Lamps of
Architecture (New York: Wiley & Halsted, 1857).
71
color of the woods and retaining the original moss and lichen on the rocks.25 This
approach provided Tuxedo Park's inhabitants with an immediate past, one similar to a
well-grounded European aristocracy, but adopted from the American soil itself. One
resident described its creation as a "conjuring trick" in that the entire community seemed
to appear overnight (or in reality one year).26 Tuxedo Park seemed to turn 30 on its first
anniversary.
By 1910 Tuxedo Park was an architectural fantasy land with grand homes in all
manner of styles: Shingle, Tudor Revival, Spanish Mission, Georgian, Jacobean, Gothic
Revival, "Queen Anne," and Dutch Colonial Revival. The list of contributing architects
was equally impressive: Bruce Price, McKim Mead White, Walker & Gillette, Donn
Barber, Wilson Eyre, William A. Bates, T. Henry Randall, William A. Potter, Warren &
Wetmore, Carrere & Hastings, John Russell Pope, T. Markoe Robertson, James Brown
Lord, Richard Howland Hunt, Russell Sturgis, William Lescaze, and H. Langford
Warren. Tuxedo Park was a microcosm of the nation's best architecture in an impressive
variety of historical styles surrounded by exquisite landscaping, both natural and
artificial. The young Dorothy was keenly aware of her magnificent surroundings and
appreciated them greatly. In fact, she dedicated her first decorating book, Decorating Is
Fun\ (1939) to her parents, acknowledging their role in her appreciation of architecture.
25
Samuel H. Graybill, "Bruce Price, American Architect, 1845-1903" (Ph.D. diss., Yale
University, 1957): 70.
26
Rushmore, The World with a Fence Around It, 1.
72
To
My Mother and Father
Susan and Paul Tuckerman
The best amateur planners I know, who after more than fifty years of
married life, secretly long to build still another house
and to whom plans and decorations
are an unending fascination, delight and challenge,
this little book is dedicated with love,
gratitude and admiration.
Draper's dedication appeared, sadly, just one year prior to her father's death. The fifth
house in Tuxedo Park would not be realized by the Tuckermans. The legacy of the
Tuckerman homes was significant to the community of Tuxedo Park and Dorothy. These
surroundings became the underpinning of her knowledge of, and appreciation for, interior
design.
Dorothy spent her first few years in the 10,000 square foot "Olde English" house
on Lookout Road. When Draper was four, her father—in an attempt to engage his joy of
designing and building homes—divided his property, sold the first home, and built a
second, again with the assistance of James Lord Brown. Like most of the larger houses in
Tuxedo Park, the structure sat above the road commanding a prominent position in the
27
Dorothy Draper, Decorating Is Fun! (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company, Inc.,
1939): dedication.
73
landscape. Unlike the natural disposition of foliage at the first house, a more formalized
garden fronted the second home. A series of tiered stone planters negotiated the level of
the path from the road along the inclining landscape that soon gave way to soft grassy
mounds on either side of the house. The axis of the garden suggested that the gently
curved central block of the house contained the front door. In reality, guests had to
wander through the small garden in order to find the stair that led to the front door, just to
the left of the central block.
The new Tuckerman home was a product of the 19th century English Domestic
Revival movement (figure 6). The red brick, tall chimney stacks, and small-paned
windows defined the "Queen Anne" style. The ogee-shaped gable, however, was a Dutch
expression, common to New York. It capped a series of eclectic moments: a board and
batten door, a roundel with a Tudor rose, and a Renaissance swag. This particular "Queen
Anne," less recognizable due to its ornamental restraint, fell into the patterned masonry
substyle. Architects' high style designs for clients such as the Tuckermans, often
demanded versions that were not common among the middle class, which explained the
variation in shape and detail found on these homes as well as its size.28 The typical
"Queen Anne" was smaller in proportion, as if to suggest a "doll's house." The minimal
approach to this home likely reflected Paul Tuckerman's conservative nature. It was in
this home that the Tuckermans welcomed Roger (1898-1967), Dorothy's only sibling.
Minimal information regarding the design of this home is available to the public. The
author's analysis of the home's style is based off of criteria found in Virginia and Lee
McAlester's A Field Guide to American Houses.
In 1899, Paul Tuckerman moved his family once again. He bought a larger
property of approximately 12 acres and built a much larger cut stone house and stable
(figure 7). This was Dorothy's third home in 10 years and while each was more exquisite
than the last, all were within a very short distance of each other along Lookout Road.
Though strikingly similar in its use of stone and minimal ornamentation, the third home
drew inspiration from the late H. H. Richardson (1838-1886).29 Numerous imitators of
the Richardsonian style emerged shortly following his death and after the publication of
Mariana Griswold Van Rennselaer's (1851-1934) Henry Hobson Richardson and His
Works. The Tuckerman home displayed proudly the characteristic rough-faced, squared
stonework and large rounded arch entry. The asymmetrical facade offered a subtle
rhythm between the plain and shaped parapet gables. Banks of casement windows invited
precious amounts of light into the otherwise massive structure. Since craftsmen had not
yet perfected masonry veneering techniques, the builders used solid, hand cut stone at
great expense. This was the home that hosted Dorothy's marriage ceremony.
Henry Hobson Richardson was a student at Harvard College (graduated 1859) and the
Ecole des Beaux Arts, which he did not finish due to a lack of family funds. Upon his
return to the United States, he set up his firm in Brookline, Massachusetts. He soon
developed the "Richardsonian Romanesque" style, so named because of the inspirational
influence provided by the Romanesque style in southern France. See Ochsner's H H.
Richardson Complete Architectural Works.
30
Mariana Griswold Van Rensselaer, Henry Hobson Richardson and His Works (New
York: Dover Publications, 1888). Mariana Alley Griswold married Schuyler Van
Rensselaer in 1873. She became a respected writer and critic of architecture and
landscaping. By 1910 the American Institute of Architects elected her an honorary
member.
McAlester and McAlester, A Field Guide To American Houses, 302.

75
The Tuckerman's were avid amateur designers and proved this by constructing a
fourth and final home in Tuxedo Park in 1928. The estate (figure 8) also consisted
entirely of hand-cut stone and included approximately 8000 square feet under its roof.32
Of all the homes, this one commanded the most breathtaking views with vistas that
included the Ramapo Mountains and all of Tuxedo's Lakes. Though Dorothy was by this
time married and beginning her career as a decorator, she did visit the home frequently
and, if anything, it further enhanced her admiration of her parents' passion toward design
as indicated in her book dedication.
Much less is known about the interiors other than the brief description given for
the "Olde English" home. They were assuredly detailed in a manner to support the
elegant exterior. Paul Tuckerman's conservative nature in tandem with his English roots
suggested a preference toward more restrained versions of English revivals. In fact, this
was a trait of Tuxedo - it was English. The New York Times noted that "Tuxedo might
properly be called a bit of Old England in the New World, for the scenery is English, the
architecture is English, and the ideas of those who live here are really verging on the
English."33 Such provincial ideas suggested that the Tuckermans were not so modern as
to embrace the Arts and Crafts Movement (1860-1920), nor did they need to defend their
taste so as to follow the frivolity of the Aesthetic Movement (1870-1900). The
32
The Tuckerman's final home also drew inspiration from H. H. Richardson. The steeply
pitched roofs defining simple geometric forms was reminiscent of the Oliver Ames Free
Library 91877-1879) also in North Easton, Massachusetts. Each of the last three homes
followed Price's original concept to evoke a sense of history even the structure was new.
See Ochsner's H. H. Richardson Complete Architectural Works.
33
"Society In and Out of Town," The New York Times (October 13, 1895): 12.
Tuckermans did not engage in the late 19 century trend of the parvenus, where homes
were competitions for conspicuous consumption. Instead, they belonged to a time when
good taste was a mark of good breeding, not extravagant wealth.34 That breeding was
apparent in the individual objects, of what few were recorded, in the Tuckerman/Draper
collection. The inventory supports the more conservative interior that was a reflection of
their heritage and refined taste.35
The wealthy have historically collected and displayed their possessions. The
ability to collect fine and decorative arts reflected their wealth due to the amount of
leisure time available to them and the financial resources to travel. The display of objects
communicated much the same message, but also reflected a heritage that may justify a
family's position in society. The Tuckermans were no different. As Dorothy reached
adolescence, her mother impressed upon her the importance of maintaining the family
history. It was the woman's responsibility, and it would soon be hers. Dorothy's
ancestors passed down the family-history metietAously, an expected trait from members
of an upper class, especially one that was so engrained in the development of the
34
See Russell Lynes, The Tastemaker. Lynes poses the theory that taste experienced
three distinct phases between the 19th century and the first half of the twentieth. The Age
of Private Taste relates most directly to the Tuckermans, including Dorothy. While the
parvenus tried to out-build each other through consecutively more lavish mansions, the
Old Guard was much more restrained, and that restraint, during this Age, reflected good
taste.
35
All that was known about specific objects in the house came from interviews with
Draper, the one by Janet Flanner in 1944 and the other by Edward R. Murrow (1908-
1965), a prominent radio journalist for CBS, in 1957.
36
Eric Homberger, Mrs. Astor's New York (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002):
26.
77
country. Three of her most treasured possessions were a small, delicate painting of a
peach by watercolorist Laura Wolcott Gibbs (1794-1870); a pair of silver wine coolers
given to Oliver Wolcott, Jr. (1760-1833) by George Washington (1732-1799) in gratitude
for his help in stabilizing the government after the Hamilton/Burr affair and, finally, the
punch bowl from which the Continental Army drank at the house of Miss Sarah Draper
(1751-1777).38 Such embedded historical significance instilled a sense of patriotism in
the young Dorothy.
Draper spoke of other "precious family relics" located in her apartment in the
Hampshire House in New York City. Art included an original Thomas Gainsborough
(1727-1788), a signed James A. M. Whistler (1834-1903), a watercolor by Joseph
Mallord William Turner (1775-1851). Works by Walter Gay (1856-1937) and John
In the mid 17th century, when puritans were fleeing from the reigning Stuarts of
England, three aristocratic families, the Tuckermans, Minturns, and Wolcotts, reached the
American shores and set in motion Draper's genealogy. Each of the families obtained
great wealth within a generation through the successful, shrewd dealings of the male
members. The Minturn's, for example, accrued their fortune in the shipping industry,
while the Tuckermans became wealthy merchants in Boston. As members of America's
earliest aristocracy, the men in Draper's family were active in politics, like Oliver
Wolcott (1726-1797), signer of the Declaration of Independence, Oliver Wolcott, Jr.,
Secretary of the Treasury (1795-1800) and Governor of Connecticut (1817-1827), but
none of them participated directly in any of the wars; the military men came from the
Draper family. Their financial and political power defined the family's social status,
bringing them influence and respect. See Bayard Tuckerman's, Notes on the Tuckerman
Family of Massachusetts and Some Allied Families, George Gibb's The Gibbs Family of
Rhode Island and Some Related Families (New York: Privately Printed, 1933), and
Thomas Wain-Morgan Draper's The Drapers in America, Being a History and
Genealogy of Those That Name and Connection (New York: John Polhemus Printing
Company, 1892).
TO
Varney, The Draper Touch, 29. Miss Sarah Draper married Jonas Muzzy in 1771. She
died about 1777. Thomas Draper, The Drapers in America, 56.
Flanner, "The Amazing Career of Dorothy Draper," 90.
Singleton Copley (1738-1815) completed the prestigious collection. Other objects
included: a pair of Angelica Kauffmann (1741-1807) sofas, a pair of water-lily cups from
Goode's of London, and a 17l century Dutch cabinet from her mother. The Tuckerman
home was likely laden with equally precious objects, especially since their interiors
corresponded to the late Victorian era, a time of eclecticism. Accounts of the Tuckerman
homes did not suggest clutter, but objects of fine quality throughout. This collage of
anachronistic historical artifacts was the stage for Dorothy's childhood experiences.
Surrounded by such extraordinary interiors, Dorothy developed her sense of
being. She flourished in the presence of beautiful objects, many of which defined her as
an individual and an Edwardian debutante. Dorothy's relationship with her surroundings
suggests that she may have been aware of the Aesthetic Movement. The aesthetes
believed that "the character of the environment sets a standard for the individual to live
by. Beautiful surroundings ... can instill within each person a corresponding beauty of
demeanor, thought, and deed."40 Dorothy underpinned her design career with this
philosophical mantle. She constantly related the symbiotic relationship between the stage
and the performance in the true spirit of the Aesthetic Movement. The Tuckerman home,
in its few descriptions, did not suggest the typical aesthetic interior; it celebrated English
tradition steeped in the Tuckerman family history.41 No mention was made of prized
objects from the east as would be expected for an aesthetic interior.42
40
Beverly Brandt, "In Quest of Usefulness and Beauty: Changing Interpretations of the
Arts-and-Crafts Ideal. Part II: the Aesthetic Movement," Designers West 36, no. 13
(October, 1989): 166-168.
41
The list of objects from the Tuckerman home suggest an approach to furnishings
79
Beyond the interior's impact on behavior, Dorothy's surroundings were also
crucial in crafting her identity. Her homes in Tuxedo Park identified her as a member of
an elite class with a history grounded in the development of a nation. The houses taught
her about history and travels as her parents told stories of each item. But, life continued
beyond the front doors of her magnificent homes: the fairytale woods, meadows, and
lakes that Tuxedo Park had to offer were more than adequate to tickle the imagination.
Life in Tuxedo Park
Dorothy did not speak of her life as a child in Tuxedo Park. Fortunately, two of
Tuxedo's earliest and youngest residents, Herbert Claiborne Pell (1884-1961) and George
Meade Rushmore, wrote of their childhood experiences.43 Pell's recollections in "Life in
Tuxedo" focused more specifically on life in Tuxedo as a young child. His anecdotes
provided valuable insights on the youngest citizen's ability to navigate daily life in what
many considered to be one of America's most conservative environments. George
Rushmore, son of the local doctor, spoke more generally of Tuxedo's development and
the families involved in The World with a Fence Around It. From the Autumn Balls and
suggested by Cleveland Amory in The Proper Bostonians (1954, 250). Furniture

demonstrated respect for one's heritage. To shop for new furniture was to reflect poorly
on the family.
See Charlotte Gere's The House Beautiful: Oscar Wilde and the Aesthetic Interior
(London: Lund Humphries, 2000) for an excellent discussion of the Aesthetic
Movement's values and products. Though Wilde is the thread that ties the discussion
together, the information is exceptional and includes a good variety of images.
43
Herbert Claiborne Pell, Jr. was the son of Herbert and Catharine Pell of Tuxedo Park,
New York. He entered a life of politics and was elected the United States Representative
from New York (1919-1921) before his appointments as the Rhode Island Minister to
Portugal (1937-1941) and Hungary (1941-1942). George Meade Rushmore was the son
of the local doctor, Edward Rushmore.
80
favored sports to home construction and the role of religion, the author linked the
various—and often complex—aspects of life in Tuxedo into an understandable,
integrated whole.
Both authors pointed out quickly that Tuxedo Park was both conservative and
progressive. Though many rules and regulations defined life for each individual, Pell
recalled a great deal of freedom as a child. Parents did not see the need to watch over
their children due to the absence of the automobile and an eight-foot-tall barbed wire
fence that kept the children from wandering too far. Such independence required the
children to make their own decisions and find their own amusements, which
consequently developed a certain amount of initiative. "Modern" games such as kite
flying, marbles, or tag were not options in Tuxedo. The children, instead, exercised their
imagination in an untarnished landscape dotted with villas, palazzos, cottages, and
chateaus on gracious plots of land trimmed in indigenous foliage.
Pell remembered afternoons wandering through the woods "doing that at which
the moment seemed good to us."44 Many times this included an exploration of the forests
with the intent of discovering hidden silver mines or perhaps playing Indians. Other days,
tree climbing was all that was needed to satisfy the energetic youths. Dorothy participated
in such activities; in fact, her mother dressed her in boy's clothes when these occasions
arose, another sign of Susan's progressive attitude.45 During the winter, residents skated
44
Herbert Claiborne Pell, "Life in Tuxedo," a transcript of the Columbia University Oral
History Program presented to the Tuxedo Park Library (March 12, 1973).
The experience of Draper being dressed in male clothes comes from a personal
communication with Penelope Draper Buchanan, Draper's daughter, in Cleveland, Ohio
81
on Lake Wee Wah and tobogganed down an electrically lit hillside. Summer activities
revolved around horses. Prior to taking riding lessons, children drove their pony carts
around the romantic, gently curving, canopied streets. Though Dorothy had a general
distaste for sports, she did participate in the horse shows located on the track near the
front of Tuxedo Park. In one show, Dorothy and her Class Nine (under fourteen hands)
pony, Ugly Jack, garnered a 3 rd place ribbon.46 Her opponents consisted of an impressive
list of residents: Bakers, Poors, Harrimans, Julliards, and Lorillards. For the moment,
Dorothy pursued riding lessons, an occurrence she never understood as an adult. In fact,
she was bewildered that she raised three child equestrians.
Parties in Tuxedo hosted both young and old. The children waited anxiously for
the Kane's (Grenville Kane, 1854-1943 and Margaret Adelaide Wolfe Kane, 1861-1940)
fancy dress party each June. These were elaborate events with elaborate costumes. An
old photograph from the "Last Kane Costume Party" survived the ravages of time.
George Rushmore recognized a number of those pictured, including Dorothy Tuckerman
in her Japanese kimono, the costume of a true aesthete. Other disguises included a French
peasant (Eleanor Alexander, 1885-1960), a Swiss girl (May Vogel, 1892-unknown), and
(March 2006).
46
Varney, The Draper Touch, 45.
7
Grenville Kane was one of the founding fathers of Tuxedo Park. He was a Manhattan
lawyer, director for many railroads, and a prominent book collector. His collection now
resides at Princeton University. This information comes from his obituary in Time
Magazine, July 26, 1943. Margaret Adelaide Wolfe was daughter to noted art collector
John Wolfe and was a director for the New York School of Applied Design for Women.
82
a mandarin (Averell Harriman, 1891-1986).48 The distinctively cultural influence on the
costumes reflected the amount of traveling the members of this leisure class enjoyed.49
Fifty-eight children from the ages of two to fifteen were present in the photo, indicating
the size and scale of the event.
Of all the social events at Tuxedo Park, the Autumn Ball caused the most
anticipation in New York, Newport, and Southampton. Ever since its debut in 1886, the
same year as the opening of the Tuxedo Club, the October ball established itself as the
first important event of the season for any debutante who expected to "come out" in New
York society. Young women wrapped in gleaming jewels and extravagant fabrics and
well-groomed men in tuxedos flooded trains along with their entourage of elders.
Tuxedo's population perhaps doubled as guests flocked to the community and residents
became minorities. The Tuxedo Club, jam packed with tables and chairs, awaited them
all. Even girls with fashion plate figures could not negotiate the narrow paths. All of this
prepared them for their presentation to society at a December cotillion most likely in New
York City or Newport.
Averell Harriman pursued a career in politics and business. Eleanor Alexander married
Theodore Roosevelt II, sometimes written as Theodore Roosevelt Jr., son of President
Theodore Roosevelt.
49
Other influences might have included musical theater, literature and the arts from the
Aesthetic Movement, or one of its sub-styles, the Anglo-Japanese/Amero-Oriental
Movement (1880 - 1900) in which Eastern aesthetics played a major role. For example,
The Mikado, music by Arthur Sullivan (1842 - 1900) and libretto by W.S. Gilbert (1836
- 1911) opened on March 14, 1885. The comic opera satirized English Victorian politics
and institutions shrouded in exotic Japanese costumes and stage sets.
83
Most would characterize Draper's upbringing as a fairytale. She lived among
some of the wealthiest families in America whose heritage read like a "who's who" of
American history. Virtually all of them, including Draper, were listed in the Social
Register.5® Extraordinary architecture and interiors from the leading architects were
common sights. Children experienced atypical freedoms due to the security of the
community. But, at the same time, Tuxedo expected, if not demanded, a certain level of
deportment, as did Dorothy's grooming as an Edwardian debutante. This was the
experience of her youth that did not agree with her. In contrast to the endless
opportunities for exploration and the extravagant gala events were the unyielding
Edwardian manners that tempered even the most progressive of Tuxedo's citizens.
Social customs were clearly defined and strict, especially for a child curiously exploring
her new world.
Etiquette was probably the single most significant guiding force in Tuxedo Park,
even for its most progressive denizens. For a time, deportment qualified as a litmus test to
identify the Old Guard from that of the parvenus. So many of the newcomers lacked good
breeding; their inability to live graciously with such unlimited financial resources
offended the Old Guard and denoted a clear sense of vulgarity. The challenge for the
parvenus was to somehow penetrate the dense tome of rules. Copying the manners of
their Old Guard counterparts was not sufficient. This was a conspicuous attempt at social
According to Dorothy Draper's entry in Current Biography, vol. 2, (1941 Yearbook):

237-8, she has always been listed in the Social Register, which would indicate that the
Tuckermans were as well.
acceptance. For the Tuxedoites, etiquette was equivalent to taste, tact, ethics, and good
manners.
Emily Price Post (1872-1960), daughter of Bruce Price, embraced the rules and
regulations that defined her social class, and there were many. Post's seminal text on the
subject matter, entitled Etiquette, in Society, in Business, in Politics, and at Home (1922),
was a grueling 635 pages. Throughout her weekly columns on the subject, which were
syndicated in over two hundred papers across the United States, Post often referred to
"best society," "best people," and "people of quality."51 These were people of cultivation,
taste, and kindness. To further imply members of the Old Guard, Post described them as
"people very rarely dissociated from their backgrounds." Dorothy shared the
background Post referred to in her book, and she followed the essence of these rules.
However, Dorothy adapted them for the modern lady of the twentieth century.
The formality of the Tuckerman home was readily evident from the activity
within it. Unlike many of their neighbors, the Tuckermans "only" had 10 servants. A
butler oversaw the running of the household staff. Valets tended to the gentleman by
laying out clothes and buffing shoes. Housekeepers maintained the appearance of the
home, while maidservants cleaned and ironed. For Dorothy, the most significant servants
were the nurse and the governess, those who tended to the children. The nurse watched
after the child until the governess arrived to provide education. The offspring of the
51
Emily Post, Etiquette, in Society, in Business, in Politics and at Home (London: Funk
and Wagnalls Company, 1922).
52
Ibid. Post noted that she went "back in memory to the precepts of those whose
excellence has remained an ideal." For Post, this was the members of Tuxedo Park.
85
wealthy spent a significant amount of time in the company of their nurses as infants, and
governesses as young boys and girls. Nurses, who occasionally attended the child up to
adulthood, were the only servants permitted to call the child by their first name. To
everyone else, it would be Miss Dorothy. The formality of the greeting extended to the
residents. Emily Post noted that she rarely heard her first name while at Tuxedo.
Perhaps no other ritual affected the life of a small child as much as table manners.
English children of the upper and middle class frequently ate apart from adults, but the
majority of American children dined with their parents except during the most formal
social occasions. The governess continued her training duties at meals. She sat with the
family at breakfast, lunch, and dinner until the children were half grown. At this time the
governess would eat in a sitting room assigned to her by the family or in the dining room
prior to the family. The family meals provided an excellent opportunity to teach children
etiquette and self-restraint. Once children were ready and old enough, they attended
dinners that included guests. This was their time to demonstrate how well they had
learned their lessons. "Successful internalization of the rules of civilized behavior
mattered because at stake were the physical well-being and future character of the child,
as well as the family's claim to gentility and refinement," stated an etiquette book from
1890.53 The task was daunting and the children had to negotiate not only the
conversation and where to put one's hands, but also the endless array of objects on the
table. If Post's discussion on dining etiquette was any indication, children were rightfully
Richard A. Wells, Manners, Culture and Dress of the Best American Society
(Springfield, MA: King, Richardson & Co., 1890): 423.
86
overwhelmed. A typical table setting could have up to eleven utensils and four glasses
per place setting. In addition, governesses educated children specifically in how to eat
bacon, birds, bouillon, canapes, chowder, clams, fish, lobsters, olives, and potatoes. The
fruit, depending on its variety, made the fmgerbowl relevant as it required use prior to
that of the napkins when fruit juices were involved. These items offered particular
challenges, but there was always a "right" way. Aside from the obstacle course on their
plate, the family required children to be virtually stoic, sitting up straight with at least
their left hand in their lap.
Entertaining in Tuxedo fell under the purview of women, who created a royal
rotation of lunches and dinners. Formal dinners required minimal effort on the hostess's
part, even with what was considered a small staff. The lady of the house merely informed
her secretary of the date and the guest list and consulted with the cook to set up the menu.
She then sent the appropriate invitations. Her next function was to stand near the door of
her drawing room with her butler just outside that door. The cook prepared dinner, the
butler set the table, the chauffeur stood guard on the sidewalk, and footmen waited in the
hall. Maids attended to the ladies in the dressing room, and the valet did the same in the
gentlemen's room. The entire process ran like a well oiled machine. After a meal with
polite conversation, the ladies withdrew to the withdrawing room and the men exited to
the library for cigars—a decidedly English tradition. If children were present, then they
departed to the company of their governess.
Conversation was one of the most regulated art forms during the 19l century. The
Tuxedoites were well versed and continued to educate their youth in the same manner.
87
The underpinning of good speech was quality. First and foremost, speech avoided
pretentiousness at all cost relying instead on simplicity, directness, and a pleasing tone.
Those who embellished their words—as if to attempt to accentuate the perception of their
breeding—were most transparent to those who knew better. One never spoke of private
matters, a trait Dorothy maintained throughout her entire life. This was unfortunate for
historians, as she revealed so little of her personal experiences.
Even though the extraordinary freedoms offered to the children in Tuxedo Park
balanced the equally severe restrictions, Dorothy wanted to escape the idyllic community.
The restrictions suggested a degree of suffocation. In the polite manner of an Edwardian,
Dorothy always stated that it was the fence she detested, not the people. The fence was
likely a metaphor for the physical, behavioral, and mental confinement she experienced
as a child. Life was perhaps bearable for Dorothy only due to her parents who created a
slightly more relaxed environment. Unfortunately for Dorothy, when her golden
opportunity to leave Tuxedo arrived, the experience that followed was not much better.
Education and Travel
As in typical upper class households, Dorothy's governess, known as the
Tuckerman's "Mademoiselle," and various local tutors dictated much of Dorothy's
Edwardian manners and early education.54 Her only experience with formal education
occurred at a Manhattan boarding high school for girls. In 1901 Paul Tuckerman enrolled
54
Tuxedo Park had a school for its local children. Foreign, non-Anglo governesses were
common in Tuxedo Park. Rushmore comments specifically on the Tuckerman's
mademoiselle and the Tilfords' fraulein. See Rushmore, The World with a Fence Around
It, 117. Henry Morgan Tilford, (1856-1919) was an influential executive for the Standard
Oil Company.
88
his beloved Star in the Brearley School (established 1884 by Samuel Brearley, 1850-
1886) located at its second address, 17 West 44th Street. Many considered Brearley as the
major pipeline of young women to Bryn Mawr College in Pennsylvania. However, during
Dorothy's matriculation only a third of graduates pursued further education. A 1903
alumnus provided more detail on this phenomenon. "Most of us would have hated to take
a job or try to earn a living. We wanted to carry on the old order, to 'come out' and then
marry, which is what most of us did."55 Though the education was progressive for young
women, the school held fast to the old standards and preserved the continuity of the
period of peace and plenty.
Dorothy joined the ranks of the Brearley women in October of 1901. She entered
as a Class III student, not by age, but by testing, as was the protocol. She demonstrated
skills in English, arithmetic, and French. Consequently, Dorothy began her formal
education with the following courses: English, spelling, grammar, elocution, Greek
history, arithmetic, and science (Animal Study, Botany). Even though French was a
requirement for her class, Brearley never required Dorothy to complete the class. This
was likely a reflection of the Tuckerman's French governess and her success at teaching
Dorothy the French language.56
55
Ruth McAneny (ed.), The Brearley School 75 Years (privately published, 1959). Ruth
McAneny graduated from Brearley in 1918; however, the quote is from an unnamed 1903
graduate.
56
A passenger manifesto dated September 30, 1905 lists the Tuckerman family (Paul,
Susan, Dorothy, and Roger) returning from Antwerp, Belgium on the S. S. Kroonland.
Miss Amyot is listed as the governess of French origin. No first name is given. A Miss
Marie Amyot is registered in the 1910 U.S. Census. A widower at the age of 44, she lived
in New York City, emigrated from France in 1902, and is described as a teacher
89
In order to provide Dorothy a home close to school, the Tuckerman's purchased a
brownstone in Manhattan at 135 East 21 st Street, but kept their residence in Tuxedo Park.
Dorothy either walked to school or took the horse-drawn Fifth Avenue stage.57 All
students wore flannel shirt-waists, at least one of which was red, tucked into a patent
leather belt. As was common for the fashion of the day, women's skirts dropped at least
far enough to hide their ankles. This was the short skirt; the long skirt fell to the ground.
Plenty of petticoats filled the skirts and hid the black lisle stockings and high black boots.
A tailored jacket and huge pompadours with large black bows completed the attire.
By 9:00 a.m. the students sat attentively at their slant-top desks as a great gong
reverberated through the school. If Dorothy disliked the rigidity of Tuxedo, then she was
sure to despise what occurred next. According to a graduate of 1908, teachers used a
push-bell to send signals to the students in the Primary Room (home room). Much like
the commands of a drill sergeant, the bell commanded the students' attention. One ring
indicated students must stand with books and paper in hand and chairs pushed neatly to
the desk. On the second ring, the students faced the door, and the final ring ordered the
students to advance single file to their first class. School ended at 1:15 p.m. each day and
the young women walked home without a chaperone, a moment of freedom.
Dorothy's first year at Brearley was a less than positive experience. In fact, she
did not attend school for the vast majority of the academic year. Records indicate
employed by an agency. The 1920 Census has her listed as Marie Louise Amyot. She is
likely the Tuckerman's mademoiselle.
57
The address for Paul Tuckerman was listed in Brearley's 1901-1902 records book.
90
numerous "excused absences," which means the school received a letter from the parents.
By 1902, a thirteen year-old Dorothy insisted upon returning home because "Brearley
girls were not bred to have ... strong opinions."58 James Greenleaf Croswell (1852-1915),
Headmaster from 1887 to 1915, would have disagreed. His colleagues remembered him
as someone who treated each one of the students with an understanding for her faults and
with respectful courtesy of her opinions.59 But, perhaps, Dorothy was more progressive
than most. Most of her peers sought marriage and the school viewed the opportunity for
education at this level progressive. Despite her dissatisfaction, Dorothy returned in 1903.
Dorothy's passage to Class IV implied that her governess or tutors educated her
sufficiently to allow her to test into the next level. Dorothy's curriculum included:
reading, spelling, rhetoric, Roman history, drawing, arithmetic, algebra, botany, French
and Latin. Once again, the records reveal no grades for either of the languages.
Additional notations in this annual indicated that Dorothy had dancing lessons once a
week, riding lessons, two and a half hours of outdoor exercise, and a bed time of 7:45, the
earliest time slot in the class. One space in the ledger was conspicuously blank, daily
home study. The policy of the school required clearly stated study hours. Dorothy had
none. After a rather successful year in Class IV, Dorothy returned to Brearley for one
final year as a Class V student. She attended few courses in the Fall of 1905, unlike the
following Spring in which the basic curriculum resumed.60 This was her last year.
CO

59
McAneny, The Brearley School 75 Years.
The records for this year indicated that the Tuckermans had moved to 117 East 69
91
Dorothy's formal education was erratic both in grades and attendance. If
anything, Dorothy did not seem to value the experience; other sources implied that her
parents removed her because the school supposed her not to be strong.61 Why this was the
case may be a question no one can answer. Perhaps the school mirrored life in Tuxedo
Park with its endless rules and regimented schedules, if not to an even higher degree.
Another possibility was that Dorothy was, in fact, too progressive and the experience was
not a good fit. Either way, Dorothy's matriculation at Brearley was consistent with the
woman she would become. She would not receive any other type of formal training.
Even as an interior decorator, she had no technical education, which leaves her success as
a professional a bit of a mystery. Aside from her limited experiences in the classroom,
one of Dorothy's most valuable educational experiences was her ability to travel.
The Tuckerman family traveled throughout the Eastern United States and to
Europe. These trips could have explained some of her excused absences. For example,
the Tuckermans, with Dorothy in tow, traveled to Antwerp, Belgium in September of
1905, Hamburg, Germany in September of 1908, and Cherbourg, France in July of
1910.62 One can speculate that the mere exposure to any of the world's greatest
Street, and perhaps more interestingly, they noted Dorothy's birth date as November 22,
1888. See footnote 7.
61
Janet Flanner's article suggests Draper was not a strong student. Whether it was the
school or her parents, to make this analysis is unclear; it certainly was not Draper's.
62
Ancestry.com. New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957 [database on-line]. Provo, UT,
USA: The Generations Network, Inc., 2006. Original data: Passenger and Crew Lists of
Vessels Arriving at New York, New York, 1897-1957; (National Archives Microfilm
Publication T715, 8892 rolls); Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service;
National Archives, Washington, D.C. Return from Antwerp, Belgium on SS Kroonland -
92
architectural and interior masterpieces had a notable effect on young Dorothy. From
Venice to Paris to London, she experienced the sights of Europe thanks to her parents'
fascination with architecture and decoration. Similar to the Grand Tour embarked upon
first by 18th century architects at the end of their formal education, Dorothy's travels to
Europe, combined with her parents' interest, partially explained what would become her
familiarity with historic architecture and interiors.
Marriage
The Tuckermans presented Dorothy to society on Saturday, December 21, 1907 in
the form of a cotillion at the fashionable Sherry's restaurant, which was, ironically, across
the street from Brearley. Dorothy's maternal grandmother, Louisa Aspinwall Minturn (b.
1844), hosted the ball. She reserved both the second and third floors. Phoenix Ingraham
(b. 1874), eventual justice of the New York Supreme Court, led the cotillion, and palm
trees, smilax, and deep pink roses decorated the ballroom.63 The presence of the
American Beauty rose would reappear as a favored motif in Dorothy's design career. Of
the 400 guests, two were of particular interest, Franklin (1882-1945) and Eleanor (1884-
1962) Roosevelt.64 Once married, Dorothy forged a more personal relationship with the
September 30, 1905 - Source Citation: Year: 1905; Microfilm serial: T715;
Microfilm roll: T715629; Line: 3; Departure to Hamburg, Germany on Kaiserin
Auguste Victoria - September 4, 1908 - Year: 1908; Microfilm serial: T715;
Microfilm roll: T7151142; Line: 9; Return from Cherbourg, France on Kaiser Wilhelm
II - July 20, 1910 - Year: 1910; Microfilm serial: T715; Microfilm roll: T7151523;
Line: 8.
63
"Debutante Dance for Miss Tuckerman 1907," The New York Times (December 21,
1907): 10.
64
Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt married just two years earlier in 1905. Franklin had yet
93
couple. At the time of the wedding, Franklin Roosevelt and Paul Tuckerman were old
friends dating back to their schooling at Groton in Massachusetts. Susan Tuckerman was
actually related to Franklin: she was his second cousin.
On that same evening, young Dorothy Tuckerman met her soon-to-be husband,
George (Dan) Draper (1880-1959). Five years later, on September 14, they married. The
Tuckermans hosted their only daughter's wedding at their Romanesque villa. A drizzling
rain prevented holding ceremony on the lawn as originally intended. A large altar covered
in flowers in the piazza marked the location of the actual ceremony. Dorothy donned a
beautiful gown of white satin, trimmed with rare point lace, and a Dutchess lace veil.
With Mendlesohn's "Wedding March" playing, Paul Tuckerman escorted Dorothy to the
altar. Immediately after the ceremony, the Tuxedo Club catered a wedding reception and
breakfast, and the couple went to Canada for the honeymoon.65
At last Dorothy had escaped Tuxedo. She left behind the strict rules of etiquette
for a more idealized lifestyle. But, as much as she tried to resist, Dorothy would be a
vessel for the traditional values of her time and place. She never abandoned them. In fact,
she eventually spread them to a much larger audience with a few key alterations. Dorothy
criticized Emily Post's etiquette books for their intimidating tone and voluminous rules.
In a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt, Draper stated that her own book would "debunk" all the
to begin his political career. In fact, he dropped out of Columbia Law School after
attending for only two years because he passed the New York State Bar exam. A year
later he joined Carther, Ledyard, and Milburn as a corporate lawyer.
65
The Tuckerman / Draper wedding was covered in the New York Times (September 15,
1912).
others, mainly because she believed that anyone, especially the middle class, could
experience good manners and taste.66
Her parents instilled in her crucial values that contributed to her eventual success.
Both Paul and Susan spent time and energy on charitable causes. They embedded a clear
sense of social responsibility into their daughter. Susan imbued her daughter with the
spirit of individuality, which would eventually fuel her iconoclastic dreams that would
change a profession forever. Her father bestowed a business sense that was crucial in
Dorothy's ability to run her future company. Her fairytale surroundings, Tuxedo Park,
offered inspiration and challenged the rules of fashion and style as each home was a
masterpiece. Eclectic interiors filled with the riches of history and heritage proved to
Dorothy that the meaning of the object was not date of construction or country of origin,
but sentimental value.67 The same was not true for the interior itself. This Dorothy saw as
the stage for life's grand performance. Various elements of the interior were props for
communicating a message of a good, enjoyable life, and as opposed to her somewhat
dreary English-influenced childhood interiors, Dorothy would flood hers with light and
color. Though Dorothy had absorbed numerous experiences during her formative years,
other crucial events had yet to occur. These happened during her 15 years of marriage.
66
Letter from Dorothy Draper to Eleanor Roosevelt, May 2, 1940. Eleanor Roosevelt
Archives, Box 713. A fair amount of correspondence occurred between the Roosevelts
and the Drapers. George Draper wrote mainly about issue involving his research and how
to assist with President Roosevelt's physical condition. Dorothy and Eleanor kept each
other apprised of family events and their professional careers.
67
This, however, did not protect the furniture from Dorothy's manipulations should she
find it more "useful" if altered.
95
Family Life
The Drapers set up their home in Manhattan in the area between Third and Fifth
Avenues and between 60th and 85th Streets. Though some believed this was the urban
version of Tuxedo Park due to the homogeneity of its residents, the Draper's lifestyle
differed from Dorothy's childhood. Even as a doctor, Dan did not receive nearly the same
level of pay as her father's $80,000 income; but, they certainly maintained a comfortable
lifestyle. Dorothy required assistance since her life at Tuxedo was remiss in preparing
her for self sufficiency on numerous domestic levels. She was unaccustomed to picking
up after herself and cooking was a foreign concept. By 1920, the Drapers hired three live-
in servants.
Children came quickly in the Draper household. Diana arrived first (1913-1972)
followed by George Junior (1915-1992). To assist her daughter, Susan Tuckerman hired a
family nurse for Dorothy, Frances Somson (1871-1955). Her task was to stay with the
children until they each moved off to boarding school. She would be the always present
adult, when Dorothy was out visiting and Dan became more involved in his work. Life in
Manhattan was beginning to look a lot like Tuxedo. Dorothy had not escaped as far as
she thought.
During their years together, the Drapers further developed their relationship with
Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt. While Dorothy was related distantly to Franklin, Eleanor
became her friend as evidenced by the numerous correspondences between the two even
when the Roosevelts inhabited the White House. This was one of the most influential
relationships in Dorothy's life, reinforcing the point that Dorothy had concerns beyond
her own social class. Unlike her soon-to-be decorating contemporaries, Dorothy designed
for the middle, and to some degree working, classes, the people whom she believed
needed good design the most.
The Drapers felt the impact of World War I. The couple moved to Washington,
D. C. with Diana and George in tow, where George served as a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
medical corps. Eventually, the army dispatched him to France where he finished his tour
of duty. Meanwhile, Dorothy and her best friend, Mae Laudenberg Davie (n.d.), became
two popular hostesses in the nation's capitol.68 The skills learned so adeptly from her
mother signaled Dorothy's traditional role as wife of a successful doctor whose duty it
was to maintain their social presence in the community. More importantly, and perhaps
less expected, Dorothy's talent for entertaining would serve as a catalyst for her
decorating career.
By 1920 the Drapers returned to Manhattan, and Vogue magazine announced
Dorothy's re-entry to New York society. A full-page photograph accompanied the article
that spoke of her appearance at the opera. The reporter described Dorothy as a beacon of
fashion and went into great detail about her taste in clothing. The Drapers' purchased
their first home at 164 East 63rd Street and Dorothy resumed her wifely duties, including
the addition of a third child, Penelope (b. 1923). With an exceptional governess in Ms.
Somson, a hard working husband, and plenty of time on her hands, Dorothy sought
refuge in sculpting and painting to soothe her creative desires. She completed several
busts, including one of her mother, her husband, and one of Mrs. Priscilla Stanton

Auchincloss. Though stimulating and self-satisfying on one level, sculpting was too
much of an isolated activity for Dorothy. She desired more social interaction. Dorothy
turned to one of her best skills—entertaining.
America's elite members of society, including Draper's aristocratic ancestors,
initiated formal entertaining in America. It eventually developed into a ritual where
couples could promote themselves into a higher social class or, in the case of Dorothy, a
responsibility to maintain her and her husband's presence on the social scene. For the
couple climbing the social ladder, the guest list reflected the priority of social status over
friendly relations. These "must invite" individuals were the gatekeepers to the most
exclusive social circles in cities such as New York City. At the event, social customs,
etiquette, and manners peaked with perfection while polite conversations always seemed
to transcend the incredible wealth of the attendees. The rules of this social game, as in
the past, were strict and unyielding. The slightest taboo had devastating effects.
With her position in society, Dorothy conceded to her social obligations and
began creating her own social theater, both for herself and her husband.70 She soon began
charming New York with her Christmas parties that would sometimes include up to two
hundred of New York's finest.71 Always excited to create just the right atmosphere, she
69
The bronze sculpture of Mrs. Priscilla Stanton Auchincloss was completed by Draper
circa 1925. Priscilla Dixon Stanton (c. 1888-1972) married Joseph Howland Auchincloss
(c. 1886-?), a New York lawyer.
70
Though Draper spent her life on the social register, neither she nor her family were
ever members of the Four Hundred.
71
Penelope Buchanan, interview by author, digital recording, Gates Mill, OH, November
4, 2006.
often redecorated her New York homes. Eventually, the decorations for the party yielded
a completely new interior. Her creations generated so much praise, that friends began
offering to purchase the home, furnishings included. By 1925, she had decorated and
sold three homes for herself, on East Sixty-third and Sixty-fourth Streets. The Draper
family gathered only personal items and a few select family heirlooms for each move.
Dorothy seemed to detach herself from each home rather easily. In part, this could have
been due to her frequent changes of address at Tuxedo. Dorothy never developed the
traditional view of home as it related to the passage of time and the acquisition of
memories. The value of the experiences did not equate to the value of the structure. This
supported the idea of interior as stage prop, a supportive element of life's main goal,
human interaction, and experience.
Foreboding events cast a shadow over Dorothy's achievements. Though Dan had
become increasingly "married" to his work, slowly spending less time with the family,
his career reached a bittersweet climax in 1921. His work regarding treatments for
poliomyelitis had brought him much attention within the medical community, but it was
his first patient who changed his life. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, long time friend, was
stricken with the disease while vacationing in Campobello, New Brunswick. Dan became
even more impassioned about his work, so much so that his marriage would suffer. In
1929 Dr. Draper asked for a divorce.72 He left Dorothy that same night for a younger
72
Dorothy and George Draper's divorce was granted on May 4, 1931 in Reno, Nevada,
where new laws expedited the divorce process. Couples needed only demonstrate
residence status for 6 weeks. Judges decreed 83 in the first day alone. "5-Minute
Divorces Turned Out at Reno," New York Times, May 5, 1931, 14.
woman, which made the experience even more painful. Though her marriage may not
have been based on true love, an unmarried life had seemingly no advantages. The single
woman of the 1930s was young, modern, and defiant—nothing like Draper who was now
40, an Edwardian, and passionate about a stable, traditional life with a husband and
family. Draper's breed was dying a slow and painful death—painful in that the public
showed little concern about the vanishing Edwardians. They had their new idols, the
parvenus on the east coast, and the Hollywood movie stars on the west.
In 1930, the marriage was over. Though seemingly cavalier about the situation,
Draper was left a social divorcee with three children, a spotlight she did not care for in
the least. The family home went up for sale, in part, due to the Depression. Her parent's
financial well had dried up considerably to the point that they moved out of Draper's
childhood home and built a much "cozier" fourth home. Black Monday crippled Draper's
finances also. She could no longer live the lifestyle, with substantial funds as she had for
the past four decades. Consequently, Dorothy and Penelope, the only child at home,
moved into a one bedroom unit in the Sutton Place Tenement Apartments on the east
side. Penelope and the family Dalmatian slept in bunk beds; the dog learned to climb into
the top bunk, while Dorothy negotiated truly unfamiliar territory. She slept on the couch
in the living room. Dorothy could not have felt any farther away from Tuxedo Park.
The true effect of the divorce would not reveal itself until a few years later.
Dorothy underwent psychotherapy for almost a year with Dr. Smiley Blanton (1882-
73
George Draper married Elizabeth Draper, an equally enthusiastic and aspiring interior
decorator.
100
1966).74 She claimed that her husband did not provide adequate income to the family as
a researcher and it occupied far too much of his time. Dorothy's focus on finances as
opposed to a loving relationship may have been a response to her upper-class values; one
rarely married for true love. In addition, Dorothy felt lost, disoriented, and somewhat
unsure of her own capabilities to be a self-sufficient mother of three in the post-
Depression era.
One piece of advice offered by her therapist was to attend the Reverend Norman
Vincent Peale's (1898-1993) sermon at Marble Collegiate Church in Manhattan. Dr.
Peale was one of the most influential 20* century clergymen in the United States. As an
ordained pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church (1922), Peale served congregations in
Rhode Island (1922-1924) and New York (1924-1932). He changed his affiliation in
1932 to the Dutch Reformed Church in order to become pastor of the Marble Collegiate
Church in New York City (1932-1984). Peale gained notoriety for his simple, optimistic,
and dynamic sermons. He shunned the "fire and brimstone" speeches for positive
discussions on modern living. Peale conquered every media, especially as the author of
Draper's meeting with Dr. Smiley Blanton occurs around 1936, as indicated by
Blanton's suggestion to attend one of Norman Vincent Peale's sermons. Blanton and
Peale met in 1935. Blanton-Peale Institute, "Blanton-Peale Institute History," on
February 5, 2007 from http://www.blantonpeale.org.
75
George Draper founded the Constitution Clinic at Columbia University. The clinic was
funded by private financial support raised during World War I. He worked there for the
majority of his life. W. F. Bynum, Anne Hardy, Stephen Jacyna, and Christopher
Lawrence, The Western Medical Tradition (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1995): 311.
101
four best-selling books: The Art of Living (1937), Confident Living (1948), The Power of
Positive Thought (1952), and This Incredible Century (1991).
Blanton and Peale's innovative approach to counseling, which brought together
the "insights of the evolving fields of psychiatry and psychotherapy with the wisdom of
the great spiritual traditions to help modern men and women deal with the psychological,
emotional, and spiritual stresses of contemporary life," affected Dorothy.76 She changed
her attitude immensely. Dorothy soon stated, "there are two types of women, those who
are happily married and those who are decorators."77 Dorothy had once again liberated
herself. The social institution of marriage was just as dissatisfying as were the fences of
Tuxedo Park. Each had glorious potential, but her experiences were stifling. At this
moment, Dorothy became a "modern" woman with all of its privileges and challenges.
Dorothy's professional career consumed the remainder of her life. She opened her
first business in 1925 and did not relinquish the Presidency of her business until the
1960s. In an interview, Dorothy's youngest daughter, Penelope, spoke of how central her
mother's business was to her life. By the time the business really got on its feet, both
Diana and George Jr. were out of the house. Penelope was all that remained of the family.
As a proper Edwardian, Dorothy did not mix the business and personal life. She never
76
A letter from Dorothy to Eleanor Roosevelt in June of 1957 reveals Dorothy's
relationship with the Reverend Norman Vincent Peale. Draper speaks highly of Blanton
and Peale who at that time of the letter were creating the American Foundation of
Religion and Psychiatry (1951-present). Draper noted her position as a Director of the
Foundation. Letter from Dorothy Draper to Eleanor Roosevelt, June 27, 1957. Eleanor
Roosevelt Archives, Box 3539.

spoke of business with her daughter. Dorothy never remarried and passed on in 1969 in
Cleveland, Ohio, with her daughter, Penelope as her main caretaker. At her funeral,
George Jr. played the Battle Hymn of the Republic on his harmonica, a befitting tribute
for a woman whose heritage was steeped in American history and who, as an individual,
had such an impact on American life for three decades. The church, founded by her
family, and the surrounding cemetery in Newport, Rhode Island majestically overlooked
the bay that her ancestors had first entered.
The Tuckermans taught Dorothy to embrace the anglophile values of taste,
decorum, and social standard. Though raised in a traditional environment, Dorothy's
female relatives added just enough "free spirit" to alter her perception of these values.
Taste was the one value she cherished in its purest form. During what appeared to be a
fairytale life, Dorothy lived in mansions on hills in the most romantic of settings.
Servants tended to her every need in an environment of almost sublime refinery and she
traveled to Europe frequently. These experiences framed Dorothy's perception of taste as
it was guided by her parents and the general perception that such decisions rested on her
peers' shoulders. As she moved into a professional career, she championed taste in the
Edwardian manner in that her decoration would not be garish or pretentious; it would be
a beauty ebullient in optimism.
For the Edwardians, decorum was taste's natural companion. Dorothy viewed the
relationship between the social stage and the performance as integral components of a
whole. Unlike the parvenus who mimicked the actions with great flair, Dorothy believed
that decorum should not strangle an enjoyable evening just for the sake of etiquette.
Rules were less prescriptive and only presumed to enhance the enjoyment of the guests.
For as much as Dorothy's upbringing instilled the values of taste and decorum,
her childhood tempered them as well. Dorothy's discomfort with "enclosure," whether it
was a massive stone gate guarding a private community or a prescribed set of behaviors
demanded at home or school, created a perspective that was seemingly more inclusive
than exclusive. Everyone should have the opportunity to experience life as she had,
which she would eventually deliver to the middle class. She learned to adapt the
experiences garnered in Tuxedo Park to less extravagant conditions in an apartment in
New York City. Necessity, meaning the Great Depression, required Dorothy to live the
life she espoused with far less funding. By doing so, she realized her philosophy of living
was possible and she was determined to deliver the news to a nation in need. For these
reasons, Dorothy abandoned the third value, social standard, as it related to prejudicial
treatment of individuals based on class. Dorothy did not, however, abandon her identity
as a woman of taste, which often translated to the public and her clients as that of an
aristocrat.
Growing up with one foot in the Gilded Age and one foot in the Progressive Era,
a time when change was common and public servitude fashionable, was a key factor in
Dorothy's developing identity. She lived a privileged life, married and began a family
during a heightened state of social consciousness, started a business shortly after the
enfranchisement of women, and then developed it as a single mother. Such social forces
created a woman difficult to describe, at least with traditional monikers. She was an
aristocratic, single, working mother who valued taste and decorum for all. She was
perhaps the "new Edwardian woman" or maybe a "modern aesthete." Either way, this
new force was about to enter and change the interior design profession from a luxury
service to a public service.

CHAPTER 3
A QUESTION OF TITLE:
INTERIOR DECORATOR, INTERIOR MERCHANDISER, INTERIOR DESIGNER?
Draper's personal trajectory was by no means destined for a professional career.
Nothing in her romantic past suggested a job other than perhaps volunteering for charities
like her mother. She followed society's conservative, prescribed gender role faithfully.
The fact that time and circumstance maneuvered her in that direction was one thing; for
her to embrace the idea of a professional career as a woman during the 1920s and actually
follow through with it was quite another. Even though the event was unexpected, Draper
allowed it to unfold in the most natural manner, responding to its every nuance. With one
foot in a conservative, romantic, domestic past, Draper soon placed the other in a
progressive, rational, public future. The public sphere would challenge Draper's
understanding of the world around her, one with a completely different set of rules and
biases. Her childhood lessons would appear irrelevant. How would taste and etiquette
serve a woman in business? Draper's ability to merge those two seemingly disparate
worlds began to blur the well-defined boundaries between male and female, the public
and the private. With confidence and resolve, Draper wielded a spirit of innovation that
allowed her to create an identity that was uniquely her own.
Draper's sensitivity to her developing professional career was evident in her use
of titles. She avoided the term "decorator." Cabinetmakers and upholsterers established
the idea of the interior decorating business during the 19th century, moving from the
creation of certain components of the interior, such as textiles or furnishings, to the
assemblage of the whole composition. Candace Wheeler (1827-1923) and Elsie de Wolfe
pioneered the profession as one appropriate for women and others followed: Nancy
McClelland (1877-1959), Eleanor McMillen Brown (1890-1992), and Ruby Ross Wood
(1881-1950). The idea was not new, and yet Draper saw herself as something else.1 For
someone raised in a class that considered "personal interpretation" as a threat to tradition,
Draper approached her career with no preconceived notions. This, in part, may have been
why she became so innovative.
Innovation was a significant aspect of Draper's career, a trait many historians did
not recognize.2 When discussing the beginning of the twentieth century, authors often
dismissed the work of the decorators, noting their reliance on historical traditions. Male
architects, on the other hand, explored, invented, and innovated their way through the
century. These blanket statements hindered the dissemination of the contributions made
by women in the field of interior design, which affected greatly their legitimacy as
1
Even Elsie de Wolfe, who has been given the dubious title as the first self-proclaimed
interior decorator, noted that interior decoration was nothing new. "Women have done
the same thing before," she stated. See "Elsie de Wolfe," The Standard and Vanity Fair
(June 9, 1905): n.p.
2
In 2001, a study of text books that addressed the history of interior design revealed a
negative bias toward women in the evaluation of their achievements. The most common
forms of gender discrimination included 1) the omission of women from the narrative, 2)
the different value assigned to women's accomplishments as a result of being viewed
under masculine criteria, 3) the perpetuation of gender stereotyping, and 4) the language
by which the subjects were described. Innovation was a common description for male
architects, while interior decorators' connection with the antique trade, in general,
defined their accomplishments as ones of building upon historical traditions. See John
Turpin's "Omitted, Devalued, Ignored: Reevaluating the Historical Interpretation of
Women in the Profession of Interior Design," Journal of Interior Design 27, no. 1
(2001): 1-11.
3
Allen Tate and C. Ray Smith, Interior Design in the 20th Century (New York: Harper
& Row, 1986).
107
professionals. Historians depicted men as having the ability to think independently of
their social context, while women were passive participants in society reacting to outside
forces as the sole determinants of their decision-making process. This was a fallacy.
A professional career in the business sector offered women opportunities to
develop their own identity through self-expression, especially women who owned
businesses. The cosmetic industry experienced this phenomenon more than any other.
Helena Rubinstein (c. 1871-1965), Elizabeth Arden (1878-1966), and Estee Lauder
(1906-2004) became distinct household names due to their ability to create unique
identities along with the development of their products.4 The early interior decorators had
more difficulty achieving such national recognition, in part, because their product was not
mass-produced. Individual clients enjoyed customized interiors as provided by the
decorator. Draper, however, refused to follow the prescribed path of the decorator in
nomenclature and business practices. In doing so, she blazed a new trail that equaled the
giants in the cosmetic industry. From her first business venture, The Architectural
Clearing House, to the legendary Dorothy Draper & Company—the longest continuously
running decorating firm in the United States—Draper redefined the profession's scope,
services, and business practices.
The Architectural Clearing House (1925-1930)
The changing gender roles of the late 19th and early 20' centuries offered the
perfect formula for the development of the interior decoration profession. Victorian men
4
Lindy Woodhead, War Paint: Madame Helena Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden,
Their Lives, Their Times, Their Rivalry (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003).
108
had assigned women the task of maintaining the household, both its aesthetics and its
events. With these responsibilities and the growing women's movement, the ladies of the
house acquired the permission, confidence, and desire to search for opportunities for self-
expression beyond the family unit. The Progressive Era (1890s through the 1920s)
advanced women's march toward personal freedom. Women felt empowered to develop
along with the rest of the nation. In addition to social and political change, the 1920s
ushered in an entirely new way of living, one that was far less restrictive than the
domestic ideology of the 19th century. Draper certainly seemed to appreciate the
relaxation of certain traditional rituals. The formality of Tuxedo Park gave way to a more
gregarious, celebratory way of life in the 20th century. Draper's participation in this
lifestyle was the catalyst for her entrance into the profession of interior decoration.
As a wife of a prominent doctor, Draper's duties required that she entertain from
time to time. This was no chore for her; she relished the opportunity. In fact, Draper's
Christmas parties became an anticipated social event each season. She transformed her
brownstones into winter wonderlands complete with new furnishings for each year's
festivities. Her zealous redecoration of the home generated endless accolades from her
guests. The atmosphere and surrounding decorations resonated with such harmony that
some of her friends asked her to "do" their homes. Some even offered to purchase
Draper's house "as is." To her husband's chagrin—but not refusal, Draper began
accepting such offers, moving the family three times in five years, each home within just
a few blocks of the last. She had officially entered the interior decoration profession—by
accident. Of all the houses, one in particular demonstrated the degree to which Draper
altered her homes. Beyond the simple addition of items or color coordination, Draper
completely and aggressively redesigned the interiors at a scale most considered
ambitious. Her self-titled Upside-Down house became the most famous.5
Sitting near the corner of 64th Street and Third Avenue, the house began as a 19th
century carriage factory.6 For the rich living in town, these brownstones were vertically
challenging with their endless stairs, lack of light, and dark, seemingly unhealthy
backyards "where nothing but mushrooms and alacanthus might grow."7 This middle-
class house type contrasted greatly with the majestic, horizontal sweep of Draper's
childhood houses in Tuxedo Park. Draper attacked the spatial composition of the interiors
vigorously and began reassessing the value of the layout of the typical brownstone.8 The
amount of activity in the Upside-Down House was evident by the numerous building
permits the Drapers acquired from New York City between 1923 and 1930.
Draper initiated the transformation by extending the ground floor and the first
floor to the back of the lot. Her goal was not to eliminate the backyard, but to elevate it
to the life-giving sun. Her inspiration came from a stay at a London hotel.
5
6
The Drapers purchased the home for $30,000 in 1923. In 1926, an additional $10,000
second mortgage was acquired for the numerous alterations. The title was put in
Dorothy's name on February 26, 1931 and then sold to a Mimi B. Durant on April 11,
1936 for $40,000, suggesting that no profit was made due to the Depression.
7
Ibid., 76.
8
Francis McMullen, "Mrs. Draper, Home Stylist," The Woman's Journal, March 1930,
17.
110
We looked out through one of the French doors onto a
terrace. Actually it was only the roof of the sitting room
below, but so charmingly arranged with pots of oleanders
and rhododendrons that gloomy London seemed to fade off
into the distance and to give place to a pleasant morning
room in a country house.9
No longer plunged into the shadows of the dense urban fabric, Draper resuscitated the
brownstone's backyard as a roof garden terrace, now atop the extension of the ground
floor, beneath which were the kitchen and servants' quarters. The extension of the living
space on the ground floor meant that it could now accommodate two hundred people
during social occasions, a condition that occurred frequently, since Draper was one of
New York's leading hostesses. In addition, Draper eliminated the floor above the living
room, making it into a grand double-height space and thereby flooding the room with
light, a precious commodity absent in many of New York's brownstones.
The second floor included a dining-sitting room, looking out onto the garden. A
grand studio, full of her sculpting equipment, awaited Draper on the third floor, but soon
became a storage room.10 Finally, with great cunning, Draper maneuvered around city
9
Dorothy Draper, "From the Inside Looking Out," House and Garden (June 1927): 90.
10
One can speculate that Draper's ability to sculpt aided in her ability to conceptualize
and "sculpt" her interiors. Draper presents one of her pieces during her interview with
Edward R. Murrow on Person to Person. Edward R. Murrow, "Interview with Dorothy
Draper," Person to Person with Edward R. Murrow, 15 min., CBS, May 1957,
videocassette.
Ill
ordinances and secured permission for the greatest urban amenity of all for a downtown
New Yorker—a garage, located on the side of the building. Carleton Varney (b. 1939)
described the reception of Draper's renovations:
Upside-Down House was Draper's first taste of
recognition. It was mentioned not only in the society
pages but also in the real estate section, where it really
counted. Her unusual talents were finally being
recognized as something more than a society matron's
diversion.11
While outside criticism was favorable, Draper did not have a business in mind until a
fortuitous lunch with a friend.12
In 1925, Draper created The Architectural Clearing House, her first official
business venture. The idea for the business stemmed from a casual luncheon with a
friend who was moving to the East coast. The friend was frustrated with the endless
11
12
The transition from hostess to decorator was not unique to Draper. Elsie de Wolfe
followed much the same path. During her life as an actress, de Wolfe entertained some
of the most popular European and American personalities in both politics and the arts.
She thrived on the social scene to console her personal sense of failure in the theatrical
arena. Her social gatherings were perhaps a vehicle through which she could continue
her grand role as leading actress on center stage. Smith, Elsie de Wolfe, 124. See also
Sparke, Elsie de Wolfe.
13
Draper officially established The Architectural Clearing House on March 27, 1925.
"New Corporations: New York Charters, New York Times (March 28, 1925): 24.
112
choices for architects and no clear method of deciding which would be most appropriate
to bring her dream home to fruition. Draper recognized almost immediately the niche in
the market. Her mission was to arbitrate power between architect and client by matching
the needs of the clients with an architect of similar disposition, thereby allowing a
smoother experience in communication and understanding. She once said, "if you want a
Harrie Lindeberg type house, you don't go to Whitney Warren, or Charles Piatt, though
both of these men are masters too."14 The advent and success of such a business
indicated a lack of communication emerging between the architectural profession and the
public. Bridging the gap did not arise purely in what seemed to be a simple referral
service. The critical ingredient was Draper herself, who reportedly became "almost like a
member of the architect's firm during the process of building and construction ... allied
with the owner."15 Draper had inserted herself cleverly into the architectural design
process.
Draper offered "friendly counsel, from one who knows" as her service motto for
those in search of an architect.16 This cordial, rather informal approach was based on the
social gender coding of women as being the more complacent and agreeable of the two
14
Charles Towne, "A Service for Those About to Build," Country Life (November 1925):
42. Harrie T. Lindberg (1879-1959) was a New Jersey born architect known for his
urbane, refined and elegant country homes. Whitney Warren (1864-1943) studied at the
Ecole des Beaux Arts before partnering with Charles Wetmore (1866-1941) in New York
City. The firm garnered an elite reputation in hotel design. Charles A. Piatt (1861-1933)
was a landscape gardener turned architect whose work often followed the Neo-Georgian
and Colonial Style.
15
Ibid.
6
Ibid.
113
sexes, her gracious upbringing as an Edwardian debutante, and the knowledge that many
clients were afraid to express their own ideas once they became involved with the
always-male architect.17 Frustration could result if the client's individual personality,
desires, or needs were not reflected in the final product. One of two reactions typically
followed. The first was displeasure on the part of the clients with the final product; the
second was complete submission as the clients realized their own lack of participation
and communication in the design process. With a direct relation to both camps, Draper
relayed the practical needs and desires of the client to the architect diplomatically, while
simultaneously appreciating the aesthetic value and integrity of the architect's design
decisions, and helping the client to see the value of both.
Charles Hanson Towne, writer for Country Living, was surprised, like most, that
"a certain lady in New York had a wholly original idea! Like all interesting things, one
wonders immediately, on first hearing of it, why it was not conceived before."18 It was
for this very reason that Draper's Architectural Clearing House was crucial to the
developing profession of interior design. She created a new, positive, professional role
for the interior decorator. Though the Architectural Clearing House stood ready to act as
sole interior decorator, Draper knew that some of the clients had existing connections
with other decorating professionals, thereby adding another facet to the negotiations.
17
Angel Kwolek-Folland's Incorporating Women: A History of Women & Business in the
United States (New York: Palgrave, 2002) discusses the relationship between women and
the business sector. She is cited here for her discussion regarding women in the retail
business. Male business men hired female managers and retail associates because they
were more empathetic and better suited to deal with female customers.
18
Towne, "A Service for Those About to Build," 1925.
114
Through her close interaction with the architect, she involved herself in not only the
decor of the homes, but also in the landscaping, the exterior color and tones, the
placement of kitchen and storage cabinets, and the spacing of exterior windows as
motivated by the design needs of the interior spaces.19
Draper's self-insertion into the architect/client relationship lessened the possibility
of criticism of the architect by the client. Because the client perceived Draper as more of
a trusting confidante than an aggressive professional male, the needs of the client and the
artistry of the architect were negotiated before and during the design process, thereby
obviating the client's feelings of helplessness while waiting for an unexpected outcome.
With a keen sense of human nature and an understanding of the problem at hand, Draper
became a matchmaker between her society friends and professional architects, and
through her presence, restructured the architect/client relationship to include her.
Draper's sensitivity to this unique, triadic relationship was likely fostered by her
exposure to her own parents' experience with the design of four custom homes.
In November of 1928, Draper revealed the services and strategies of the
Architectural Clearing House in "Before the Plans are Drawn," an article for House &
Garden. Her approach was unexpected. She essentially placed the success of the home
design on the reader/client. At the beginning of the article, Draper grabbed the reader's
attention with two scenarios regarding women who wished to build a new home. The
first, Mrs. Jones, admired the rooms of her many friends, each different in stylistic
19
There is little documentation on the design process of the Architectural Clearing House
and no evidence on any of the individual projects has yet been discovered.
115
character. Her inability or lack of desire to formulate her future home's criteria hindered
the effectiveness of the architect immediately: "her thoughts are as formless as a plum
pudding. How under the shining sun is her poor architect to make any kind of house that
will suit her, unless she is planning to stage a Hollywood nightmare in it?" Draper's
dramatic scolding alluded to the potential discordant interior with each room inspired by
a different country at a different time and the responsibility of the client in such an
outcome.
Mrs. Tompkins's dilemma was essentially the same as Mrs. Jones, only this time
the issues were pragmatic instead of aesthetic. Her inability to communicate her needs to
the architect debilitated the project at hand. However, as much as Draper held the clients
accountable for these decisions, the underlying issue remained one of empowerment. She
championed the voice of the individuals who were to live in the home. They had the right
and responsibility to participate in the design process. If they were not comfortable with
what architects might have considered aggressive behavior, Draper and the Architectural
Clearing House were more than ready and willing to step in as their advocate.
The remainder of the article was nothing short of a step-by-step questionnaire.
Draper made her information gathering process transparent as well as her expertise
regarding the design of the interior. She began her queries with the exterior. The size of
the home required the client to consider not only the number of rooms and initial cost, but
also functional issues, such as number of servants, and life cycle costs regarding upkeep.
20
Dorothy Draper, "Before the Plans Are Drawn," House & Garden (November 1928):
84.
116
The latter concern placed Draper's strategy in a category with very few people. To
understand and address the "life" of the home and its materials was visionary. Type of
home followed size. Draper cautioned readers to consider the style's sympathies to "size,
suitability to environment, and mode of life."21 Type of home informed composition or
materials, which circled her discussion back to initial and future costs. The exterior was
not complete until the new home builders had decided on the garden.
Draper walked the reader through the rest of the article and her process by moving
through the house based on rooms encountered. The vestibule, entrance hall, and drawing
room focused on the issue of formality. This entry sequence set the tone of the interior
and thus guided the selection of materials. Draper queried about surface treatments,
furniture, and accessories (e.g., potted plants), but never spoke of room shape and size,
suggesting that this may be the line drawn between the needs and desires of the client and
the expertise of the architect. Marching through the remaining spaces with a rhythm
similar to Charles Eastlake's Hints on Household Taste (1868), Clarence Cook's The
House Beautiful (1881), and Edith Wharton and Ogden Codman's The Decoration of
Houses (1897), Draper tended to the library, dining room, pantry, kitchen, laundry, hall,
bedrooms, bathrooms, special closets, nursery, servant rooms and bath, and
miscellaneous, which included the cellar and attic.22 The exhaustive list of rooms
demonstrated Draper's attention to detail. She considered every space.
27
[bkL
22
Charles Eastlake's (1836-1906) Hints on Household Taste (1868), Clarence Cook's
The House Beautiful and Edith Wharton and Ogden Codman's The Decoration of Houses
have similar lockstep, sequential discussions regarding the interior. This was the most
117
Though extremely comprehensive, Draper's strategy did not diverge too far from
the expected professional knowledge of the interior decorator. However, unlike most,
Draper included an impressive level of technical knowledge that was outside the typical
purview of her field. One of the most striking refrains throughout the article was the
importance of light. She noted the advantages of ambient southwest light in the drawing
room, task "over-the-left-shoulder" light for reading music, decorative light as the sun
filters into a guest bedroom, and the need for more artificial light as a room grows in
height and depth. She spoke of venting in the kitchen and the pragmatics of door size as it
related to furniture that had to pass through it during move-in. For anyone to deliver such
technical information was uncommon.23
In addition to architectural, decorative, and technical issues, Draper introduced
her awareness of the complexity of programming homes, and eventually commercial
spaces, as it related to the different users of the space.24 For a large home, the family was
not the only user; the servants held equal importance. "Visualize yourself first as the
mistress and then as her servants. If you do this," she continued, "you are apt to have
effective manner to communicate the complexities of the domestic environment to the lay
reader.
23
The technical considerations of the home environment were not new ground. In the
mid-nineteenth century, Catherine E. Beecher (1800-1878) and Harriet Beecher Stowe
(1811-1896) authored The American Woman's Home (New York: J.B. Ford & Co.,
1869), which covered a wide range of topics from ventilation to material maintenance
based on a highly religious foundation. However, the focus on domestic engineering was
not the typical purview of the decorators.
24
Programming is a term used in the design disciplines that describes the goals, needs,
and functional requirements of any given project. Costs, codes, and design expectations
are the core considerations.
118
much less trouble with what your husband calls labor turnover." Draper made particular
note of this issue in the pantry with a discussion of flooring. Cork or soft wood covered
with linoleum was much more comfortable on the feet that stood all day. She even
suggested that the opinion of the servants be ascertained when choosing the color scheme
of the kitchen. Draper's sensitivity to the diverse user groups and their very different
needs, though seeded in her privileged upbringing, would prove crucial to her perceived
success as a designer, because even the employees felt important enough for Draper to
consider them in her design process.
In an almost boastful tone, Draper concluded her article with a laundry list of
issues not to be forgotten: heating (e.g., hot water, vapor, vacuum or steam; coal, gas or
oil; thermostat), intercommunication system, sound proofing, fire extinguishers, and
burglar alarms. Knowing that she might have inundated her reader with this information,
she asked the final question. "Do you also want pencil, paper and a little bit of silence in
which to go over this article again and settle some of these debatable points right now?"
For the lionhearted, perhaps the answer was yes. But, for those with the financial means,
they were certainly more interested in contacting the author of this article, Mrs. George
Draper, President of The Architectural Clearing House, Inc. The article was after all a
smart marketing ploy.
The only traditional aspect of Draper's business venture was the residential focus.
Like most of the early interior decorators, the domestic sphere garnered all of their
25
Draper, "Before the Plans are Drawn," 134.
26
Draper, "Before the Plans are Drawn," 138.
119
attention. Women's knowledge of the home predicted the projects for most of them. On
the one hand, male and female clients alike recognized the expertise of women when it
came to matters of the home. On the other hand, the interior decorators felt comfortable
working within a domestic framework. The decorators' reliance on these familiar
commissions soon became their raison d'etre. In fact, the decorating community
considered high society private commissions to be "proper" work. They manifested the
taste of the upper class through their luxury service. The hiring of another woman, a
professional, to decorate one's house was, after all, one of the more obvious forms of
conspicuous consumption.
Draper did not view her new business as being limited to decorating, as noted by
the services expounded in her article. In fact, Draper conspicuously avoided the title of
decorator. She may have offered decoration as a service, but it was only a portion of her
responsibilities and capabilities. One can examine the monikers she crafted as a means of
conveying her services to the public. Between 1925 and 1930, Draper never referred to
herself as a decorator in any of the articles she authored.27 Most of the time, she identified
herself as President of the Architectural Clearing House. The only deviation from this
title occurred in 1930, a crucial year for Draper. In an article entitled "Mrs. Draper, Home
Stylist," the author, Frances McMullen, quoted Draper; "We are style consultants. We
27
Draper wrote a series of six articles while President of the Architectural Clearing
House: "From the Inside Looking Out," House and Garden (June 1927): 90+; "Kitchens
the World Over," House and Garden (August 1927): 58-9; "Planting in the Sky," House
and Garden (May 1928): 82-7; "Enter the Saturday Night House," House and Garden
(July 1928): 53-5; "Before the Plans are Drawn," House and Garden (November 1928):
84+; "How to Use Red in Decoration," House and Garden (June 1929): 92+.
120
aim to do the same things for apartment buildings that the more familiar sort of stylist
does for department store stocks."28 The stylist Draper referred to became increasingly
popular in the 1920s and the 1930s. In order to compete for consumers' business in a
market flooded with choice, manufacturers hired people to "repackage" their products in
order to differentiate themselves from their competitors or offer their same product but in
a manner that made it appear new. Styling affected greatly product design, industrial
design, marketing, advertising, and even the manner in which department stores
presented products to consumers.29 Draper's appropriation of the term signaled her
approach toward interior design and decoration and forecasted her philosophy about
merchandising an interior. The new professional title not only spoke of Draper's
innovative view of her services, it also indicated a move from private homes to public
commissions. So began Draper's major contribution to the profession of interior design:
out of the living room and into the lobby.
Dorothy Draper, Inc. (established 1930)
Within three years of having opened the Architectural Clearing House, Draper
began securing public commissions. Realtors and businessmen took note of her success
and invited her to design the lobbies of their apartment buildings. Draper's social
28
McMullen, "Mrs. Draper, Home Stylist," 16.
29
See Roland Marchand's Advertising the American Dream: Making Way for Modernity,
1920-40 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); William Leach's Land of
Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York:
Pantheon Books, 1993); and Edward Lucie-Smith's A History of Industrial Design
(Oxford: Phaidon Press Limited, 1983).
121
connections served her well in this aspect of her developing business. Douglas Elliman
(1882-1972), a real estate broker, recommended Draper as decorator for the Carlyle
Hotel, a 40-storey apartment building located at the intersection of 76th Street and
Madison Avenue. The reviews by the popular press applauded the design and Draper
took her first major step in the commercial arena. In 1930, Draper changed her business
name to Dorothy Draper, Inc.
Numerous factors disadvantaged the firm. First, the Depression was in full swing,
with over 100,000 businesses closing between 1929 and 1932.30 Building came to a cold
stop and design firms laid off workers with the hope of not having to close the entire
business. Second, Dr. Draper had just recently asked for a divorce, leaving Draper a
single divorcee. Finally, Draper was entering the public sphere, the realm of the male.
Business had historically been a "men only" club, especially jobs involving commercial
real estate. With society's dubious tolerance for women in business, Draper had an uphill
battle to wage. The attitude of most Americans during the middle of the twentieth century
kept women in the domestic sphere; otherwise, society deemed her neglectful of her
familial duties. As a member of the upper class, Draper could afford the services of a
governess to raise her children, somewhat relieving her of the responsibilities of home. In
fact, Ms. Somson, the beloved nanny, remained in employment to look after young
Penelope. Diana and George were off to boarding school and Draper could pursue her
career.
Kwolek-Folland, Incorporating Women, 142.

The gender handicap required Draper to consider how to present her "self in the
public sphere. With the Architectural Clearing House, she followed earlier examples of
females who marketed their gender rather surreptitiously. Aware of the prejudice
embedded in the social infrastructure regarding women and business, some of the female
decorators who created their own firms felt it necessary to hide their feminine identity by
dropping their first name in the title of the business so that society would view their
practice as both professional and legitimate. Eleanor McMillen selected the name
McMillen, Inc. in 1924. "I thought that if I were going to do it at all, I'd better do it
professionally." In other words, professionals were not women. Draper was either far
bolder or far less informed as to the general perception of professional women or she
simply did not care. Draper often stated how she dismissed public opinion.32 Perhaps she
was somewhat disingenuous in her sweeping remark, but Draper would not hide her
gender. Dorothy Draper, Inc. had opened its doors.
As a woman, Draper offered a much different approach to business than did her
male counterparts. She utilized her feminine values of taste and etiquette, which stood in
stark contrast to the abrasive dealings of her male peers. Ironically, her clients would be
some of America's most well-known businessmen. She reveled in her negotiations with
them as much as she disliked working with the lady of the house on a private residence.
After all, the businessmen generated the projects that tantalized Draper—large scale
public spaces. And, they recognized her as an expert. With growing confidence, Draper
31
Tate and Smith, Interior Design in the 20th Century, 318.
32
Flanner, "The Amazing Career of Dorothy Draper."
123
eventually had the conviction to write her contracts so that she would be the sole arbiter
of taste, a shrewd mechanism that completely empowered Draper and neutralized the
male client during the process. This approach proved successful only because her clients
continued to praise her finished designs.
In 1934 Draper reached another milestone in her career. As a self-proclaimed real
estate stylist, she accepted a contract to renovate Sutton Place, a block of mid-nineteenth
century, deteriorated, New York row houses belonging to the Henry Phipps estate. At
the signing of the contract, the buildings lacked the capacity to bringing in enough
income to cover taxes. The average vacancy was 33% for the apartments that rented for
around $25 a month. By the end of the job, Draper spent an average of $15,000 on each
of the 11 buildings and enticed high society back to Sutton Place. The result was 100%
occupancy with a comfortable waiting list of 'high type' tenants, an increase of rentals
from $25 to an average of $100 per month, the return of the property to an income-paying
basis in addition to amortization of improvement costs, and general betterment of the
neighborhood.34
Sutton Place was challenging in a variety of ways. Knowing that her target
market expected only the most modern conveniences, Draper had to deal with aged
buildings with only cold water installations and outdated, dreary facades. The halls were
dark and foreboding. However, the favorable factors included its location in an existing,
33
Henry Phipps Jr. (1839-1930), American entrepreneur and philanthropist, acquired his
wealth as the second largest financier of the Carnegie Steel Company.
34
"Re-styled Buildings," Business Week, 5 September 1936, 34.
socially acceptable district and that the rear windows overlooked an open space with a
sweep of the East River beyond.
The restricted budget limited Draper's options regarding the exterior. With few
structural correctives, she painted the buildings a glossy black with dead-white trim. She
stripped doorways and purified them of paint and ornament to present a simple, yet
elegant entrance. Cast iron panels yielded the most dramatic difference as she
transformed fire escapes into picturesque faux balconies. Finally, in an unconventional
decision, Draper brought the exteriors to life with a variety of brilliantly colored doors.
Due to its success in the trade and popular magazines, Draper's design methods reached
both residential and corporate America. Real estate agents, and developers, realized that
there was someone who could rejuvenate the lost buildings of New York at a reasonable
price. Draper also introduced middle-class America to a much more optimistic color
palette. Black became chic overnight and boldly colored doors appeared across the
nation.
In essence, Draper mastered the art of merchandising along with interior
decoration.35 Unlike a typical retail store where the project was often a tangible object,
Draper sold an experience—one that if done well would encourage the customer to
purchase an apartment, eat at an establishment, or stay in a particular hotel. The
hospitality industry had found its greatest asset in Draper. She understood that people
valued the experience of a space and that such an experience affected their consumer
35
Evelyn Roe, "Giving Style to Real Estate," Christian Science Monitor, 25 August
1937, 6.
125
decisions. For Sutton Place, she extruded the psychological comforts of home and
integrated them into the semi-public realm in order to entice the clientele. In the wake of
her success at Sutton Place, Draper called herself an "interior merchandiser" and
"promotional stylist." Real estate agents and builders knew of her abilities to return a
profit on large-scale public projects.36
Business practices
Presentations
Shortly after the success of Sutton Place, Draper increased her staff and began
crafting methods of presentation for her design bids. Her presentations consisted of
rendered drawings and a proposed contract.37 Draper began with the visuals. Though few
examples survived, her renderings for a hospital demonstrated her approach, which was
particularly notable since she had to educate her clients on how to read plans and
perspectives. This was acutely evident in the renderings. Draper unfolded the drawings as
if a large book. The title page did not state the name of the project, but instead
dramatically introduced Draper. In large, cursive red letters, the first page read "Draper
presents" (figure 9). As if for purposes of anticipation and drama, the next page presented
the project, Mt. Sinai Hospital (figure 10).38
36
I T
No evidence connects directly Draper to the actual completion of the drawings.

Carleton Varney references "her sketches of the Beverly Hills Hotel" in There's No Place
Like Home: Confessions of an Interior Designer (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1980).
Draper revealed her own artistic talent during her interview with Edward R. Murrow on
Person to Person in May 1957 by discussing a bust she made of her mother.
38
Contract for the New York Mount Sinai Hospital, Dorothy Draper & Company
126
Draper paired the proceeding pages. On one side, an employee illustrated a floor
plan of a designated space called out in the contract (figure 11). In the case of Mt. Sinai,
the lobby, typical bedroom, and sitting room were the focused areas. On the other side
was a perspective of the decorated space (figure 12). Educating the client took the form
of a simple arrow that connected the perspective on the right with the plan on the left.
Draper placed the arrow in the exact position from which the perspective was drawn. The
collaboration of the two drawings aided the client in relating the two-dimensional plan
with the three-dimensional perspective. Consequently, designer and client were able to
discuss easily the details of the proposed design.
Following the plans, Draper presented her material and furnishing boards. Fabrics
(figures 13, 14) and wall coverings (figures 15, 16) were on separate pages. Each had the
title on the left and hand-painted samples of the textiles on the right. Draper presented the
proposed fabrics separate from each other, while she collaged the wall coverings. The
fact that Draper did not use the physical materials suggested a couple of issues. One,
Draper may have been presenting custom textiles, by no means a rare preference for her.
Second, the intent of the collage could have been more conceptual. Patterns and solids
worked in unison to provide an approach, not specifics. Draper never documented the
actual purpose or intent of her presentations. It has been left up to speculation.
Archives, New York City (July 1950).

127
Design goals
The contract was the last component discussed. Draper led off with her design
goals, which she claimed developed from her recent successes.39 "Our experience ...
shows that... modern building operations, must deal with the same factors—namely:
1. It must be functionally correct
2. Economical of expenditure
3. Appealing, and attract patients to want to use its facilities
4. Maintenance cost must be held to a minimum"40
The aesthetic and functional goals followed the typical protocol for a decorator. The
budgetary goal responded to Draper's new client type, the businessman, whose definition
of success was pecuniary. The fourth goal was perhaps the most unexpected. Draper's
anticipation of future budget costs or "life cycle costs" based on her design decisions was
a rare trait. These four goals separated Draper from the typical residential decorator and
offered a model for those wishing to pursue commercial projects.
She then listed her scope of services, which included: create an overall plan of
color coordination and interior design; develop individual decorating schemes for rooms
and public spaces; prepare estimate and budget requirements; select furniture, furnishings
and accessories - including all decorative equipment; and supervise work and
installation. The proposed decorating plans (lobby, typical bedroom, and sitting room)
were last. Draper listed meticulously all of the components to be purchased for the space,
each with its corresponding price (figures 17, 18). The bottom of each page provided a
total per unit. Conspicuously missing from this contract was the design fee, suggesting
that this part of the contract was somewhat negotiable.
While the presentations educated the businessman who was getting into the
building industry, Draper's design process was far more complicated and innovative.
With no precedents as to how to approach the decoration or design of large scale public
commissions, Draper had to create her own. Her design process proved to be successful
and became a model for future professionals.
Aesthetics. Draper's inclusion of aesthetics as a prominent goal offered no
surprise considering her upper-class background and her education in good taste. Unlike
her contemporaries, however, Draper's decoration was a means to an end. She created an
aesthetic that supported an overall experience that went beyond the idea of simply being
beautiful. Draper viewed beauty as an opportunity to explore stylistic variations that were
embedded with meaning and thus communicated a specific message that supported the
"product" being sold. Because her aesthetic approach dealt with history in an ahistoric
manner, Draper's clients deemed her style new and innovative.
Hugo Manche (n.d.), general manager of the Hampshire House, and Robert
Young (1897-1958), owner of the Greenbrier Resort in White Sulphur Springs, West
Virginia remarked on the "beauty of the decorations," while other clients thought it best
to pass on guest comments as well. Hart Smith, general manager of the Mark Hopkins
Hotel in San Francisco, wrote the following:
I think the fairest way to evaluate the decoration is to pass
on to you the public's reaction - which is unanimous and
vociferous in their compliments of the entire job ... As a
matter of fact, it is so overwhelming that we are almost a
little dumbfounded ... a smashing success.43
The disbelief of the administrators that a well-designed interior could, in fact, have such
an effect on a business signaled the moment in which Draper began altering people's
perception of the power and cultural significance of decoration in the public sector.
Bringing this level of sensitivity to the business community altered the profession's
trajectory from one of decoration to one of design, in which the aesthetics were a key
component of a functioning object.
Six letters from the Dorothy Draper & Company archives constitute the major
resources for the discussion regarding Draper's design approach. They include letters
from Clarence Dwinell, general manager of the Greenbrier Hotel and Resort in White
Sulphur Springs, West Virginia (personal communication from Dwinell to potential
client, July 21,1947); Robert Young, owner of the Greenbrier (personal communication
to Draper, May 23, 1952); George D. Smith, general manager of Mark Hopkins Hotel in
San Francisco (personal communication to Draper, August 15, 1952); E. Truman Wright,
general manager of the Greenbrier (personal communication to Draper December 29,
1952); Hugo Manche, general manager of Hampshire House (personal communication to
Draper, January 20, 1953); Hart Smith, Mark Hopkins Hotel in San Francisco (personal
communication to Draper, February 2, 1953).
43
H. Smith, 1953.
130
The relationship between function and aesthetics underpinned design during the
20th century. With Louis Sullivan's (1856-1924) claim that "form follows function," the
modern movement adopted a mantra.44 According to modernism, beauty itself did not
provide a function; beauty grew from an object's ability to assist its user. Draper's
definition of function, however, challenged the modernists' hegemonic view of design
where aesthetics derived from usefulness. Draper's philosophy stemmed from the
Aesthetic Movement. Aesthetes believed that beauty was useful for the sole reason that it
was beautiful. Here, Draper's romanticism collided with that of modernism. Both had
similar goals, but their interpretation of "function" and its affect on aesthetics led to
products whose physical appearance revealed the polarity of the movements' expressions;
one embraced ornamentation, while the other suppressed it.
Function. Even though aesthetics was an integral component, Draper valued
function equally, as noted by the order in which she listed her goals. She knew that her
clients overarching objective was to sell a product or service and make a profit. Function
sat atop the priority list, at least in the sense that the space had to "work" in order to sell
the product. Letters from her clients indicated she was successful not only in achieving
her goal of function, but also fortifying the concept that success equaled financial gain.
While Young spoke of function generally in the term "successful," Smith elaborated in
Louis Sullivan was an influential architect and critic of the Chicago School. Through a
series of impressive performances on examinations, Sullivan entered MIT at the age of
sixteen. He matriculated for one year prior to securing his first job in an architectural
office. His resume of structures included the Chicago Auditorium (1889), the Wainwright
Building (1891), and the Carson Pirie Scott Department Store (1899).
131
great detail on the "success" of the Lochinvar Room and Kiltie Bar, two eating
establishments in the Mark Hopkins Hotel (1952):
Another measure of the success [italics by author] of the job is
the increase in revenue which the [Lochinvar Room] has
enjoyed ... increased food volume by about 1- 1/8 times,
whereas the liquor volume in the Lochinvar Room has
increased conservatively about 8 times. The Kiltie Bar amazes
us as it is doing within about $50 of the amount of business
Peacock Lounge does ... which has experienced no reduction
in sales.45
The ambiance of the spaces must have been crucial for the consumer who found the
environment pleasing enough to stay for extended amounts of time. But, the space also
had to function in order for employees to provide what appeared to be effortless service
to the customer.
Draper's successes in this area were a refrain in her body of work. The rent at
Sutton Place in New York City quadrupled and Kerr's Department Store in Oklahoma
City saw a 40% increase in merchandising area, which translated into a 30% hike in
sales.46 Draper's ability to increase and improve the financial disposition of a business as
45
George H. Smith, 1952.
46
See "Re-styled buildings," 1936; Roe, 1937; Schroeder, 1944.
132
a result of her services was the cornerstone of her success with this client type. Far
removed from a criterion based on the culture of display of the wealthy homeowner,
Draper's work was groundbreaking. Her success in turning decoration into a viable
investment for businessmen was critical to the development of the identity of the interior
design profession: this moved decoration from a luxury to a profitable service for the
client.
Economical expenditure. Further supporting financial concerns, Draper realized
that she had to make good on her promises in the contract, especially the budget. If
Draper were to prove her business acumen and thus achieve the respect of the male
business community, then she had to follow the contract's financial expectations
rigorously. As a result, Draper never went over budget, at least not to the awareness of
the client. Dorothy Draper & Company absorbed the overspending, perhaps to the
company's eventual detriment. Draper sacrificed her own profit for her reputation, which
generated the majority of her business in the 1940s and 1950s.
George Smith, general manager of the Mark Hopkins Hotel, expressed his
"appreciation and sincere thanks for the very capable manner in which the work was
handled. Everything was businesslike and efficient."47 Young spoke more directly to this
subject probably because the Greenbrier Resort with its 600-room hotel, cottages, and
restaurants, was by far the larger of the two projects. In this case, the budget's size could
have gotten out of hand. Upon completion of the project, Young stated with relief: "you
performed your contract in good order, both as to timing and expense ... without delay ...
47
G. Smith, 1952.
133
within the estimated amount."48 Draper's ability to estimate and maintain a budget for
such a large-scale commission without compromising the success of the project was
particularly crucial for a woman to survive in the business realm.
Maintenance. Maintenance was the most unusual category Draper included in her
design goals. Rarely would one find maintenance as a concern for the early interior
decorators. Their focus on the social elite assumed significant finances that supported
additional help to maintain the interiors. Through her past experiences and research,
Draper recognized that maintenance matched other issues in importance. Manche, general
manager of the Hampshire House, spoke from a position of knowledge on the topic, since
he wrote his letter fifteen years after the opening of the project. He did so with a great
deal of enthusiasm.
But what seems even more important, is the beauty with
which these decorations still meet the eye after so many
years of constant use. After 17 years we're still very proud
of our Draper interiors at the Hampshire House.49
This passage indicated Draper's selection and application of materials was both
appropriate and successful regarding the wear experienced by a public space.
Furthermore, the decorations withstood the test of time relative to New York's aggressive
48
Young, 1952.
49
Manche, 1953.
134
fashion machine. The interiors of the Hampshire House had not changed for over
seventeen years, spanning the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Considering that interiors had
such a short life span, this was a considerable accomplishment and quite a compliment to
Draper's design work.
From another perspective, E. Truman Wright, general manager of the Greenbrier,
stated that "one point should be especially pleasing to you [Draper]. Employee reaction
over a period of years has shown that your interior creations are a pleasure to maintain."50
In this instance, Draper not only demonstrated a wise selection of materials, but also her
understanding of the inherent complexity of public spaces and the varying range of users.
The primary "client"—often an owner—paid the bills. Draper knew that his major
concern focused almost solely on the potential for profit. With the primary client
detached from the experience of the space, Draper focused her attention on the needs and
desires of customers, the primary user of the space. Their satisfaction and repeat business
yielded the profit the investor relied on. But, the third category was the most unusual for
a decorator to consider.
Draper considered the worker an equally important individual. She supported this
notion as early as 1928 when she addressed the servants in her residential projects as
President of the Architectural Clearing House. Draper considered the needs not only of
the client and the consumer/end-user, but also that of the working staff. This multi-client
perspective revealed the depth and complexity of programming embedded in public
commissions.
50
Wright, 1952.
135
Draper's design goals were both traditional and innovative. She demonstrated a
traditional tendency by following a lineage of interior decorators who focused on
decorating the residential environments of the wealthy. These clients had a great deal of
money, lacked any concern regarding the maintenance of the interior, and wanted mainly
to display their wealth. Draper's clients, however, required a completely different
approach. Her clients' definition of success differed from those in the domestic sphere.
The businessman needed to make money and the challenge for Draper was that the fate of
the design did not fall in his hands. Consumers were judge and jury. Without their
approval, the design meant little and made even less. Consequently, Draper used
aesthetics not to display wealth, but to communicate an experience that motivated the
consumer to return. She focused heavily on the agreed upon budget and selected
materials that aided the financial prosperity of the project. Function underpinned the
project. The customer appreciated the service because the space worked well. The
orchestration of these design goals advanced the profession, expanding its scope and
services exponentially.
Design strategies
In order to achieve her goals, Draper had to create effective strategies. She
borrowed from two major sources: business and marketing. Supervision was a key
strategy for Draper, providing her complete control over her business and the design
process. Draper thus crafted a trademark, her second strategy, that was an early example
of branding popular even today. The third strategy, innovation, was a requirement for any
enterprise desiring a sustained business life. And, perhaps one of Draper's most
136
innovative solutions to the design process involved her fourth strategy, merchandising.
Draper recognized the relevance of the explosive consumerism that marked the early part
of the twentieth century. Her application of merchandising techniques challenged the
method in which decorators and designers eventually practiced the design of non-
residential spaces.
Supervision. While women experienced considerable advancements in managerial
positions in the retail sector between 1920 and 1950, the percentage of female business
owners remained small. Women's leadership in business had few exemplars, due to
society's prevailing perception that such leadership and decision-making suited men the
best. The design professions were no different. Architects took the lead in all design
projects, handing off the responsibility of the interior decor once they finished the
exterior. The architect continued to oversee the project until completion. This hierarchy
was the accepted order. Draper offered a different model. With no deference to
convention, Draper maintained her position as supervisor over all of her company's
projects and employees, which included an impressive list of professionals.
Draper's clients valued her supervision highly. Letters from major clients often
spoke of their satisfaction with Draper's presence on the job site. "I was especially
impressed with the time you personally gave to supervising the project. It was reassuring
to know we could always count on the 'boss' when problems arose."51 Comments such as
these verified a desire for Draper's clients to have access to the hired firm's most
authoritative member, in this case, Draper. The ability to have problems or concerns
51
H. Smith, 1953.
137
directed to the one most responsible eased her clients' worries as communication was
unimpeded by endless layers of middle management, which saved both time and
money—every business person's most valuable commodities. In fact, Draper's clients
often used her involvement with the project as a marketing ploy, stating that "the interiors
are being enriched and enhanced under the guiding hand of Draper."52 Clients who hired
Dorothy Draper & Company not only received the direct attention of the CEO, but also
her name, a highly sought after benefit for the purposes of selling their product.
Aside from the comfort provided to her clients, Draper's supervision over the
projects validated her expertise. She was adept at all aspects of the decorating process.
Project drawings from her archives revealed her involvement in the process. Many of the
more than two hundred pages of working drawings for the Greenbrier Resort had
Draper's double "D" approval (figure 19). At times, Draper changed the designs (figure
20), questioned the proportions (figure 21), and demonstrated her awareness of all aspects
of the project (figure 22). In the latter instance, she indicated a discrepancy with a series
of side tables (sixteen in number) that were never made and yet only six had evidently
been cancelled. For a project spanning hundreds of pieces of furniture, Draper's attention
to detail was impressive.
As Dorothy Draper & Company expanded, Draper required additional assistance
to keep up with the work. Though she took on a more supervisory role, she always
maintained control of the design. Her employees recalled her almost virtuoso approach,
Dwinell, 1947.
138
in which she would walk through a space describing the finished design.53 Her team
followed her frantically scribing her commands. Their responsibility was to make
Draper's vision a reality. Draper thus needed to hire a diverse and highly talented group
of individuals to meet her demands.
As Draper's business expanded to include large scale public commissions, her
employee list grew quickly. By the mid 1930s she had constructed her team with specific
criteria in mind for each position. Whether the position required technical or artistic
skills, Draper sought out the best and bought them. With the financial success of the
Architectural Clearing House and her new public commissions, Draper could afford to
attract some of America's best decorators, draftsmen, and artists. Most of her design team
received their education at schools of applied arts, while her business administration staff
grew from social contacts and were, as one reporter noted, required to be beautiful,
charming, and of exceptional height.54 Draper felt most comfortable around people of
her own height, a residual effect of her awkward stature as a young girl.
Lester Grundy (1914-1985), an influential staff member in the development of
Draper's style, was an art historian with a "curator's depth of knowledge," whose passion
for the 18th century and the work of Grinling-Gibbons' Baroque wood carvings allowed
him to produce with great ease the large scrollwork Draper integrated into her designs.55
See Varney, The Draper Touch.
McMullen, "Mrs. Draper, Home Stylist," 16.

139
His enjoyment of, and respect for, Draper's iconoclastic approach to history, allowed
both of them to experience a mutually productive design relationship.
In the selection of designers, Draper drew from a pool of expert and novice
designers. Glenn Boyles (1910-1982), hired for the Hampshire House project, was one of
Parson's top instructors and produced working drawings for Draper's fabric and
wallpaper designs (e.g., cabbage rose pattern, 1937), as well as perspectives for
presentations. Upon his arrival, Draper's presentations became more visually
sophisticated. By the 1940s, Draper appointed him Chief Designer. Ted Stewart, trained
personally by Draper at the age of 17 as a buyer, moved directly into the design staff later
in his career. He was one of only a few employees in the firm who lacked a formal
education, just like Draper. She must have seen the potential in the untested individual in
order to hire him during such a crucial time in her business.
Ted Muller, an engineer, played a critical role in the Quitandinha Hotel and
Resort project (1946) as a liaison between the construction site in Brazil and Draper's
design team in New York. Muller was also an important member of the Kerr's
Department Store project in Oklahoma City (1944) along with Isabel Thacher Berringer
(1911-1970), a design coordinator. Berringer and Muller left Dorothy Draper &
Company during the early stages of the Quitandinha project to open their own design
studio.56 Before leaving, however, Muller convinced Draper to hire artist Jim Roebottom.
56
Draper wound be reunited with Ted Muller in a photo shoot for Look magazine in
1952. The editors selected him for his work in textile design, just as they had selected
Draper. Perhaps not surprisingly, Muller's textile revealed his modernist tendencies. See
"Sitting Pretty," Look, July 1952.
140
Other designers included John Wisner, Dick Kent, Dick Rose, George Steele, a
Greek and Roman scholar, John William, at one point a design director, Leon Hegwood,
one of Draper's successors who took over the business, and Carleton Varney, a graduate
student with a fine arts background from New York University and eventual President of
Dorothy Draper & Company (c. 1966-). Both Hegwood and Varney arrived in the late
1950s.57
Draper's hiring philosophy did not follow the mainstream. Her approach was
decidedly interdisciplinary. Draper recognized that each individual brought a particular
expertise to the table. From artist to engineer, the staff of Dorothy Draper & Company
covered the entire scope of services for any built project. This reflected Draper's desire to
address all aspects of the design process from space development to accessories in order
to provide the complete experience for her client.
No positions were more difficult to fill than those of Draper's secretaries. Draper
required meticulous, exceptionally well-organized staff members for these positions. For
this reason, as many as three individuals might come and go in a week. However, three
members became successful, loyal members of Draper's team. Jean Gordon quickly
became Draper's personal confidant. Draper valued Belle Clark for her intuition; she
knew what Draper wanted before she even asked. The third, Mabel Hakin, Draper's
social secretary, was one of her most loyal employees. She kept Draper's social calendar
in order and reminded her of important dates.
Varney, There's No Place Like Home, 1.

141
At its largest, Draper's staff reached approximately twenty and represented a wide
variety of disciplines. Her office was able to meet all the client's needs from structural
concerns to the design of a footman's jacket button. The extensive in-house services not
only permitted control over every phase of the design process, but also required masterful
supervision by Draper. Among such educated and talented individuals, Draper's motto
"If it looks right, it is right" must have been maddening. For both client and employee,
Draper had created a failsafe method of disarming anyone who dared question her design
decisions, especially since they originated from someone with no formal training. The
inner mechanics of Dorothy Draper & Company included Draper as the developer of the
concepts. Her team was there for purposes of execution.
Trademark. With her talented staff on board and plenty of projects to develop,
Draper's success and reputation burgeoned. Many of her clients utilized Draper's name in
their advertisements as a mark of excellence. Upon its completion, the owners of the
Greenbrier initiated a national marketing campaign by noting that "Draper, nationally
famous for her accomplishments in decoration and design, was in charge of the
project."58 Other clients remarked on how proud they were of their Draper interiors or
that the "Draper touch" assured the success of any venture.59 Eventually, Draper's clients
turned her name into a verb, "Draperized," indicating her unique and successful approach
to design. Draper soon realized that her name translated into money. As a result, she
licensed her name in the late 1940s. No one could use it without her permission and
58
Dwinell, 1947.
59
Manche, 1953 and Smith, 1952.
142
likely without a price. Draper's name became attached to all manner of product from
Kaycrest Christmas wrapping paper (figures 23, 24) to the 1952 Packard (figure 25).
Neither manufacturer was as interested in her designs as they were with her name, which
they exploited to the length of their contract. The benefits of this level of notoriety were
financial as well as personal.
Draper's trademark interiors allowed her to develop a distinct identity through her
own means of self-expression. The control she experienced was uncommon for a woman
at mid-century. Men typically crafted women's identities. Studio producers molded
actresses to represent specific personas, from the characterless automatons of a Busby
Berkley extravaganza to the sensual, femme fatale, Betty Davis, or her counterpart, the
ever innocent Doris Day.60 On a larger scale, husbands tempered the development of their
wives through deeply embedded conservative values regarding gender roles. Draper was
accountable to no one but herself. She was who she was because of what she chose to do.
Though other decorators, such as Elsie de Wolfe, appeared as a spokesperson for
various products (figure 26), none of Draper's contemporaries experienced the same level
of mass market appeal, indicating Draper's cultural significance to mid-twentieth century
America.61 Draper's name fronted cosmetics (figure 27), furnishings, awnings, flooring,
and materials (figure 28). She was part of a culture that defined the American dream and
60
Lucy Fischer, Designing Women: Cinema, Art Deco, and the Female Form (New
York: Columbia University Press, 2003).
61
In 1926, Elsie de Wolfe appeared in an advertisement for the Willys-Knight Great Six
automobile. Marketing executives chose her to speak directly to her female audience as
noted by the heading of the advertisement, "A Famous Professional Woman Speaks to
Women-Owners."
the American spirit. Through her own manner of self-expression, she created an identity
that shattered the gender barriers embedded in American society.
Innovation. Innovation was a term used rarely by historians to describe women,
let alone decorators. Although Draper conceived many aspects of her career under the
auspices of tradition, she modified or reinterpreted them in a manner that altered their
traditional origins. Her trademark style was one such example; it was neither historic nor
modern. Her pseudo-historic style reflected her preference for customization over the
modern obsession of standardization. She provided interiors as intentionally individual as
her clients. Furnishings and decorative moldings alike showcased the ingenuity and
creativity of Dorothy Draper & Company. The general manager at the Hampshire House
deemed her work a "feat revolutionary in hotel planning" because it was the first to
"embrace complete style and color coordination." He went so far as to list specific
innovations, noting that each one eventually affected home furnishing trends: fresh clear
color, convenient low tables and large lamps, a cleverly worked out one-room studio,
unusual lighting, use of plants, and the creation of a private home atmosphere in a 37-
storey building.
Earlier in her career, Draper relied on color palettes found in her parent's Tuxedo
Park homes. They were essentially dark and neutral with wood as a favored material.
Draper commented that her psychotherapy sessions assisted her in seeing life in a much
more positive manner. She translated this optimism almost immediately in her design
style through the use of clear, intense hues. For example, Draper used cerulean blue,
pink, cherry, and white in some of the Hampshire House's private dining rooms. This
was one of Draper's two favored color schemes. Patriotism inspired the aforementioned
scheme. She used this to great effect during World War II in a number of projects: the
Coty Beauty Salon and the America House, both in New York City. The second was
made famous at the Greenbrier. American Beauty red (named after a variety of rose) and
what became known as Draper Green (a hue similar to a hunter or forest green) accented
with white was her most popular and striking combination. Draper wielded these colors
with great sensitivity, creating bright, optimistic, and yet sophisticated interiors.
According to Manche, Draper also led home fashion trends through her use of
convenient low tables and large lamps. Inspired by needs when entertaining, Draper
reexamined the layout and components of the typical living room. Seating often flanked
the fireplace with a small table accompanying one of the upholstered armchairs. A small
lamp usually sat on top; if not a floor lamp took the place of both. Prior to the 1940s the
cocktail table was not a common piece of furniture in many homes. Draper found this
arrangement to be antithetical to the needs of good entertaining. Guests could not relax
by the fire and easily share in food and drink due to the lack of surfaces. The addition of
the cocktail table remedied the problem and allowed the living room to be prepared for
guests at any moment.
Draper then added an additional side table to balance her composition. She
shortened the height of both in order to make that surface easier to reach. Two large
lamps crowned the tables and added greater opportunities for light. The timid scale of the
previous lamps appeared awkward and offered minimal light. Draper's larger lamps
provided more ambient lighting. The composition of a sofa fronted by a coffee table with
145
two end tables topped with lamps became a domestic standard. To credit Draper with the
invention of this layout would be inaccurate. Shelter magazines during the 1930s began
to demonstrate elements of this layout. Images showed a table pulled up temporarily in
front of a sofa or a shortened side table with a lamp on top. Draper saw the need and
provided a distinct, well designed arrangement to enhance opportunities for
entertainment.
The gracious lamps in the apartments were part of a larger interest in creative
lighting fixtures. Following her creed of customization, Draper took every advantage to
design her lighting fixtures. Her wall sconces seem to be some of her most innovative. In
one of the main corridors at the Hampshire House, Draper decorated the wall with her
trademark neo-Baroque plaster scroll work. The draping festoons bloomed into a series of
three-dimensional, sculptural leaves with each supporting a single candle. The candelabra
style sconces terminated in flame-shaped lamps to enhance the romantic expression of the
space. In another instance, Draper used a semi-circular wall sconce of rectangular
crystals. Draper covered the wall in a mirror to create the illusion of a full-round
chandelier floating in space. These light fixtures added glamour and romance to the
public spaces, while the private apartments contained light fixtures defined by function
and scale.
Manche's mention of a "cleverly worked out one-room studio" referred to the
studio plan published in the Hampshire House's marketing materials. Though no visual
evidence of this studio's design exists in the archives, one can reference a similar design
by Draper in House & Garden. The article, "A House in One Room Designed by
146
Draper," responded to the housing shortage following World War II. 62 The two plans
were strikingly similar in size and layout. The kitchen and bathroom flanked the front
entry creating a small hall distancing the majority of the private space from what would
have been the shared corridor at the Hampshire House. The central space climaxed in a
large window with a writing desk poised in front. The privileged location of this piece of
furniture indicated the importance Draper placed on the ritual of communication, which
she undoubtedly learned from her Edwardian upbringing.
On one of the flanking walls, Draper anchored her composition with a fireplace, a
necessary and romantic detail. Framing the fireplace, she placed two sofas whose
removable cushions transformed the space into the evening's bedroom. This sofa/bed was
a creative solution for a room that should never look like a bedroom when entertaining
guests. At least, that was inappropriate according to Draper and her standards of etiquette
and good taste; public and private spaces should remain separate. Opposing walls lined
with bookshelves balanced the composition. The elegance and sophistication belied the
room's limited budget. Draper gave everyone the opportunity to live in a grand manner.
The one-room studio was idyllically placed in the country due to its original
function as a barn. The gracious views enlarged the space exponentially. Draper's
preference for this type of atmosphere harkens back to her days in Tuxedo Park. She
carried the atmosphere of the country home into the city. In fact, Manche commented on
Draper's ability to create a private home atmosphere in a 37-storey building. She
62
"A House in One Room Designed by Draper," House and Garden, (September 1946):
86-7.
achieved this mainly through the choice of furnishings and accessories. At a time when
sleek, modern interiors were growing in popularity with the Art Deco style, Draper
employed her pseudo-historic approach to instill the apartment with a distinctly domestic
atmosphere. She painted two large mahogany Chinese Chippendale beds trimmed in
ruffles and draperies white in order to reduce the perceived scale of the beds. A large
upholstered chair stood at the vanity, but also doubled as a library chair for the extensive
book shelves lining the walls. Draper treated all aspects of the interior in this fashion. In
this case, the context of the apartment, the city, was something Draper wanted to
deemphasize. She further integrated country life with the use of numerous plants, which
also heightened the role of her brightly patterned floral textiles.
As much as her childhood guided many life choices, Draper's experiences in the
design and decoration of public spaces were an exercise in creativity. She fused together
the design language of domestic and public spaces, integrated country living in a city
environment, created new designs for lighting and furnishings to fit the needs of life for a
wide middle-class audience, and assimilated historic and modern expressions into unique
compositions. To suggest that Draper was not innovative would be inaccurate.
Merchandising. Draper's innovation, supervision, and trademark enhanced the
fourth and most crucial strategy, merchandising. This approach distinguished her from
her contemporaries and facilitated her success in the public sphere. Draper's recognition
of the growing power of consumerism and the relationship between her "product" and
those being sold on department shelves demonstrated true insight. And yet, when
implemented, most people were completely unaware, as noted by Robert Young, owner
of the Greenbrier. "The ordinary observer may not realize that the entire job was
conceived as a merchandising project." The product, a romantic holiday in the
antebellum South, was not so much an example of excellence in interior decoration as it
was an example of effective merchandising.
One critical issue—that deemed the merchandising strategy appropriate for
Draper—came into focus during the early part of the twentieth century. In order to
compete with burgeoning consumerism in America, businesses could no longer rely
solely on the consumer's need or desire for a specific product to maintain sales.
Consumers had their choice of numerous venues that offered the same or similar items.
As a result, businesses had to construct calculated methods that would entice the
consumer into their store. Color, glass, and light quickly became common methods for
creating theatrical interiors. The design of the interior reflected a single, unifying
concept, which further enhanced the consumer's experience. This approach emphasized
the major shift in marketing. "People do not buy the thing, they buy the effect."64 The
experience of shopping was as much a consideration for purchase as the product itself.
Draper adopted the idea of the "experience" as the foundation of her design strategy. The
orchestration of her interiors culminated in a unique experience that lured the customer
back to her client's establishment.
The Greenbrier was an excellent example of Draper's interior merchandising
strategy. She crafted an experience that began as soon as the guest (or "customer" in
63
Young, 1952.
Leach, Land of Desire, 83.

149
Draper's eyes) entered the grounds of the resort. She started by chopping down one of the
oldest oaks on the property because it obscured the view of the front facade as guests
approached the building. Though embattled by the staff on this particular issue, the owner
sided with Draper and yielded to her expertise. Once parked in front of the grand federal
style structure, the guest encountered a myriad of characters (employees) in Draper-
designed costumes whose functions were two-fold. First, the employees provided a
specific function: carrying luggage or greeting the guest. Second, they supported the
overall idea or concept of the Greenbrier. Draper achieved this through her numerous
costumes. A beautiful southern belle—in a hoop skirt and bonnet branded with Draper's
large red rose—greeted each guest as they passed through the front doors.
The interiors were typical of Draper's pseudo-historical approach. While
architectural details, fine art, and a select group of furnishings and accessories evoked the
tin
early 19 century American style, Draper incorporated her custom furnishings and color
palette to modernize the space and add an element of romance and glamour.65 From the
Victorian Writing Room to the individual suites, Draper submerged the guest in a
timeless place that was neither past nor future. She maintained the illusion of this elegant
estate down to the menus in the restaurant, the luggage tags for the guests, and the hands
of a custom clock that still commands attention in one of the public spaces. The
According to Varney, when Draper went through the existing inventory of the
Greenbrier's antique furnishings and accessories, she only kept five items to the dismay
of the staff. The most prominently displayed artifact was the American Federal girandole
in the Victorian Writing Room.
150
experience Draper created through her merchandising strategy served her clients very
well. She rarely had to search for business, as her clients often knocked on her door.
Draper's design goals and strategies reflected the complexity of the public
commission and the different definitions of "success" for the client. Public spaces
required the designer to consider various types of clients each with distinct criteria for
evaluating the space. The businessman, or primary client, wanted mainly to make money.
He likely knew little of taste and decoration and hiring Draper absolved him of such
responsibility. This mentality aided Draper in her pursuit of being the "sole arbiter of
taste." However, in the application of her taste, Draper was very much aware of
secondary clients, the customers. These people defined the success of the space in that
they continued to be patrons as long as the experience was memorable. The final users,
and the group few considered, were the workers. From the maintenance of the
establishment to the function of the space, Draper's sensitivity to those who worked in
her spaces evoked a level of appreciation from this often ignored group. The happiness of
the workers was likely a reflection on the success of the service experienced by the guest.
The focus on the "experience" indicated a basic shift in values during the first half
of the twentieth century. The upper class of the 19th century embodied a culture of
display in which the home manifested taste and wealth. With the development of the
nouveau riche, the qualifiers for defining the upper class shifted more heavily toward the
bank account. In addition, their continued efforts to expand their fortunes encouraged
them to invest in real estate and a variety of business ventures. Knowing that the culture
of display or the idea of being surrounded by beautiful and expensive objects continued
151
to be a core characteristic of the "Old Guard" and a desire for the envious class, the
nouveau riche built spaces that provided that experience and Draper was one of the
professionals who could deliver that service. This was how the culture of money replaced
the culture of display.66
While in these spaces, consumers could not claim that the "displayed" items were
a reflection of their status. In order to display something of value, one had to own it. The
consumer could claim, however, the right and ability to be in the space and be treated to
the service and environment (experience) offered by the establishment. This relationship
between the consumer and the space placed new emphasis on the culture of experience
and blurred the lines of class. Clients could display their wealth based on where they
could shop or vacation. Draper's ability to satisfy all of these different users from
different classes aided in her national reputation for good design by the simple fact that
more people could actually experience it.
Draper's model for approaching design problems yielded significant results, all of
which were critical to the development of the interior design profession. First and
foremost, the criterion of a "successful design" changed dramatically with the expansion
of client profiles from high society matrons to businessmen. The primary goal shifted
from personal expression to financial success. Draper's work in the commercial sector
66
On a larger cultural scale, the culture of display experienced an initial decline due to
the efforts of American investigative reporters, known as the muckrakers, during the late
19th and early 20th centuries. Exposes on a wide range of societal issues championed the
rights of the impoverished. Pretentious displays of wealth started to fall out of fashion.
See Daniel Lindley's Ambrose Bierce Takes on the Railroad: The Journalist as
Muckraker and Cynic (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999): 23-39 for a discussion of the term
"muckraker." See also Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 49.
152
forced a re-examination of client needs and expected outcomes. For the businessman,
Draper's services were being employed as a means of increasing revenue. Her
participation and expertise acted as an investment, with expected financial growth to
follow. Time and again, Draper proved her ability to increase sales through her design
work. Sutton Place, the Hampshire House, the Greenbrier, Kiltie Bar and the Lochinvar
Room were just a few of the examples.
The second important result of Draper's successful model was that it enabled her
to set standards for design. Her work in the hospitality industry was the most notable.
Her design approach was essentially an early form of branding that created holistic
designs and experiences unique to each project. Furthermore, her iconoclastic approach
to history and application of bold gestures and colors resulted in an identifiable style,
while her adaptation and reinterpretation of the domestic environment redefined the
"livable environment."
Draper's success had a great impact on her personal career and fueled her
popularity as well as that of the interior design profession. First, Americans considered
Draper the leading expert in her field, even though some design historians categorized her
as a dilettante.67 Her interiors also outlasted the capriciousness of American trends.
However, Hugo Manche wrote his letter regarding the Hampshire House seventeen years
after its opening. The Greenbrier maintained its Draper decor for over half a century.
Anne Massey recognized the pioneering efforts of the early decorators, including
Draper. However, she felt it necessary to point out their lack of training and that they
"brought an air of the dilettante." See Massey, Interior Design of the 20' Century, 141.
Draper transcended fads and fashion and created experiences that defied the swiftly
changing desires of a nation.
Finally, Draper's name became a marketing tool for her clients. In numerous
projects, announcements of grand openings included Draper's name—not as a means of
gratitude, but one of marketing. Her name brought people to the event; she was simply
that well known even to the populace. As a matter of fact, Draper was the first interior
designer to license her own name.68 For example, Draper lent her name to the 1952
Packard. The company included a picture of Draper in their advertisements as the
designer of the interior. Draper seemed to have no bounds as "designer" became an
inclusive term.
In short, Draper aided significantly in the validation of the interior design
profession. She exemplified the professional businessperson. Her work was creative,
usable, cost effective, and easily maintained. The concept of merchandising interiors for
commercial projects enhanced her success and advanced the entrance of the interior
designer into the non-residential design market. Innovative interiors continued to detach
decorators from the antique trade, allowing interior decorators to create a personal style
or trademark.
Draper showed that the criteria for a successful design for a businessman
might be considerably different from those of a high-society matron. Her
iconoclastic approach to design redefined the profession as she introduced a new
Carleton Varney, "Dorothy Draper" in Susan Gray's Designers on Designers: The

Inspiration behind Great Interiors (New York: McGraw-Hill Professional, 2003): 177.
set of circumstances and responsibilities to the existing complexity of the design
process. Draper's success aided in the validation and legitimacy of interior design
expertise as a profession.
Draper's design approach served her as much as it did the public. She created an
identity through a career that offered a woman a means to express herself on a national
stage. She maintained absolute control of this image in her office, with her clients, and
with the public. No one pulled Draper's strings. She was the New Woman of the
twentieth century. She owned one of the most successful design firms in the United
States and pioneered new methods of business practice for women and interior
decorators. Her contributions to the development of the profession were extraordinary.

CHAPTER4
A MASTER OF COMMUNICATION:
WRITER, MARKETER, AUTHOR, ADVISOR
Draper could not have picked a more perfect time to enter the business world. The
1920s was an era of theatricality, consumerism, and self-amplification. Draper embraced
each to craft and disseminate her identity as a modern aesthete and a professional
decorator. The theatricality would become evident in her bold-gestured design style that
came to fruition in the late 1930s. Consumerism was the foundation for all business
success, and self-amplification appeared in the manner of Draper's marketing skills,
which she demonstrated cleverly throughout her career in numerous forms of media.
Draper launched her publicity campaign as a writer for House & Garden, a magazine that
catered to the upper-middle class. She then took on a surprising endeavor, the creation of
a correspondence course, Learn to Live. Draper published two advice books, Decorating
Is Fun! (1939) and Entertaining Is Fun (1941). A growing national reputation resulted in
her advice column for newspaper mogul William Randolph Hearst (1863-1951), a series
of radio interviews, and her appointment as Director ofGood Housekeeping's "Studio for
Living" (November 1941 - December 1945). No achievement was greater, however, than
her guest appearance on Edward R. Murrow's Person to Person in 1957. She was the
first interior designer whom he interviewed. From print to television, Draper embarked
on a conscientious campaign that allowed her to disseminate her design philosophy to a
massive, captivated audience.

156
From her earliest articles Draper spread her romantic ideals grounded in the
Aesthetic Movement philosophy to middle class American housewives across the United
States. She believed in the absolute correlation between life experiences and the
environment; the better the environment, the better the life. She extended her philosophy
to not just being happy, but also being a more fully self-realized individual in both the
public and private sphere. This was particularly meaningful to women between 1925 and
1960. Draper's romantic ideals were not just whims of fancy; they offered a means to a
better existence. She never wavered from this philosophy, even during a time when
modern rationalism was the growing tenet of human life.
House & Garden Articles
During the early years of the Architectural Clearing House, Draper authored a
series of articles, written for House & Garden between 1927 and 1929. The articles
allowed Draper to craft her public image as a woman of style and good taste. She
masterfully intertwined decoration and the art of entertainment as a means of enhancing
life itself. Her frequent appearance in shelter magazines initiated a bonding process with
middle class females, the typical readers, since the home was the purview of women.
While most professional decorators offered their service to the wealthy, many tapped into
this middle-class market through articles and advice books. This method of self-
amplification boosted their own self-esteem, but more importantly, created a bond with a
similar group who wanted the same opportunities of success, American women. But what
did Draper have to "sell?" House & Garden did not select her based on her
157
accomplishments as a writer for she had never been published. Draper had an even more
valuable skill; she had taste, one of the great commodities of the 1920s.
The articles in House & Garden represented Draper's first forms of marketing and
advertising for her business, the Architectural Clearing House. Her audience was
distinctly female, as she dealt specifically with the domestic sphere. Draper's articles
covered the expected topics, such as color and the decoration of kitchens, and the
unexpected, the importance of architectural views and complex programming scenarios.
The unique nature of her articles charmed inquisitive women of the 1920s, and revealed
aspects of Draper's design process and style. More importantly, the content of the articles
reflected the impact of Draper's past on her present.
Even in her very first article, "From the Inside Looking Out" (1927), Draper
expressed her romantic views that characterized her work for the next three decades. She
interlaced her love of romance with a discussion of sight lines and their integration of
inside and outside. The importance of view was a constant refrain in her writings as she
slipped into her own personal memories of cottages in London, villas in Geneva, and trips
to Mont St. Michel just off the coast of France.1 Her descriptions were poetic. "Looking
down over the long-forgotten gardens of the monks, thought follows light far out across
the shifting, moving silver sands and onward over the blue waters to the hazy,
1
Mont St. Michel, or Mount Saint Michael, a small rock outcropping one kilometer north
of the French coast, is home to the Benedictine Abbey. The oldest existing structures
date back to the 11th century. Draper references specifically a view from the high tower
above the cloister. Draper, "From the Inside Looking Out," 140.
158
shimmering, ghostlike outline of the Islands of the Guersney."2 Draper's quote indicated
a visceral engagement with the entire site: interiors, architecture, and landscape. The
experience was neither superficial nor nai've. The mystical nature of the site and its
saturated history resonated with Draper as if she were a fair maiden in the 12th century. In
fact, early in the article Draper employed the imagery of "noble ladies" and "warrior
lords." This level of passion for the romantic defined Draper's work throughout her
career.
Draper believed that illusion was necessary in order to successfully evoke
"romance" and, thus, it became one of the underpinnings of her design philosophy. She
knew that the upper class could afford great views due to their ability to build or live
anywhere; consider her experiences in Tuxedo Park. Massive homes with multitudes of
vistas overlooking the exquisite landscape of Tuxedo Park were the standard, at least for
those who lived there. But, the vast majority of Americans did not live in such
communities. Draper was aware of the division between classes and desired to bring
"views" to the masses. At one point, she even criticized the overly expansive views of the
country as too much to take in at once. Glimpses were far more intriguing.3 Whether or
not Draper actually believed this did not matter; her goal was to provide once exclusive
experiences of the wealthy to the masses, a distinct response to the desire for emulation.
2
Ibid.
3
Laurence Binyon (1869-1943), poet and author of the Aesthetic Movement, also valued
the "glimpse." He wrote about it in relation to Chinese and Japanese art where "evocation
or suggestion" were aesthetic principles. See Laurence Binyon's The Flight of the
Dragon (London: John Murray, 1960): 23. First printed in 1911.
159
Cleverly placed trellises and potted plants on terraces of any size could do the trick. One
need only use a bit of imagination, she argued.
Draper's selection of views as her first topic was unexpected. Her readers rarely
had the opportunity to move a window for a better view, but they could dress the view
beyond. Three reasons may have guided her selection of this topic. First, Draper believed
those trapped in the city longed for vacations in the country. Her discussion of windows
brought a taste of the country to downtown Manhattan. Second, the design of Draper's
Upside-down House, in which she elevated the garden to the second floor, evoked a
positive response from those who experienced it. Third, Draper's responsibility to her
clients at the Architectural Clearing House often included suggestions as to the placement
of windows. Most decorators never spoke of windows in this fashion; it was an
architectural consideration. However, Draper's experience with the building process
provided her with a unique appreciation for the interior's relationships to the building and
the landscape beyond. Draper realized that the window was the one element that
participated in all three areas of designs. In order to maximize windows, "the architect,
interior decorator, and landscape architect should think and see as one." This was a
common point of view for those familiar with the Arts and Crafts movement, including
Bruce Price, architect for Tuxedo Park. Draper may have subconsciously picked up this
relationship from her childhood surroundings.
Draper's next article on kitchens also reflected the design skills she required for
the Architectural Clearing House. The selection of this topic was ironic, considering that
4
Ibid., 172.
Draper had such minimal contact with this space and was notoriously helpless in it.
"Kitchens the World Over" (1927) revealed this point subtly.5 Though Draper spoke of
the efficient kitchen as it related to proximity of items, her focus was decoration. She
criticized the white and nickel-plated modern kitchens of the 1920s as being bland.
Beyond the symbolic gesture of white equating to sanitation and hygiene, there was no
reason for the lack of charm or color. She accentuated her point by discussing three
historic kitchens in France, Belgium, and New England.
Draper introduced her love of color in the first two examples. The French kitchen
in Deauville boasted an interior of red-tiled floors, whitewashed walls, and dark beams.
The Dutch kitchen, a vignette in the Municipal Museum of Amsterdam, had a much
brighter analogous color palette.6 Blue and white tiles surrounded the stove recess set
within an inglenook. The stove's lavender and white tiles enhanced the same colored
cotton valence hanging from the ledge above, which showcased delftware and pewter
dishes. The intense hues of the work space contrasted with the remaining three walls of
dark paneling. More subdued in its color scheme, the American example was warm with
yellow walls and pine cabinetry. Draper's interest in color was a true hallmark of her
easily recognizable style. Within a decade her palette would be fully developed, offering
a wide range of clear, intense hues.
5
Draper, "Kitchens the World Over," House & Garden (August 1927): 58, 59, 108.
6
The term analogous refers to a selection of adjacent hues on the color wheel. The colors
span approximately one-fourth of the wheel.
Although Draper continued to demonstrate anti-modern tendencies with her
> selection of three historic kitchens, she would not become a "period decorator;" instead,
her future designs drew inspiration from European examples full of decorative details.
She would then manipulate them in her own fashion. In this way, Draper also further
enhanced her relationship with the middle class. Each of the kitchens was notably
provincial. The middle-class family looking to build a home could easily afford the
detailing presented in each of the images. With the continued interest in period revival
homes in America, such as the Tudor and Colonial, the kitchens' styles were popular for
the masses. Articles such as this one introduced the design strategies of the Architectural
Clearing House to the public. Draper continued to market herself and her services.
Draper revisited the issue of vistas a year after her first article. "Planting in the
Sky" (1928) focused on the terrace. Her examples ranged from large-scale penthouse
terraces to more modest rooftop spaces and balconies. Similar to her previous article,
Draper addressed the benefits of such amenities not only in private homes, but also in
public spaces. The presence of views and garden terraces enhanced the quality of life for
workers and prevented "excess doctor bills," an ironic comment coming from the wife of
a doctor.7 Each of these conclusions suggested that Draper understood the impact of the
built environment on human behavior. She presented decorating in terms of
psychological effect as much as she did for aesthetic value.
Draper's discussion continued to promote the concept of illusion through the
description of a Roman garden and a distaste for the modern. The terrace needed "more
7
Dorothy Draper, "Planting in the Sky," House & Garden (May 1928): 86.
162
than the modernist garden whose vines and flowers [were] all of iron, twisted to the weird
angles of the moment's mode."8 Her quote indicated a disdain for the pseudo-abstract
imagery popular during the 1920s. Draper preferred the naturally organic when plant-life
was concerned. This organicism did not transfer to the overtly natural. She stated that the
terrace must be manicured year round. In fact, in order to maintain a sense of "freshness,"
all aspects of the terrace, she argued, must be replaced at the earliest sign of decay,
indicating an idyllic view of nature. Plants met an immediate end as soon as they showed
the slightest sign of ill health. Home owners had to change or recondition awnings,
furniture, and accessories once the city's pollution had stripped away the newness. These
last tenets, impractical for the typical budget, revealed the relationship between the
classes, as emulation was the driving force.
The article closed with Draper criticizing architects and landscape architects for
not consciously incorporating rooftop gardens in all projects. She pled passionately as if
to connect with the helpless client who needed the assistance of the Architectural
Clearing House; clients required someone who could ensure that such amenities would be
included in the final design.
Having brought nature into the city for two of her last three articles, Draper
finally addressed the country house or what she called "the Saturday Night House."9 She
departed from her typical approach that spoke to a large audience. The country house
8
Ibid.
9
Dorothy Draper, "Enter the Saturday Night House," House & Garden (July 1928): 53-
55, 104.
suggested a certain amount of wealth and leisure that was inaccessible to the working
class and a large portion of the middle class. The fact that she described these houses as
"tiny, perfect cottages" further emphasized the separation. However, the article enticed
readers of all classes. Everyone desired a country house; for some, reading about it was
the only way to experience such a privilege.
Though not palatial, the Saturday Night House offered an opportunity to escape
the concrete jungle. The luxury of the house, however, was not matched by the luxury of
the experience. The Saturday Night House was Draper's idea of "roughing it." The
deciding factor was the absence of the servant staff. The owners and guests had a
beautiful or charming home in which to escape, but they had to cook and clean for
themselves, concepts quite foreign to Draper. She did, however, note that a reduced
servant staff was equally acceptable.
The theme of the article reflected Draper's critique of and admiration for Tuxedo
Park. On the one hand, Draper rebelled against the formality of Tuxedo and all of its
strict canons of deportment. Yet, she did not fully abandon them, for even in this article
she spoke of a gay and civilized experience. Roughing it did not include "rough boards,
tin forks, and porcelain plates."10 Beauty and fineness were not abandoned. On the other
hand, Draper appreciated the communion between the built environment and nature.
Tuxedo's setting was unmatched with its canopied streets and breath-taking vistas. The
Saturday Night House was Draper's mediation of her past experiences and her readers'
future possibilities.
10
Ibid., 53.
Draper provided the reader with three floor plans, which she designed, based on
the degree to which individuals were prepared to simplify their habits—enormously,
moderately, or to a comparatively slight degree. She noted that the number of potential
schemes was vast for each home, and that each intended to respond specifically to the
relaxation needs of the users. The hobby played an important role in programming the
home. If one were an avid reader, then a "glorious library" took center stage with a
greatly reduced living quarter attached. If sport was the pastime of choice, then
appropriate storage should be a priority. Draper even noted that the house itself may not
be necessary if boating were the joy of one's life. Should that be the case, then celebrate
the nautical imagery with highly polished brass fittings, white rope on the handrails, and
a kitchen turned galley. Draper identified each of these scenarios as a "stage" for the
performance of life. This concept affected her later commercial interiors to a significant
degree.
This article offered another glimpse into Draper's future style. In the description
of the boat interior, which actually belonged to a famous playwright acquaintance, she
noted the big gold eagle that asserted the owner's "one-hundred-percent Americanism."11
This feature resonated with Draper as she was proud of her own American heritage and at
that time, that of her husband who had served in WWI. The eagle would become a
common feature in many of her designs. During WWII, she would further this patriotic
theme with red, white, and blue color schemes in beauty salons and retail stores.
Patriotism was a value embedded in Draper's family.
11
Ibid., 54.
165
In November of 1928, Draper wrote the article that revealed to her readership the
strategies of the Architectural Clearing House (as discussed in the previous chapter). The
timing and content of this article suggested her most aggressive approach to marketing.
The comprehensive description of her process was indeed a list of services.
Draper's final article in the series, "How to Use Red in Decoration," provided
examples of four rooms and how to apply the hue.12 In essence, Draper offered a glimpse
into her color theory, one of the underpinnings of her design style. The scenarios for the
entrance hall and the bedroom both used red in a complementary scheme. The formality
of the entrance hall required a bright red only as an accent. The bedroom shifted the
scheme requiring a more restful blue green, what Draper romantically called Nile green.
A red wingback chair, ruby glass bottles, and red lacquered frames surrounding Sargent
watercolors enhanced the red taffeta draping on the poster bed.13 In both color schemes,
Draper was masterful in balancing the intensity of the red with its complement.
The living room and dining room employed analogous schemes drawing on
shades of yellow for a warmer interior. In each instance, she anchored the room with red
carpets or rugs. The color embraced the walls via red damask or ruby curtains. Sofas and
chairs with both solid and print textiles also incorporated red. Dark woods and yellow
plaster walls created visual balance, allowing the red hues to exist in the medium value
12
Dorothy Draper, "How to Use Red in Decoration," House & Garden (June 1929): 92,
132.
13
Draper did not specify whether the Sargent watercolors were originals or
reproductions. By allowing the reader to determine the intended quality of the art, Draper
kept her advice relevant to the upper class who might have an original, and the middle
class, who might consider purchasing a reproduction.
range. Whether complementary or analogous, Draper's schemes foretold of her approach
to color in future projects. Solid colored walls articulated white architectural details. She
used pattern mainly through textiles on furniture and curtains. These textiles were often
complex in their palette as they were a microcosm of all the colors in the room.
As an early example of her literary work, Draper's articles demonstrated an
impressive skill in the art of writing. The organization of each topic and its clear delivery
suggested someone with an education, which Draper lacked. Eventually, Draper hired
ghostwriters, Betty Dickson Thornley (b. 1885) and Bosco Cass Noll (1902-1984), for
her larger publications, but for the meantime only an editor's hand at House & Garden
assisted Draper. She did admit to being an avid reader, an oft common skill for an upper-
class woman raised by a governess. It was perhaps this pastime that fostered her ability to
write so poetically and clearly. The absence of an extensive formal education did not
prevent certain other skills from developing either. For example, Draper was good at
sculpting, a hobby that suffered due to her interest in and success at interior design.
Beyond the quality of writing, these first six articles were much more important
for their role in the development of Draper's design philosophy and theories, a rare
glimpse into the profession of interior design. Few of the early female decorators offered
insight into their design philosophy, which they communicated rarely. Elsie de Wolfe
was one of the first to do so in The House in Good Taste (1913). Her second chapter's
title summed her philosophy in just three simple words: simplicity, suitability, and
proportion.14 Draper was never quite as succinct. In fact, because much of her writing
14
Elsie de Wolfe, The House in Good Taste (New York: Century, 1913).
167
focused on assisting the middle-class housewife, she often simplified her philosophy to
empty mottoes like "if it looks right, it is right." These articles, however, revealed a much
more thoughtful and insightful philosophy that dealt with the role of romanticism,
illusion, nature, and color. Though Draper left the complexities of her philosophies
unwritten, her body of work would soon reveal a clearer picture.
What may have begun as an exercise in dilettantism soon became the early
formulation of a professional's design philosophy. Draper's unique childhood
experiences characterized by extensive travel, a governess, parents who loved to build,
and an environment defined by artistic interiors and grand architectural expressions were
the likely progenitors of her early writings. Wrapped in a world of beauty and romance,
Draper spread her vision to an eager audience wanting to live a life of luxury on their
own budget. For as much as her first series of articles focused on the built environment,
Draper believed that people's surroundings should affect how they live: their behaviors
and experiences. This core principle of the Aesthetic Movement was not readily apparent
in her early writings, but Draper made this point very clear in her next major endeavor;
the development of a correspondence course, Learn to Live.
Learn to Live: A Correspondence Course
Draper's hard work developing the Architectural Clearing House paid off in the
form of her first major project, The Carlyle Hotel (1930) in New York City. In the same
year, she changed the name of her business to Dorothy Draper & Company and began
hiring an impressive staff. Her design career exploded in the 1930s with impressive
public projects throughout Manhattan, including the Hampshire House (1937). At a point
168
when her decorating reputation was gaining momentum, Draper shifted her articles' focus
unexpectedly from decorating to entertaining. Both of her subsequent articles in Country
Life during 1933 integrated "the business of living" with decoration.15 These articles
identified the other crucial component of Draper's design philosophy. Living and
decorating existed in a mutually beneficial relationship. This approach differed slightly
from that of the 19th century aesthetes who believed that one's surroundings stimulated
better living. Draper saw the relationship as more cyclical in that better living inferred
better surroundings, which in turn supported better living. These subtle differences
between the late 19th century aesthetes and Draper revealed the impact of modern life's
focus on self-amplification, self-satisfaction, and self-actualization on Draper's design
philosophy, which was evolving into a philosophy of life.
Draper's creation of a correspondence course called Learn to Live in the mid-
19308 demonstrated her commitment to her beliefs.16 Her audience continued to be the
middle-class American housewife, whom she hoped to assist in developing her
personality for success, happiness, and popularity. Each of the 10-weeks consisted of four
different lessons under the categories of understanding yourself, decorating with charm,
15
See Dorothy Draper's "Carefree Entertaining," Country Life (June 1933): 54-6 and
"Welcome Week-Ends," Country Life (July 1933): 43, 44, 75. The phrase "business of
living" is included under Draper's photograph. The full quote is as follows: "The author
of this article, Mrs. Tuckerman Draper, of New York, in a few short years has made
herself a distinct force and authority in all that pertains to good taste in the home; and this
applies to the business of living as well as to architecture and decorating, in which she is
playing so prominent a part today" (July, 1933, 55).
16
Dorothy Draper, Learn to Live: The Story of Dorothy Draper's Fascinating New
Correspondence Course (New York: Nordlinger, Riegelman & Cooper, 1937).
169
spending smartly for beauty and pleasure, and successful entertaining. The categories
were strikingly similar to Draper's four main design goals (aesthetic appearance,
function, economics, maintenance) found in her professional contracts. Decorating
equated to aesthetic appearance, while spending smartly was comparable to economics.
The other two were less obvious, but more revealing. Entertaining reflected the concept
of function, as society considered this to be the responsibility of women—a concept
Draper supported wholeheartedly in the last pairing. Draper's discussion of
understanding yourself was very much a means of providing maintenance for the self.
The psychological undertones of this self-reflective category were not foreign to Draper.
Her ex-husband, Dr. George Draper, had studied directly with Carl Jung (1875-1961), the
founder of analytical psychology. Though Draper unlikely understood the complexities of
Jung's theories, the concept of analysis was all too familiar, especially after her own
mental exercises with Dr. Smiley Blanton, a disciple of Jung's. The similarity of Draper's
goals for public spaces and the domestic sphere suggested a holistic approach to life and
design.
Subscribers received a calendar providing a brief description of all 40 courses.
Each week consisted of four lessons, one in each of the categories: understanding
yourself, decorating with charm, spending smartly for beauty and pleasure, and
successful entertaining. Though not specified, each of the weeks revealed an implicit
theme linking the lessons together. The first week focused on preparation with lesson
titles including: Getting To Know Yourself, Choosing Your Background, How to Have
More to Spend, and What Makes A Party Go. The most convincing evidence suggesting
170
Draper's role as facilitator between the student's identity and her environment appeared
in the first category. Draper required that students learn how to create a setting that not
only reflected their outer identity, but also satisfied and released the inner one. Draper
wasted no time connecting the identity of women to their surroundings. She also
recognized that during the 1930s most women had to maintain a public self as prescribed
by society while simultaneously searching for and expressing their private self. The other
three lessons supported this concept by communicating how to decorate as a means of
personal expressions, how to set up a budget that would allow for expenditures
appropriate to income, and how to prepare for a social gathering of any size or type. In
just the first week, Draper's tone and agenda seemed clear.
The following week required participants to "analyze" reasons why they may
have failed in the past when it came to personal change, which included not only one's
personality but also one's physical appearance, and room decoration. The third week built
up the student's "courage" in order to achieve the "reinvention" of self in week four,
which culminated in making a new "impression" on people in week five. The new
impression conspicuously led into the week focusing on "romance," whether the goal was
to find love or prepare a romantic evening. Draper revealed her own longings for
romance in these lessons, willing to change or recreate herself for the sake of love—one
of Draper's distinctly traditional values. With love achieved, "self preservation" became
a major concern as noted by the need to stay young, redecorate, handle servant problems,
and design the most private spaces of the home, the bathroom and the bedroom. Weeks
eight and nine dealt with details and presented slightly more motivational language that
brought the student to the last week in which "success" came in the form of a new home
with a yard for entertaining. The structure of Draper's correspondence course was clear
and sophisticated. She envisioned and crafted a path to self-actualization that so many
women desired. Further analysis of her course uncovered a unique balance between the
traditional values of Draper's 19th century upbringing and the determined wave of
modern life in the 20th century.
Draper's negotiation between the traditional and the modern permeated the
course. The overwhelming proportion of the lessons referred to domestic activities, many
of which reflected traditional female roles: decorating and maintaining the home,
hosting/entertaining, and shopping. She suggested the value of family in two instances.
The lesson, 'What Every Woman Wants,' focused on love, "how to attract it and how to
keep it, and how to help others to realize the most from their lives."17 Though an image
of a bride was the focus of the accompanying photograph, the fact that terms such as
'man' or 'husband' were absent from the description was conspicuous. The same held
true for children. The lessons did not specifically speak about being a mother, but a
caption to an illustration noted that there was "no life utterly complete without a child.
Every mother [would] understand her child better if she understands herself first." Once
again Draper maintained her focus on bettering the individual, not someone who was
inseparably linked to a larger unit, such as a family.
Draper emphasized appearance. During the 1930s, the beauty market was
exploding and convincing women that much of their social value relied on physical
17
Learn to Live. This document is not paginated.
172
beauty. One lesson under "spending smartly for beauty and pleasure" provided advice on
weight reduction, double chins, and the appropriate selection of cosmetics. The fashion
industry also benefited from Draper's course. She referred her students to the women of
Paris and their understanding of clothing's ability to make them look well proportioned
no matter whether that required that they look taller, shorter, leaner or stouter. The
discussion of evening wear was Draper's most traditional lesson relative to fashion. Only
in this segment did Draper use men as the criteria for dress selection by encouraging
women to "pick gowns that men like." The only other instance in which Draper deferred
to the desires of men was in the design of the living room. In both lessons, Draper
inferred a "formal" event where people would view the husband and wife as a unit. This
public facade reflected distinctly traditional views of the role of woman as the "beautiful
wife" in public and in the most public space of the domestic environment, the living
room. Even though the American beauty culture persuaded Draper, her advice did not
reflect someone who was completely gullible. When she spoke of women staying young,
the goal was to stay youthful in "feelings and mind" as well as in face and figure, an early
recognition that women had an entire second life after their children left the home. The
vast majority of the lessons focused on the betterment of the individual through common
domestic experiences, but Draper's final goal for women was far more modern.
By lesson IX, Draper revealed her true intentions for the course. In one of her
final sections on 'understanding you,' Draper suggested that the students should now be
fully aware of who they were and what they wanted from life. It was now time to "ge/
that job!... or pursue that hobby in a way that open[ed] up enchanting vistas and
173
possibilities of a more delightful life." Draper's emphasis on exploring opportunities in
the work force superseded the whisper of a hobby that followed. She wrapped up the
correspondence course with advice that kept the student on task, supposedly preventing
them from returning to their familiar habits established prior to the lessons.
Draper believed that domestic duties had a place in the public realm. "The woman
who can entertain successfully and charmingly even on a very modest scale discovers
that she has the same sort of skill as the executive whose leadership and wise
understanding draws better work out of hundreds of employees."18 The title of this
section, "The LIFE That Can Be Yours," emphasized Draper's desire to empower
women. These objectives were relevant in Draper's life since her divorce a few years
earlier. She had gone through the process of searching for success, happiness, and
popularity from a life circumscribed by the domestic environment. Her personal
experiences may have fostered the development of the course resulting in both a cathartic
exercise for Draper and a role model for women across the United States.
Learn to Live was a provocative publication that resonated with the same
underpinnings as Betty Friedan's "problem with no name."19 As a result of hearing
classmates from college speak about their dissatisfied lives, Friedan uncovered one of the
20th century's greatest manipulative schemes. In the 1950s, American businessmen led
housewives to believe that their role as wife and mother was the sole path toward
18
Ibid. The quote is located in the third paragraph under "The Life That Can Be Yours."
19
Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell Publishing, 1974). Originally
published in 1963.
happiness. Surrounded by the latest technological appliances in the kitchen in their new
suburban home, the majority of women across America bought into the propaganda and
left universities and business to return to their pre-war duties as caretakers of the home.2C
Eventually, the melancholy that swept the land was followed by an equally explosive
reaction as women realized men had deceived them on a cultural scale. Draper's
correspondence course, which preceded Freidan's Feminine Mystique by nearly three
decades, revealed this same issue. Under a section titled, "The Dream of the REAL
YOUl" a picture of a sullen woman draped over a delicately scrolled back of a satin-
striped chair topped the following caption, "time that passes without plan or action leads
91
to loneliness." Draper realized that the American woman of the 1930s was in need; she
called it the "life-problem."
Draper's life experiences infused the content of the lessons. She had experienced
the disappointment of a failed marriage and was faced with being a self-sufficient
woman. She sought confidence and inspiration from individuals such as the Reverend
Norman Peale. His theory of positive thinking permeated Draper's correspondence
course in its tone and message. Peale taught "positive thinking, not as a means to fame,
riches and power, but as a practical application of faith to overcome defeat and
Eugenia Kaledin, Mother and More: American Women in the 1950s (Boston: Twayne
Publishers, 1984) discusses the social conditions of 1950s America that sought to reset
the traditional values prior to the war. She, also, makes a particular point to include the
numerous success women experienced during the decade.
Learn to Live.
175
77
accomplish worthwhile creative values in life." His introduction had a conspicuously
similar goal as Draper's correspondence course. Peale stated that his text allowed the
reader to become "a more popular, esteemed, well-liked individual." This objective
was similar to Draper's desire to assist those who were lonely because time passed
without a plan or action.24 Peale's work clearly affected Draper. Her experiences with
him changed her life and her life's mission.
Draper's course appeared to support the idea of emulation. Many of her lessons
discussed material display, physical appearance, and social interaction; all of these would
lead to a better social position. The course seemed to reflect Veblen's basic theory of
conspicuous consumption, but interpreted for the middle class. However, that was likely
not Draper's intent. Draper believed that all people should be surrounded by beauty. For
Draper, beauty was defined partially by aristocratic decorative images from her
childhood. She delivered that visual aesthetic to the middle class. The concept of
emulation was not intended for actual "social climbing." Beauty and a good life was,
rather, a democratic right for all people, no matter what their social or financial status.
Draper's foray into the realm of correspondence courses was both a success and a
failure. As an enterprise, 'Learn to Live' failed to make a profit. Subscribers did not
continue the course beyond the first week. The reason they did not finish the course was
surprising. According to Varney, the lessons were so successful that women felt they did
22
Norman Vincent Peale, The Power of Positive Thinking. (Greenwich, CT: Fawcett
Publications, 1937): 13.
23
Ibid., x.
not need to continue the course after only one published lesson. 'Learn to Live'
demonstrated Draper's philosophy that living and the built environment shared an
intimate, almost symbiotic, relationship. Having discovered great satisfaction with the
correspondence course, Draper turned her literary efforts toward publications that would
reach an even larger audience.
Decorating Is Fun! How to Be Your Own Decorator (1939)
Decorating Is Fun! (1939), Draper's first publication, joined a growing list of
'interior decoration' books that included works by Edith Wharton, Elsie de Wolfe, and
Emily Post. Books on decoration fell into three general categories.25 The first category
focused more on the study of interior decoration. Authors such as Edith Wharton and
Ogden Codman,'s The Decoration of Houses (1897), Joy Wheeler Dow's The Book of a
Hundred Houses (1906), and Gladys Miller's Decoratively Speaking (1939) concentrated
on historical styles and architectural details for upper-class homes. The other extreme
was the do-it-yourself books. Emily Burbank's Be Your Own Decorator (1924) rarely
addressed historical periods and, instead, focused the readers on how to use the current
inventory in their home to enhance their space. The Do-It-Yourself concept was a prime
consideration and many of the tasks required that the occupants complete the labor. The
third category included books that negotiated the middle of the spectrum. Authors
targeted the middle class providing some information on historic styles and budgets. The
characteristic that defined this group was the severity of the "do's" and "don'ts." Unlike
the more scholarly approach in the first category and the lack of criticism in the second,
25
Betty Dickson Thornley (b. 1885) was the ghostwriter for Decorating Is Fun!
177
these authors spoke of good taste and employed it as their validation for good decoration.
Emily Post's The Personality of a House: The Blue Book of Home Design and
Decoration (1930) was the best example of this category. These books counted on the
insecurities of middle-class women who questioned their own taste. Amidst the
popularity of decorating books, Draper offered her approach that integrated traits of the
second and third categories. She excluded history from the discussion, considered the
significance of budget and, most importantly, communicated in a tone as if she were
speaking to her best friend over tea.
Shortly after its release, Draper's publication received positive reviews by the
New York Times (1939).26 The reviewer noted that there was "nothing about periods in
her book, although the charm of the author's own work in interior decoration is probably
due to a considerable academic background."27 This was ironic, since Draper had none.
In tandem with a review of another book, Decoratively Speaking by Gladys Miller, the
reviewer described Miller's book as "more comprehensive." Like most other interior
decorating books, Miller's publication dealt exclusively with period rooms. The reviewer
characterized the book as "more comprehensive" due to the formulaic nature of the
production of period rooms. Draper's approach continued to be more difficult to classify.
She was unconventional.
26
"The Pleasure of Decorating," New York Times, May 21, 1939, Book Review Section,
8. In addition, Draper referred to the success of the book in a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt.
She noted Decorating Is Fun! had sold 47,000 copies. See Letter from Dorothy Draper to
Eleanor Roosevelt, May 2, 1940. Eleanor Roosevelt Archives, Box 713.
27
Walter Rendell Storey, "Home Decoration: French Provincial Gains in Favor: Books
on Decoration," New York Times, October 1, 1939, Society News, Women's News, 67.
Draper introduced five fundamental principles at the beginning of her text;
courage, color, balance, smart accessories, and comfort.28 Aware of her mass audience,
Draper communicated the principles in a simple manner to assure comprehension by all
readers. 'Courage,' an empowering concept Draper referred to throughout her career,
was more than just confidence; it also implied criticism and bold decision-making. "If it
looks right, it is right," was one of her mottoes.29 The reader's ability to deviate from
socially driven forms of taste required courage. Even though she motivated her readers
to shun fashion or fad for environments suitable to their needs and finances, Draper's
own formula created numerous trends from brightly colored doors to black furniture.
Draper perceived 'color' as one of the most effective and economical decorating tools.
'Balance' referred to the appropriate distribution of furnishings regarding both physical
and visual weight, while 'smart accessories' encouraged the reader to be consistent in
designing to the last detail. Perhaps most importantly, Draper made reference to
'comfort,' which was actually a response to the function of the space. According to
Draper, function/comfort was one of the most important characteristics of any interior
environment. "Decoration can not be divorced from living or it is not sound
decoration."30 The beauty of a project was to some degree derived from its function.
Having defined her five major concepts, Draper then introduced the reader to her process
of decorating.
28
Draper, Decorating Is Fun!, 3-5.
29
30
Draper, Decorating Is Fun!, 10.
179
Draper's proposed method for decorating was evident in the organization of
chapters. She progressed from the general to the specific. The first chapter acted as a
motivational tool, or a way of demystifying the design process. She implied that anyone
can be a decorator, if she possessed "imagination and common sense." At a time when
the profession utilized education to separate the professionals from the "do-it-
yourselfers," the production of this type of literature that Draper and other interior
decorators authored, seemed to subvert their move toward professionalization. In fact, in
the beginning of the book, Draper stated that many of "the most successful decorators
achieved their success - not because of imposing college degrees, but because of personal
ingenuity."31 This was not an uncommon belief. Its origins may have developed as a
means of justifying the lack of education afforded to women or those trapped in the home
focusing on domestic duties. Women received constant encouragement that they
possessed a domestic skill that translated to an ever-growing and popular profession.
Chapter 2 required readers to visualize their rooms "in the nude."32 At this early
stage, the reader had to criticize his/her own space, ignoring all present artifice. This
spatial "seeing" was probably more difficult for the reader than Draper assumed. Such
abstract or conceptual thinking required special skills to strip a room of its visual
imagery. Aware of this, Draper continued by listing a series of conditions her readers
should look for when analyzing their spaces. The formal analysis included: "shape of the
box (room) - length, width, height; balance of doors and windows; position of fireplace,
31
Ibid., 46.
in
Draper, Decorating Is Fun!, 17.

180
or another center of attraction (focus); irregularities - odd beams, jogs in walls, alcoves,
etc.; position and balance of radiators."33 The awareness of the architectural composition
and its flaws became a strong focus, which motivated many of Draper's suggestions
throughout the book. The book took the form of a "campaign against your room's
structural defects."34 From her experiences with the Architectural Clearing House, Draper
was acutely aware of the benefits of designing a room from scratch as opposed to
redecorating an existing space. Draper's focus on this particular problem, however, did
not require that the book be too architectural. Compared to most of the more formal
books on decoration, Draper's treatment was light.
Following the inner shell, color was Draper's next major consideration. She
advocated the use of bright, clear hues. Neutral tones of the past were not acceptable. The
"Drab Age" had ended. Fresh, clear hues alleviated the depression caused by the muddy
color palettes of the past. The hues did not have to be bright. Draper noted that a light
powder blue was just as valuable as a dark dahlia red, as long as it was not "wishy-
washy," a reference to neutralized hues. Draper provided an exercise for her readership
regarding the imagining of color.
A cherry-red carpet—dead-white walls—a sky-blue ceiling
(take it easy, there, these are not just words). Cover all the
upholstered furniture with yards and yards of gaily
33
Ibid., 19.
181
flowered chintz on a dead-white background—hang crisp,
white muslin curtains with great big ruffles—place large
plain glass vases full of laurel on the mantelpiece—light
the fire—and before its shining fender put a white fox
terrier wagging his tail at the flames.35
Draper infused her designs with idyllic imagery, including warm fireplaces and little
dogs, to persuade readers that her modern color schemes could evoke romanticism, which
the reader usually attached to more traditional spaces.
The remainder of the chapter offered basic advice on color, including: how to
understand the difference between warm and cool colors, how to sample color in the
home, and how to supervise the painters. She presented two general types of color
schemes: an exactly matching color scheme and a sharply contrasting color scheme. Her
choice to avoid professional terms, such as "monochromatic,"36 reinforced the
accessibility of Draper's information to the middle-class readers. In addition, Draper
concluded each chapter with a case history. These short stories were both amusing and
informative as Draper relayed what seemed to be true events in the life of an everyday
individual. Readers related to the protagonist who was simply trying to redecorate the
home, just like them.
35
Ibid., 28.
36
Monochromatic schemes depend on variations (tints and shades) of one color. The
easiest example is an interior that consists of only shades of grey.
182
Chapters 4 and 5 dealt with the treatment of walls and floors, respectively. Draper
addressed ceilings, conspicuously absent from the table of contents, in various places
throughout the book. She explored with equal vigor all of the options from wallpaper to
paint, paneling to cork. She deviated from her own approach in the public arena where a
distinct hierarchy existed between architectural surfaces and interior furnishings. Draper
favored solid colored walls and floors with architectural details emphasized in white.
Only furnishings and draperies showed any evidence of pattern. The architecture acted as
a backdrop for the more visually dynamic upholstered furniture. In her text, however, she
spoke of the advantages of all forms of wallcovering so as not to suggest that her reader's
home was in bad taste. Her egalitarian approach differed greatly from many of the advice
books that were quite critical on what was and was not in good taste.
Draper included a discussion of doors and fireplaces in Chapter 4. According to
Draper, other authors often ignored doors in the discussion of decorating. Because of
such neglect, Draper called them "orphans."37 If the doors were plain in design, then the
readers could use color to bring out an accent in the room. If budget allowed, moldings
could add to both the door and its frame adding detail and interest to the space. The
examples Draper offered each possessed strong historical references. Classical trim and
brackets or Baroque scrollwork defined each door. These doors reinforced Draper's
approach to history, which was to use it if it enhanced the aesthetic, not simply because it
was old.38
Ibid., 50.
See John Turpin's "The Doors of Dorothy Draper: Vestiges of Victorian Manners with
183
Draper treated the fireplace in much the same fashion, but placed more emphasis
on its decorative role in the scheme. As the focal point in the room, the fireplace and the
mantle far exceeded the doors in detail and effect, as noted by the accompanying
illustrations. Of the five, only one seemed to be an affordable option for most homes. The
other mantles were not only more decorative, they were also accompanied by more
expensive decorative accessories, such as an American Federal wall clock crowned with
an eagle wings spread wide, busts, jardinieres, large mirrors with heavy moldings, and
family portraits treated similarly. Draper's treatment of the fireplace was extremely
romantic. She even conjured romantic images of the happy husband and family pet sitting
by the fireplace. Her exclusion of the female in these descriptions personalized the
narrative as if the reader were experiencing events through Draper's eyes. The idea was
that if women were successful in their decorating, then they would have the life Draper
described.
Draper concluded her discussion of the architectural surfaces in Chapter 5: Floor
Coverings and Curtains. She analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of all-over
carpet, complete with the newest technology in invisible seams, and rugs. Oriental rugs, a
favorite of traditionalists, were becoming more challenging due to their complex color
palette; it left the reader few options. Nonetheless, Draper recognized the beauty in
classic Aubusson, Savonnerie, Bessarabian, Chinese Samarkand, and early American
rugs, but cautioned the reader about spending too much unless they had money to burn.
a Middle-class Sensibility," In.Form: The Journal of Architecture, Design & Material

Culture, 1 (2000): 8-15.
She affirmed her belief that most people tire of their rugs, and to spend a small fortune
was unwise.
Beyond capricious changes in taste, Draper had other reasons for being
spendthrift with rugs. Draper preferred to look up rather than down. To be more precise,
she wanted to look forward. The furniture that rested on the floor was more important. If
the reader needed to save money, then sacrifice the floor. Noting that she also did not pay
much attention to the ceiling emphasized the area of the interior in which Draper focused
her efforts. All of her spaces receive heavy attention at the furniture level and up to about
six feet, allowing for a fireplace composition and windows. Some of these elements
extended to the ceiling but they were anchored to a scheme at a lower, more human,
visual level.
She continued this section with an analysis of various other flooring materials
including cork, marble, glass, rubber tiling, linoleum, tile and brick, noting price points
and appropriate selection and application. Draper ended Chapter 5 with window
treatments, mainly noting the balance between the over-draped Victorian windows and
draperies that were too skimpy. Window treatments were the eyes of the home and
should not be barriers for those looking out or in. Furthermore, readers should be
cognizant of how window treatments affected the aesthetics of the exterior of the home.
Draper's formula for the treatment of home interiors generally mirrored those she
used in her public spaces. Solid colored walls emphasized dead-white architectural
features (e.g., fireplace) or detailing (e.g., scrollwork). She rarely emphasized ceiling or
floor, placing most of the viewer's attention in the comfortable range of vision. Of all
185
components, furnishings were the most important. They were the most visually dynamic
due to Draper's over-scaled, colorful textile patterns. The effect was bold, bright, and
informally sophisticated.
Chapters 9 through 12 of Decorating Is Fun! dealt exclusively with individual
rooms or specific spatial sequences. Draper dissected the house as it would be
experienced by a guest, consistent with her article, "Before You Build" in House &
Garden. The text revealed her appreciation for, and knowledge of, social interaction. The
first sequence, consisting of the front door, hall and living room, was of most importance;
this made the house's first impression upon guests. Draper believed that the house should
welcome people as cordially as possible. The main impression was not to be one of
wealth and arrogance, but a feeling of graciousness and cheer. The home's welcome was
not complete without the appropriate behavior of the host family. The hostess greeted the
visitor herself donned with a sincere smile. Protocol such as this was far removed from
the more traditional, conservative behavior of the upper class that had a servant greet the
visitor at the door. This was just one example how Draper intertwined behavior with the
built environment into a holistic entity.
Each room in the public sequence (front door, hall, living room) had specific
meaning in the welcoming of guests. The front door—often overlooked by many,
according to Draper—was the home's calling card. Whether one owns or rents, the front
door should at least have a fresh coat of paint in a clear hue with a brass knocker and
potted plants. The entry hall waited behind the door. This was one of the most "formal"
spaces in the home because the family did not actually live in it. However, the hall was
186
not to be so dignified as to be dreary. Instead, Draper equated formality with being "set
and tidy." The cleanliness of an interior implied an effort on the part of the hostess to
provide the most pleasing environment for her guests.
In order to continue to re-enforce the range of "acceptable taste," Draper inserted
five descriptions of "memorable" halls. They included a hall in Gloucester, a modern
Georgian hall, a hall in a remodeled New England farmhouse, a French provincial hall,
and a smart urban hall. The variety of styles and locations resonated with housewives
across the nation, reassuring them that they likely already had good taste. Draper
provided these variations throughout the book for all of the rooms.
The living room served a variety of purposes. Deemed the most important room in
the entire house by Draper, the living room provided a place for the family to gather, a
place to entertain, and a place for women to express their decorating abilities. The first
function was typical for the middle class since a second, less formal, living room (family
room) was not yet common. Draper's prioritization of entertainment was also not a
surprise. As the main public space, Draper naturally considered social interaction as a
major component of a "good life." The latter statement, however, reflected a compromise
between Draper's conservative childhood and her own modern views of women. Her text
emphasized the needs of the husband in this room. Of utmost importance, the design
should be comfortable for the husband, who deserved rest after a day's work. "Fussy"
decorative objects and fragile furniture did not belong here; these items made men
Ibid., 122.
187
nervous.40 However, the scheme was not completely masculine. Bold colors with high
contrast energized the room and Draper encouraged the use of floral patterned textiles for
the curtains and furnishings. The result was, in fact, a gender neutral space, a
compromise. Draper recognized the needs of men, but did not force women to create
rooms that did not also please them in their domestic environment.
Draper's approach identified a middle ground in what had become a gender-
charged space for some decorators. Elsie de Wolfe, for example, represented one extreme
when she proclaimed that men were "forever guests" in the woman's home.41 Her
unconventional views championed the home as a distinct place where women could
express their identity to the world, not their male counterparts. Other decorating books
offered more masculine spaces, such as those referencing the American Colonial period
or the other extreme, the modern Art Deco. Draper identified a style that favored both
genders. Her statement, then, concerning the living room as a place for women to express
their decorating abilities was also an opportunity for her to express the identity of the
husband/wife unit. This seemed appropriate, since the living room's role was the public
space that reflected the family—not just one individual.
In the following chapter, Draper moved her discussion to the dining room and the
kitchen. Although the two spaces had obvious functional and adjacency relationships,
Draper did not address these issues. Instead, she began the chapter by praising the effects
40
Even when Draper offered one of her mini-case studies that included a single woman,
the description of the space closely followed her previously stated guidelines. See Draper,
Decorating Is Fun!, 133.
41
de Wolfe, The House in Good Taste, 5.
188
of modern life on the formal dining room. Many customs transformed into more casual
experiences after WWI and the reactionary 1920s. The formal dining room was often a
casualty of this move toward relaxed social interactions, disappearing from the house
plan. Draper knew that its absence required creative solutions for dining beyond the
simple drop-leaf table in the living room, the popular solution at the time. Draper
suggested that the hostess present nesting tables or trays to each guest once they had
found a comfortable seat in the living room. The flexibility and affordability of the
nesting tables addressed the two major concerns for individuals with limited space; and
yet still allowed them to participate in social interaction.
For those who did have dining rooms, Draper addressed the furniture, china,
silver, glass, linens, and lighting. Little was unique about the furniture except Draper's
opinion on paint. One of Draper's main design philosophies was that a historical item's
value did not derive from its age. The piece may have been important to the family or
have had sentimental value. In those cases, Draper might have yielded to the reverence
shown typically toward these cultural artifacts. But, if these criteria did not apply, then
the furniture was just another element to be manipulated by the decorator. For "old"
chairs, Draper listed an array of paint colors as options for sprucing up the room: shiny
black with dull gold trim, seal brown, glossy white, Chinese red, apple green, or an exact
match to the walls. Draper viewed furniture as a blank three-dimensional canvas for her
vibrant color schemes.
When the discussion turned to lighting, Draper presented her advice in an
unconventional manner. She might have addressed the effective placement of lights based
189
on mood and function, but instead she spoke of the effects of lighting on the guest's
appearance. The light lengthened the nose, drew black lines from nose to mouth, and
made eyes look like "burned holes in a blanket" due to the deep shadows cast by the
brows.42 Such remarks assuredly tapped into self-conscious women steeped in the beauty
culture of the 1930s. Draper's remarks were likely not premeditated, but instead,
evidence of her own cultural conditioning. Either way, the horrified reader took notice of
this piece of advice.
Continuing to promote a romantic lifestyle, Draper suggested that the soft glow of
candlelight was the most pleasing form of illumination. Unfortunately, according to
Draper, men claimed unfairly that they might "choke on a fishbone" and hated "digging
for ... food through the pitch dark."43 Similar to the approach of the living room, Draper
suggested appeasing the husbands, but in a manner that could express the wives'
decorating abilities. The candlelight would remain on the table, but the wives spread
indirect lighting around the perimeter to soften the room and provide the necessary level
of illumination for the husbands.
Unlike her more pragmatic discussion of the kitchen in her article, "Before You
Build," Draper took a completely different approach in Decorating Is Fun! Draper began
the section by scoffing at the recent rise in efficiency experts, who "crawled around on
their hands and knees with tape measures in the throes of the step-saving fad." She
continued with a bite of criticism by stating, "When they got all through, they usually
42
Draper, Decorating Is Fun!, 140
43
Ibid., 142.
190
announced that you could save four and one half inches of walking distance by switching
all the major units around at the mere cost of three hundred dollars."44
She followed up her critical opening paragraph by acknowledging that all of their
recommendations were not "silly." Most modern kitchens were, in fact, becoming models
of "sparkling efficiency." Draper believed that all of the attention on rational efficiency,
however, was to the detriment of other equally important considerations, such as
aesthetics. Too many kitchens looked like hospital corridors awash in white and trimmed
in nickel. Draper recognized that the kitchen was transforming into a social center for
informal gathering of guests. Consequently, the decoration should be more appealing.
With little surprise, Draper then offered a series of brightly colored schemes with high
contrast. Though she eventually valued function and aesthetics equally in the kitchen, the
discussion exposed her lack of work experience there. Her experiences had been those of
the spontaneous hostess as opposed to the full-time, servantless housewife. But, even
then, Draper ended the chapter discussing conveniences such as upholstered chairs,
rocking chairs, magazine racks, radios, and small tables in the kitchen in order to make
the space the most "convenient workshop in the world and still be the sort of place that
suggested] a jolly fudge-making party or an old-fashioned taffy pull."45 If anything,
Draper's goal was to satisfy women who spent much of their time in the kitchen.
Much like the kitchen, Draper presented the bedroom and bathroom as the distinct
realm of women. Wives shared these rooms with their husbands, yet they needed only to
44
Ibid., 150.
45
Ibid., 152.
191
make space for his things. Draper's reasons for excluding the male from consideration
were not clear, although she emphasized that women spent one third of their life in the
bedroom sleeping, resting, dressing, or reading in bed. Consequently, comfort became a
major priority. The mattress and box spring were the obvious foundations for a good
night's sleep, which affected her readers' quality of life. But, Draper did not stop there,
providing a list of thirteen different items she believed were necessary to be "really
happy." The list revealed Draper's attention to detail, background as a hostess, and the
tacit knowledge of someone who had lived in this manner. Reading lamps, end tables,
radios, telephones, and clocks topped the list, but as Draper continued she referred to a
thermos for ice water or hot cocoa, ajar of cookies or bowl of fruit, a book or magazine,
and breakfast tray and china. These "luxury" items pampered the readers at the perceived
level of the upper class. Draper attempted to deliver the experiences of the privileged to
middle-class America.
Draper spent the final chapters addressing various subjects. For those who had
extra space, she introduced hobby rooms (Chapter 11) and terraces (Chapter 12). The last
two chapters spoke to the new bride and the new home owner. Each had the opportunity
to plan an entirely new environment. Remaining faithful to the diversity of her readers,
Draper treated the new bride's environment as an apartment, while the new home owners
were upgrading their current situation. By presenting the material in this fashion, Draper
covered a variety of situations without excluding any group.
Draper's bibliography was an equally intriguing and educational part of the book.
Her selection of sources indicated her awareness of, and opinion on, the current literature
on interior design, and on individual, practicing designers and architects. The first
section listed various periodicals Draper referred to throughout the publication or
believed acted as appropriate supplementary sources of information. These included
Vogue, House & Garden, House Beautiful, Architectural Forum, Architectural Record,
and American Home. A listing of pamphlets produced by American Home followed the
periodicals.46 Each provided the reader with additional information on a specific topic
Draper covered in her text.
The second portion of Draper's bibliography, "Practical Correspondence
Courses," directed individuals interested in pursuing a career in interior design to the
appropriate program. She only mentioned three. The first, published by the New York
School of Interior Decoration, focused on furniture arrangement and the prerequisite
knowledge of period furniture in twenty-six lessons. The "Practical Home Study Course
in Interior Decoration," edited by Arts and Decoration, also emphasized historic styles
and periods and included six lessons covering modern decoration. The final
correspondence course was of little surprise, "Successful Modern Living," by Dorothy
Draper.47 Conspicuously missing from her bibliography was any mention of formal
schooling. Draper stood behind her belief that successful decorating was not tied to
education or training.
46
The American Home pamphlets included a wide range of topics including information
on period furniture, house plans, smart interiors, and present day architecture, as well as
do-it-yourself manuals on slip covers and draperies and general handy man books.
47
The title of the course as originally published was 'Learn to Live.' Draper change the
name for the bibliography perhaps as an attempt to reinvigorate the course.
193
The remainder of her bibliography was a "short list of books that [she] found
useful." (See Appendix C) In characteristic patriotic fashion, Draper organized the
bibliography by country, with American work having the most entries at ten. She
mentioned only four contemporaries, only one of whom was an interior decorator. The
first was Frank Lloyd Wright, whom she notes has "led the way in all the postwar
European architectural developments."48 While she referred to him as a "genius," Draper
criticized his interior treatments noting that she did not always agree with them.49 The
second entry, Space for Living: Creative Interior Decoration and Design (1938), from
architect and furniture designer, Paul Frankl (1886-1958) offered information on modern
furniture and decorative backgrounds. Relative to modern architecture, Draper listed Le
Corbusier's (1887-1965) Towards a New Architecture (1927) in order to inform the
reader about "functional" architecture. The only decorator Draper mentioned was Nancy
McClelland. Draper described Historic Wallpapers as the "standard work ... [and] an
invaluable book."50 The profession, in general, respected McClelland's publication
highly.
Aside from the United States, the complement of this section consisted of eight
English entries, seven French, and eight from other countries including Holland, Sweden,
Spain, Italy, Bermuda and Germany. The criterion for many of these selections was the
48
Unlike the other three, Frank Lloyd Wright was not the author of the book. His was a
monograph. "Monograph on the Work of Frank Lloyd Wright" in The Architectural
Forum (January 1938): 236-237. Draper went on to offer a critique by stating that she did
not always "agree with his interior treatments."
49
Ibid., 237.
50
Ibid., 240.
194
presence of clear, well measured plans and drawings so a client could be more specific in
communicating with an architect through the images prior to building. Other books in
Draper's bibliography focused on periods of furniture, a concession on Draper's part to
the traditional interests of American clients. The final heading, "Special Subjects,"
addressed accessories. Draper mentioned McClelland's text in this category.
Decorating Is Fun! was not groundbreaking in its structure or content. The text
did, however, reveal Draper's communicative approach to her readership and her style.
Her tone was confident, assertive, and at times, critical, but never toward the reader. The
authority with which she spoke seemed to emanate more from a knowledgeable friend
who told stories of her travels, and less from a high-powered professional. She
demystified taste by offering numerous design solutions for each room. She empowered
women to embrace their own style and make modest, informed changes to their interiors
as a means of expressing themselves and their family. Her own stylistic suggestions
created a gender neutral space that was optimistic, livable, and modern—in the sense that
she was not a proponent of period rooms. Draper's Decorating Is Fun! did not attempt to
restrict or devalue her readership's perception of taste or desire to decorate. She
encouraged decoration as a means to a better life.
Decorating Is Fun! was an alternative to the otherwise formal decorating books
that preceded it. Draper's publication did not speak of history as dictating design
method, and it alleviated social pressures manifested by fashion and fad. She wrote for an
audience more diverse, and in many instances, less educated than readers of previous
books. With the booming success of her business and Decorating Is Fun!, her follow-up
195
publication, Entertaining Is Fun, was perhaps unexpected, but it certainly confirmed to
the public her beliefs in the significance of living well.
Entertaining Is Fun: How to Be a Popular Hostess (1941)
In 1941, two years after she published Decorating Is Fun!, Draper authored her
second book, Entertaining Is Fun. She focused, to a large extent, on how to prepare
one's individual home for company. Her suggestions possessed an underlying theatrical
quality. The decor was often temporary and strictly for show, constructed for a specific
audience, and meant to create a unique atmosphere to suit the intended occasion. The
home became a setting for "social theater," which implied a connection between that
which is private (home) and that which is public (social theater/entertaining).51
Draper wished to elevate middle-class Americans to a seemingly higher social
level by introducing to them the customs of the upper class. She devised numerous ways
to successfully entertain without an excessive price tag. But, many decorating books
proscribed the appropriate rules of social interaction. The years after the Civil War
witnessed a dramatic increase in etiquette books that redefined manners as an art with
endless rules and regulations for every scenario. Through the 1910s and 1920s, social
values changed dramatically. According to Arthur Schlesinger, "the postwar deterioration
of public morals coincided with a laxer attitude toward private morals and manners."52
Authors of etiquette books adopted the change with various levels of enthusiasm. Lillian
51
Witold Rybczynski provided the quote, "the home is above all a setting for social
theater." See Witold Rybczynski's Home: A Short History of an Idea (New York: Viking,
1987): 45.
Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 50.

Eichler's (b. 1902) The Customs of Mankind (1924) challenged the stilted formalities of
the 19th century. Emily Post, a member of that "stilted class," was persuaded less easily.
Her approach changed nominally between the 1922 and 1927 edition, but she did admit
that each generation possessed the right to define its own social law. By the time Draper
published Entertaining Is Fun, the rigidity of 19th century manners had passed. Draper
attempted to separate herself even further from past authors by stating that Eichler, Post,
and even Elsie de Wolfe proposed rules governed by the "Gilt and Tinsel Era" of the
early 1900s.53 Draper sat on the opposite pole of the continuum from Post, but certainly
was not the only author claiming the need for more relaxed interaction.
Draper knew that post-WWI Americans were different from their predecessors
and that the generation of her readers "live[d] more simply and would rather do things on
their own."54 Draper responded by communicating her information in an accessible and
friendly tone and structure, much like Decorating Is Fun! She scoffed at the rich hostess
who produced a grand party in which professionals provided the entertainment, not the
guests. These events felt impersonal, as everyone at the party appeared to be pawns in a
strictly choreographed event that had little spontaneous social interaction. In a
characteristically democratic proclamation, Draper emphatically stated that it was not
what you had, but what you were that was important when planning for a social occasion.
Dorothy Draper, Entertaining Is Fun (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company,
1941): 203. Draper used the term "Gilt & Tinsel Era" as a derogatory phrase for the
excesses of the Gilded Age.
54
Ibid.
The differences in the texts by Draper and Post demonstrated two distinctly
opposing viewpoints of etiquette from two women from the same generation, same class,
and even the same community—Tuxedo Park. Post advocates the perpetuation of
traditional values, while Draper embraces more modern values. The differences began
with their perceived audiences. For example, when considering whom to invite, Emily
Post identified the guests by creating obviously fictitious names: the "Oldworlds,
Eminents, Learneds, Wellborns, Highbrows, and Onceweres."55 Arrogant and judgmental
in tone, Post appeared unsympathetic to a middle-class hostess with middle-class friends.
The hierarchical list of characters issued by Post stood in distinct contrast to Draper's
unpretentious list: "May and Preston, Marjorie and Fair, Gladys and Henry."56 In fact,
these were likely Draper's actual friends: May and Preston Davie, and Marjorie and Fair
Osborn. The relationship of the list to the entire text provided further insight. Implying
the importance of the event as a social gathering of friends, Draper's list was on page ten.
By contrast, Post buried the reader in the numerous possibilities of failure before
discussing the guest list on page 178. Draper emphasized the experience while Post
emphasized form. Draper's reaction against the strict, exclusive formality dictated by
etiquette made her publication, Entertaining Is Fun, unique in its sensitivity to and
accessibility by the American middle class.
Draper delved into the issue of class in the first page of the book. She identified
her audience by separating those with a "will to be dreary" and those who wished to
55
Post, Etiquette, 178.
Draper, Entertaining Is Fun, 10.

198
make living fun. She knew that her readership was the latter. Her goal was to debunk the
"ridiculous pomposity" that surrounded the word 'entertaining,' especially its connotation
of money. A deep wallet was not a prerequisite for good times nor was a big house, a
staff of servants, professional entertainers, or a luxurious setting. A hostess need only
expect to have a good time, friendly guests, plenty of delicious food, and some elements
of "unexpectedness." After providing preliminary information on the hostess, her guest
list, and the setting of the stage, Draper began her more detailed discussion beginning,
not surprisingly, with the home.
For Draper, the entry sequence originated with the first view of the home (Chapter
2). With a manicured lawn and house, the hostesses had set the context of a clean and
pleasant environment. Draper advised her readers to think about their window draperies
from the outside as well as the inside.57 Through the windows, the interior
communicated an inviting destination and avoided being an introspective box that
shunned the public. If in a suburban neighborhood, the condition of exposing the private
realm of the individual through glass openings implied constant invitation and trust
between the community members. Thus, Draper viewed the windows as a method of
communication from the interior of the house to the street.
As the guests approached the brightly colored front door, they encountered a large
scale, polished brass knocker, a prelude to the unique experience of the interior. For
Draper, this was the crucial point of departure and arrival. Here, the door acted as a
portal to 'another' place. Passing over the threshold, guests left the doldrums and
57
Ibid, 24.
responsibilities of the real world behind and became engulfed in a visually and
psychologically stimulating environment. Quickly forgotten, the urban context yielded to
color that seized the senses and light that enhanced the atmosphere. To alleviate the
grayness of the city with all of its complexity and crowds, Draper provided strict
guidelines regarding light. The entry hall was to be the brightest and most welcoming.
Draper advised against dark, cavernous spaces. In the conversational areas, lamps lined
with a pale pink fabric, acted much like a gel in stage design, to improve the relationship
between the warm colors of the face with that of the emitted light. In other areas, one in
every three sockets in a single lamp or fixture housed a blue daylight bulb, similar to
those used in a jeweler's case, which "all women look[ed] well in."
The only exception to any of the above rules occurred during a sit-down dinner.
Draper advised her readers to "spot the dining table and leave the rest in shadow [not
darkness] so as to add to a more spirited conversation." With the room in shadows, the
larger environment did not distract the guests, allowing them to stay focused on the
people at the table. This seemed to contradict the advice she gave in Decorating Is Fun!
In her first book, she warned of harsh lighting that would affect the diners' appearance
adversely. Her second book advised spotting the table. Draper may have intended that
the light source be candlelight; nonetheless, her choice of words was confusing.
Consistent with her approach in Decorating Is Fun!, Draper manipulated furniture
freely. Golden oak chairs—likely Arts and Crafts—might be painted black, while the
interior of a fireplace might be stark white, not the most practical of solutions. She cut
off the legs of tables to enhance comfort, bringing the surface of the table to the
200
appropriate height, just below the seat cushions of a sofa for a coffee table, or just below
the arms of a side chair for an end table. Chinese vases rested on colonial tables painted
white, next to firmly stuffed chairs with large scale floral patterns. While Draper used
historical forms, she eliminated their traditional, hierarchical associations, to create a
socially equal environment for the visitors. Draper criticized interiors with single historic
themes, or those filled with nothing but personal antiques. She stated that people would
get "neurosis or something if [they] lived with nothing but memories."58 Draper's
comment challenged conservative values of nostalgia in favor of the more modern idea
for embracing and living in the present. The discussion of neuroses also ties, once again,
her design philosophy to psychology.
As in her previous book, Draper advised that the interior was to be immaculate
but not sterile. Her sensitivity to the associations of home, relative to comfort and
familiarity, brought forth her acceptance of the "intimate litter of living."59 Board games,
a crocheting basket with brightly colored yarns and needles, and specifically chosen
magazines carefully dispersed throughout the interior, maintained the integrity and
character of any home as a venue for the private and individual activities shared by a
family. Traces of human presence were crucial to her schema. However, the readers
likely purchased these items as "stage props," thus producing a false facade to the guests.
The inaccurate portrayal of home life reflected Draper's childhood in a couple of ways.
First, the idea of "intimate litter" was an example of the conflict between Draper's upper-
58
Ibid, 109.
59
Ibid, 26.
201
class childhood and her new democratic idealism. Sizable staffs attended feverishly to all
of the houses in Tuxedo Park in the event of unexpected guests. Litter did not exist, yet
Draper recognized and embraced the importance of those objects that defined the middle-
class lifestyle. Second, the social mask was a necessary device for the upper class.
Reserved behavior with minimal spontaneous reactions to events maintained the
prescribed civil deportment of this social group. Draper inadvertently educated the
middle class on the power of object symbolism, a modified version of Veblen's
conspicuous consumption not for displaying wealth, but for displaying evidence of a
good life.
Draper viewed the living room as the space where one "welded all the diverse and
separate individuals in the theater seats into a whole - into an audience, much like a stage
director."60 Draper's theory of "unified diversity" resembled her design method and
selection of furnishings, thereby creating a consistency between social interaction
(entertaining) and visual symbolism (decorating). She achieved a space conducive for
conversation through her space-planning and her understanding of human behavioral
patterns. Sensitive to the variety of activities during a social occasion, she created
numerous small conversational units that together formed the whole. What was
impressive about this arrangement was the lack of hierarchy. None of the guests found
themselves pushed into a space detached or excluded from the main social area. Draper
melded intimate and public space allowing the guests to have equal importance. There
were never any Mr. and Mrs. Onceweres or Eminents at a Dorothy Draper party.
60
Ibid, 22.
202
Draper was sure to address color with great conviction and enthusiasm. She
anchored her emphasis on color with psychology as opposed to aesthetics. People needed
color in the same manner as they needed sunshine, fresh air, food, and water. Drab,
colorless surroundings depleted human energy. Schemes of turquoise blue and pink,
Chinese yellow and charcoal gray, fell a distant second to her two favorite colors,
American Beauty Red and "Draper Green," a constant reminder of her annual Christmas
Party. The overall effect of most of Draper's spaces, as suggested in her book, was
glamorous, but not pretentious. She believed in "simplicity with a flair," acknowledging
her readers' resources.61
In Chapter 3, "What Kind of Entertaining Suits You," Draper required her readers
to consider what type of parties they preferred. From the very romantic idea of
celebrating a lush snowfall to the more sports-oriented first game of the season, Draper
left no opportunity behind. She revealed her own preference for galas. These events
called for music and dancing at the beginning of autumn shortly after everyone had
returned from vacation wearing their newest attire, and filled with stories aplenty to tell—
strikingly similar to Tuxedo Park's Autumn Ball. The major advice was for the hostess to
be unique in her presentation. For one of her own legendary Christmas parties, Draper
recreated a Tyrolean fete she had experienced in Austria. The "unexpected" theme and
events charmed guests as Draper asked them to come in costume and some even
performed skits for the other guests' enjoyment. Such reverie and good spirit were classic
traits of a Draper party.
61
Ibid, 141.
203
Draper assigned the following chapters to specific types of events: informal
entertaining, dinner parties, family gatherings, special occasions, weekend retreats, and
entertaining outdoors. Each of the chapters presented the same basic message, "enjoy
yourself." For Draper, if the hostess were able to partake and enjoy the party, then
everyone else would as well. However, Draper diverted her focus back to decorating in
the chapter titled, "If You Haven't A Home." In this section she emphasized that the
reader did not have to have a home in the traditional sense. She went so far as to include
single rented rooms, trailers, and a ship's cabin as examples of spaces that wives could
make into a home. Draper focused on the application of color, decorative accessories, and
the efficient use of space.
Draper examined close, personal relationships in her next two chapters. Moving
away from entertaining groups, Draper focused on marriage and friends. "Entertaining
Your Husband" was more of a "How to Keep Your Husband" chapter, revealing Draper's
romantic visions of the perfect marriage. She began with an anecdote regarding a "full-
bodied" taxi driver who spoke with great enthusiasm about his and his wife's wonderful
life. Draper analyzed their interaction coming up with the following points for a
successful marriage: wives needed to feed their husbands well, consider their comforts
and taste, and amuse them. Her sarcastic tone with a twist of humor led off the first point.
She titled the section "Feed the Brute." The section focused on the opposing perceptions
between husband and wife regarding the type of food served to family members versus
guests. The wife often took the stance of spending a great deal of time and energy
preparing food for events, while the husband believed the family should benefit from
204
such energy. Draper navigated through the psychological dispute to understand that the
husband perceived the meal as an opportunity for the wife to display her commitment and
love. In recognition of the marriage and the current gender roles, Draper framed the
solution by encouraging the wife to prepare meals as if she were entertaining for two. She
further steeped the solution in romanticism by advising the wife to consider her "guest"
as a man who was not yet her husband. The fantasy role-playing implied returning to a
time that may have been more exciting, stimulating, or thrilling for the wife when love
was new and strong. This encouraged women to spend more time preparing and
executing the meal and all of its accoutrements. Even though the approach seemed to
support traditional gender roles, Draper provided mental games for women to distract
them from their potentially unsatisfying domestic lives.
As Draper continued through this chapter, however, the role of women became
distinctly more traditional. Under sections addressing comfort, laughing together, playing
together, and hobbies, Draper believed that women should adapt to their husbands as
opposed to pursuing their own interests. Wives should take up one of the sports of the
husband (e.g., golf) or consider adopting a hobby that could dovetail with interests of the
husband's hobby. For example, if he were interested in carpentry, then she should
consider developing an interest in period furniture. Draper's intent was to provide
additional opportunities for the husband and wife to interact when both were spending
time at home, instead of retreating to different parts of the home to pursue unshared
interests during precious weekend and evening hours. While the paradigm was traditional
205
relative to gender roles, the housewife would be more satisfied when spending time with
her husband, instead of being alone in the kitchen.
The chapter ends with Draper's description of the "dream husband." She
described him as attentive, romantic, courteous, and caring. He was everything any
woman would desire in a husband. At the moment when Draper appeared to assign some
responsibility to the husbands in the building of a perfect marriage, however, she turned
around and placed it all on the wives. Their actions were responsible for reviving the
romantic he must have been when they married. Draper stated emphatically that the fate
of the marriage was "her job." 62 Entertaining the husband was so important to Draper that
she even suggested it should be included in the wedding vows. In this chapter, Draper
revealed her most traditional views. It was unclear why. Her statements may have
reflected a delicate hierarchy in married life. The marriage, which required the husband,
was paramount. If the marriage was stable, then Draper encouraged the wife to find more
personal forms of self expression and satisfaction.
Draper stated succinctly that "the greatest art of all is the art of living."63 In this
statement she intertwined the design of the environment with the manner in which one
lived and interacted with others. She wrapped her philosophy in her typical romantic
visions, which she passed on to the middle-class housewife. Her endeavor to improve the
lives of her readership was based on a support of marriage first and self realization
second. Draper had no intention of liberating women completely from the home. In fact,
62
Ibid., 200.
63
Ibid, 213.
Draper drew her advice from experiences that did not allow married women to be career
women. Just prior to the release of Entertaining Is Fun, Janet Flanner quoted Draper as
saying "There are two types of women, those who are happily married and those who are
decorators."64 Draper's self-actualization as a modern women and her own traditional
upbringing clashed in her advice books. She represented the conflicted views of many
women across the United States struggling to engage a modern way of life for a
generation raised on conservative values.
Director of Good Housekeeping's Studio for Living
Entertaining Is Fun hit the market in the Spring of 1941. By the end of the year,
middle-class America was reading Draper's advice monthly in Good Housekeeping.
William Randolph Hearst, an American newspaper magnate, proposed Draper for the
directorship of Good Housekeeping's "Studio for Living."65 The position offered Draper
a platform to disseminate her personal design philosophy, but more importantly allowed
her a venue to become active in solving the numerous housing issues caused by World
War II. Draper's participation in Good Housekeeping's Victory Campaign set her apart
from most decorators who either continued their work with the idle rich or had to close

65
Draper expanded her media coverage in 1941 to include radio with her show "Lines
About Living." During the war years, radio became one of the major modes of
communication to receive up-to-date information about the war. Because of her
successful commercial business, Draper did not need the middle class as an income;
therefore, she was able to direct her attention to the current needs of the population. This
likely aggravated other interior design professionals, who knew Draper focused
predominantly on commercial commissions and, yet, she had one of the most successful
relationships with an otherwise domestic clientele.
207
their doors due to a lack of business. Draper maintained a direct line of communication
with the middle-class throughout the war, suggesting ways in which the home could
improve morale, as well as offer solutions about the housing shortage.
Good Housekeeping flaunted their new director. A large image of Draper
fronted the November 1941 "Studio for Living" section. Her signature and two large,
cabbage roses framed the page. Draper announced her philosophy in bold letters—"HOW
TO LIVE - and love it!" She delivered her opening statement with optimism and an
unabashed delight in being a woman. In the Thanksgiving issue Draper listed what she
was thankful for during the holiday season. She began with romantic visions of the home:
petunia-red curtains, sunshine streaming through Venetian blinds, and dark red roses
blooming all winter on the white chintz background of a slipcover. Draper expanded her
list to include laughter, friends, English muffins, the wind in the trees, stars, open fires,
and health. However, Draper's final, and perhaps most passionate statement addressed an
entirely different topic. "I'm thankful... that I'm an American woman, free to come and
go and work and love as I please."67 This statement of conviction resonated with
American women, not because it told them what they had to do, but that they had a
choice.
Helen Koues was the previous Director of Good Housekeeping's "Studio for Living."
Her last issue was July. The next three issues (August, September, October) reached the
public without an identified director.
67
Dorothy Draper, "How to Live - and Love It!" Good Housekeeping (November 1941):
207.
208
Having set the tone of her writing, Draper revealed her three main criteria for her
articles to come. First, interiors were to be cheerful, comfortable, secure, and fresh with
lovely clear color. Second, large budgets were not required to achieve these interiors.
Finally, she demanded that her readers forget stuffy rules of etiquette. Each of these
tenets was consistent with Draper's other writings. Draper further enhanced the casual
environment she was communicating by stating that she hoped that before long her new
readership would view her as a friend. Though many other decorators' wrote articles for
shelter magazines, none offered such a familiar relationship with their readership. The
emotional stress caused by the war produced a need for support groups, which began
forming all across the nation.68 The masses went in search of a sympathetic ear to
combat the growing sense of depression. Psychologically, Draper filled a unique niche as
a leader and a confidante by coming into the home. The other decorators and designers
maintained an expert/consumer relationship with the reader. Draper did not follow this
path and, consequently, became the voice of the interior design and decorating profession
for the middle-class American housewife. Draper believed everyone had a duty, a
responsibility, during the war; to retreat and hibernate was unacceptable.
Draper's first two issues included content very similar to both of her earlier
publications. The audience was the same and Draper was steadfast in her philosophy.
However, a week following the release of the December issue, the United States declared
war on Germany and Japan after the unexpected attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7,
D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America (Massachusetts: Harvard University

Press, 1984): 5.
209
1941. Though united in its demand for a response, the country's emotions ran high as
thousands of American men prepared for war. All forms of media reacted to the war at
some level.69 Good Housekeeping responded to the crisis by creating the Victory
Campaign in which articles attempted to support morale and the war effort. Draper's
"Studio for Living" demonstrated how interior design and decoration was relevant in the
effort. The large roses from her debut page layout gave way to a large American eagle
grasping an old scroll, symbolic of the Declaration of Independence. A star-studded
ribbon framed the text. Much like her other opening statements, Draper was impassioned.
Here's a brand new year, and it's time that we, the women
of the United States, resolved—in times none too
auspicious—to make our homes so cheerful and pretty that
not only our own families but the chance passerby will
draw courage from the sight of them ... Morale is in your
hands. So let's stop dreaming and begin doing. Let's reach
out in the independent way that is our birthright. Let's be
daring, courageous, and unregimented at home, reflecting
69
Previous books and articles have credited Dorothy Draper with a quote in the New York
Times regarding the necessity of covering the city's estimated seven square miles of
windows due to fear of air raids. The advice suggested that stenciled or painted opaque
roller shades could be inserted between the Venetian blinds and the windows. She warned
that "one tiny window left unblackened would be all the Luftwaffe needed for a perfect
target. "Blackout material on Everyone's List" in The New York Times (Tuesday,
December 16, 1941): 39. Events Today Section, vol. xci, no. 30,642. However, this was
not Dorothy Draper, it was Elizabeth Draper, the new Mrs. George Draper, President of
Studio for Interiors at 785 Madison Ave.
in every inward and outward aspect the free spirit of our
country.70
Draper utilized the home as an icon of American pride. The well-kept condition of the
home suggested a degree of normalcy during an otherwise extraordinary time in
American history. In addition, the house offered the opportunity to distract the American
people from the horrors of war by gazing upon the object of the American dream, the
home.
Draper also addressed the issue of defense housing. She spoke with President and
Mrs. Roosevelt about her concern with the drab interiors that accompanied these homes.71
Even though the Roosevelts forwarded Draper's name to the appropriate divisions, the
Dorothy Draper, "Let's Get Started!" Good Housekeeping, January, 1942, 105.
71
Draper's first mention of this topic occurred in a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt. (Letter
from Dorothy Draper to Eleanor Roosevelt, January 17, 1941.) Eleanor Roosevelt
Archives, Box 738. Draper was disappointed that the government agencies did not find a
use for her. She stated this fact to Eleanor, but confirmed her ability to pursue her
interests as Director of Good Housekeeping's "Studio for Living." (Letter from Dorothy
Draper to Eleanor Roosevelt, November 15, 1941. Eleanor Roosevelt Archives, Box
738.) In an unexpected turn of events, Eleanor Roosevelt began receiving additional
letters from Mrs. George Draper on the same issue regarding defense housing. However,
this was Elizabeth Draper, Dr. George Draper's new wife, another decorator. Since
George Draper was one of Franklin's personal physicians, the request could not be
ignored. Eleanor, however, conspicuously had her secretary respond by suggesting that
Elizabeth contact Mr. John Blandford, administrator at the Federal Housing Act. (Letter
from Eleanor Roosevelt to Mrs. George Draper, April 30, 1942. Eleanor Roosevelt
Archives, Box 761, George Draper folder.) Eleanor sent a preliminary letter to Mr.
Blandford introducing him to Mrs. Draper. Elizabeth received the same letter.
Immediately following the introductory letter, Eleanor sent a less official letter to Mr.
Blandford making clear that this was not THE Dorothy Draper. Though Eleanor assisted
Dr. Draper's wife, her actions demonstrated a clear preference for her long time friend,
Dorothy.
211
government did not utilize her talents. Not to be deterred, Draper used her position at
Good Housekeeping to address the issue. In collaboration with Burnsford Homes Inc.,
Draper's team accepted the task of decorating a typical 500 square foot defense house in
Bridgeport, Connecticut for about $900.72 Draper clarified that her team selected products
based on quality and price. The house contained two bedrooms, one bathroom, and one
large room that included the living room, kitchen and dining area in an open plan. The
magazine broke down the budget for each room. Draper added a finished attic as an
option, but this was not in the original budget.
Draper's budget included four rooms: living room, dining room, and two
bedrooms. The builder provided the cabinetry and appliances in the kitchen, the
necessary fixtures for the bathroom as well as the wallpaper within the base price of the
$5000 house. Of the other rooms, the living room received the lion's share of the budget
($257.19) with an additional $183.82 for the attached dining area. The bedrooms totaled
$489.62. Draper spent almost equal amounts on the public spaces and the private spaces
suggesting equal importance on all areas of the home. She delegated the majority of her
budget on furnishings followed by textiles (rugs and curtains), lamps, and accessories.
The style of furnishings was a mixture of traditional ladder-back chairs and modern
upholstered pieces in front of walls canvassed with stripes or large floral bouquets in a
diaper pattern. Ample, flexible seating supported Draper's prioritization of entertainment
in the living room, and the bedroom was a lush, romantic space. Of particular note was
Dorothy Draper, "We Decorate a Defense House," Good Housekeeping, April, 1942,
147-152.
212
the overall fullness of the space, invoking a distinct Victorian quality. Draper shunned
modern minimalism to hearken back to more traditional concepts of luxury and good
living.
Draper addressed the displaced American throughout her tenure as the director of
the Studio for Living in the same fashion. In 1942 Draper offered solutions for the
newlyweds who "knew traditional home life was not in their stars." Three million
Americans followed government and industrial defense jobs around the nation, settling in
hotels. In these cases, the war environment forced countless Americans to live detached
from the home. Draper provided advice on how to pack one additional trunk. The
personalization of the space included bedcovers, curtains, silver tea set and a
backgammon board. Other than the convenience and luxuries of home, Draper also
included a photograph album to ground the couple's space with memories. By utilizing
the familiar objects of home that evoked a multiplicity of favorable meanings, the new
wife could turn temporary housing into a warmer, more inviting, and psychologically
secure atmosphere.
Draper maintained her focus on newlyweds in the May edition of Good
Housekeeping. With restricted funds, Americans settled for one-room apartments. Draper
provided the experiences of one of her readers who managed to furnish her new home for
just over $500.74 The purchasing strategy was similar to that of Draper's for the defense
73
Dorothy Draper, "How to Live in a Trunk," Good Housekeeping, January, 1942, 107.
74
Dorothy Draper, "Here Comes the Bride," Good Housekeeping, May, 1942, 86-87.
Draper revisited this topic in "The One-Room Apartment," Good Housekeeping, May
1943, 180-181.
house. Similar articles appeared in future issues, including situations where Americans
had to move to lower income housing to save money on rent. Draper's "$12 a Month
Rent Leaves Money to Enjoy Life" admitted that the new tenant had to sacrifice certain
luxuries and services.75 The advantage, however, was the peace of mind provided by a
lower rent payment and the ability, once again, to pursue certain interests that her
previous budget did not allow. In this instance, Draper communicated to her readership
the significance of pursuing interests that distracted from the worries and tragedies of
war. She espoused the value of escapism.
Not uncommon for a romanticist, Draper continued to promote escapist ideals
during the war and, due to the financial situation for most Americans, the home was the
element that could be manipulated. In her article, "Wartime Vacation at Home," Draper
transformed the home into an island getaway.76 To enhance the idea of a tropical locale,
she told her readers to paint their wicker furniture white, add a shadow box with summer
plants, and incorporate brightly colored pillows on the sofa. The power of the interior
with its ability to surround the human experience and provide a context was the perfect
mechanism for distracting individuals from the atrocities of war. Even more so than the
burgeoning movie industry, interiors became a much needed escape for the human
psyche. Draper helped deliver that message directly into the middle-class home.
Dorothy Draper, "$12 a Month Rent Leaves Money to Enjoy Life," Good
Housekeeping, October, 1942, 103-107.
76
Dorothy Draper, "Wartime Vacation at Home," Good Housekeeping, July, 1943, 151.
Draper also published a series that catered to war brides during 1944.
Beginning with the January issue, the first often, Draper walked the war bride through
the entire process from announcing the engagement to showers, the wedding day, and the
furnishing of the new home. The "American Bride" series included ten installments.
Draper's section in Good Housekeeping was conspicuously absent in the March issue,
causing the series to end in November. The magazine published a series of pamphlets
under the same name, which could be purchased by the consumer.78 Having dreamed of a
fairy-tale marriage, which ended in divorce, Draper's empathy revealed her own faith in
the institution of marriage, even under such stressful conditions as the war.
Women played a crucial role in the war effort. Some joined the armed services,
some went to work in factories, and some stayed at home to watch after the children. For
those on the home front, Draper championed the home as a symbol of American morale
and an opportunity to provide a much needed escape from the realities of war.
Housewives were to be motivated not only by pleasing their husbands, but also by
keeping themselves productive and mentally, physically, and emotionally attached to the
home environment. Draper's strategy to negotiate the seemingly divergent concepts of
77
In 1944, Draper created a series often issues on the American Bride addressing
everything from how to announce the engagement to the decoration of the newlywed's
home. The series began in January and concluded in November. The Studio for Living
was not included in the March issue for reasons unknown. Draper may have been called
down to Petropolis, Brazil for her newest project, the Quitandinha Hotel and Resort.
78
The American Bride series was conceived under the directorship of Draper. However,
other pamphlet series, such as "Ideas You'd Pay a Decorator For," had earlier origins.
Good Housekeeping published these one page features written by Reuben Whitney. See
Good Housekeeping, February 1941, 180 and May 1941, 154. The magazine did not
publish the supplemental pamphlet until Draper's term.
215
economics and taste resonated with a middle class that still dreamed of living a better life.
Draper explained how to stretch a limited budget successfully to its most productive and
creative extreme, creating a luxurious mystique for the American housewife.
Draper accomplished, in a time when most firms closed their doors or remained
loyal only to their upper-class residential clients, a difficult task: that of tapping a new
source of income from a clientele—the middle class—that decorators had long ignored.
Draper demonstrated the value of the popular magazine as a mode of communication
between the interior decorator and the middle class. At the conclusion of the war, other
designers became more attentive to the middle class, as Americans continued to cash in
their war bonds and to seek the advice of the interior decorator. In addition, many in the
interior design profession realized the power of popular residential design magazines,
such as House Beautiful, Homes and Gardens, and Interiors as the public devoured
gratefully the flood of design advice in search of a diversion. These publications
flourished in the aftermath with designers competing aggressively to communicate
directly to middle-class America. Having pioneered the effort, Draper was soon the most
recognizable name in the profession.
Draper's literary efforts were unmatched by any of her contemporaries. She
communicated directly with the largest portion of American society, the middle class.
She wrote for two of the most popular shelter magazines, Good Housekeeping and House
& Garden. Her two advice books, Decorating Is Fun! and Entertaining Is Fun, reached
thousands more. For those who could not afford the magazine, Draper communicated via
"Ask Dorothy Draper" in the Journal America and her radio show "Lines about Living."
216
Her work during the 1930s and 1940s made her a household name. Though her amount of
writing diminished in the following decades, she released one more book in 1965 with
the help of her long time friend and ghostwriter, Bosco Cass Noll. Draper was steadfast
in her approach to design and 365 Shortcuts to Home Decoration proved that point even
further.79 At a time when the middle class demonstrated less concern with good taste and
appropriate etiquette and more with social revolutions, Draper maintained her values of
taste and decorum.
Draper's expeditions into the literary realm created a mutually beneficial
relationship between the author and her readership. American middle-class women
gained a new ally in the often confined domestic realm. Draper was a casual friend who
spoke candidly to them about all manner of issues from the decoration and upkeep of the
home to the entertaining of friends and family. Perhaps more importantly was the
continuous underlying message to celebrate their womanhood. Draper may not have been
the most outspoken feminist at mid-century, not by far. However, in her own way, as a
conscientious woman with a privileged background and a failed marriage, Draper
encouraged women to have a choice. They could choose a life in the domestic or public
sphere. The point was to be happy and to lead a life surrounded by good friends and love.
During a time dominated by depression, war, and women's fluctuating place in society,
Draper reinforced the significance of women's cultural presence.
Dorothy Draper, 365 Shortcuts to Home Decoration (New York: Dodd, Mead &
Company, 1965).
217
The benefits for Draper differed from those of her readership. She had already
achieved the life she preached. Draper received some satisfaction in spreading her
message, but her articles were not communicating with her direct clients, the
businessmen, and real estate developers. Draper marketed herself shrewdly so that her
clients' eventual customers would respond to the advertisements that touted Draper as the
designer for the project. She created a name for herself in middle America that, in fact,
supported her public projects. The strategy was highly effective. Draper's name was on
everyone's lips. She proved her value to the middle class through her constant
communication, but her successful projects proved her worth to rich businessmen. These
projects positioned these two classes in an intimate, albeit implicit, relationship. This was
a relationship that Draper guided, enhanced, and even exploited. Through her works,
Draper collapsed the social divide that decoration and design had long supported.
CHAPTER 5
DESIGN: A MULTIDISCIPLINARY IMPERATIVE
With the creation of the Architectural Clearing House in 1925, Draper was ready
for business. Over the next fifteen years, she would develop her signature style, change
drastically her clients and the manner in which she would relate to them, produce design
innovations, advance design business practices, and conquer the social pressures of
divorce. Draper would become a pioneer in an industry, interior decoration, with which
she never quite identified. This was evident in the titles she used as a professional: home
stylist, practical artist, real estate stylist, interior merchandiser, promotional stylist, and
interior designer. Reporters sometimes referred to her as a decorator in order to assist
their readers in understanding, at least to some degree, what she did, but Draper saw
herself as something else. Janet Flanner recognized Draper's difference in 1941
describing her as "brisk, iconoclastic, eclectic, inventive, unapologetic, and successful."1
Flanner's observation foreshadowed the significance of Draper's life and body of work to
the profession of interior design and society-at-large.
Draper's design aesthetic went through four distinct phases. As much as she
claimed to be free of historical dictates, Draper's first interactions with the built
environment dealt almost solely with period styles as upper-class homes continued to
look to Europe for inspiration. This phase occurred exclusively during the existence of
the Architectural Clearing House (ca. 1925-1930). Draper's second phase was equally
unexpected and just as short as the previous. During the early part of the 1930s, she
experimented with more modern expressions. From the Art Deco inspired lobby at the
1
219
Carlyle Hotel (New York City, 1930) to the distinctly modern aesthetic of the National
Junior League Headquarters (New York City, c. 1929), Draper explored various
interpretations of modernism. She abandoned the residential projects that had established
her base reputation for public commissions that would only grow in size. With the
opening of the Hampshire House (1937), a 37-story apartment building bordering the
south side of New York City's Central Park, Draper entered her third phase and unveiled
her unique style that blended historical references with modern spaces, canvassed in a
color palette of optimism. This phase defined her style and dominated her projects until
the 1950s. The final phase was a return to modernism—the second, softer modernism that
was sweeping the nation.
Draper's Romantic interiors of the 1930s and 1940s challenged the unyielding
advancement of modernism in public spaces. While homes across the United States
continued to celebrate the endless revival styles, the public realm succumbed more
quickly to the minimalism and austerity that defined the modern movement aesthetic.
Draper's passionate, colorful, dynamic interiors offered a different experience beginning
in a decade impoverished by economic tragedy. Even World War II did not hinder
Draper's unabated expression of optimism. Throughout her career, she remained true to
her own philosophy, one that she felt responsible to spread across the nation—"good
decorating equals good living."
2
The latter phase of modernism (1940 and 1960) is often described as "softer" due to the
prevalence of more organic lines in its products, a departure from the rigid geometry of
the German modernism.
3
"Good Decorating Equals Good Living in Dorothy Draper's Opinion," House &
220
Phase I: Revival Styles in Residential Projects (1925-1930)
Between 1925 and 1930, Draper worked predominantly with residential projects
as a mediator between the client and the architect. This diplomatic position in some ways
gave Draper the least amount of control over the project. She listened to the client's needs
and matched them with the appropriate architect.4 She based the pairing solely on stylistic
equivalencies. During the late 1920s, historic revivals remained the favored architectural
expression as wealthy Americans sought social validation within the walls of European-
inspired chateaux, villas, and castles. Once the client chose the style, Draper worked with
the architect to ensure a finished product that met the needs of the homeowner. Few
images of Draper's work from this period survived. However, the historically influenced
interior was evident even in her own home. The corner of a library revealed a heavily
paneled space with an upholstered chair. The interior possessed similar characteristics as
those used to describe one of her childhood homes in Tuxedo Park: paneling, hardwood
floors, and leaded glass windows. In other words, it was very English.
Draper also began working on larger scaled projects. She teamed with Hall
Pleasants Pennington (1888-1942), a New York architect who specialized in apartment
buildings, to create an "ideal home colony."5 The two professionals purchased 37 acres of
Garden (November 1952): 220.

4
Draper's fee structure for services at the Architectural Clearing House remains
unknown.
5
"Plans Ideal Home Colony," New York Times (March 3, 1927): Business Opportunities,
48. Hall Pleasants Pennington graduated from Princeton in 1910 before studying at the
Ecole de Beaux Arts in Paris. See "Hall Pennington: An Architect Here," New York
Times (April 3, 1942): Obituaries, 21.
221
land in Locust Valley, Long Island. The goal was to divide the property into two and four
acre plots with homes varying in size from the "three-bedroom with two maids' rooms"
to the "six-bedroom with four maids' rooms." Draper and Pennington wanted to
demonstrate how an ideal country place could be designed on a small piece of land
through the use of walled-in gardens and orchards. The report even suggested that Draper
and Pennington were going to build homes for themselves in this development. Whether
or not this actually happened, the endeavor indicated Draper's desire to create an "ideal"
community reminiscent of Tuxedo Park for a middle-class market, to work on larger
scaled projects, and to pursue creative ventures.6
Draper's experience with historic style and period revivals was short lived. Unlike
many of her peers, she veered away from formulaic period rooms in search of
opportunities for self expression. The move away from the traditional reinforced her
iconoclastic philosophy. Even though Draper grew up in a time and place defined by
revivals, she wished to explore designs that were more Romantic and optimistic. Her
move away from the historic drove her right into the arms of the modern movement. She
was an unlikely candidate to work in a modernist vocabulary.
Phase II: Experiments in Modernism (1928-1930)
National Junior League Headquarters (c. 1929)
As early as 1928, Draper expanded her repertoire both in content and style. She
accepted a commission to decorate the new National Headquarters for the Junior League
6
An announcement in the New York Times noted that Hall Pleasants Pennington leased
his residence on the Piping Rock Club property to Mr. Arthur H. Bunker for the summer.
See "Trading on Long Island," New York Times (May 11, 1931): Real Estate, 38.
222
in New York City. Located on the twenty-first and twenty-second floors of the Barbizon
Hotel at 140 East Sixty-third Street, the Junior League's new home introduced Draper to
a public commission.7 She stepped away from the familiarity of period revivals to explore
the aesthetics of modernism. Moving beyond the historically sanctioned conventions of
"taste," she adopted thoughtfully the Modern Movement as a style with specific criteria
that had recently evolved in Europe.
The aim of the organization was "to foster interest among their members in the
social, economic, educational, cultural and civic conditions in their own communities,
and to make efficient their volunteer service." Mary Harriman (1881-1934) founded the
first Junior League in New York City in 1901 at the age of 19. She developed the league,
in part, to participate in the Settlement House Movement, which offered social services to
the urban poor, spearheaded by women like Jane Addams (1860-1935). Her plan
involved raising funds for New York's College Settlement, where young women
(students and graduates) lived with immigrants to better understand their plight. The
league's Statement of Purpose stipulated "that each year's group of young women would
be organized to contribute to the community." Harriman saw no reason why her event
should exclude anyone from past years who wanted to assist in the future. This proviso
7
The Barbizon Hotel (1927) offered a safe haven for the women moving to the city in
order to take advantage of the numerous professional opportunities. The women-only
establishment acted as a form of transition space between the traditional "family values"
of their upbringing and the more progressive living in the city. The building did not
become co-ed until 1981.
8
New York Junior League, "History of the New York Junior League," retrieved on
September 14, 2008 fromhttp://www.nyjl.org/ny/npo.jsp?pg=aboutl.
223
encouraged women to continue to engage in volunteerism so prevalent amongst the
women of the upper class. Twenty years later, leagues had formed across the nation.
When the national headquarters was ready for redesign, Draper was glad to respond. She
likely received the commission due to ties back to Tuxedo Park. The Harriman's lived in
close proximity to the Tuckermans and the children often played together. The modern
styling of the headquarters was intended to represent the new modern woman, who in
1920 had won the right to vote.
Draper's finished design for the Junior League (figure 29) seemed to follow
closely the theories of one of the most influential architects of the Modern Movement, Le
Corbusier (1887-1965). In Towards a New Architecture (1927), Le Corbusier stated:
"Demand bare walls ... [and] built-in fittings to take the place of much of the furniture,
which is expensive to buy, takes up too much room, and needs looking after."9 Draper
maintained the above protocol rigorously and successfully. Stark white walls carried no
embellishment other than the protective lining of a baseboard, which rose quietly from
the black marble flooring. Molding was absent from the junction of wall and ceiling,
emphasizing the volume of the space over the architecture itself. Draper linked a large
portion of the furnishings into a single unit, recalling the modernist work of French
designer Eileen Gray (1878-1976). Two sofas faced each other, while being almost fully
circumscribed by a wrap-around bookcase of the same height. The effect once again was
the sculpting of space, a distinct trait of Le Corbusier's work.
9
Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, trans. Frederick Etchells (New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1970): 115.
Another feature of the interior was that the plan of the building proceeded from
'within to without.' In keeping with this dictum, Draper sunk a bookcase into the wall
approximately two feet above the floor. She then used the geometry of the bookcase as a
generator for the same sized indentation on the opposite exterior wall, penetrating the
thick outer structure revealed by a circular window. Below the window rested another
built-in for storage and additional seating. In a rather complex fashion, Draper then
visually tied together these two walls with the one they both shared by placing a window
in the same size indentation, directly above the wrap-around bookcase. Competently
handling all of the compositional rules of the Modern Movement, Draper created a
different elevation for each wall and yet still unified this non-classical arrangement.
Draper's exploration of the Modern Movement was worth noting in the history of
the interior design and decoration profession. The National Junior League Headquarters
preceded the Museum of Modern Art's show in 1931 on the Modern Movement, as well
as Henry-Russell Hitchcock (1903-1987) and Philip Johnson's (1906-2005) book, The
International Style, in 1932. How, then, did she become aware of modernist principles?
Draper stated that she traveled to Europe the summer of 1927 to study the work of
European artists and designers.10 Her travels may have exposed her to the work of Le
Corbusier. Later in her career she recognized his Towards A New Architecture (1923) in
her bibliography for Decorating Is Fun in 1939, suggesting an awareness of his design
theories and philosophies. Her ability to speak and read French, thanks to her governess,
10
"400 at Reception of Junior Leagues," New York Times (October 17, 1928): Social
News, 25.
225
made this even more plausible. However she came to be familiar with modernism, the
mere fact that she engaged the style prior to the exhibition was most unusual.
For as much as Draper followed modern movement tendencies, she interjected her
passion for color and comfort to humanize the austere architectural planes of the Junior
League. Draper splashed the interior with a sapphire blue rug and tomato red cushions on
the sofas; her patriotic scheme. She repeated the sapphire hue as a trim in the windows
and the mirror above the mantelpiece. The remainder of the seating, two loosely
upholstered chairs, and some strategically placed greenery, acted as a foil to the austerity
of the architectural surfaces. A geometric, surface-mounted chandelier emitted indirect
lighting through sheets of opaque glass to soften the interior. White Venetian blinds
replaced textiles to allow flexible lighting. The result was a Modern Movement interior
with a human touch.
The New York Times praised Draper's work for the National Junior League as
"innovative in [the] modern manner."11 She managed the modern movement with great
competency, but she did not follow the rules blindly. Her addition of color and comfort
was a critique of the shortcomings of the style that had prevented its widespread
acceptance in America for almost twenty years. Draper would not produce another
interior that followed European modernism to the same degree. She did, however, bring
certain aspects of the Modern Movement forward in future designs. More than anything,
Draper abandoned period rooms almost completely.
11
Ibid.
226
By the end of the decade, Draper's personal and professional life experienced an
upheaval. Her work with the Architectural Clearing House and her growing visibility in
the popular press lured a few businessmen to trust Draper with the lobbies of their
apartment buildings. With growing success and positive word-of-mouth reviews, she
soon received her first major public commission from a family friend, Douglas Elliman.
The Carlyle Hotel was to be a grand 35-storey hotel occupying the eastern side of the
Madison Avenue block between 76th and 77th Streets. Meanwhile, George Draper was
asking for a divorce. At a time when her personal life was crashing, Draper's professional
career was soaring. In 1930, Draper changed the name of her business to Dorothy Draper
& Company, and she was poised to make her mark on New York City with the Carlyle
Hotel.
The Carlyle Hotel (1930)
By the end of 1930, Art Deco skyscrapers towered above the streets of New York
City etching a profile of architecture against the sky that truly redefined the term
"skyline."12 The Chrysler Building (William Van Alen, 1930), the Daily News Building
(John Mead Howells and Raymond Hood, 1930), and the McGraw Hill Building (Hood,
1930), were but a gentle prelude for the masterpieces to come: the Empire State Building
(Shreve, Lamb and Harmon, with H.G. Balcom, engineer, 1931) and the Rockefeller
Center (Reinhardt, Hoffmeister, R. Hood & Fouilhoux, H.W. Corbett, Harrison & Mac
12
The term Art Deco was assigned to the style in the 1960s during a revived interest in
the period. Originally known as the Style Moderne, the period's new name was a
truncation of the 1925 Exposition Internationale des Arts Decoratifs et Industriels
Modernes (International Exposition of Modern Industrial and Decorative Arts) held in
Paris, France.
227
Murray, architects with H.G. Balcom, engineer, 1940). As New York City approached its
first modern crescendo, Draper unveiled her first major public commission, the 35-storey
Carlyle Hotel (figure 30) located at the intersection of 76th Street and Madison Avenue.
The interior reflected the French version of the Art Deco style Draper witnessed during
her trip to Europe, which she took in preparation for the design of the National Junior
League. The classical interpretations identified the interior as being more of a French
expression of Art Deco than an American one.
The Carlyle's octagonal vestibule (figure 31) heralded Draper's interpretation of
the Art Deco period. Mirrored walls multiplied the classic Deco motifs, such as the large
sunburst light fixtures and bold geometric floor patterns in marble that reinforced the
room's shape. The symmetry and repetition followed the tenets of the period. In contrast,
Draper utilized an unconventional color palette to include white, gray, black, yellow, and
emerald green. Soon to become her typical treatment of wall surfaces, Draper preferred a
solid dramatic color for the wall in order to contrast the dead white architectural details
(figure 32). In many respects, this scheme was reminiscent of the interiors found in grand
English Georgian country homes that Draper visited during her travels. It was perhaps
from this inspiration that she included the overtly classical details. Columns framed
doors, Greek key motifs floated above baseboards, and classical sculptures defined every
niche (figure 33). The lobby's painted classical frieze framed neatly by a small white
molding reinforced the bold geometric gestures on the floor. Figures from the Greek
pantheon—Zeus, Athena, and Hera—watched their mortal counterparts engaging in
battle, hunting, and playing. Egyptian revival tripod plant stands, trimmed in gold,
blended the modern yellow-upholstered sofas with the classical images into a unified
competition.
One of the most striking vignettes occurred in the elevator lobby. Here, Draper
integrated her classical motifs into a truly modern interpretation befitting the Art Deco
style. Two Tuscan columns supported a simplified black fireplace mantle (figure 34).
Directly above each column a clean, white circle focused the eye as if to enhance the
roundness of the column below by seeing it in plan. The central frieze, typical of 19th
century neoclassical fireplaces, was left blank—a smooth white canvas. Abstracted
flutings carried the eye from the top of the mantle to the cornice molding above, only to
have the eye cascade down as it followed the draped rope that anchored the large central
mirror of black glass to the wall. Atop the mantle, a Roman urn burgeoned with flowers,
but upon closer inspection, Draper had deconstructed the urn turning its bowl into a
delicately swaged textile, cradled by a "u" shaped piece of plaster. The design of the
centerpiece was whimsical; the illusion of the urn was masterful.
Amongst all of the modern interpretations of classical elements, Draper fronted
the fireplace with a traditional brass fender. Lion paw feet stabilized the fender at its two
front corners and provided a moment of ornamentation. The non-functional piece
sparkled in the room, reflecting light from the fireplace through the four lines of punched
holes that emphasized the horizontality of the fender. The addition of this anachronistic
element indicated Draper's growing preference for collaging styles, and perhaps a nod to
her romantic childhood. Fenders consistently accompany Draper's fireplace compositions
throughout her career.

Draper's decorations provided more than ornamentation. The mirrors provided
much needed depth for the tight interiors of New York buildings. Draper placed her
mirrors across from each other on the vestibule's walls perpendicular to the front
entrance. The reflections expanded the space visually and provided a grander entry. The
use of black glass elevated the experience beyond simple parlor tricks to a more
sophisticated visual stimulation. Draper utilized other large wall mirrors in areas that
benefited from the expansion of space, such as at the end of a short, but important,
circulation path as guests descended a staircase (figure 35). Draper chose wisely not to
use wall mirrors in the larger rooms of the lobby as they would have counteracted the
effect of the expanded space by making the room even larger, thus, throwing the rooms
out of scale. Draper used smaller mirrors sparingly for decorative accents.
The other effective component of Draper's design was her emphasis on geometry.
Draper's strong geometric black and white floor patterns, which were often reflected in
the ceiling details, strengthened the geometry of the plan. Draper extracted the geometry
from the floor to create the elevations. Columns and pilasters defined the major wall
sections although Draper did not use them to emphasize the corners, allowing the large
painted expanses to turn the corner uninterrupted. Draper's high contrast color palette
also strengthened the geometry. Black pilasters and white cornices and floor borders
bounded the green walls. A symmetrical arrangement of furniture identified centerlines
and maintained the integrity of the geometry. Two-dimensional panels depicting Greek
figures not only strengthened the horizontal line, encouraging the eye to move along the
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upper wall as opposed to the ceiling, but also demonstrated Draper's unique approach to
history.
Draper's numerous trips abroad familiarized her with European historic styles.
Her Tuxedo homes were full of historic artifacts and her early projects with the
Architectural Clearing House surrounded her in period rooms. As with most of the rules
she encountered throughout her life, however, Draper wanted to bend them. The frieze-
like panels were an early example of Draper's approach to historical elements. Typically
supported by columns, Draper floated the frieze just below the thick cornice molding.
Detached from any architectural element, the frieze seemed to slip from its expected
location in a manner befitting the Italian Mannerist period. Throughout the 1930s
Draper refined her historical mannerism to include a distinctly Baroque influence perhaps
in recognition of her love of English country homes.
Newspapers applauded Draper's decoration scheme and specifically noted that the
property owner had given Draper free rein on the design and execution of the project. Her
interiors were fresh, modern, and chic—everything the Art Deco period was supposed to
be, yet different. Never again did Draper design a space quite like the Carlyle Hotel.14
13
Italian Mannerist designers challenged the canons of Renaissance design. One such
example is the front facade of the Palazzo del Te (Mantova, Italy, 1526-35, by Giulio
Romano, 1492 or 1499 - 1546) in which triglyphs seem to be slipping away from the
entablature.
14
Draper's design for the restaurant at the Metropolitan Museum of Art followed a
Roman theme due to the space given. Previously the gallery for Pompeian sculptures, the
space resembled a peristyle garden. Though Draper kept the columns, she added her
unique color scheme of coral and blackberry and custom designed strap-iron light
fixtures, challenging the viewer's perception of history.
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Her homage to classicism was important, albeit brief. The Carlyle lobby set the
foundation for her bold expressions in color and two-dimensional graphic details.
Draper's modern expressions garnered the respect of the design community. For
other modern interiors similar to that of the National Junior League and the Carlyle
Hotel, House & Garden initiated Draper into their 1933 Hall of Fame.15 The magazine
noted each inductee for a specific achievement, as well as a broader characteristic of their
work. Draper received the nod for her design of the River Club in New York City (1930)
and her originality. Other inductees included industrial designer Walter Dorwin Teague
(1883-1960) for his endless repertoire of designed objects, especially his latest patterns
for Steuben crystal. Eleanor McMillen, interior decorator, created a series of miniature
rooms for a charitable exhibition,16 while Fritz August Breuhaus (1883-1960) focused on
the advancement of modern architecture and decoration, including the interiors of
zeppelins. House & Garden rounded out their Hall of Fame with Italian designer Gustavo
Pulitzer-Finali (1887-1967) for his decoration of cruise ship interiors, and Bruce
Butterfield for his modernized Victorian styling of hotels. This award, one of many to
come, validated Draper's professionalism and design work.
Draper's projects were also significant to the developing profession. First of all,
Draper engaged a new style that was in the early phases of its introduction to America—
15
"Hall of Fame," House & Garden (April 1933): 30.
16
Eleanor McMillen likely drew inspiration from the growing interest in Narcissa
Niblack Thome's (1882-1966) miniature rooms, which she began developing in 1930.
She and her craftspeople created nearly one hundred rooms. See Miniature Rooms: The
Thorne Rooms at the Art Institute of Chicago (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 2004).
232
one her contemporaries ignored—expanding the practice of interior design to include not
only historic interiors, but also the Modern Movement. Secondly, and more importantly,
Draper had begun working within the commercial arena; and would soon aggressively
search out large commercial commissions unlike any other interior designer of her day—
all of whom remained fixed in residential practices. Draper's next major project would
not only bring her style to fruition, but also rank her among the nation's most respected
and sought after designers.
Phase III: Anglo-eclectic Inspirations and Public Spaces (1930-1954)
The Hampshire House (1937)
The Hampshire House, named after Hampshire Downs in England, soared above
the southern boundary of Central Park for almost five years before it opened in 1937
(figure 36). Originally designed by architects Arlington Rollin Caughey (1890-1968) and
William F. Evans Jr. and conceived as the Medici Tower, a combination medical building
and apartment hotel, the project underwent a redesign around 1930 in which the original
structure—topped with a streamlined dome—turned into a mix of Regency and Art Deco
styles with a steeply-pitched roof. By 1931, the project stood complete except for the
closing of the roof and interior finishes. The Great Depression took its toll eventually
forcing the owners, Eugene E. Ligante and the H. K. Ferguson Company of Cleveland, to
halt construction due to lack of funds. The 37-storey structure waited quietly, but in 1932
the financial situation worsened. The Hampshire House went into foreclosure and Joseph
P. Day (1873-1944), a pioneer in the real estate auctioning business, sold the property to
the receivers for the New York Title & Mortgage Company, which had advanced $2.2
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million for construction. They attempted to sell the property for $3 million, but the best
offer at the time was a devastating $850,000, a pittance in comparison to the current
expenditures. By the mid-1930s the receivers agreed to finish the project, investing an
additional $1.5 million. With a completed shell, the owners turned to Draper to finish the
project.17
Draper received the commission, in part, due to her relationship with Douglas
Elliman, a family friend. Her budget included $400,000 for the interiors plus a $15,000
design fee,18 which was the largest fee awarded to a woman designer to date.19 The
Hampshire House not only strengthened Draper's reputation, it also played a major role
in New York's social scene. Countless articles and tidbits in newspapers across the
United States kept track of the Hampshire House's progress and events. From
ambassadors to foreign royalty, politicians to the social elite, Draper's interiors played
host to many influential individuals.
When she signed the contract, Draper had negotiated successfully with the owners
to design all aspects of the Hampshire House, including furnishings, accessories,
uniforms, and a complete graphics package that covered coasters, napkins, silverware,
soap wrappers, cigarette boxes, and luggage tags. Everything was under her supervision.
17
For an account of the Hampshire House's troubled beginnings, see Gerry Fitch's "Life
Anew at Hampshire House," New York Sun (March 27, 1937): Real Estate, 56, and
Christopher Gray's "Streetscapes: Hampshire House; A case of 'Frenzied Financing,"
New York Times (May 20, 1990): Real Estate, 12.
1 R

19
Flanner, "The Amazing Career of Dorothy Draper," 89 and "Dorothy Draper," Current
Biography, 237.
234
This was a new strategy for apartment/hotel design. Draper called it "full color
coordination," a statement that definitively placed her love of color at the top of the list.
Though a more appropriate term may have been "full style coordination," Draper banked
on her color reputation as a means of branding her design approach. However, most of
the advertisements for the Hampshire House utilized the latter, noting that the property
had been "Styled by Dorothy Draper." Even though Draper was contractually responsible
for all aspects of the design, she was not yet the "sole arbiter of taste" she would claim in
future contracts. In fact, both Draper and Caughey had to have all design decisions
approved by the "board of strategy."20 The board consisted of individuals from various
areas of the building industry. Miss Margaret D. Bryan and W. Abrahams represented
Dorothy Draper, Inc. and Mr. Caughey's office was represented by George Flannagan.
As opposed to Draper and Caughey, who did not actually sit on the board, both owners of
Shroder and Koppel (Millard Shroder and Alfred D. Koppel, builders) did. Adolph Syska
(1890-1961)21 of Sysak & Hennessy (engineers) rounded out the building industry. The
board also had an advertiser (Charles C. Delmonico of Cheltenham), publicity expert
(Miss Virginia Gates), managing agents (Roland F. Elliman and Leslie H. Moore, Vice-
President of Douglas L. Elliman & Co.), a managing director (Albert F. Miller), two
"The Hampshire Put in Hands of Strategy Board," Herald Tribune (July 18, 1937):
Section V, Real Estate, 2.
21
Adolph Syska was a graduate of Mechanical Engineering at Columbia University. He
joined with John F. Hennessy to create the firm Syska & Hennessy in 1928 in New York
City. His notable projects included the design of the mechanical systems at the United
Nations and structures for the United States Air Force. See "Adolph Syska, Engineer,
Dies; Worked on U. N. Headquarters," The New York Times (May 12, 1961): 29.
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trustees for Series C-2, the owners of the building (Frank L. Weil and William E.
Russell), and a secretary (Miss Evelyn R. Lahey).
Draper's experience collaborating with other industry professionals through the
Architectural Clearing House was an asset in what would otherwise have been considered
an intimidating and overwhelming experience for many of her contemporaries who so
often worked directly with the client, and only the client.
During the course of the 1930s, Draper began developing her style. She had
designed in both historic and modern styles, none of which resonated fully with Draper's
view of the spaces people should live in. She sought to merge her love of color and
Romance with an understanding of the modern way of life. This fusion of past and
present, the emotional and the rational, culminated in an aesthetic that evoked her
philosophy of living. Edward L. Bernays (1891-1995), had inscribed this philosophy on
the Hampshire House's cornerstone in 1931: "Dedicated to yesterday's charm and
tomorrow's conveniences."22 Draper expressed the charm of the past by creating intimate
public spaces reminiscent of domestic interiors in scale and decoration. In the individual
apartments, however, she attempted to expand space in order to provide a sense of
openness not unlike a house in the country. Both of these spatial objectives supported the
22
Edward L. Bernays (1891-1995), a pioneer in the profession of public relations, was
the author of the inscription. Sealed in the corner stone were examples of contemporary
art, literature, and science, including photographs of regionalist painter Thomas Benton's
(1889-1975) mural "America Today" (1930) in New York's New School for Social
Research; the musical score for "Skyscraper" by John Alden Carpenter (composer, 1876-
1951), copies of Ernest Hemingway's (1899-1961) "A Fairwell to Arms" (1929), and
Eugene O'Neill's (playwright, 1888-1953) "Strange Interlude" (1928 Pulitzer Prize
winner). See the "37-Story Hotel, Six Years Idle, To Be Tenanted," Herald Tribune
(February 18, 1937): 20.
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overall concept of an old English country house, one of her favorite inspirations as
expected of the daughter of true anglophile parents.
Draper used the phrase "tomorrow's conveniences" to include not only
technological advancements often found in the kitchen and the modern lines in a
bathroom, but also services that would enhance life at the Hampshire House. She gave
priority to dining rooms, salons, and ballrooms, since she believed social interaction was
a crucial component of high society living. The Hampshire House also boasted a prime
location with views of Central Park and close proximity to New York's finest retail and
dining establishments. For as much time and energy as Draper spent on interior design
and decorations, the employees of the Hampshire House were the ultimate manifestation
of her philosophy. Donned in English livery and trained in English manners, the staff
existed only to serve. Draper integrated past and present into an ensemble that enticed
New York's upper class to the Hampshire House.
Draper's interiors continued to show a logical progression of style. The spatial
sensitivity exhibited in the Carlyle Hotel was again a distinct priority for the Hampshire
House. Her exploration of color and its applications in the National Junior League project
became one of her cornerstone traits. The historic detailing found in her homes in Tuxedo
Park, as well as those of her clients during the Architectural Clearing House era, did not
vanish—even after she had begun her modern explorations earlier in the decade. What
became more evident was the integration of the past and present that Draper continued to
refine. Decorations began fluctuating between modern and historic inspirations and
interpretations. The result was a distinct discourse between smooth planes and sculptural
237
details, space and objects, the positive and the negative. Contrast was her guiding
principle; balance was her dictum.
Unlike most decorators of her time, Draper realized that the spatial quality of a
room was as important as the decoration. Upon entering the small foyer, guests
encountered the services of the concierge. Behind him, a recessed mirror reflected the
Park to the north and expanded the small space in much the same way as the vestibule in
the Carlyle. To the left, and down three steps, the space opened to the lobby (figure 37).
Caughey's lobby was approximately thirty-five feet by nineteen feet with a ceiling
floating eleven feet above the floor. In order to create the feeling of an English country
house, the lobby needed to evoke a sense of grandeur in size. Caughey's dimensions
offered a space large enough, but Draper had to create a domestic parlor in a commercial
interior. The biggest challenge was the single window on the north wall that looked onto
the park. Small in scale compared to the room, the window did not dematerialize the wall
to the same degree as those in English country houses, where a minimum of two or three
openings characterized the typical wall. Draper solved this problem again with mirrors.
On the north wall, Draper covered the entire wall with mirror. The effect, of course,
doubled the size of the interior, and increased the reflected light from the single window.
Draper also lined the interior of the window, which revealed the thickness of the masonry
wall, with mirrors. This application expanded the reflection of the garden, maximizing
the garden's presence in the space.
Draper repeated her strategy when addressing the 35 foot-long east wall. A floor-
to-ceiling wall mirror backed the entire fireplace composition centered on the wall.
238
Extending beyond the width of the mantle, the area of the mirror provided ample
reflection to reduce the perceived solidity of the wall effectively. Draper further enhanced
this effect with her treatment of the two doors that flanked the fireplace. They possessed
similar dimensions as the fireplace composition, spanning from floor to ceiling with a
similar width. These four architectural elements (window, fireplace, two doors) greatly
affected the perception of the space, not simply expanding it, but by carefully considering
the delicate perception of a grand domestic space as opposed to a large commercial one.
The decoration for the interior was an amalgamation of styles. In the lobby a
modern shell enclosed a variety of historically inspired furnishings and decorative
elements. The fireplace (figure 38) commanded the most attention. Draper edged the
opening of the fireplace with a thick crystal bolection molding. A highly polished
decorative fender visually completed frame for the cast iron stove that filled the opening.
She replaced the mantel with an impressive plaster molding that stretched the full height
of the ceiling. Though Baroque in its dynamism, the composition consisted of a variety of
historical references including C-scrolls, shells, lattice work, acanthus leaves, and thin
columnar elements as fantastic as those found in pre-Vesuvian villas in Pompeii. The
expression recalled the wood carvings of Grinling Gibbons (1648-1721), but was by no
means intended to be a copy. Draper's work never matched the mastery of his work in
detail or craftsmanship. She never used animal or human figures, often a hallmark of his
work. Nonetheless, the location of her plaster work, its general form, and the use of fruits,
flowers, and foliage were distinctly reminiscent of Gibbons' work in numerous English
homes.
239
With such a range of imagery, the composition's ability to evoke a sense of
chinoiserie was unexpected. The negative space within the plaster implied an over-mantle
mirror. Draper, however, increased the size of the mirror to back the entire fireplace
composition, extending it beyond the width of the fireplace and from above the baseboard
to the ceiling. Her design was fanciful and organic. Yet, her use of the mirror not only
expanded the room and reflected romantically the fire within, but it also created a strong
geometric expression for the room.
Draper reinforced the dimensions and geometry of the fireplace with a pair of
floor-to-ceiling double doors leading to corridors. Trimmed with the same crystal
molding as the fireplace, the large rectangular elements were the same size as the
fireplace mirror, creating a steady repetition and rhythm along the wall. The solidity of
the doors balanced the void of the fireplace's mirror. Draper divided the doors into five
equal panels. The second from the bottom housed the large brass door knob in its center -
a circle inscribed in a square.
The floor provided the most conspicuous geometry through its gridded pattern.
Large black and white tiles, 27" square, provided the key to the geometry of the space.
All architectural elements responded to the dimension of the tile. Draper realized the high
contrast would overwhelm such a large space, so she used a large, monotone rug with an
octagonal pattern to soften the floor. The simplicity of the gray ceiling, trimmed in a
classic molding focused the attention of the viewer on the detail Draper presented at eye
level, a general rule of thumb for the designer. The geometry was subtle, but seemingly
intentional.
The eclecticism of Draper's design vocabulary continued throughout the lobby.
Two sensuous, fully-upholstered, over-scaled Victorian-inspired wing chairs trimmed in
heavily tasseled fringe framed the fireplace (figures 39,40). The excessive fringe was an
exploration of texture, one that Draper used as an accent, and very Baroque. The maroon
damask provided high contrast against the cool turquoise walls. The absence of typical
wood legs that would otherwise elevate the chair from the floor grounded the piece in
much the same way the fireplace anchored the plaster composition. Two black lacquer
chests each topped with a large green plant in a white urn filled the space between the
doors and the hearth. Draper placed a regency-inspired table and chairs in front of the
curtained north wall (figure 41). On the opposite (south) wall, a Queen Anne chair sat
next to a Sheraton desk. The west wall housed the front desk, an opening framed by a
thick molding edged in a small egg-and-dart detail, and a small composition to the left
consisting of a desk, lamp, and a 19th century Rococo Revival, gilded mirror.23 Draper
determined the placement of this composition due to its relationship to the large door on
the opposing wall. She often used doors and openings as an opportunity to locate and
frame a composition. In this instance the view was from the corridor moving toward the
lobby (figure 42). Draper added a similar focal point going from the corridor to the
23
Draper did not have the west wall documented very well. Reflections in the fireplace
mirror suggested white plaster moldings. The upper piece could have been a large eagle,
wings spread, resting on a tablet. Below was an unidentifiable disc. In another
photograph, one can see the very edge of a piece of molding next to the chest and mirror.
This molding matches that which is currently in the Hampshire House. It frames the
window to the mail room. However, the distance between that opening as it currently
exists and the edge of the wall, the area reflected by the mirror, does not seem large
enough for the two elements to exist side by side.
241
intersecting hall. This attention to views and vistas within the interior environment
successfully pulled the guest through the space, continuously providing visual stimulation
and architectural cues to enhance their movement through the space.
The view from the lobby through the corridor culminated in another experience
for the user (figures 43, 44). Against a soft gray wall, a plaster relief festoon draped over
a pedestal with a flaring base. Lacking the lightness and delicacy of the Pompeian
frescoes, Draper's festoons were large in scale and heavy in weight in the manner of the
English Baroque. The draping of the festoon revealed these characteristics. Two brackets
and a central wreath provided the support. The sides of the fruited and flowered garland
dropped approximately seven feet from the ceiling. The pedestal beneath was the base
for a classically-inspired bust of a male. The head of the bust looked in the direction of
the circulation path, a clever way for Draper to communicate movement within the space
to the guest. Draper's dead white plaster against a colored wall would become a
trademark of her style. The Hampshire House was its debut.
While the English Georgian motifs drew the guest from the lobby, Draper took
full advantage of the corridor to continue the visual experience. The dimensions of the
space (7 feet wide by 21 feet deep) were challenging. Caughey had proportioned the
space appropriately, but it was nonetheless a long box. To counter these traits, Draper
changed the viewers' perception of the space. The molding on the ceiling was the same
design as in the lobby—a closed palm with a spiraling ribbon. At each end of the space
Draper fashioned the molding into a half circle with a flat end paralleling the door
opening. The central segment of the molding followed the outline of the room and the
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convex curve of the end pieces. The molding seemed to bend the ceiling into a segmental
vault running the length of the corridor. Draper altered the spatial perception by creating
a more complex volume.
Draper balanced the strong longitudinal axis by providing the viewer with
distractions along the wall. The decorations of the corridor were similar to those at the
end of the hall. The walls receded visually due to the pale gray hue, while the oversized
black and white marble flooring expanded the width of the floor. The white plaster reliefs
spanned both sides of the corridor. Though both walls were symmetrical, they did not
mirror each other. On the south wall the garland draped three times, framing the furniture
vignette of two Chippendale chairs and chest. The northern wall had four swags that
branched into additional garlands that framed a series of display windows. This wall was
visually heavy. The furniture grouping prevented the space from appearing lop-sided,
although critics could suggest that the scale and size of ornamentation was overpowering.
The pale gray and white palette eased the tension.
The unusual element in this space was the lighting fixtures. Caughey concealed
some lighting in the ceiling, creating glowing flat panels in the deep walls that housed the
return of the doors. Draper assumed the task of lighting the interior of the hall. As
opposed to flooding the space with down lighting, she chose something more Romantic
and creative. Draper designed wall sconces to grow from the plaster garland. A half ring
of palm fronds terminated in candles with electric lamps. The candelabrums
demonstrated Draper's preference for customized furnishings and fixtures. The

243
incorporation of the wall sconce with the plaster enhanced the sculpture decoration of the
wall.
The destination of the path from lobby and through the corridors (figure 45) led to
the main dining room, known as the Garden Room. The spatial strategy for the dining
room was the same as the other public spaces. Draper divided the dining room into two
major areas. Guests descended two steps to enter the lounge area of the dining room. This
was a subdivision of the formal dining room. Columns separated this space from the
dining area, which required another step down. One was more formal with upholstered,
side chairs and square tables (figure 46). The back of the dining room, separated by ionic
columns, turned less casual with round tables surrounded by wire chairs (figure 47).
Beyond the dining room wall was an enclosed garden. The experience of walking from
the entry toward the back of the dining room was an ever-increasing sense of volume and
informality, related directly with the proximity of the outdoors or nature. Caughey again
provided the basic volumes. Draper, not satisfied with the feeling of each space, used
decoration and furnishings to re-shape each of them.
Draper manipulated the perception of volume between the two areas of the dining
room through the use of color and lighting fixtures. The maroon hue covering the walls
advanced the architectural planes (figure 48). Above, a massive crystal chandelier hung
above the diners (figure 49). The five-tiered crystal chandelier, designed with mirrored
panels to increase reflection, lowered the ceiling's apparent height. The scale of the light
fixture would seem to overwhelm those beneath it. Draper created a shallow impression
in the ceiling to give the illusion that the heavy fixture was descending from a point
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higher than the ceiling. Halted by the ionic columns and entablature, ceiling fixtures did
not continue into the informal area. Along each of the two walls parallel to the main axis,
Draper placed three floor-to-ceiling tin orange trees with pale lemon-oranges that glowed
internally casting a softer, more indirect light over the guests.24
The absence of ceiling elements created the effect of a soaring ceiling height.
Draper balanced the height of the space by expanding its width. She covered the wall
behind the orange trees with mirrors. The reflections of the mirrors created the illusion of
an endless orchard. The mirrors also captured the reflection of the garden court just
beyond the glass curtain wall. Here, there was no ceiling. The infinite height was the
natural culmination of the three spaces, a clear hierarchy produced by Draper.
The decorations for the dining areas introduced Draper's most traditional motif,
the cabbage rose. Against a canvas of maroon walls and white damask curtains lined in
pink, Draper showcased her cabbage rose textile produced by F. Schumacher. The vibrant
floral sparkled in front of the white background. The roses, contrasted by blue-green
foliage, were voluptuous and so large that the viewer could hardly find the repeat of the
pattern, especially on the armless tufted chairs. The gold honeysuckle, a modern
interpretation of a classic element, marked the knee of the black cabriole legs that
Stanley Russell McCandless (1897-1967) was the lighting consultant for the
Hampshire House. He was a professor of stage lighting and modern lighting at Yale
University (1926-1964) and published three texts on the topic: Glossary of Stage Lighting
(1931), Syllabus of Stage Lighting (1931), and^4 Method of Lighting the Stage (1932).
Draper's exposure to McCandless could have helped form her view of interiors as stages,
which she refers to in Decorating Is Fun!, Entertaining Is Fun, and her design work.
supported the fully upholstered seat and back. Draper repeated the hue of the roses on the
table with red water goblets. The remainder of the setting was mainly a crisp white.
The dining room's entry doors framed the fireplace (figure 49). This element was
perhaps Draper's foil for or key to her inspiration. Unlike the lobby's fireplace trimmed
in a crystal molding, Draper designed a Neo-Classical fireplace for the Garden Room.
Columnar forms frame the opening and provide visual structure for the frieze running
across the top. The central tablet with bas-relief cherubs was a defining characteristic.
Draper placed strategically various marbles to emphasize some of the fireplace's details.
Another mirror with the same crystal molding backed the fireplace and spanned the full
height of the wall. The chandelier commanded the majority of the reflection. The mantle
only needed two Neo-Classical urns to finish the composition. Draper had indeed
maximized the effect of the mirror.
Draper contrasted the formality of the tufted Queen Anne chairs and classical
details with a more casual atmosphere in the adjacent space. The dominant color shifted
from maroon to turquoise. The color temperature enhanced the difference between the
two spaces; one a warm dining room for a cold night, the other a cool veranda on a hot
day. Queen Anne chairs gave way to lighter wire furniture painted white with loose
turquoise cushions tied to the front and back. The chairs mimicked those in the formal
dining room. The bending metal adopted the form of the cabriole leg and the presence of
decorative elements on the knee. The back differed. The shell motif, embedded in the
plaster work throughout the hotel and the showpiece in the court beyond, found full
expression in the seat backs. The red water goblets provided unity. Draper connected the
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outside court with mellowed pink brick walls covered with wisteria, lead urns, box trees,
rhododendrons, and a sky blue fountain spilling from an enormous shell. Draper's three
spaces provided visual stimulation and offered various dining experiences, a strategy that
lured numerous visitors back to the Hampshire House during all times of the day.
On the second floor, facing Central Park, a series of entertainment suites revealed
the leisurely life of the Hampshire House's soon to be inhabitants. The Cottage was a
unique concept for most New Yorkers. In a very literal manner, Draper attempted to
recreate the English country house in downtown New York. A private elevator just to the
right of the entry ushered guests to the entertainment suite (figure 50).25 Upon exiting the
guests were in what appeared to be an outdoor space with iron lawn furniture painted
white (figures 51-53). Underneath a sky blue ceiling, eight ornate chairs surrounded two
round glass topped tables. Faux flowering plants crept up the faux brick walls in
predetermined, espaliered patterns. Two of them framed a whimsical element, where
Draper covered the cushions of an iron settee in a loose piled red textile with
approximately two inch yarns. The large black and white checkerboard floor tiles
provided visual unity with the floor below. To emphasize the Garden Lounge, Draper
installed a large birdcage (figure 54) in front of the window that looked out onto Central
Park; this was a clear attempt to bring the outside in.
Other architectural cues communicated the Romantic experience of entering an
English Georgian home. On axis with the circulation path, Draper displayed proudly one
25
For those who lived in the Hampshire House, core elevators opened onto a small foyer,
which led to a similar facade, the south wall of the Cottage, directly across from the park.
247
of her characteristic emblems of a welcoming environment, a large door with a highly
polished knocker. A broken pediment in the form of a segmental arch supported by
brackets crowned the door in white plaster. Though Draper's design attempted to enhance
the height of the space, the pediment was uncomfortably close to the sky blue ceiling. On
each side of the door, two rounded bays softened the white-washed brick facade,
providing visual interest and rhythm. Draper lessened the formality of the space by
adding potted plants next to the door and a bank of flowers on the window sills, framed
by ruffled muslin curtains. Behind the proverbial stage set, Draper housed a series of
Victorian inspired spaces full of color, texture, and elegance.
Draper treated the entertainment suites differently than her public spaces in two
specific ways. First, Draper's designs showed an unusual approach to pattern placement.
For the most part, Draper focused her patterns on furnishings. Walls remained solid
canvases of color or opportunities for plaster ornamentations. However, the dining rooms
demonstrated the reverse. Draper clad the large dining room in her cabbage roses. The
burgeoning bouquets in a diaper pattern covered all walls and the ceiling (figure 55).
With the large windows overlooking the park, her wall covering brought the park to the
diner. Draper realized that the intensity of the color and movement had to be balanced
with less dynamic surfaces throughout the interior. The herringbone parquet floor
mimicked the diagonals of the wallpaper. White tablecloths disguised the details of the
26
Draper originally papered the large entertaining space in large pink and white stripes.
She must have realized that the effect was not dramatic enough considering the lack of
pattern in the remainder of the room. She then re-papered the walls in the floral pattern.
Advertisements announced the re-opening of the Cottage on October 1, 1940 just in time
for the "All American Designers Fashion Show" benefiting the Cancer Institute.
tables. The armless chairs had backs with upper rails in the shape of swags. A zigzag trim
provided interest on the side of the cushions. Unlike the red glassware in the restaurant,
the settings in this dining room were white and clear. Solid draperies in a relaxed double
swag framed the windows that overlooked the park.
One of the private dining rooms, which seated twelve, offered a similar interior
(figures 56, 57) Draper textured the wall visually and physically with a shirred flower
chintz. The scale of the room could not have handled the density of the dining room's
pattern. The floral bouquet was smaller and surrounded by a large expanse of white
background. The percentage of white on the walls allowed Draper to employ more color
within the space. Solid red velvet Queen Anne chairs emphasized the table and its setting
in which the red goblets returned as a major accent. Draper maintained a sense of
separation or depth between the objects in the room and the planes that enclosed them
through color. The emphasis of red around and on the table was balanced by the green
foliage and curtains that accented the flowered chintz fabric that turned into the outer
layer of the window treatment. Draper's use of pattern and color was strategic and
effective in its ability to provide visual interest and depth through contrast.
The second difference between the restaurant downstairs and the entertainment
suites was the level of historic abstraction. Her inspiration was less clear. Many
suggested the interior was a reflection of the Victorian era probably due to its eclectic
nature and lack of purely modern pieces of furniture. But one would be hard pressed to
make a definitive statement about the rooms' origins. The large dining room's historic
wallpaper was powerful in evoking a sense of 19th century historicism. Draper's

249
application, which negated comers due to the absence of molding, did not. The
Biedermeier-inspired chairs with black lacquer frames, gold swag top rails, and emerald
green velvet seats defied design canons—modern and traditional alike. The same held
true for other rooms, such as the Drawing Room (an ancillary space to the east of the
main dining room), where Draper paired Austrian stoves with custom designed
upholstered chairs with backs slanting down to a side that is practically armless (figure
58). In the dining room beyond, black lacquered commodes with over-scaled escutcheons
framing large gold knobs supported Neo-Classical candelabra. The white lacquered
Queen Anne chairs, tufted in red velvet, seemed oddly modern, as if plastic. Draper's
manipulation of historical references, color, and pattern altered the feeling of the space
dramatically.
The geometry of the first floor conceded to a more naturalistic vocabulary with
softer edges and more supple textural experiences. This was particularly evident in
Draper's use of textiles to cover the walls. Her rooms became romantic expressions as
she draped the rooms of the cottage with soft pleats in order to disguise the modern box.
Draper designed the space in deliberate increments so as to transition the guests from the
modern spaces of the first floor to the most romantic, intimate dining rooms on the
second floor. The Garden Lounge presented painted walls similar to the main floor. In the
first, and largest, entertaining space Draper covered the walls and ceiling with floral
wallpaper. While the geometry of the architectural shell was still present, the romantic
bouquets became the focus. Moving into the drawing room, Draper softened the space by
creating a pseudo-tent room that was popular in the French Empire and Second Empire
250
styles. The small dining room was the most luxurious using the same fabric as the
drawing room with the added element of draped garland. Draper's romantic visions of the
country life, being surrounded by nature, came to fruition in these spaces above all others
in the Hampshire House.27
The entertaining suites expanded the Hampshire House's ability to serve its
residents and their guests. Downstairs, one either dined in the formal restaurant with its
impressive fireplaces and commanding chandeliers or enjoyed the relaxing garden
environment complete with an orchard of citrus trees. The second floor offered a more
controlled experience, one that was less public, but with an equally wide range of
atmospheres. From the intimate dining room for private dinners to the Cottage that
offered seating for up to 125, or even the Garden Lounge for cocktail parties, the
Hampshire House had it all. Draper's decorations solidified the new building's reputation
as one of the most popular sites to entertain in New York City.
The apartments at the Hampshire House ranged from one to fourteen rooms.28
The increase in number of rooms did not always translate in an increase in bedrooms. The
Draper's extensive use of fabrics on architectural surfaces in the Hampshire House

would not be repeated during her career. The smaller spaces in the Hampshire House
offered her opportunities to experiment with materials, and decorators relied heavily on
textiles. However, Draper probably soon realized that these public spaces received a lot
of wear and tear and were very difficult to maintain. She never used this particular
treatment again.
28
The marketing brochures for the Hampshire House focused on one to seven rooms as
these made up the vast majority of the layouts. However, a pricing brochure indicated a
few apartments with eight rooms and some of the upper most floors with thirteen and
fourteen rooms. These layouts were not represented in the brochures due to the elite level
of the clientele who could afford such housing in the late 1930s.
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one-room studio (figure 59) was a single space in which sofas doubled as beds. Two
closets, a pantry, and a bath supported the resident's needs. On the upper end, a five room
apartment (figure 60) had a gracious living room (17'3" x 26'6"), dining room, gallery,
and two bedrooms. The full kitchen, pantry, two bathrooms, and closets were not
included in the official room count. Another layout of seven rooms (figure 61) replaced
one of the bedrooms with a large dressing room (13' x 20'). Some even came with maid's
rooms. The price ranged from $1,200 - $36,000 per year to lease one of the spaces. Price
reflected the number of rooms, location in the building, and whether or not the apartment
was furnished or had a balcony or terrace. The standard of living at the Hampshire House
was indeed luxurious.
Upon leaving the lobby, residents moved through Draper's corridors, draped in
plaster festoons, before arriving at the elevator that delivered them to the appropriate
floor. The hallways were some of the most simplistic spaces, and yet, also some of the
most striking. When the elevator doors opened, residents viewed a niche framed by two
abstracted Doric columns (figures 62, 63). Draper flattened the columns into pilasters,
and kept the fluting only on the front. The capital was nothing more than a fiat strip of
molding. Draper decorated the beam above with evenly spaced Tudor roses,
approximately eighteen inches apart. Within the niche sat a classical bust atop a scrolled
bracket. A white plaster laurel wreath encircled the bust from behind.
Strong graphic lies delineated the floor pattern. Outlines of white half circles
floated above a black field. The floor mimicked the same design found in the ceiling of
the main floor corridor (figure 5.16) that created the illusion of an arched ceiling. In this
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space, the ceiling was flat and unornamented. The floor received Draper's attention. The
level of abstraction in the space recalled of the work of the English Regency-era architect
John Soane (1753-1837), in which classical foils mingled with abstracted classical
elements. The archeological pieces provided a key to understanding those that were less
obvious to the viewer. The progression of lobby to corridor to elevator to hall flowed
easily even though the spaces transitioned into greater degrees of abstraction. The private
apartments did not follow this progression as Draper presented a much softer, more
comfortable—perhaps more human—experience in the domestic space.
Draper furnished two models for the marketing of the Hampshire House: a one-
room and a two-room apartment. These reflected the general approach to furnishings.
Some of the higher end residents, such as Mr. and Mrs. Blumenthal, asked Draper to
furnish their larger apartments, but this did not happen frequently as Draper chose not to
focus her time and attention on residential clients. The management of the Hampshire
House applauded the design and decoration of the apartments as unique in the hotel
industry, in part, due to Draper's ability to bring country living to the heart of New York
City.
In order to create the atmosphere of country living, Draper had to find a solution
to two specific problems. First, she had to make the spaces feel more gracious in size and
scale. Second, she had to produce the idyllic natural context in which the home would
normally be set. As always, Draper's first strategy was color. Soft hues of blue, grey,
yellow, and pink washed walls and visually enlarged the space. Draper did not consider
white walls an option for the domestic interior, rarely even for the ceiling. To enhance the
feeling of height, large vertical stripes rose from ceiling to floor (figure 64). Moldings
were modest in size. Draper used medium to dark values on walls rarely. Only wooden
pieces maintained such visual weight and she used them sparingly. Color, however,
would not be enough to counteract the boxy rooms; Draper had to address their perceived
solidity.
With pre-determined room layouts provided at the time of her hiring, Draper
faced the challenge of expanding the space without actually affecting the existing walls.
It was no surprise that mirrors played a major role. In virtually all of her room designs,
Draper employed wall mirrors to enhance the space (figures 65-67). On inside walls, she
located the mirrors either above the fireplace, flanking the fireplace, or above the large
sofa. These locations reflected the views outside the windows effectively. On outside
walls, mirrors flanked windows very much in the tradition of Robert Adam and his pier
mirrors. The intent was to dematerialize the wall and add surfaces for light reflection.
Rarely did mirrors line up with each other creating an obvious and uncomfortable "fun
house" effect, inappropriate for such residential spaces.
The mirrors played a crucial part in the crafting of a natural landscape, a core
characteristic of country living. The location of the park was invaluable, and Draper
invited its presence into the interior. The mirrors provided the illusion of having more
than one side of the apartment facing the park. The apartment seemed transported from
its reality within a dense structural block to an object in a field with fresh air flowing
from all directions. If that was not enough, Draper decided literally to bring nature
indoors. She accented the rooms conspicuously with fresh flowers and plants (figure 65).
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What was not found in a reflection or in an actual pot was printed on a textile. The
expansion of space and the inclusion of naturalistic imagery was the cornerstone of the
Hampshire House's reviews. Countless reporters could not help focusing on this
innovative design that would redefine hotel rooms across America.
Draper's furniture layout demonstrated her attempt to create a feeling of
spaciousness, as well as her emphasis on social interaction and entertaining. She left the
center of the room open for circulation and divided the seating into distinct
conversational groupings. For most layouts, two chairs flanked the fireplace, just as in the
lobby, while a large sofa or loveseat sat against a wall, with two chairs on either side
(figures 65, 66). Whether they were upholstered or wood depended on the size of the
living room. Plenty of flat surfaces accompanied the seating to allow for maximum
convenience when throwing a party or just reading and sipping tea. The tables varied in
height. She often incorporated a series of nesting tables (figure 66) for additional
flexibility. The game table (figure 67) further emphasized the importance she placed on
entertaining. A writing desk (figure 66) was a common fixture in each room,
demonstrating Draper's commitment to personal communications and etiquette.
Draper's designs were also heralded for their ability to create the feeling of a
country home in an urban environment. Her focus on views and vistas and her ability to
bring the outdoors in were some of her most effective strategies. She further supported
the experience with her furniture placement and selection. Chairs nestled against
fireplaces just like the great wingbacks in front of grand marble mantles. Various types of
furniture allowed enough space to include desks, game tables, and multiple conversation
areas. Draper's cleverly scaled upholstered pieces appeared larger due to their floral
prints. The decoration of the bedroom, in particular, created the atmosphere of the
country home. Two four-post, tester beds (figures 68, 69) occupied the majority of the
room. The majestic pieces of furniture seemed to fit in the space due to Draper's use of
light colors that expanded the viewers' perception of the room. These combined
strategies transformed the city apartment into a much grander space.
The location of permanent architectural features—such as windows, doors and the
fireplace—created a symmetrical composition, which Draper acknowledged readily in
her designs. Matching case pieces with matching lamps stood in front of mirrors on
opposite sides of windows and fireplaces. Sofas and beds often received this same
treatment. Such compositions defined clear visual axes in the space and continued to
strengthen Draper's interest in the "framing" of objects. Only in a very few instances did
Draper's design work create an asymmetrical composition—a nod toward modern
principles. The pairing of objects was a reliable identifying trait of Draper's work.
The only rooms in which Draper took a modern stance in her design approach
were the kitchen and the bathroom. As was typical in domestic design, these two spaces
ushered in modern technologies far more quickly than any other space in the home, or in
this case, apartment. The kitchen (figure 70) was the most austere room of the two.
Stainless steel countertops and flush mounted doors reduced drastically the number of
surfaces to gather dirt and grime. Along with the linoleum floor, the space was hygienic
and easy to maintain. Only the checkerboard pattern on the floor and the scalloped
molding along the ceiling indicated a nod toward decoration and historicism.
Characteristically Draper used color to provide interest in the space. The red, white, and
black scheme was both modern in its intensity and responsive to the psychological need
for a "clean" space.
The bathroom (figure 71) followed suit with white porcelain and chrome fixtures.
Draper even removed the textile shower curtain for a pair of sliding glass doors, an
innovation that received attention in the press. Two medicine cabinets offered
convenience for both users. The unexpected detail in the space was the large white,
stenciled boutonnieres. The repeat was so large that only two were visible on the wall
with the medicine cabinet. The location of the decorative motif fell haphazardly in the
overall composition of the wall. One floated high above the towel rack, while the other
was blocked fully by the toilet. This was an odd decision that interrupted an otherwise
highly integrated design.
The Hampshire House launched Draper's career into the national spotlight. Rave
reviews spread across the United States applauding her "color continuity" and complete
packaging. From cocktail napkins and menus to restaurants and living rooms, Draper
designed the Hampshire House from top to bottom. She passed her designs through a
rigorous Board of Strategy, demonstrating successful collaborative skills at a time when
interior design and architecture were at odds with each other. The owners deemed the
project a success, due to Draper's ability to deliver the massive project under budget and
on time. The result was an impressive clientele that occupied seventy-five percent of the
apartments within the first year. All of these accomplishments came from a wealthy
woman with no formal training. Draper's next project vaulted her all the way across the
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country to collaborate in the redesign of one of California's oldest resorts, which was to
play host to the new American elite, the stars of Hollywood.
The Arrowhead Springs Resort (1939)
On December 15, 1939 two events excited a nation. In Atlanta, Margaret
Mitchell's (1900-1949) epic novel about a spoiled southern belle and a dashing, no
nonsense plantation owner thrust into a love affair during the Civil War made its silver
screen debut at the Loew's Grand Theater. The movie premiere opened to throngs of
movie-goers, anticipating the full-color, four hour saga. On the other side of the country,
equal excitement surrounded the star-studded, re-opening of one of California's most
treasured and tragic hotels in San Bernardino, California.
On the eastern side of the San Bernardino valley as the mountains slowly lifted to
majestic heights, a site, settled back in the 1830s, became famous for its hot springs. The
Arrowhead Springs Resort had hosted pioneers in the exploration of the West, and more
recently clientele that read like Hollywood's "A-List." The hotel seemed cursed having
burned down three times in its brief history (1885, 1895, 1938). The most recent was a
fierce forest fire that practically leveled the structure, although some of the original
bungalows survived. The newest structure, designed by Paul R. Williams (1894-1980)29
and Gordon B. Kaufman, opened its doors to the likes of Al Jolson and Judy Garland.
They arrived with great anticipation to see the revived complex, which the management
29
Paul Revere Williams was one of the nation's first African-American architects. He
was the first architect of his race to be a member and a fellow of the American Institute of
Architects (AIA). Hollywood stars, such as Frank Sinatra and Cary Grant, hired him for
their private homes. See "Paul Williams, Architect for Hollywood Stars" Washington
Post, (January 27, 1980): C4.
boasted would become an all-year resort and world-famous spa. When the doors swung
open with the same grandeur as the lifting of the curtain in front of the Loew's silver
screen, both audiences were treated to a visual feast. For those in California, the artistic
director was Dorothy Draper.
Hailed as the largest project ever awarded to a woman, the Arrowhead Springs
Resort quickly consumed a $1.5 million dollar budget. According to the local newspaper,
"no expense was spared in insuring that the architecture, the interior decorations, the
appointments, everything would place the hotel and resort beyond comparison."30
Draper, by contrast, suggested that the budget was "tight," which likely had some ring of
truth considering the scope of the project. On the other hand, Draper had built a
reputation on designing within a prescribed budget, a point she continued to stress.
Unlike the Hampshire House, the owners gave Draper full control over the design and
decoration of the hotel. Her guiding hand continued to filter down to the smallest detail
including menus, matchbook covers, and silverware. This time, Draper's influence spread
beyond the interior to include discussions with the architect on some of the building's
exterior ornamentation, as well as suggestions for the landscaping from the front gate all
the way to the hotel.
Draper conveyed to local reporters that she started each job by identifying the
color scheme. From that inspiration the rest of the concept unfolded. This method was
distinctly different from most designers who relied on historic periods or thematic
expressions as generative ideas. Draper's strategy explained her interiors' seemingly
30
"Hotel Rivals Screen Setting for Splendor," The Sun (Sunday, December 17, 1939): 1.
259
pseudo-historical appearance. Her color schemes for hotels were most prominent in the
public spaces. Rooms always flourished with a wide range of color palettes in order to be
unique. Newspapers confirmed her use of a "rainbow" of colors throughout the interior.
The neon sign, a relatively new technology that communicated the entrance to the resort
was in red and green, Draper's favorite color scheme, indicating her influence even at
street level.31
As cars progressed down the winding road, freshly painted barricades kept them
from traversing into plunging valleys. The assorted greenery with colorful blooms
contrasted with the all white hotel that revealed itself after a bend in the road (figure 72).
Sitting on one of the small plateaus of land in the mountainous landscape, the hotel
presented its garden facade to the guest with a welcoming gesture. The wings of the hotel
stretched out to embrace the onlooker. The road swept graciously around the hotel,
keeping the automobile a fair distance away before the two finally met at the front
entrance (much like English country house planning). On an otherwise modern facade
(figure 73), Draper's influence was evident with the broken scroll pediment atop the main
door. With doors open, the guest moved into the lobby (figure 74), where Draper's color
selection was unexpected. Light polished oak paneled the walls. Giant, ebony columns
separated the front desk and elevator lobby from the seating area beyond. A tan carpet
with hints of green stretched across a black and white linoleum floor.
31
French engineer Georges Claude (1970-1960) first introduced neon lamps to the United
States in 1915 when he sold his neon tubes to a Packard dealer in Los Angeles.
32
Initially patented in 1860 by Frederick Walton (bap. 1834-1928), linoleum (a
combination of linseed oil and wood flour or cork dust) was a common material for
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Draper's selection of color scheme was not random. She seemed to draw
inspiration from the surroundings. The dry climate of the region produced sage green
foliage and a blanket of beige sand. The neutrals in the carpet and walls softened the
transition between the exterior and the interior, turning the shell of the building into a
garden wall that separated two 'outside' environments. The large windows on the
southwest wall of the seating area were a prelude to the expanse of window in the sun
room. The guests' experience of driving up to the hotel, entering the lobby, and viewing
this uninterrupted vista (figure 75) out the Sun Room at the back of the hotel and on to a
lush lawn with the San Bernardino Valley in the distance was an effective way to
integrate the interior with its extraordinary surroundings.
Draper added her own sparkle to the space. The tan, black, and green color
scheme did not consume all of these spaces. While the carpet continued into the large
seating area, Draper lightened the space with white sofas and ivory club chairs in
chenille. Unusually designed jet black fireplaces (figure 76) anchored each side of the
room. The Sun Room continued the building scheme with white bamboo furniture, but
Draper started to add color with a floral pattern on mauve chintz. The terrace had the
same bamboo furniture, but left in its natural color, accented with turquoise cushions and
awnings. The sunset seemed to guide the developing palette. While the fiery sun set
flooring by the late 1930s.

33
Though first created in the 18l century, chenille did not become popular in the United
States until the 1930s. Draper utilized the textile for its overt promotion of comfort. She
also used it as a bedspread for the patients' beds at the Delnor Hospital in St. Charles,
Illinois.
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further west, pinks, violets, and blue-greens characterized the outer rim of the spectacle,
which would have been the view of those in the sun room and on the terrace. The colors
became increasingly intense. The complexity and thoughtfulness of Draper's scheme
extended beyond the mere selection of "pretty colors." She tied her concept to the unique
environment and atmosphere of the San Bernardino Valley without sacrificing the
interiors requisite elegance.
The same strategy of color progression occurred within the dining rooms.34
Turning right at the seating area led the guests to the dining rooms in the west wing of the
hotel. The first space (figures 77-79) housed the hostess stand, but also provided doors to
the terrace as well as the bar. The green accent in the tan carpet was just a hint of the
color that washed over the flooring. Like the lush lawn outside, the Irish green carpet
took command of the space, but was softened by pink figural accents. A column wrapped
in green and black paper mimicked a marble texture, and continued the use of black on
architectural features, previously the columns and the fireplace. A petunia pink sofa
surrounded the column and stood in significant contrast to the green carpeting.
In the distance, white architectural planes dominated the main dining room (figure
80). The black carpet with small designs in white, green, and red anchored and unified
the spaces. Black mahogany tables, chairs and casework maintained a clear division
34
Draper's developing color scheme also worked in the opposite direction of the dining
room. The game room, adjacent to the lobby in the south wing, had a plaid carpet and
huge black fireplace, across from which were white chenille divans and two chairs with
tables and convenient lamps. The draperies were white chenille with wine fringe. Table
tops were green and chair seats were wine. Draper included desks and writing
paraphernalia, always emphasizing the importance of decorum and the art of letter
writing.
262
among the heavily contrasted furnishings, and floor with the otherwise boxy white
enclosure. The petunia pink (or mandarin red) cushions stood out against the black
frames.
At the west end of the main dining room, a larger opening framed the final room
on the sequence, the Crystal Room. Similar to the Sun Room, the walls vanished into
sweeping vistas through an expanse of glass. Draper crowned the windows with a floral
swag wallpaper border. The white ceiling connected the two dining rooms. Draper
brought the tint of the red hue of the chair seats on to the walls in a large stripe pattern.
The white, reduced to a stripe on the walls, found its way onto the furnishings. Draper
painted the tables and chairs a glossy white. Crystal bowls filled with flowers reflected
the light. The white walls and ceilings of both dining rooms offered a clean canvas to
reflect that evening's sunset. The character of the room must have changed dramatically
as the sun set over the distant mountains. This changing natural environment inspired
Draper to have the staff change uniforms at dusk. Aside from switching white shoes to
black, maids changed uniforms completely; pink during the day and purple at night.
Draper's approach to color reached a new level of complexity at the Arrowhead
Springs Resort. Driven by the landscape, her progression of color enhanced the visual
experience of the guest. Colors shifted to provide unique experiences in each room
without causing abrupt visual changes. The colors also reflected the formality of the
individual spaces, with the lobby or front desk area being the most formal—after all, this
was a place to be seen—and the Sun Room and Crystal Room being more informal where
she moved to more whimsical colors or softer values. Connected with the formality in
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perhaps an inverse relationship, the volume of the space progressed in the same manner
as that of the Hampshire House. Draper conceived the more formal spaces as grand, yet
intimate, and the informal rooms as spacious. The sequence of rooms culminated in
experiences highly dependent on connections with nature. Draper's use of color enhanced
all of these objectives.
The Arrowhead Springs Hotel was stylistically quite different than that of the
New York Hampshire House. The two facades of the buildings announced the
eclecticism that waited just beyond the front doors. Clean, modern, unornamented
surfaces dominated the southwest side (figure 81) of the hotel that greeted the guests as
they motored toward the main entry. Other than the cantilevered balconies, only the
slightest hint of pilasters divided the building into its accurately proportioned geometry.
The level of abstraction was high. The capitals of these pilasters were nothing more than
a single unit of a Greek key motif. The close carving of the design evoked images of the
work of John Soane, over a century earlier, as had Draper's treatment of the elevator halls
in the Hampshire House. The surprising element was the detailing of the three balconies
centered on the top floor of the main block. The Asian inspiration of the ironwork that
framed the doors and offered a protective roof above commanded the guests' attention as
one of the few distinguishable details noticeable from a distance.
The front entry took a different approach. A rather literal Greek temple front
jutted out from the central block with two columns supporting the pediment. Fragile
volutes crowned the columns as well as the central section of the front door, which
protruded slightly. The heavy open pediment framing a large pineapple motif suggested
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that Georgian architecture inspired Kaufman and Williams. Metal doors reminiscent of
those from a Roman temple completed the eclectic composition. Draper's touch seemed
unmistakable on the exterior. The Georgian entrance quickly re-scaled the experience of
the guests as they approached the otherwise massive building. Draper had already begun
creating the stage set for her interiors, much like she did for the The Cottage (entertaining
suite) at the Hampshire House. The mixture of classical and English Baroque/American
Georgian imagery was becoming typical for Draper; the more pronounced Asian
inspiration, however, was new to her repertoire, and yet consistent with English 17* and
18 century design.
Draper styled the lobby in a modern version of an English Georgian country
home. Faithfully symmetrical, she anchored the room with two fireplaces framed on each
side by shelving embedded in the wall. The scale of the fireplace and its moldings were
in keeping with the details of English Baroque interiors. The fireplace surround recalled
the entry door with its scrolled open pediment supported by two columns. A large
keystone replaced the pineapple as the central motif. Draper styled two custom shelving
units on each side of the fireplace after Chinese lattice work. Plenty of seating lined the
walls in a classical arrangement with few pieces projecting into the space. Black end
tables trimmed in gold supported the style with swags and s-curves as major decorative
elements and also provided platforms for large white ceramic lamps with a gold band
around the shade and the base of the lamp. Someone affixed each lamp to the table with a
large bolt. This design assured Draper's goal of symmetry, prevented the guest from
accidentally knocking the lamp onto the floor, and maintained a perfect appearance in the
lobby such that nothing was out of place.35
Large cabinetry pieces dotted the main floor. From game room to lobby to dining
room, impressively scaled, highly polished black furnishings contrasted with the lighter
surroundings. Some of the pieces mimicked bombe commodes, while others drew
inspiration from Asian design with squared handles, yet appeared more modern in their
overall expression. The grandest pieces of furniture were the large chinoiserie cabinets
with a Chinese landscape on the front and cherry blossoms on the side (figures 82, 83).
These large cabinets redefined the guests' interpretation of the other highly polished
black tables. The black paint now appeared to be black lacquer, even though it was not.
These pieces of furniture were more unusual than anticipated, however, mainly due to the
fact that they were all stage props. Every single one of the chests and cabinets in the
public space was a fake, empty shell. Draper's response to the "tight" budget started to
carry more weight as she balanced the need for large sophisticated pieces of furniture
with budget limitations. Draper had embraced the very essence of Hollywood's grand
illusion by creating an extraordinary stage on which the actors might play their parts.36
No documentation exists that indicated who affixed the lamp to the table. If it was
Draper, then she was likely demonstrating experience from previous commissions that
movable lamps do not remain perfectly placed. If it was done by the owners of the
Arrowhead Springs Resort, then it was their desire to maintain Draper's symmetry.
Scenographic techniques have had a long history with the interior environment. The
frescoes of Pompeii often depicted scenes representing gardens in an otherwise dense
urban fabric. With the invention of the mechanical perspective artists began using full
walls as a canvas in which to produce realistic vistas (trompe 1'oeil) into a garden that did
not exist. The Perspective Hall in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome (1520-1548) by Antonio
da Sangallo the Elder (c. 1455-1534) and Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564) is just
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Draper utilized her trademark plasterwork to great effect once again. It did not
reveal itself to the guests until they reached the foyer prior to the dining area. In this area
of circulation, Draper created custom wall sconces (figures 84, 85), as the major
decorative elements. Approximately four feet in height, the design of the light fixture
included a conical shade that flared outward in the direction of the light. Beneath the
shade hung a cornucopia of fruits, flowers, and foliage befitting its Baroque heritage.
Draper grouped the ornamentation in two bundles, visually connected by bound stems.
Two fixtures sat on each of the northeast and northwest walls. In the dining room, Draper
fashioned a fixture that made the others seem tame by comparison (figures 86, 87). The
basic design was that of an acanthus leaf that twisted and turned as it climbed up the wall.
Various branches sprouted from the main scroll to hold one of fourteen electric candles.
The white on white color scheme truly came to life at night when the lights revealed the
deep shadows of the wall sconce. Two of the wall fixtures were backed by mirrored walls
offering a unique opportunity for a guest to see the fixture completed in its reflection and,
seemingly, suspended in mid-air.
Reports described the 139 rooms of the hotel as swank, comfortable, and colorful.
In one suite, soft blue walls and a mauve carpet provided a relaxing atmosphere for the
bedroom, while the sitting room was more intense with a green divan and black chest
inlaid with red leather. Bathrooms included white tiles, glass shower doors, and a
such an example. Artists and designers such as William Kent (1685-1748) and Robert
Adam 1728-1792) continued the tradition in the 18th century while merging painting,
sculpture, and architecture for effect. Scenographic techniques have maintained their
relevance in interior design as one option for transporting individuals to another time and
location within an easily controlled interior space.
monographed black bath mat. The other rooms differed in color and furniture style, but
were similar in approach to the Hampshire House (figures 89-91) in regards to the layout
of furnishings. Draper did not incorporate wall mirrors in the same fashion due to the
hotel's natural surroundings.
Draper's designs and decorations for the Arrowhead Springs Resort continued to
befuddle reporters unable to describe her style accurately. One attempted the task by
stating that the hotel was modern Georgian with interiors in a variety of ultra-modern
moods.37 One thing they did agree on was the effect of the hotel on the guest. Meta
Blackwell of the San Bernardino Daily Sun believed that "No woman could leave the
new Arrowhead Springs Hotel without a sense of satisfaction over Mrs. Draper's brilliant
achievement in creating such a home-like atmosphere without detracting from the
glamour and splendor that must, of necessity, surround a resort of its importance." This
quote was significant in that it suggested that Draper had begun imbuing the masculine
public environment with a distinctly feminine aesthetic, (a point to be discussed in
chapter six).
With the opening of the Arrowhead Springs Resort, Draper closed out a very
successful decade, one that launched her career into the national spotlight. She crafted a
design style that was neither traditional nor modern, and yet it was both historical and
contemporary. Draper's custom light fixtures, ornate plaster work, stage prop furniture,
37
"Hotel Rivals Screen Setting for Splendor," 1.
38
Meta Blackwell, "Noted Woman Designer Takes Rainbow's Colors for Hotel," San
Bernardino Daily Sun (Sunday December 17, 1939): 16.
bold, optimistic color palettes, and emphasis on views were just a few of her design
attributes that made her style distinctive at a time when modernism's popularity began to
spread across the United States. Under such pressure, she never wavered from her
Romantic idealism, remaining an aesthete to the end. With the Depression fading into the
past, America faced a new threat, World War II. Material restrictions as a result of the
war debilitated countless firms, but Draper would sail into one of the most tragic decades
in American history with courage, passion, and the ultimate desire of creating beautiful
spaces for a country hungry for better times. The 1940s would be her greatest decade.
World War II created a precarious environment for the interior design and
decorating profession. "As purveyors of nonessentials, the decorating business was so
low on the War Production Board's priority list that it virtually fell off."39 With no
support from the government and a tremendous decline in the interior design and
decorating sector, interior decorators had to re-evaluate their role in society. For most
decorators, commissions dwindled dangerously low, forcing many companies to cease
business operations. The military drafted many of the newest generation of professionals
into service. William Pahlmann (b. 1900) and Billy Baldwin (1903-1984) were two of
the most promising decorators prior to World War II.40 The ladies of the first generation
would be the ones to continue to craft the profession's image and serve the people, as
men enlisted in the armed forces.
39
Varney, The Draper Touch, \A1.
40
Billy Baldwin, interior decorator, was born in Roland Park, Maryland. In 1935 he
joined the New York firm of Ruby Ross Wood (1881-1950), assuming control in 1952.
His hallmarks included glossy dark walls and mixed patterns.
Interior decorators reacted in different ways to the challenge of World War II.
Mrs. Eleanor McMillen Brown put her firm on hold and focused on organizing exhibits,
while Ruby Ross Wood, Frances Elkins, and Elsie de Wolfe kept their doors open with a
minimal staff and continued to cater to the upper class. Mrs. Henry Parish II realized
how heated the competition for clients would be, so she formed Budget Decorators.
Although the firm cut prices, it still remained out of the range of middle-class Americans.
In an attempt to utilize the patriotism provoked by the government, Russell Wright
produced a large line of furniture, titled The American Way. A cooperative of 65 artists,
craftsmen, and manufacturers designed and produced this complete line of home
furnishings that was accessible to the middle class. Despite considerable press coverage,
the line was not a success. The war killed it.41
During the 1940s, Draper outpaced her contemporaries. Her reputation for large
scale projects encouraged textile manufacturers in England to stock fabric in anticipation
of one of her orders (figure 92). They knew that Draper would need hundreds—if not
thousands—of yards for her apartment buildings and hotels. The risk of shipping such
products out of England equaled the rewards for the manufacturers. The war cut off the
supply line to England and the rest of Europe for most decorators whose orders were
minimal compared to Draper. Her reputation also assured steady work from the
commercial sector. By this point in her career, Draper found herself in a situation
explained by Frank Jenkins in Architect and Patron (1953):
Tate and Smith, Interior Design of the 20th Century, 410.

The artist's public had become too large and too diffuse to
offer leadership or even encouragement. ... Rather than
reflecting the taste of a particular section of society as in
the past, he found that he had become himself the leader of
taste.42
From her newspaper column, "Ask Dorothy Draper," to her directorship of Good
Housekeeping's "Studio for Living," Draper led the American public in most of the
fashionable trends of the mid-twentieth century, including patent leather upholstery,
linoleum flooring, and bold color schemes of watermelon pink and 'Draper' green. The
irony was that so much of Draper's advice on taste suggested that individuals already had
taste; she was simply there to help them hone it.
Always looking for new opportunities, Draper was not complacent in her
residential-based projects. She wanted to increase her influence on the built environment.
Consequently, she began expanding her repertoire to include hospitals and retail spaces.
Delving more deeply into public spaces, Draper made even greater contact with middle-
class Americans. Her previous projects were not entirely accessible to all. The Hampshire
House was an enclave of the upper class, for the most part, although the restaurant drew
the middle class for breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Retail spaces and hospitals were not
nearly as exclusive. A customer may not have been able to afford the merchandise, yet,
the price tags did not prevent browsing through the store. The popularity of Draper's
42
Frank Jenkins, Architect and Patron (London: Oxford University Press, 1961): 242.
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books and her clients' marketing campaigns that boasted her name made the opening of
one of her projects a special event for those anxious to see a "Draperized" interior.
Coty Beauty Salon (1941)
In July of 1941, the Coty Beauty Salon opened its doors in grand fashion.
Befitting its high profile location, the salon, guarded by a white satin ribbon, announced
its presence with all the glamour of Hollywood and energy of Broadway. A fashion show,
ten Rockettes, the Rollo Hudson Orchestra, and Rose Bampton (1907-2007), a fixture at
the Metropolitan Opera House, participated in the festivities. Many feared that the salon
itself could not live up to the hype. The anticlimax never arrived. The flood of anxious
reporters, special guests, and the public-at-large reveled in the Draper-decorated space.
Some even suggested it was worth an admission fee. Once again, Draper had designed a
colorful interior accented with some of her most extraordinary plaster work to date.
The general layout of the Coty Beauty Salon consisted of two floors. Customers
entered on the long axis of the lower level that ran the depth of the space. Draper
assigned the left side to seating with some minor display and the stairs at the back of the
store that led to the second level (figure 93). The right side of the interior was for
merchandise. Two display cases anchored the wall. A cosmetic bar accented the curving
wall at the back of the store (figure 94), leading the customer's eye to a magnificent
custom display and then to the staircase. The stairs divided the upper level into two areas.
The area leading back toward the front of the store housed additional displays for product
43
"New Salon Open in Air of Splendor," The New York Times (Thursday, July 10, 1941):
Society Section, 22.
placement and application with ample seating just beyond (figure 95). The other side of
the banister belonged to the services area of the salon. A set of double doors led to four
private treatment rooms (figure 96).
The color scheme for the salon was basically red, white, and blue: an appropriate
scheme in the midst of World War II. Draper tweaked the colors, however, to evoke a
sophisticated and elegant space. The dominant hue was cerulean blue that covered all of
the walls. The carpet was a darker shade of that same hue. All of Draper's plaster work
was in the usual stark white, as were all of the Rococo-inspired chairs and more modern
stools. Cherry red covered the stools and some of the chairs with leather. Bursts of color
appeared on the display units and screens with large bouquets of Draper's cabbage roses
surrounded by a variety of other flowers. The overall atmosphere was fresh and clear, as
if sniffing a complex perfume with aromas that separate so clearly and yet blend into a
sumptuous whole.
The merits of Draper's color scheme extended beyond that of creating a certain
atmosphere. Draper's work in the area of merchandising had made her acutely aware of
what product she was selling and how she was going to sell, or package, it. While the
cosmetics and perfumes were the physical product, the women's faces were the selling
point. The blue atmosphere caused the women's skin tones to standout in the space. The
warmth of their flesh was as much an accent of the space as the lush red roses and cherry
red seats. Mademoiselle magazine quickly sought permission to use the space for a
fashion layout. The model donned a red outfit with gold buttons (figure 97). Though her
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hat covered much of her face, her skin tone and ruby red lips created an effective
contrast.
Journalists reported the interior as being in the "Modern Baroque" style mainly
due to the exquisite plasterwork details.44 Draper's scrollwork in the Coty Salon reached
a peak of refinement. In previous projects, the decoration appeared heavy and massive.
Here, in the heart of New York City, the decorative details were exceptional examples of
mass and void, weight and weightlessness. The featured piece (figure 98) on axis with the
major circulation path leading toward the stair stretched the height of the room. Two
gracious, well proportioned "c-scrolls" defined the cartouche that crowned the
composition. The lower portions of the scrolls curved inward to create a visual base,
while the top exploded into a plume of leaves. A seven-armed candelabrum sprouted
from the lower portion. The framed mirror reflected the light fixture doubling its size. Six
additional candles lit the glittering fixture from the angled sides that connected the front
of the fixture back to the wall. The central section beneath the cartouche housed the
merchandise. The soft, curving edges of the scrolls topped by a soft swag and anchored
by a shell created the capsule-shaped opening. The craftsmanship of the piece provided a
beautiful study in light and shadow. The depth of carving in conjunction with the
proportion of the scrolls was delicate and elegant.
Draper's scrollwork found expression throughout the interior at all scales. Similar
display fixtures with large cartouches on top disguised air-conditioning grilles (figure
96). The newel post mimicked the pillars of the cosmetic bar with large acanthus leaves
44
"Beauty," Interior Design and Decoration (September 1941): 36.
274
springing from behind a fully developed blossom. Large, voluptuous cartouches, more
compact than the others, lined the railing on the upper floor. Tiered acanthus leaves, each
supporting a round glass shelf, sprung up the wall in the treatment rooms (figure 99). The
mirrored wall completed the half round fixture and again doubled its size as well as the
amount of product displayed. Draper, Lester Grundy, and Serge Cinquinni created
breathtaking examples of Baroque scrollwork for a modern interior.
Another craftsperson whose work was prominent in the Salon was that of Alice
Willits Donaldson (1885-1961).45 She was responsible for the large hand-painted
bouquets on the first floor (figure 100). The simple geometry and flat surfaces of the
cabinets ensured that Donaldson's work would be the emphasis of the piece. The screens
that flanked the sofa on the first floor were simple, three-paneled sections. The floor- and
wall-mounted display cases, directly across from the seating arrangement, were box
forms with modestly curved scalloped interior edges to create a visual frame for the
merchandise. Donaldson painted her artwork on black paper that was then laminated to
the piece and given a glossy finish. The largest motifs, which reached to almost three feet
in height and two in width, occurred on the sides of the cabinets and on the screens. The
press referred to this treatment as 'plasdecor', an assumed joining of'plastic' and
'decoration.'
45
Alice Willits Donaldson was an artist, designer and illustrator. She studied at the
Cincinnati Art Academy and the Pennsylvania Museum of Industrial Arts in Philadelphia.
At the beginning of her career she painted covers and illustrations for Country Life,
Children's Vogue, Delineator, House Beautiful and the Saturday Evening Post. She then
moved into the decorative arts, designing fabrics, wall papers, ceramics and rugs. She
also worked with Draper a second time on the screens at the Fairmont Hotel in San
Francisco. Her obituary appeared in The New York Times (November 14, 1961): 36.
Draper's Baroque styling was a clear reference to the energy and scale of much of
the decoration. However, the style was eclectic, a term that was not applied to Draper's
work by critics and reporters for some unknown reason. The only other items as
dominant as the scrollwork were the armless French Rococo chairs used throughout the
interior. Stylistically, the Rococo derived from the Baroque in logical fashion. The
organic scrollwork became lighter in visual weight and more delicate. The undulating
silhouette of the chair back with defining cabriole legs harkened back to a time and place
where women ascended socially and politically. The use of French Rococo furniture was
always a symbol of a "woman's space." These chairs sat in front of the merchandise
counter on the first floor and consumed the second floor by ringing the tent area and the
room itself, demonstrating flexibility. The organic lines of the chair contrasted with the
modern lines of the case pieces and the architectural shell, but resonated with the
attenuated curves found in the scrollwork and the floral decoration.
Touches of modernism accented the interior and provided visual rest for the eye
that leaped from decoration to decoration. The seating areas, those utilized by
individuals waiting for service or perhaps a friend, were consistently more modern. On
both the upper and lower floor, single-cushioned, kidney-shaped sofas relied on the pale
blue textural fabric for visual interest. The back swept subtly down to the arms. Draper
situated two armless chairs in matching fabric on each side of the sofa. Nine inch fringe
layered with a tailored chevron skirt hid the legs of the chair and added to the modern
geometry of the space. Contemporary stools with cherry red leather, wood legs painted
white, and a brass ring for a footrest contrasted with the make-up bar's acanthus leaf
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detailing and the table mirrors in scrolled frames. The only other modern details were the
window treatments. Draper had been showing a preference for Venetian blinds (after a
visit to Europe in the late 1920s). She used those once again and added simple pleated
side curtains to match the wall.
Aside from the modern and historic references, one of the display units was an
anomaly in the space. The tent on the second floor was a round counter with a mirrored
top (figure 101). Six outer poles and one central column (fashioned into a series of
display shelves) supported a fabric structure. Swags swept from pole to pole with a blue
metal ribbon and red roses tying each unit together. Draper shirred the tent's ceiling such
that the fabric gathered in the center behind the acanthus leaf capital of the central
column. Draper referred to The Tent as "the gayest and most unexpected bit of decor in
the whole brilliant scheme." She continued by describing it as "pure carnival."46 The Tent
broke away from the rest of the design due to its novelty. The actual inspiration for the
tent form could have come from a number of sources. Its lush, gathered fabric and
decorative detailing suggested a middle-eastern aesthetic.47
Carleton Varney, In the Pink: Dorothy Draper, America's Most Fabulous Decorator,
ed.Anne Hellman (New York: Pointed Leaf Press, 2006): 94.
47
Pinpointing the actual inspiration for the tent is difficult due to the long history of
textile architecture. Considering Draper's exposure to European design, and preference
for English Georgian interiors, she may have been inspired by heavily upholstered tester
beds and the pagoda forms that spread across France and England as a result of trade with
the East. A Chinese Chippendale would be the closest existing form. However, Draper's
reference to The Tent as a novelty suggests that the inspiration is different than that of the
rest of the space, and thus attributed to a more literal interpretation of a middle-eastern
form.
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The visual creativity of the "The Tent" matched the functional creativity of the
curved make-up bar downstairs. Seamless in appearance, the bar had some special
features that the customer discovered only upon approach. The bar offered five stations
for customers, each with a stool and mirror. The large decorative pillars on the front of
the counter defined each unit. The counter responded to the acanthus leaves by morphing
its edge to accommodate the leafs subtle expansion beyond the anticipated lip of the
counter top. The glass counter was cut to reveal a small storage area for cosmetics. The
customers lifted up this section of the glass to access the recessed items, a personal make-
up kit and mirror to try on the products. When finished, all of the products returned to the
storage area hidden from the customer's view maintaining an uncluttered, neat
atmosphere. This idea of the hidden cosmetic kit relied on a long history of vanities that
functioned in a like fashion, and was similar to the tray Draper designed for the yet-to-be-
discussed Delnor Hospital (figure 102). As was typical, Draper drew freely from the past
to reconfigure a domestic design for a commercial application. The combination of
decorative detail and functional requirements was clever and demonstrated Draper's
continued examination of the interior environment and how it could better serve the
customer.
The overall effect of the Coty Beauty Salon differed by floor. On the first level,
the interior was a series of objects in space. The architectural shell faded softly into the
background and drew little attention. Draper's use of mirrors and minimal detailing on
the wall created this context-less experience. However, the second level offered more
specificity. The smaller enclosure with the more prominent scrollwork defining doors and
display shelves brought attention to the walls. Even the texture of the horizontal Venetian
blinds and the vertical curtains provided pattern on the walls. Draper's success with her
first retail space garnered recognition and more projects like this one were to follow.
These decorative details landed the interior of the Coty Beauty Salon on the cover of the
September 1941 issue of Interior Design and Decoration, the first beauty salon to do so.
The honor solidified Draper's acceptance within the design community. Previously
viewed as an outsider perhaps due to her own lack of self-identification with the AID,
Draper's projects quickly became a popular subject in the magazine.
Kerr's Department Store (1944)
Draper had conquered both the east and west coast, but the heartland of America
remained an unfamiliar place. The Draper touch had only reached as far as Chicago with
the Camelia House at the Drake Hotel (1941). All of that changed when Draper received
an unlikely commission from Kerr's Department Store in Oklahoma City (figure 103).
Draper's reputation had reached every corner of the country, in part because of an
aggressive brochure and mailing campaign. Kerr's asked her to redesign the women's
department on the third floor of the existing building (figure 104). The budget was
limited and, to make matters more challenging, the war had produced restrictions on
materials. The design of the existing store had numerous problems. The "storage spaces
[existed] in the middle of the space, fitting rooms were huddled as far as possible from
elevators and main traffic routes, and none of the individual departments were getting
their money's worth out of their space."48 These concerns indicated a shift in the retail
48
"Draper in Oklahoma," Interiors (April 1944): 50.
279
sector's thinking that design could increase sales and be a crucial consideration for
success.
Draper's theory of color application signaled changes for future retail
environments. Varying values of grey washed the walls and contrasted sharply with
burgundy, citron, and green accents. Draper applied color creatively as each of the
accents marked a different section in the store. This design strategy was a precursor to the
concept of in-store boutiques. While the grey walls provided unity to the women's
department, the accents acted as a wayfinding device for the customers and added variety
to the interior's large space. Reporters noted that Draper coalesced her color scheme in
only two places. The first was the floral chintz that framed vignettes of merchandise. The
second was a series of painted bouquets attached to the walls. These panels helped
camouflage air ducts.
Draper's first, and most significant, challenge was to deal with the existing
structural grid of columns that divided the floor area. One such instance was the column
that confronted customers immediately after stepping off the elevator (figure 103). In
characteristic fashion, Draper clad the square piers with mirrors. The mechanics of the
building vanished quickly. Draper took advantage of the pier's location by encircling it
with a display counter. The semi-circular display unit with a corresponding dropped
ceiling not only further de-emphasized the pier, but also acted as a visual focus from the
elevator and as a traffic routing element, all the while maintaining its priority as a sales
device. With war-time restrictions, the government denied Draper the use of her
preferred medium, plaster. She turned to wood for the large scale, Baroque ornaments
that crowned the central display. The ornamentation was once again in dead-white and
consisted of overlapping s- and c-scrolls, which added visual depth and variety. Atypical
of most of her other designs, the fully exposed back sides of the scrollwork were flat.
Only the front received the carving, perhaps a reflection of budget constraints. The
dropped ceiling glowed softly, as did the glass-fronted display space beneath the counter.
A huge spray of real flowers enhanced the wood veneer facing the counter and added a
finished note to the entire composition.
Other display features demonstrated Draper's understanding of the shopping
experience. Custom-designed display cases made it possible to keep sweaters on shelves
at the top, and 400 skirts below, thus increasing the efficiency of display space. The hat
department displayed its wares more overtly. Draper designed a series of brackets for
each station that were easily accessible to the customer. The design allowed 20 hats to be
on display at all times and encouraged the customer to interact with the merchandise.
Draper had increased the department's merchandising space by over 40%. The sales
increase was almost immediate.
Perhaps the grandest of all merchandising experiences occurred in the Mirror
Room (figure 105). The room was more of a suite. Numerous dressing chambers
surrounded an octagonal vestibule or fitting room. Here, Draper treated the female
customer to a luxurious experience. The Mirror Room appeared to have come straight off
the silver screen. The walls and the long velvet hangings between the mirrors were gun-
metal gray with multi-colored linings of sparkling chintz for accent. She suspended
large, circular, glowing lights from a black ceiling on a steel grid. The geometry and
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simplicity of the design possessed an Art Deco atmosphere, not unlike the stage sets for
countless movies. Draper introduced her scrollwork in this room by framing the mirrors
(figure 106). The Busby Berkley addition of scale made the space all the more dramatic.
Baroque frames complemented the profiles of the latest fashions as seen on both the
silver screen and on the racks of Kerr's Department Store, waiting for the next 'starlet'
(or customer) to move into the spotlight.
Draper's design featured the customer as the primary object in the space. The
receding colors and mirrors, lessened the materiality of the wall, including the doors,
placing far more emphasis on the interior furnishing groups and the activity at hand. In
this instance, the activity was middle-class American women treating themselves to new
clothing during a depressing time in history. To elevate the gaiety of the moment, Draper
used citron yellow upholstery.
Reflections abounded in this space through the use of the mirrors. Draper utilized
them in two distinct ways. The four major mirrors on the angled walls reflected the
customer in her new garment. She could look in various directions to see her potential
new purchase. Aside from the functional aspect, Draper created the illusion of an
historical French enfilade—a processional route with the mirrors. Mirrors on opposite
walls reflected each other infinitely, creating a visual replication of an endless Baroque
enfilade, for example, at the Palace of Versailles. In addition, Draper cleverly placed the
mirrors diagonally to the entrance axis, which re-oriented the visitor to a new set of axes,
de-emphasizing the context of the department store, while at the same time strengthening
the center of the room which was part of the central axis from the elevators. The second
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manner in which Draper used a mirror to great effect was part of a much larger and
complicated scheme.
By compressing the entry into the Mirror Room, in essence framing it, Draper
enticed and encouraged a voyeuristic relationship between the participant of the activity
and those outside viewing it, in hopes of drawing them into the visual experience
awaiting them inside. However, a pier sat in the middle of the frame, immediately behind
which laid the optimum location for a customer to view herself in all four mirrors along
the wall. Draper's cladding of the pier with mirrors achieved notable effects depending of
the gender. For the female customer she saw a reflection of herself already in the room,
further enticing participation. The male customer, however, experienced something
entirely different. A space not intended for men, the Mirror Room and its centrally
located mirrored-pier denied views into the space where women were engaged in a
female ritual. In order to see the female, the male would have to move off axis. The
separation from the major circulation heightened his move "off the grid" into an area that
was more suspicious as he attempted to engage in unaccepted public behavior.
Consequently, the Mirror Room became a truly private space for women.
The budget for the third floor was likely less than that for many of her other
projects, size notwithstanding. Evidence included the unfinished back of the scrollwork
over the circular display and the less extravagant scrollwork framing the mirrors. Other
decorative elements provided further examples. Draper's signage consisted of flat panels
carved with what appeared to be a profile inspired by wood molding and her scrollwork.
The sign had no depth and no further articulation other than the name of the department
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in cursive script. Draper used similar panels as pure decoration lining the upper portion of
the walls. The hand painted panels combined, for the first time, Draper's two defining
characteristics: c-scrolls cradled large cabbage roses in a composition that fused her two
most Romantic images.
The concepts behind Draper's design for Kerr's was color and framing. Draper
realized that she must highlight the merchandise in a way that would encourage
customers to purchase. The Mirror Room was the exemplar. The glass cases of
merchandise framed the Mirror Room. The entry framed the interior environment.
Drapery treatments framed individual seating groups and Draper's Baroque scrollwork
framed the mirrors, which reflected the most important image of all, the customer.
Throughout the remainder of the store, lavishly hung fabrics of "Draper Green" and
"American Beauty Red" framed larger vignettes that showcased a wide variety of
products.
Kerr's was a success for Draper for two reasons. First, she created a "wrapped-in-
platina-mink" experience for the customers.49 The aesthetics of the space resonated with
the middle-class consumer. She saw infinite reflections of herself in the numerous
mirrors and was surrounded by feminine images of bouquets at a time when her own
gender roles were shifting during the war effort. Second, Draper understood the
programmatic challenges in retail spaces. She increased product display and made the
merchandise easily accessible to the consumer. She also enhanced wayfinding and
Ibid. "Platina" is a term of Spanish origin that means "platinum."

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product location by color coding the various areas of the store. Aesthetics and function
blended into a seamless, effective consumer experience.
The America House (1944)
Shortly after the opening of Kerr's in Oklahoma City, Draper attended another
opening in New York City. Collaborating with architects Morris Ketchum and Francis
X. Gina, Draper designed the interiors of the America House, "the retail headquarters for
the American Craftsmen's Cooperative Council, an organization of all of the handcraft
guilds in the United States."50 Draper's acquisition may have been connected to her
involvement with the Handcraft Cooperative League of America (HCLA). She was one
of the directors of the 12-member board. Hiring Draper for the interior of the America
House was an attempt to "update" the image of the arts and crafts community.
In an article published in the HCLA's trade journal, Draper addressed the lack of
business occurring between guilds and the decorators. She offered three reasons. The first
focused on the design of products. She found their works to be too nostalgic. Their color
palette was "antique" and the scale of ornamentation too small. Draper proposed fresh
colors and patterns that were much larger in scale. The second reason related to the
products' inability to convey the right "feeling." She attempted to clarify by stating that
clients did not want "things that are sentimentally pretty—or quaint—or deliberately
humorous—or too elaborately ornamented."51 In essence, Draper challenged some of the
50
"Store for American Crafts," Pencil Points (August, 1944): 47.
51
Dorothy Draper, "What the Decorator Would Like from Arts and Crafts," Handcraft
Cooperative League of America magazine (New York: Handcraft Cooperative League of
America, nd): 6. Mary Ware Dennett papers, Series II, 1894-1948 at the Radcliffe
285
core characteristics of the arts and crafts ideology. She criticized the inherent values of
nostalgia and sentimentality and those of ornamentation in which much of craft thrived.
Her third reason for the absence of a relationship between the purchasing decorator and
craftspeople was their inability to ensure the product's on-time delivery. The HCLA
employed some of Draper's advice due to the magnitude of the decorators' market. Under
Draper's guidance, the HCLA created new color charts for purchase. The charts'
innovative characteristic was that they were not paint samples. Textiles communicated
the color choices. Draper decided to demonstrate how color need not be hindered by
materiality. With the new color charts available, the HCLA began the creation of its new
identity. The second step was to present that identity to the public in the form of a retail
store.
Draper's influence was evident on the Madison Avenue facade, even though it fell
under the jurisdiction of the architects. Flanked by two glass displays, the front door
boasted a brilliant cherry red with a large, stylized American eagle (the HCLA's
trademark) carved in the center and trimmed in white. This formula closely followed
Draper's advice on the treatment of residential front doors that were painted brilliant
colors adorned with large, impressive brass knockers.52 Confident and bold, the entry
was an appropriate prelude to the interior. Dressed in a patriotic color scheme of red,
white, and blue, Draper utilized growing nationalism to beckon the casual window
shopper into the store. Once inside, the visitor experienced a space with multiple layers
Institute for Advanced Studies, Schlesinger Library, M-138, reels B1-B6, mc.392, reel 9.
Draper, Decorating Is Fun! 107.

286
of counters and open geometric display cases that permitted the eye to penetrate to the
rear of the space. Separating the two levels vertically in the back of the store, Draper
designed a bold logo. In front of a red field, a giant white banner with dynamic curved
lines presented the name of the store, America House. Anchoring the right side of the
banner was a blue seal with an engraved eagle. Small areas around the banner revealed
white stars on a blue field. Draper's patriotic spirit reveled in this project.
The most important objects in the America House were hand-crafted pieces of art.
Stark white walls and a twelve foot ceiling in the main showroom kept the customer's
focus on the crafts. In contrast to the walls, the floor was a highly polished deep blue that
receded from the white display tables making them appear to float. A mixture of
incandescent spotlights and fluorescent trough lighting illuminated the merchandise and
added pattern to the wall.
Case pieces in the front showroom articulated the circulation path, yet the
customer progressed through a picturesque sequence of spaces. Moving through the right
side of the main gallery with its angled display cases, the customers assumed their only
choice was to go down to the lower level until an unexpected stair to the second story
appeared behind a wall that terminated the series of display tables. Upstairs was the
exhibit room and downstairs housed the rear sales room, containing mainly textiles. The
majority of fixtures came from the America House's previous location, due to war
conditions and a limited budget. Only a few fixtures were new. The adaptive re-
utilization of the furnishings worked exceptionally well in the new space.

287
The balcony exhibit room and members' lounge offered more intimate spaces.
Dark colored baseboards, cornices, and corner pilasters emphasized the eight foot high
walls. Beneath the cornice a row of recessed lights illuminated the exhibited pieces and
left most of the ceiling in shadow. The design supported opportunities for reflection and
personal conversations. Downstairs, beneath the balcony, a series of white wooden rods
permitted the display of large pieces of fabric. In the center of the space sat a display
table with various textiles. Architects located the offices in this rear wing, creating an re-
shaped plan. The cashier was at the back of the store to the side of the rear sales room—
completely hidden from anyone entering the store, elevating the experience of the
America House to that of a gallery rather than a craft store.
Draper was likely only responsible for the color palette and signage for the store.
The remainder of the space was entirely too modern. The project was a mix-match of
ideologies. The inescapable and undeniable textural, hand-made quality of the arts and
crafts stood in distinct contrast with the highly geometric, modern interior. Draper's color
scheme negotiated the two by softening the architecture and yet adding fresh colors that
would enhance any red or blue that may have been in the products. However, Draper's
signage at the rear of the store felt oddly out of place. Even though it was neither modern
nor traditional, the indescribable style did not resonate with the rest of the design. One
reviewer noted that the sign was the only jarring note and seemed to be a "distinctly noisy
bull in a dignified shop."53 Draper's organic curves related to nothing in the space and the
proportion was inappropriate. The criticism was insightful.
53
"Store for American Crafts," 49.
The America House was one of a very few projects that Draper accepted in which
she was not in complete control of the design. The architects for this project and the
existing fixtures dominated the design. Draper could only add color. Her obligation to
assist an organization in which she particpated on the board of directors culminated in a
design that positioned Draper's portion as a mark of poor taste: a result Draper probably
abhorred, but graciously tolerated as a member of the HCLA. This experience
strengthened her resolve when it came to demanding her role as sole arbiter of taste.
Draper's foray into retail design was as uncharted as was her work in hotels,
apartment houses, and hospitals. She provided successful models for the design of each
by relying on a design language with foundations in the domestic sphere. Much like her
fusion of time periods, Draper also merged place, in this case, the domestic and public
spheres. Her designs defied categorization as they did not fit easily within a linear design
continuum. She was not "half-way" between modern and traditional or domestic and
public. Her style was beyond categorization, and caused reporters, critics, and even
historians to struggle in their discussion of her work. In addition to her style, she
skillfully negotiated the function of the store, the individual merchandise, and the patron
to create a visually pleasing, yet practical space. Draper was a pioneer among interior
decorators in seeking out retail spaces and bringing them within the purview of her
profession. Her commercial projects infused the masculine realm of the public with the
feminine realm of the domestic.

Quitandinha Hotel and Resort (1946)
By the mid 1940s, clients searching for Draper in hopes of retaining her services
through an enticing project proposal had become the norm. In January of 1942, Elena
Cavalcanti, employee of Joaquin Rolla, Brazilian builder and entrepreneur, proposed just
such a job in Petropolis, Brazil, a small community outside of Rio de Janeiro. Rolla had
traveled to Hollywood looking for inspiration. After visiting Draper's Arrowhead
Springs Resort in San Bernardino, he knew she was the only designer who could handle
his magnificent casino. The Quitandinha Resort and Casino (figure 107) would be the
largest of its kind in all of South America.54 The scale of the plans challenged even
Draper, but she eagerly accepted the offer.55 For two years, the Quitandinha project
consumed Draper's office. Draper and her staff traveled frequently between New York
and Brazil. This project was the major reason Draper never had to close her doors during
the war years.
The Quitandinha was a massive project covering approximately 450,000 square
feet with 440 apartments plus 13 large public spaces (e.g., lobbies, restaurants,
ballrooms) on a total of six floors. The hotel looked as though it were nestled in the lower
mountains of the Alps with its Bavarian styling. Draper noted that it reminded her of
Baden-Baden, a nod to the local village's German heritage. During the mid-191 century,
Germans immigrated to Brazil with the intent of becoming farmers for the large amounts
54
The Quitandinha still exists and boasts many of Draper's original interiors. See
Amanda Vaill's "Flying Down To Rio: Dorothy Draper Brought High-Octane Glamour
to a 1940's Casino Resort" Architectural Digest 59, no. 4 (April 2002): 120+.
55
290
of land holdings that needed workers. The Brazilian government promised large tracts of
land, where they could settle with their families and colonize the region. The immigrants
brought their culture, including their architecture, to the region. Their presence became
strong enough over the next one hundred years that it warranted the design of Latin
America's largest casino to reflect their architectural style. Draper had little responsibility
for the architecture, and chose not to have her interiors reflect the German-inspired
exterior. She did acknowledge the hotel's geographic location. Not only was she going to
generate much of her design from the surroundings—such as the color scheme of "sharp
yellows, limes, cochineal, and a galaxy of greens"—she was also going to have all of her
custom furnishings and materials produced in Brazil.56 She was going to use only
Brazilian woods and take great advantage of their craft in tile work.57 While Draper's
designs responded to the region, she was sure to add her trademark styling to the interior.
With this project, Draper became an international designer.
The Entrance Hall to the Theater (figure 108) was the most spectacular space by
its sheer size. The architects created a room reaching approximately 60 feet in all
directions. The impressive ceiling sprung from its cornice to create a breathtaking vault
over the hall below. The scale and proportions in Draper's designs had to be near perfect
in order to prevent the theater-goer from feeling overwhelmed by the sheer volume of the
56
Barbara E. Scott Fischer, "Dorothy Draper, Designer, Ties Up Her Hotel Decorations
All in One Package," Christian Science Monitor (October 28, 1942): CIO.
57
Ibid. The decision to utilize Brazilian companies may have been part of the contract or
it could have been that their prices were much more reasonable considering products
would not have to be shipped from the United States to South America.
291
space. Even in such grand interiors, Draper always seemed to desire a space more
intimate than its actual size. She created a sense of intimacy by implying a lowered visual
ceiling. The large portals marking one of the major paths of circulation had thick
moldings surrounding their edges. Draper topped the composition with two acanthus
leaves that led the eye to the large central motif, a shell. She left considerable space,
almost six feet, before starting her cornice molding. Draper had plenty of room to extend
her molding, but she kept it low and horizontal to provide the guest with a visual barrier.
The guest's eye focused on the shell, traveled along the line of the acanthus leaf and was
then attracted by a twelve foot candelabrum topped with a star. The novelty of its size
and intricate Baroque detailing and turned shaft kept the eye at this median level. Next to
the light fixtures, windows peered into other smaller spaces. The effect was almost like
looking into a curio cabinet. The entire composition finally resolved with a seven foot
potted plant in the corner. The triangular composition prevented the eye from
experiencing the true height of the ceiling. The scale of Draper's designs was in harmony
with the space. Had Draper used traditionally sized furnishings, the room's size would
have revealed itself conspicuously by the profuse number of objects it housed.
Draper did not ignore the ceiling nor did she take great advantage of it. In order to
relate to the proportion of the overall space, the cornice was almost six feet thick. The
massive molding hovered high above, defining the space without enclosing it. The size of
the molding was also due to the lamps it hid from the guests. The up-lighting provided a
soft glow such that the large vault appeared to float quietly above. Indirect lighting and
down lighting seemed to detach the architectural trim from its supportive surface. With
292
the combination of unusual lighting effects and over-scaled furnishings, Draper created a
surreal interior that was at the same time intimate and spacious.
The central focus of the hall was a layered radial arrangement. A low, white round
planter sat at the center. Draper situated four kidney bean-shaped sofas and their
corresponding coffee tables concentrically, using the planter as the center point. From
plan view, a graphic design in the flooring, which resembled her Baroque scrollwork,
framed the seating arrangement. The c-scrolls spanned more than 20 feet—taking
Draper's scrollwork to an entirely new scale—and curved away from the sofas. The
visual result implied that Draper viewed the sofas as part of the scrollwork and thus
extruded their curved shape, and those of the accompanying coffee tables, from the floor.
CO
Various colors and shades gave depth and dimension to the floor covering.
The final layer included the impressive candelabra. Measuring almost twelve feet
in height by five feet in diameter, the candelabra were a derivative of Draper's large-scale
Baroque scrollwork. Deeply turned pedestals, a foot-and-a-half in diameter, elevated the
base of the swan neck extensions to roughly seven feet. Sixteen extensions supported the
nest for two electric lights in the form of candles, one at the top of the first curve, the
other a continuation of the terminus. The emphasis of the curves and the Rococo-inspired
shell pediment crowning the entry door produced allusions of European, aristocratic
grandeur. Symmetrically arranged from the center, the design was a mirror image if cut
58
It is difficult to discern the material of the flooring. Draper used linoleum in quite a
few of her installations, however, the possibility of terrazzo is more likely due to the
project's expensive budget and the fact that the client required that all the materials be
manufactured locally.
293
along either major axis. The complexity of the floor plan suggested that Draper privileged
the plan view as the motivational force for the overall design. The wall elevations were
secondary and the ceiling tertiary. Such designs indicated that neither Draper nor her
creative team designed in perspective, a method that would have addressed space as a
singular, balanced composition.
One of the few interiors that suggested a more sensitive and equal consideration
for all architectural planes occurred in one of the large lobbies (figure 109), which also
evoked strong French imagery. Filled with a variety of symmetrically organized seating
arrangements, the long hall bore a surprising similarity to Louis XIV's Hall of Mirrors at
Versailles (figure 110), his Baroque palace. Draper divided the long wall elevations with
arches defined by heavy molding. Most of the arches were blind, but some framed
proportionately small openings. All of them framed furniture groupings. The two
architectural planes reflected each other in much the same way as the windows and the
mirrors in Versailles. Draper separated the arches with abstracted pilasters, each
ornamented with a large bracket supporting a Roman urn. A hidden light emanated from
the urn, washing the wall with a soft glow. Pilasters divided Versailles's arches instead of
brackets attached to the walls; the major source of lighting came from large torcheres
placed strategically in front of the pilasters. Draper reduced the crystal chandeliers
suspended from the vaulted ceiling to a series of geometric octagonal impressions aligned
in two rows. The floor below did not reflect the ceiling's design in either space. The
diaper patterned parquet floors required Draper to shift her trademark black and white
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floor onto a 45 degree angle. Draper even lined the walls of her lobby with Rococo-
inspired chairs that were conspicuously detached from any of the seating arrangements.
With the exception of the floor design, this lobby demonstrated a dramatically
different approach to the design of a space for Draper and her team of designers in two
ways. First, the proportion of the room, particularly its narrow width and much longer
depth, emphasized the ceiling plane. Draper may have realized on her visit that ceilings in
such long rooms present themselves forcefully as they dropped toward the horizon. In
addition, the dominant axis reinforced its position in the room. Wall elevations vanish in
perspective to a far greater degree than the ceiling. Consequently, Draper knew that she
had to treat the ceiling with greater detail than usual in that it was a major component of
the visual field when guests entered the space.
Second, Draper had yet to encounter such long wall elevations. Her passion for
symmetry motivated her to employ spatial modules as the design strategy, which meant
that the relationship between the architectural planes had to be integrated at a higher level
than usual. Typically, Draper approached plan and elevation with a moderate degree of
integration in that furniture, and at times the floor pattern, reacted to the design of the
wall. The ceiling, however, acted only as a "cap." Draper rarely pulled significant
architectural detail on to the ceiling because it was not in the visual field. The
combination of long wall elevations and a pronounced ceiling required Draper to think of
the space in units. Each arch framed furniture and related to a corresponding element on
the ceiling. The opposing wall mirrored this same composition. In the finished design,
six architecturally detailed modules marched down the length of the room. The octagonal
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ceiling impressions linked the wall elevations and also led the eye to two massive floor-
to-ceiling, arched windows and the accompanying views beyond.
The spaces for the Quitandinha were the largest Draper had confronted in her
career to date. The size of the room required her to reconsider how to provide interest
into such expansive architectural planes. Her Baroque scrollwork would be far too
expensive. Consequently, she used it sparingly. For example, in the lobby the only.
Baroque ornamentation came in the form of a tri-leafed acanthus detail at the top of the
arch, a shell in the center of the arch, and the brackets supporting the urns. The rest of the
detail came from large bolection moldings, even larger than those used in the Hampshire
House. These moldings dominated the public interiors leaving the scrollwork as
decorative detail. When Draper did use her scrollwork, she maximized effect. Large
chandeliers and fountains, major focal points, received this special attention. The
entrance loggia (figure 111) was one of the few examples where she used it from floor to
ceiling to articulate the enfilade of arched portals that encouraged lazy walks. The
intricacy of the plasterwork was far less detailed compared to that found in the Coty
Beauty Salon. With two custom lanterns between each opening, Draper treated the guests
to a moment of her quintessential style.
From the elegant loggia, successful in its scale and detailing, came the children's
dining (figure 112) room, a space that seemed to challenge Draper. Though she reduced
her scale in deference to her clients, the decoration of the space was disjointed. Draper
knew that children would not relate to her sophisticated design that drew from history and
yet was infused with her unique view of modernism. She decided on a circus theme. A
296
parade of animals sitting politely on a series of pedestals ran across the long wall
opposite the entrance. Only the monkey, the ring master, broke the mammalian line. The
perfect posture of the animals inferred a similar protocol among the children, just as
Draper had been taught by her parents. Light fixtures in the form of red and white beach
balls dangled overhead. A u-shaped banquette dressed in a large plaid focused the room
toward the circus-themed mural. Round tables, wood chairs with upholstered seats and
backs, and red leather banquettes against the wall provided the remainder of the
necessary furnishings and a playful environment.
Across from the mural was a blue and white tile house (figure 113) that concealed
a projector for the movies shown during certain times of the day. The diminutive
structure resembled a small house in any number of fairy tales. The scale and detailing
recalled a modified version of the classic gingerbread house. A door scaled for children
offered a central focal point around which faux windows with wood slats and window
planters finished the symmetrical composition. Draper trimmed the windows with flat
molding carved on the interior with alternating convex and concave curves one jutting
out from the other. The eaves of the little house featured simple s-curves dropped beneath
smooth discs that connected the molding to the roof. These decorations seemed
appropriate for evoking memories of a fantasy home mentioned in the bedtime stories of
countless western cultures.
The remaining aspects of the house's design countered that imagery however.
Windows on the side of the structure varied from those in the front. The simplicity of the
trimmed windows gave way to portals with wood slats. The trim was much more
aggressive and resembled vaguely an ornate shield. Draper reinforced that shape on top
of the house. Placed directly above the door, that shape took on a three-dimensional form.
This was Draper's approach to disguising the film projector. A mansard roof, painted in
the same color as the ceiling, crowned the diminutive structure. The similar coloration
with the ceiling and the contrast of the white trim at the eaves caused the roof to vanish
into the background. The projector, hidden by the roof, emitted the film's images from
the center of the portal. Finials at each corner of the building consisted of sophisticated
Baroque bases that grew into four supports that lifted a vase like structure to the ceiling.
Overall, the room lacked the unity typical of a Draper interior. Beach balls, circus
animals, tile gingerbread houses with Baroque detailing, and over-scaled plaids created
an interior that attempted to morph itself from Draper's Baroque visions to a playful
children's dining room. Draper provided all of the visual interest at a level more
appropriate for children by ignoring the ceiling plane and emphasizing the floor with
large scale checkerboard pattern, the fabric and color on the seating, and the mural and
house at each end of the room. Consequently, Draper created a room for the special user
(children), but the design lacked a singular concept.
Draper's eclectic approach to the children's space was not as successful from a
design standpoint as those she designed for adults. This was not surprising due to
Draper's "distant" relationship with her children. Like most women in her class, Draper
depended on nannies and governesses to assist in the raising of her children, just as her
mother had done with her and Roger. The distance, physically and to some degree
emotionally, was common and prevented women from engaging in a "second childhood"
through their own offspring. As such, Draper's interior for the children's dining room
reflected a degree of unfamiliarity with children's spaces and the type of surroundings
they might appreciate.
Stylistically, Draper's work at the Quitandinha challenged her to re-evaluate her
own perception of scale. The massive size of the spaces required careful prioritization of
the location of her scrollwork and its effectiveness with less detail due to budget. She
introduced bold moldings to compensate. Her visions of color flourished in the tropical
climate resulting in a variety of fabric lines for Schumacher. The significant point
regarding these textiles (wallpaper and fabrics) was that even from her commercial
commissions Draper found success in the residential sector. This was a mechanism that
kept Draper attached to the middle class even when she was working on a project they
would never see. Like the Arrowhead Springs Resort and the Hampshire House, Draper
continued to secure some of the highest profile resort projects in the world. And yet, her
most famous commission was just around the corner.
The growing publicity for the Quitandinha in the United States encouraged F.
Schumacher, a New York fabric house, to sign a contract with Draper for a line of
residential fabrics based on her South American project. "Brazilliance" (figure 114)
debuted in the fall of 1947 with Jungle Leaves, Carioca Stripe, Fazenda Lily, Samaba
Stripe and Minas Cloth.59 The advertising for the product line had Draper boasting that
she had developed twelve new tropical colors: Hibiscus Pink, Amazon Blue, Bamboo
Varney, In the Pink, 190.

299
Beige, and Horizon Mauve, to name just a few. Color had so empowered Draper that she
was now its creator.
Draper's designs for Schumacher were indicative of the 1940s. In an attempt to
escape the realities of war, Americans desired tropical patterns that whisked them as far
away from home, and Europe, as possible. Draper's fabric lines supported this mentality.
The "Hawaiian Islands Group" (1949, figures 115, 116) and "Espana" (1955, figures 117,
118) continued the escapist tradition set by "Brazilliance." By the mid 1950s, the war was
ten years past and Americans had money to spend. Knowing her effect on popular
culture, the Spanish government hired Draper and Schumacher to create a line that would
encourage American interest in Spain as a tourist destination.
Draper's role as an international diplomat had occurred once before, at the
Quitandinha. A Brazilian press release quoted Jose Bettencourt Machado, acting director
of the Brazilian Government Trade Bureau. "This enterprise on the part of a business
firm in the United States turning to Brazil for inspiration for home decorative fabrics
[was] of particular interest at this time, following so soon after the successful inter-
American Conference of Foreign Ministers at the Quitandinha Hotel." He continued by
stating that "whatever [was] done to bring the countries of the Western Hemisphere
together in harmonious accord [was] worthy of acclaim."60 The conference Machado
referred to met with the goal of writing into permanent treaty the Chapultepec Agreement
of 1945, which stipulated that all American nations stood together against any aggression
60
This quote was excerpted from Varney's In The Pink, 176. However, Varney does not
cite the origin of the quote.
300
on any of its members whether it was from the Eastern or Western Hemisphere. This
political issue dominated the conference. However, a supplementary issue regarding
economic support arose. Some Latin America countries wanted economic aid from the
United States "to help ... restore foreign exchange and ease the dislocations caused by
the heavy buying of war materials."61 Draper's acquisition of Machado's endorsement
was a masterful display of marketing. She created a link between her designs—her
name—and world politics. Draper positioned herself as an international diplomat, a role
unimagined for an interior designer.
The Greenbrier (1948)
Since 1778 the Greenbrier (figure 119), nestled in the hills of White Sulphur
Springs, West Virginia served the American upper class as a popular resort during its
annual winter migration south. Lush foliage hid the Greenbrier's massive size. The Beaux
Arts facade, constructed in 1913, evoked memories of the White House for those who
traveled by train to the exclusive destination. The oldest portion of the resort, the
Presidential Cottage, served as George Washington's Camp David.62 Once the United
States entered World War II, the government requisitioned the hotel and used it to house
diplomats from enemy countries. A few years later the government purchased the
property from the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad and converted it into a military hospital
for wounded veterans. Removing all the existing furniture, the "Old White," a nickname
61
"The World: Problems at Petropolis," New York Times (August 24, 1947): Review of
the Week Editorials, El.

301
respectfully crafted by its wealthy "Old Guard" guests, sustained damage in the public
spaces and guest rooms during its function as a hospital. The new arrangement between
tenant and historic structure did not bode well. The military men often missed their mark
when playing darts in the Virginia Room in which William Grauer (1896-1985), an artist
from Cleveland, had researched and painted the history of the Greenbrier in large wall
murals. The Greenbrier was in disarray.
After WWII, Robert Young (1897-1958), owner of the Chesapeake & Ohio
Railroad and one of Draper's social acquaintances, contacted her in hopes of restoring the
"Old White" to its previous splendor.63 Draper graciously accepted the proposal and, in
one weekend, she swept through the entire complex planning the renovation of one of the
last vestiges of American aristocracy. According to Carleton Varney's account of the
weekend, Draper wheeled—due to an injured foot—through the ghostly hotel espousing
her vision for the Greenbrier like a virtuoso composer creating a masterful symphony on
cue.64 The theme was "Romance and Rhododendrons." Inspired by the project's
geographical region, Draper slipped into a Romantic vision that she eagerly wished to
In 1948 Draper garnered a membership on the advisory committee of the Federation

for Railway Progress (established in 1947) thanks to her relationship with Robert R.
Young, the founder and current chairman of the Federation. The charge for the committee
was to revitalize an industry that had seen significant losses in profit after the war. Draper
was brought on board as both a fashionable name and someone who could draw
customers back to the railroads with her nationally recognized interior designs. The
committee could not help the failing industry whose profits continued to plummet into
the mid 1960s. See "Made Advisers to Rail Progress Group," The New York Times
(Thursday, September 23, 1948): Financial section.
64
See Carleton Varney's The Draper Touch, 1-22, for the full account of the weekend at
the Greenbrier.
share with everyone. She only had to communicate it to her staff. Her ability to visualize
the space demonstrated a level of confidence that few decorators, if any, possessed. Her
tastes were never questioned by her staff, and rarely by her clients.
The color scheme naturally came first: '"hunting pink and fuscia [sic], cobalt blue
and turquoise, lime and hunter green, and for punches ... Scarlet! '" 65 Draper's
spontaneous development and description of the palette bore implicit hints to her color
theory, which she never communicated in any detail. First and foremost, Draper selected
a basic color scheme of red, blue and green. This initial palette did not follow typical
formulas in color theory. The red and green suggested a complementary scheme, but the
addition of the blue did not acknowledge the rules of a split complementary (a hue plus
the two hues next to its complement), which would require blue, green and orange.
Second, Draper avoided the selection of pure primary (red, yellow, blue) and secondary
(orange, green, violet) hues. Her colors existed in the realm of tertiary and beyond.
Tertiary colors are equal parts of adjacent primary and secondary hues, such as red-
orange. Draper's colors experienced a wide range of proportional mixtures. Lime was a
mixture of yellow and green, fuchsia was red and violet, turquoise was blue and green.
Whether or not her scarlet was a red-orange or a more vivid red, Draper employed hues
from at least three-quarters of the color wheel. The only hues she ever seemed to veer
away from were those in the yellow-orange range; although, she did not exclude them
completely from her repertoire.
Ibid., 14.
303
Draper's personal approach to color theory was creative and practical, and helped
her create picturesque interiors in a manner similar to English Baroque gardens. During
the 18 century, designers like William Kent (1685-1748) sculpted nature into a delicate
balance of control and freedom. Though meticulously planned, the gardens seemed to
unfold naturally and effortlessly. What was planned was the unexpected variety of
experiences. The garden was themed only to the extent that the designer attempted to
provide as many different scenes as possible. While the landscape architect used flowers
and trees, Draper used mainly color, but also textile patterns and furniture. Evidently, the
gardens of England inspired Draper a great deal.
Draper seemed to infuse the excitement of Technicolor in real life. Her endless
palette of hues never overwhelmed the viewers. They always perceived a unified color
scheme, but Draper rarely utilized all of her colors in one space, with the possible
exception of in textiles. Though red and green were the dominant branding colors for the
Greenbrier, Draper shifted and rearranged colors continuously to provide fresh, new
experiences for each room. This picturesque experience was important for massive
projects in which guests traveled through numerous public spaces. The individual
character of each room encouraged guests to experience the interior and provided a clever
system of identifying their location in the mammoth structure.
Draper's approach also allowed her to enhance and enrich the depth of the space.
Large openings or portals revealed the room beyond. The new scheme would present
itself to the guests and identify another space by layering colors spatially one on top of
the other. Draper achieved this on a smaller scale within a room by using various colors
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for furnishings, screens, and walls. Draper effectively pulled the guest through the space
in a manner similar to picturesque English Baroque gardens, enticing them with new
delights through each door and around each corner.
Having demonstrated her talent for this aspect of the design, her clients continued
to give her more and more control over the entire project. At the Greenbrier, she even
engaged in landscape design. The carte blanche passport Robert Young bestowed on
Draper was very much a relief to him. He knew that Draper would deliver a world-class
design for the resort. The employees, on the other hand, had much to fear. Draper's
approach to historical artifacts was becoming quite legendary. The Greenbrier was a
living, breathing historical artifact itself. Majestic oaks had shaded these grounds for
centuries. The building had remained unaltered for decades. And, the interior was a
treasure chest of furniture dating back to the Federal period. The fate of the "Old White"
was about to face the queen of the "New White."
Steeped in old-world traditions, the Greenbrier's clientele had been faithful for
more than 150 years as seasonal shifts turned the resort into a form of second home. Like
all of Draper's resorts, the experience of the guest was paramount, as the "experience"
was her client's product that she was responsible for "merchandising." The phenomenon
of an experience relies heavily on the sequence of events, a crucial component of the
overall design. Draper planned it carefully and in the case of the Greenbrier, similar to
Arrowhead Springs, she had the opportunity to affect the experience from the moment the
guest entered the property. First up was the approach from the entry gates. According to
Varney, Draper demanded the removal of an ancient oak that stood guard over the Green
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Briar River Valley long before the arrival of the resort. The oak blocked the guests' view
of the main structure as they motored toward the front entrance. To the surprise of many,
Draper got her wish and the faithful soldier was relieved of duty. The facade became a
beacon of light, calling the weary and the forlorn to its gates.
The quiet, stately facade, with its gently protruding central block, was
conspicuously similar to the White House's four-columned Greek temple front. Only
subtle differences separated the two. This architectural feature cued the guests as to the
location of the front door. A beautiful, young southern belle (figure 120) greeted guests
as they arrived. Her period inspired dress, designed by Draper, included a large crinoline-
lined skirt with a polka dot overlay and a bonnet stamped with Draper's signature rose.
This young woman was just one of many actors in a grand play starring the guest. Other
characters included the parlor and chamber maids and bellboys (figures 121-128) in
period attire in order to reinforce the illusion of the Old South. Draper did, of course, take
some artistic license with the color of fabrics. Her bright hues announced the servant staff
and their accessibility to provide service for the guest.
Guests continued upstairs to the main lobby, which was one of the most dramatic
changes in the planning of the Greenbrier. Draper moved the main lobby from the first
floor to the second, flipping the spaces much like those in her Upside-down house.
Another precedent was the piano nobile of Renaissance Italian palazzos, where the
second floor is the most public and housed the grandest interiors. The effect was far
superior to the previous design. Guests ascended to the lobby instead of plunging into the
basement. Draper introduced her large scale black and white marble floor in the arrival
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lobby (figure 129). Though the existing, persuasive, central arch and corresponding
window created a natural draw forward that pulled the guests downstairs, Draper used the
floor to redirect the guests. A border acted as a visual barrier for the stairs leading to the
lower level. The rounded corners suggested a natural movement on either side to the
upstairs. In the evening two of Draper's custom white light fixtures washed the white
walls with light.
Having proceeded down a short hall, the guests arrived at the main lobby (figure
130, 131). Pale grey walls and ceiling played backdrop to sky blue curtains, multi-colored
sofas, bright red chairs, and black and kelly-green lacquer screens. Symmetry ruled the
space and Draper maintained her visual emphasis between the floor up to about a six foot
height. Previously, this area was part of a much larger space interrupted only by the
consistent rhythm of square piers. Draper sub-divided the main floor into ten rooms in an
effort to create a more intimate environment.66Gone were the days when the primary goal
was to be seen by others at fashionable locations. The new generation used the
Greenbrier as an escape from the burgeoning, hectic, capitalist realm of the city—they
valued peace, quiet, and privacy.
The Victorian Writing Room (figures 132-134) was one of the rooms Draper
created from a much larger space. Dark green walls blended quietly into the natural
foliage outside the large arched windows. In contrast, stark, white, architectural trim
framed the doorway and windows, as well as the highly sculpted Georgian fireplace with
66
Paige Rense, editor-in-chief, "The Greenbrier: Legendary Resort in West Virginia,"
Architectural Digest (January 1977): 88.
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its over-scaled brackets supporting the mantle. A red, short-pile carpet accented the floor
plane and contrasted with the green walls. Directly above the mantle hung one of the few
furnishings from the original Greenbrier (1858). A girandole mirror survived both the
war and Draper's critique. "It was one of the few pieces that inspired her." The
elaborately gilded frame encased a Federal style, convex mirror. Perched on top with
wings spread, an eagle crowned the composition—one of the reasons she may have been
attracted to the piece. A Sheffield chandelier, also from the original hotel, hung in the
center of the room. Directly on axis with the entry, this grouping of fireplace, mirror, and
chandelier was the major focus of the room.
Other than the two chairs that sat on each side of the fireplace, Draper split the
room on axis assigning casual seating to one side and task oriented furniture on the other.
In order to capture views for the guests, she located a sofa on the wall opposite the
windows. Two chairs, a white cocktail table, and a pair of combination floor lamps/end
tables completed the arrangement. Four additional chairs nestled in the corner at ninety
degree angles, two on each side of the main entrance to the room. The various
arrangements allowed up to ten people to enjoy the space with intimate conversations or
group interaction. Draper covered all of the fully upholstered chairs and sofa in one of her
custom fabrics, entitled "Fudge Apron" (figure 135). The name was misleading. No
color in this pattern could be associated with 'fudge.' Fresh, spring flowers of formidable
scale engulfed the form of the chair. The naming of her fabric implied the psychological

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and physical warmth of a mother in a kitchen preparing fresh, tasty treats for guests.
Draper even referred to this experience in Entertaining Is Fun.
As reminders of decorum, Draper balanced the former grouping with a "two-man"
mahogany writing (or "partners'") desk, practical for correspondences by the guests. Two
Federal style, armless chairs with upholstered cushions sat on each side of the desk. She
provided all of the necessary accoutrements, including two waste baskets. When natural
day light waned, two brass lamps cast the appropriate task lighting onto the work surface.
Draper's design of the Victorian Writing Room supported games, letter writing, and
intimate conversation.68
The Victorian Writing Room, located on the lower level at the end of one of the
once cavernous spaces, was a visual terminus of a major axis. Draper had essentially
divided the space into four modules (figures 136-138), following the existing structural
grid. She then utilized those divisions as a way to create a variety of experiences. The two
outer modules were more relaxed in atmosphere, evoking images of a verandah, porch, or
even conservatory. During winter at the Greenbrier, the guests could retreat to the bright,
cheerful colors of spring. Draper assigned more formal experiences for the two central
modules. The module that included the fireplace (figure 139) was the formal "room" even
68
The Victorian Writing Room had a mate on the other side of the hotel. This Private
Seating Room had the same basic palette with green walls, red carpet, and white
architectural features. As expected, subtle color shifts brought in sky blue upholstery and
white curtains with a violet and green floral border. The majority of the furnishings
remained mahogany. The only white piece was the custom pedestal and bust framed
between two doors. The room was far more reserved than its companion, perhaps due to
its placement in the hotel. The Victorian Writing Room was the visual terminus of one of
the major circulation axes.
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though it lacked walls. Draper created the feeling of a parlor in the middle of the space.
The other module continued the formality, but had an additional function of major
circulation path. Draper located all of these spatial and functional experiences in what
she called the Trellis Room.
The Trellis Room earned its name from the trelliswork Draper used to separate
the formal inner spaces with the more casual outer spaces next to the gracious arched
windows overlooking the grounds of the Greenbrier. Draper attached the lattice screens
to the square columns and designed them to mimic the arched windows on the exterior
wall, which included a small keystone. The herringbone pattern introduced a new texture
to the room and permitted ample light to penetrate the interior. The design was
sophisticated enough to create the necessary transition from the formal to the informal,
from the interior to the exterior.
Draper's approach to color in the outer spaces was a white canvas with accents of
color. The walls, ceiling, woodwork, furniture and rugs were all white. The floor was
grey and white terrazzo. Draper balanced the white with bright yellow-green curtains that
spanned the full height of the room; she topped them with a hard valance with sculpted
edges and trim. Draper upholstered the rectangular bamboo furniture with a green and
yellow-green plaid. The inner, formal areas were much the same, but Draper used the two
interior walls, perpendicular to the exterior walls, as an opportunity for more color. She
pulled the pale-green onto the walls and used kelly-green carpets on the floor. Massive
red roses provided accent on the upholstered seating. The extensive amount of white near
the exterior walls reflected the maximum amount of light into the interior. Draper's
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overall effect was similar to being in an open field with a bright sun highlighting the
grass.
The informal areas differed in character and function. Game tables filled this area
interrupted occasionally by a pair of wing backs for those who preferred just to watch.
The white lacquer tables resembled a Chippendale table with a shell motif at the knee of
the cabriole leg. She provided comfortable upholstered arm chairs for the dedicated
players. On the other side, modular bamboo furniture created a variety of conversational
arrangements. Ample flat surfaces accompanied the seating. Custom round pedestal
tables provided contrast, while the rectangular cocktail tables reinforced the geometry of
the seating and the modular layout of the room. Wall sconces washed the wall, revealing
its subtle classical detailing, which Draper kept during the renovation, in light and
shadow. Numerous evergreens filled corners and negative spaces created by Draper's
furniture plan. She did all that she could to bring the outdoors in.
With fewer walls to define space, Draper manipulated the furniture to create areas
in the formal area. Long Lawson sofas, linear in character, worked well with the existing
grid created by the columns. She used the back of the sofa as a backdrop for a pair of
chairs and side table facing the circulation path. Flanking the fireplace, the focal point of
the interior, screens further cordoned off the space to give a sense of intimacy and
privacy in an otherwise voluminous space. Among the screens, the furnishings, and the
trelliswork, Draper created numerous experiences within a single space.
The fireplace complemented the classical detailing on both the walls and the
ceiling. Festoons emanated from a human figure in the center. Bouquets framed the
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comers of the opening. Though large in scale, Draper did not rely on the fireplace alone
for the focal point. She enhanced it with her plasterwork designs. An eagle, with wings
spread floated high above the mantle. The finished height of the eagle extended beyond
the frieze and cast an impressive shadow on the moldings. The majestic symbol of
America clutched a textile, creating two swags on either side that terminated in robust
rosettes. Long side panels fell gracefully down the wall, all the way to the chair rail. The
negative space defined by the plaster textile created a frame for a Franz Bueb (1919-
1982) sepia painting on canvas.69 Two hurricane lamps completed the symmetrical
composition.
Draper's selection for materials and furnishings was revealing. Long feared for
her approach to historical pieces, Draper had to be careful as to how much she would
"modernize" the "Old White." "The Greenbrier clientele tend[ed] to feel rather fiercely
about having things they like left alone."70 In her article about the grand resort, Paige
Rense, current editor-in-chief of Architectural Digest, commented on the unique
viewpoint of an aristocratic sub-culture. As long as social conditions remained stable, the
lifestyle and privileges of the upper class were not threatened. But, Draper believed they
were, in fact, ready for change. If the reviews of the Greenbrier were any measure of
success, then her selection was spot on.
Draper began her process by having one of every type of furniture in the
Greenbrier brought to one of the warehouse-like spaces. Few pieces survived "as is." The
69
Franz Bueb was a prominent German-born architect and artist.
70
Rense, "The Greenbrier," 88.
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girandole mirror and Sheffield plate chandeliers were some of the lucky ones. Many
needed to be refurbished, which meant a fresh coat of paint for Draper. White and black
were the most common colors although some did receive more colorful hues. At one
point during the selection process she made an unusual statement. She told members of
the Greenbrier that if anyone could not decide what color to paint a piece of furniture,
then paint it black and "it [would] disappear like magic."71 Of all people, Draper was
rarely unsure about color. Perhaps she wanted the table to disappear for other reasons
(i.e., budgetary or aesthetic). Such implications outraged the staff of the Greenbrier as
they watched countless mahogany pieces tagged for painting. This was one of the major
points of contention. The south loved its dark, mahogany furnishings. Draper thought
they were too heavy and antiquated. The compromise was to keep the form but change
the color. Greenbrier's traditional clientele would be surrounded by familiar forms and
Draper would have her color palette.
The Greenbrier furniture provided the foundation for the pieces to come. Draper
blended her love of robust forms with the aesthetic character of the Federal style
furnishings. Most of the pieces had to be custom made due to the poor selection of
furnishings available just after the war. Draper thus hired an army of craftsmen to create
modern and antique reproductions. With hundreds of pieces of furniture to be made,
many with Draper's Baroque detailing, the job ahead was daunting.
Draper's furniture designs fell into three general categories: English-inspired,
Asian inspired, and modern. In general, this had become Draper's modus operandi. The
71
Georgian pieces were a reflection of her anglophile parents and her trips to Europe. The
modern designs were her opportunity to define how and in what kind of environment
Americans should live. The Asian inspired pieces had always been more of a mystery.
The presence of such pieces in her childhood home was possible. The late 19th century
experienced an Amero-Oriental movement (c. 1875-1885), the American version of the
Anglo-Japanese movement in England. Once trade opened up with the East, a revived
interest in the Asian aesthetic swept the west. Another influence could have come from
the English country homes. Chinoiserie was quite popular with the 18th century English
for much the same reason then as it was in the late 19th century. Japanning and Asian
motifs were not uncommon in the home of the British landowners.72 Draper's formula
was unique and part of her characteristic style.
For Draper, Asian motifs were almost exclusively rendered as bamboo and
relegated to the guest room, more specifically the bedroom. Drawings of custom pieces
of furniture from her archive demonstrate this fact. The headboard, two double chests,
night table, and vanity each used bamboo as a motif to articulate the frame or structure of
the furniture. For one of the double chests (figure 140), the bamboo framed the two sets
of drawers. The legs and the x-shaped stretcher of the vanity table (figure 141) mimicked
bamboo and the entire structural frame of the night table (figure 142) suggested the same
material. Another version of a double chest (figure 143) used the bamboo more
artistically. The design called for a spray of bamboo shoots that travelled across the
72
Chinoiserie was a term used to reference anything Western, demonstrating Chinese
influence. Japanning was the act of covering a piece of furniture with a coat of hard,
brilliant varnish, in the manner of the Japanese; to lacquer.
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drawers freely. The arched bamboo dismissed the drawers, never acknowledging them.
The headboard (figure 144) was the only piece that displayed another Asian motif.
Draper used an x-shaped trellis pattern trimmed in bamboo, a design she used for the
Arrowhead Springs Resort. The fact that she assigned the Asian motifs to one specific
room in the hotel was similar to the approach found in Georgian homes in which the
chinoiserie was often focused in one room.
Draper's custom "modern" furniture was not based upon German or Scandinavian
modernism; it was more of an American modern. The seating examples were either fully
upholstered sofas (figure 145) or chairs (figure 146), or sofas that converted into beds
(figure 147) with the removal of cushions. They were simple, formal, and unornamented.
The textile would have to provide the interest. Simple wood block legs lifted the pieces
off the ground. The other type of seating was a kidney-shaped sofa (figure 148) that
Draper had used at the Quitandinha.73 The only difference was that she tufted the one for
the Greenbrier, a nod toward more traditional styling. A small pedestal table stood out as
being uniquely modern (figure 149). Draper covered a conical base tapering toward the
top with half spheres. The effect was uncharacteristically whimsical. The vast majority of
the pieces, however, were inspired by the existing furniture.
The final category was by far the largest and reflected the existing furnishings and
the history of the Greenbrier. They were a mixture of English and American styles from
73
The biomorphic forms of the kidney sofas for both the Quitandinha and the Greenbrier
were the earliest indications that Scandinavian Modernism was affecting Draper's style
choices. By the 1950s, Draper had adopted this form of modernism as an option for her
interiors. The furniture grouping for the lobby of the Idlewild International Hotel in
Jamaica, New York is just such an example.
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the late 17l to the late 18th centuries. Baroque cabriole legs, large s-scroll legs (found in
both William and Mary, and Greek Revival styles), and a leg that was a blend of a
classical square leg and a cabriole supported a variety of tables. The latter (figure 150)
piece also included shell motifs, paterae (or rosettes), and a classical Aegean spiral—a
piece likely inspired by the work of William Kent. Mid 18th century furnishings by
Chippendale appeared to be one of the most distinct inspirations. A four post, tester bed
(figure 151) with delicate turned supports and a swag canopy took center stage in some of
the bedrooms. A simple, but massive, four-part breakfront with paneled base stood in one
of the dining rooms (figure 152). A side chair for the lobby (figure 153) followed the
tradition of the wood armchair explored and manipulated by the likes of Chippendale,
Sheraton, and Hepplewhite.74 Though Draper's beloved and dramatic Baroque plaster
work did not appear very often, evidence could be found in some of the furniture, such as
the central table in the lobby (figure 154), which had a beautifully sculpted base of giant
twisting acanthus leaves. She subdued the dynamic quality of the piece by painting it
black. Draper drew freely from history mixing styles within rooms and within individual
pieces. She treated them almost as modern pieces of furniture because they were custom
and therefore new. Her eclectic style connected the Greenbrier's past with the present.
74
Draper's design for the side chair was a creative interpretation of late 18th and early
19th century chairs. This particular piece demonstrated a close relationship to a George
Hepplewhite (d. 1786) wheel-back chair. Thomas Chippendale's (1718-1779) The
Gentlemen and Cabinetmaker's Director (1754) was the first in a series of books that
guided the taste of the middle class and provide instruction to cabinetmakers as to how to
produce the furniture. Hepplewhite followed with The Cabinet Maker and Upholsterer's
Guide (1788); Thomas Sheraton's (1751-1806) contribution included a four volume set,
The Cabinet-Maker and Upholsterer's Drawing Book (1791).
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The Greenbrier project is significant for a number of reasons. First, the longevity
of the interior decor is rare, having lasted almost five decades, and which still retains the
spirit of Draper's style thanks to Carleton Varney. Though the Old Guard was less likely
to change, Draper ensured the life of her design by including an arrangement in the initial
contract that stipulated that any alterations of the Greenbrier would be addressed by
Dorothy Draper & Company, which still exists today. Such foresight was quite an
achievement by Draper, essentially assuring her control over one of America's most
prestigious architectural, social, and historical landmarks. Second, Draper broke with
tradition and produced a new expression for the social elite. She relieved the Greenbrier
of the majority of its historical motifs in favor of a more modern expression. Breaking
with deeply rooted traditions that defined America's most powerful class implied a new
philosophy regarding the relationship between the interior, the client, and the decorator.
Draper removed from the conventional design process the client, history, and tradition.
Working and developing outside any artificially imposed institutional or corporate
mechanisms, the interiors were inherently connected to their site, the present, and Draper.
The scope of services Draper offered the Greenbrier was her largest to date. She
provided services in the area of interior design and decoration, landscape architecture,
and graphic design. According to Robert S. Conte, historian of the Greenbrier, Draper
"ordered thirty miles of carpeting, 45,000 yards of fabric, 15,000 rolls of wall covering,
and some 34,567 individual decorative and furniture items." He continued by noting that
"40,000 gallons of paint were necessary to carry out her color plans. This meant that most
of the paint either had to be specially manufactured or blended to achieve her color
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specifications, a total of over one thousand variations in all."75 The amount was
staggering and clearly demonstrated Draper's Romantic visions. Underpinning her
aesthete-sensibilities was a strong understanding of the elements and principles of design.
She used them with great mastery. Her slogan, "if it looks right, it is right" betrayed the
theory of design she used. Contrast seemed to be her most favored principle. She
juxtaposed pattern with solid, hard with soft, and square with round. Her preferred color
scheme was complementary: red and green. The orchestration of these "opposites"
provided the maximum amount of stimulation as she exploited a full range of color,
texture, and geometry.
Her second most common principle was variety. Draper's eclecticism was not
haphazard, especially when it came to historical references. Her selection of English
inspired decorations from the 18th century assured that they all related from the natural
progression of design. She did not randomly select an object from the Rococo and then
one from the Middle Ages. She stayed primarily within a certain historical time frame.
The juxtaposition of differing elements was always held together visually by the type of
furniture or perhaps the motifs. Her mixing of historic and modern images was just
another demonstration of "contrast."
Scale, of course, was the principle that received the most attention. Due to the fact
that her commissions were often so large, she could explore scale freely. What was even
more important was that she was not afraid of scale. She relished the momentous events
75
Robert S. Conte, The History of the Greenbrier: America's Resort (Charleston, WV:
Pictorial Histories Publishing Company, 1989): 143.
318
that took people's breath away. Her scrollwork challenged that of Europe's in size and
movement. She had no fear or reservations. Draper's gestures were anchored in a self-
confidence unmatched by many. Scale, variety, and contrast were the means by which
she unified seemingly disparate elements into a sophisticated whole. Her color injected
optimism and her scrollwork marked it as her own.
Bookended by the Hampshire House and the Greenbrier, Draper's third stylistic
phase was her most significant. Countless articles applauded her use of color and bold
gestures. She blended the modern and the historical into a unique experience that
stimulated the guests and enhanced their desire to patronize businesses. Whether it was a
perfume or a vacation, Draper knew how to sell a product. She had taken command of the
commercial sector, and proven the relevance of interior design and decoration in the
public sector. As a new decade dawned, much would change in American life. The scars
of the war were healing, a healthy middle class had funds to purchase the American
dream, and Draper would close a chapter on her trademark style.
Phase IV: Draper and American Modernism (1954-1965)
The 1950s witnessed a distinct shift in Draper's style. The grand expressions in
plaster that had been a defining characteristic of her work vanished quickly. The wave of
modernism sweeping the country seemed to catch up with Draper, a bastion of
Romanticism. Her robust visions in their fullest form no longer resonated with the
consumer to the same degree. Though the trademark plaster scrollwork began to
disappear from her interiors, Draper's approach to color and scale never faltered. The size
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of projects in her future could not, however, match the grandeur of the Quitandinha or the
Greenbrier. The gestures of scale, consequently, appeared less impressive.
The Mark Hopkins Hotel (1952) in San Francisco, California was the last project
in which Draper's plasterwork was a major decorative element. A breathtaking nineteen-
and-a-half-foot-tall cut crystal wall sconce was the showpiece of the lobby (figure 155).
The light cascaded down the mirrored wall and bathed the brightly colored interior of red,
gold, and blue. Though the material was not plaster, the design of the fixture was
quintessential Draper. Her more characteristic Baroque work was in the Peacock Court
(figures 156, 157), the hotel's ballroom. She framed the bandstand in a muscular molding
that terminated in two six-foot high acanthus leaves at floor level. The overall effect was
subtle for Draper and appeared to be an indication of the scrollwork's swan song.
Without the use of her major motif, Draper relied on her design skills to continue to
create inspiring interiors.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art Restaurant (1954)
Draper's first major commission of the 1950s, after the Mark Hopkins Hotel, was
the highly-visible Metropolitan Museum of Art's new restaurant. Draper was excited to
work on a building in the development of which her family had played a major role.
Lucius Tuckerman, Draper's paternal grandfather, and Robert Browne Minturn, her
maternal great-grandfather, donated art from their homes to be viewed by the public at no
charge. A few years later, in 1870, Lucius Tuckerman served as a trustee, remaining until
1875.76 McKim, Mead and White constructed the wing that housed the restaurant in
7
Calvin Tomkins, Merchants and Masterpieces: The Story of the Metropolitan Museum
320
1917. The proposal of a new Roman Atrium motivated the addition to the museum,
which in 1954 was redesigned to contain the new public restaurant (figure 158).77 The
restaurant was a welcome project for Draper, especially because of the number of average
Americans who would be able to visit it on a daily basis due to the modestly priced menu
at $1.25. The restaurant was, by far, the most accessible Draper interior.
During Draper's work for the museum, Director Francis Henry Taylor (1903-
1957) was her acting client. By this time Draper's design process was well established,
including the clause in the contract stating Draper as "sole arbiter of taste." Reports of
Taylor described him as energetic and flamboyant with a " Vesuvian flow" of ideas that
made him an imposing, and sometimes frightening figure. His descriptions of the
Modern Museum of Art as "the whorehouse on Fifty-third Street" and of the Greek vases
in the Metropolitan's own collection as "chamber pots" provided insight into the
contemptuous and foreboding figure.78 He lost his temper easily.79 The professional
relationship between the headstrong designer and the equally stubborn and aggressive
director would have provided valuable information regarding Draper's interaction with
clients. Unfortunately, correspondence between the two, if any, disappeared over the
years.
of Art (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1970): 365.

77
Morrison Heckscher, The Metropolitan Museum of Art: An Architectural History
(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1995): 53, 79.
78
Dictionary of Art Historians, "Francis Henry Taylor," retrieved on August 22, 2007
from http://www.dictionaryofarthistorians.org/taylorf.htm.
79
Heckscher, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 275.
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McKim, Mead and White fashioned the Roman Court to resemble a Roman
atrium. The large, central skylight referred to the ancient compluvium, the opening in the
ceiling, which allowed the home to collect fresh rain water. Sixteen columns supported
the skylight and historically would have surrounded the impluvium, a recess in the floor
that would catch the water. This was not added until the museum reconfigured the space
to be the restaurant. Archeologically accurate mosaic floors rimming the central area
remained during the renovation. With the columns and the floors as the only elements
required to stay, Draper went to work. The restaurant was an excellent example of her
skillful synthesis of modern, custom pieces within an otherwise historic vocabulary.
As usual, Draper utilized color to create the major effects in the space. Rich
aubergine or "blackberry" walls disintegrated the architectural shell, physically and
mentally separating the diners from the heavily traveled galleries in the museum. White
cushions softened black wrought iron chairs and added a crisp, clean feeling to the space
echoed by the white columns. For accent, Draper used a shade of coral for the banquettes
and sea-blue for seating in the entry foyer; an appropriate selection considering Rome's
coastal location.
The furniture arrangement followed Draper's love of symmetry. She created a
unit system for her lobby seating (figure 159). Each grouping consisted of a loveseat
fronted by a cocktail table. Two armless chairs faced the short ends of the table. Draper
repeated this module of seating across the front area of the atrium. The existing geometry
of the space provided by the columns defined the placement of the seating. Two modules
faced each other between each set of columns. The backs of the loveseats aligned with
the center of the columns. Consequently, chair legs often engaged the borders of the
mosaic floor, further strengthening the geometry of the space. The module changed
slightly when Draper placed furniture against the wall in this area. The loveseat changed
to a sofa in order to address the long open wall. Two of these compositions, one on each
side of the large entrance lined up with the seating arrangements on the other side of the
circulation path.
Draper positioned the dining tables on the two sides of the atrium. She continued
to utilize the columns to help divide the space and break up the long wall opposite them.
She set large planters perpendicular to the walls directly across from the columns. The
planters framed neatly the banquettes along the wall, breaking up the long visual space
and offering a sense of privacy to the guests. The columns provided implied barriers for
the placement of dining tables. Each unit (between two columns) housed four tables. This
arrangement provided everyone with clear visual access to the pool that the museum
added to the design.
The pool showcased a sculpture by Swedish sculptor, Carl Milles (1875-1955),
who gained great exposure in America due to his association with Cranbrook Educational
Community. His installation, entitled "Aganippe," consisted of a series of mythological
figures, each representing a different art—sculpture, architecture, painting, dance—
skimming across the water on the backs of dolphins (figure 160).80 The reflection of
80
Elisabeth Liden, Between Water and Heaven: Carl Milles (Montclair, New Jersey:
Abner Schram Ltd., 1986): 42. Carl Milles was born Carl Emile Wilhem Andersson.
Philanthropist George Booth (1864-1949) was responsible for bringing Milles into the
Cranbrook community in 1931. He left twenty years later after numerous commissions
across the United States, suggesting Milles completed "Aganippe" while no longer in
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Draper's dark walls created a mystical effect as the calm water appeared to be a perfectly
smooth looking glass. Milles finished his commission after the opening and original
photographing of the restaurant. Images after the installation showed Draper's planters
repositioned against the columns, not the walls. The switch created visual barriers that
allowed guests to view only slivers of the pool and the sculpture. Guests could only
appreciate the art fully upon entry.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art was one of the few Draper interiors in which
the focus did not remain at eye level. Even with Milles's provocative sculptures dancing
across a pool seventy-five feet long and forty-five feet wide, Draper's custom made
chandeliers demanded attention not because of size or mass, but because of delicacy of
proportion and creative design. The so-called "birdcage chandeliers," situated between
the columns, were eight feet tall and consisted of a series of strap metal strips molded in
giant, attenuated "s-curves." The ends continued to curve in on themselves providing an
added sense of delicacy. The bottom curves engaged the canister holding the lamp while
the upper curves were bound by a hollow ring of the same material. Chains linked the
fixture to the ceiling. A circular plate surrounded by a two-dimensional serpentine scroll
emphasized the point of contact. The airy fixtures floated effortlessly above the diners,
contradicting the weight of the columns. The chandeliers played a crucial role in
shrinking the space that Draper had found too large upon her first visit. The fixture
dropped the perceived ceiling of the space by approximately eleven feet. With the ceiling
residence.
painted the same blackberry hue as the walls, the eighteen white chandeliers became the
most noticeable decorative element in the restaurant.
Two other elements drew attention to the ceiling. The first was a soft, billowing
fabric, draped above the ceiling opening, or compluvium (figure 161). Draper shielded
the guests from the harsh skylight and created a softer, more mysterious glow in the
space. The gentle curves of the drapery also softened the rigidity of the architecture.
Upon approach, guest could not help but consider the expansive ceiling as it fell toward
the horizon line in the distance. Once the eye moved from the ceiling onto the back wall,
Draper continued the experience by adding another piece of white fabric suspended by
round brackets. The second and final elements that drew attention to the ceiling were the
decorative plaques above the four doors on the entry and back walls. Two seated griffins
held torches in one paw. A textile connected the two creating a swag. The entire
composition was gold. The metallic effect resounded in the dark hued space. Draper
repeated the gold in only one other spot: a large gold sphere at the end of each planter.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant was yet another example of how
Draper's aristocratic childhood influenced her design philosophy and the level of success
she had at creating new interior expressions from her unique and ingenious eclecticism.
She was one of few decorators sensitive to American culture's needs. As Carleton
Varney stated: "To Dorothy, public space represented a place for people to come and
feel elevated in the presence of great beauty, where the senses could look and feel and
absorb the meaning of a quality life."81 The 'quality life' Varney alluded to was Draper's
81
Varney, The Draper Touch, xiv-xv.
325
aristocratic up-bringing. The ritual of dining for the Edwardians was characterized by
countless rules of etiquette and protocol, and yet, it was an event that took time and was
meant to be enjoyed. Draper's design for the Metropolitan Museum of Art's restaurant
did just that: the interior created a relaxing, elegant experience that encouraged people to
linger and enjoy their food. Draper even utilized her own teachings from Decorating Is
Fun! by emphasizing the intimate environment of the individual table settings. The dark
walls appeared as though they fell into shadow, allowing a greater concentration on the
activity at hand, a quiet, relaxing meal. This effect was appropriate for those spending a
breathless day trying to consume all of the museum's treasures. When it came time to rest
and eat, Draper provided an experience that supported that need. The restaurant was a
unique opportunity for the working and middle class to dine in an interior as luxurious as
those in Newport or Southampton.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art's restaurant was one of Draper's most
spectacular American public interiors. It demonstrated her democratization of public
space and her ingenious blending of historical motifs and modern custom furnishings.
With such an amount of masking, painting, draping, and custom designing, Draper's
production of an extraordinarily homogeneous interior was impressive. Images of Art
Deco grandeur, oriental mysticism, and Roman order coalesced into a new expression,
distinctive even for Draper.
IdlewildInternational Airport Hotel (1958)
The 1950s was an exciting time for Draper & Company. An entirely new market
arrived at their doorstep: the automobile industry. Her successful work on packaging
everything from hotels to cosmetics (figure 162) had lured the industry giants, Packard
and Chrysler, to seek her professional assistance. Packard asked her to color coordinate
the interior of their 1952 Model 300 (figure 163). The Chrysler Corporation hired her to
create the sales display (figures 164, 165) for a car show and turn a garage into a
temporary showroom (figures 166, 167) for the rollout of the 1954 models. In both
instances the clients were banking more on Draper's name than on her actual selection of
colors. She had constructed and earned an ironclad reputation over the past two decades
continuously topping the list of tastemakers, designers and even influential women.82
Though modernism had caught up with Draper, nullifying the relevancy of her beautiful
scrollwork, she was not about to concede completely. In a valiant effort, she seized the
opportunities of the modern travel industry and continued successful design work for yet
another decade.
The last high profile hotel Draper designed was the International Hotel at New
York's Idelwild Airport (later JFK Airport) in 1958. Said to be the largest hotel
incorporated into an airport terminal anywhere in the world with 320 rooms, the project
enticed countless designers. But, once again, Draper's reputation got her the job. The
interior was stylistically very different from any of her others. Clear architectural planes
82
"Women of Achievement," Coronet (November 1948): 61. The other women featured,
along with the titled assigned to each, included: Katharine Cornell (1893-1974), First
Lady of the Theater; Lilly Dache (1898-1989), milliner; Elizabeth Arden (1878-1966),
business woman; Marian Anderson (1897-1993), artist; Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962),
stateswoman; Clare Booth Luce (1903-1987), playwright; Beatrice Lillie (1894-1989),
comedienne; Martha Graham (1894-1991), dancer; Barbara Ann Scott (b. 1928), Queen
of the Ice; Lily Pons (1898-1976), coloratura; Sister (Elizabeth) Kenny (1880-1952),
Humanitarian. For clarification, both Anderson and Pons were opera singers. Draper was
recognized as a Decorator.
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dominated the space with crisp edges and well defined forms. Materials were generally
hard and hygienic. Abstract patterns replaced florals and stripes even though solids
dominated most surfaces. In fact, if it were not for the color, one would be challenged to
attribute the space to Draper & Company.
The lobby (figure 168) was a sprawling space with ten foot ceilings. The
proportions of the room differed from those in the Quitandinha and Greenbrier, reflecting
the shift toward open plans in which space flowed horizontally through the building
unhindered. Lining the perimeter of the wall was a variety of functions (e.g., retail shops,
a porter counter, and a postal shop). The design for each of these reflected the
unornamented geometry of the majority of the space. The center of the space offered the
requisite seating for a lobby. Draper attempted to enclose the space and mask the large
support column that sat in the middle of the lobby by adding two nine foot palmetto trees
in the front and back of the column.
The design of the lobby and its individual elements reflected one of the dominant
styles in America during the post war era—Scandinavian Modernism. In contrast to its
predecessor, this style traded the harsh geometry of German Modernism for the less
predictable biomorphic line made famous by the work of Finnish architect Alvar Aalto
(1898-1976).83 Draper anchored the furniture arrangement with a large wool, hand-
woven, curved, free-form carpet. Similar to the Quitandinha, Draper extruded the shape
83
Alvar Aalto's organic forms as seen in his undulating architectural planes, exquisite
glass vases, and laminated bent plywood furniture became highly influential in American
design during and after World War II. See Peter Reed's Alvar Aalto: Between Humanism
and Materialism (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1998).
of the twenty-five foot serpentine sectional sofa from the edge of the carpet. The sofa
continued the path of the darker colored strip in the flooring, completing what appears to
be a figure eight. The negative space, defined by the border of the dark line and sofa,
motivated the placement of Serge Cinquinni's round tables of laminated chunks of
wood.84 Two Kagan-Dreyfuss leather upholstered "Siamese-Twin" arm chairs, named
because of an intermediate table surface that connected the seats, sat opposite the sofa in
an area where the dark strip widened as if to provide space for this piece of furniture. The
curvature of the sectional acknowledged the central column. Once the carpet and
sectional approached the column, each reacted by bowing away from it. The negative
space left behind housed the aforementioned plants. While the biomorphic forms, open
planning, and selection of natural materials helped characterize the design as
Scandinavian Modernism, Draper add her vivacious color palette to mark it as her own.
The color palette was classic Draper. The carpet showcased an emerald green
field with a royal blue stripe. Draper covered the serpentine sofa in a rich kelly-green
textile by Jack Lenor Larsen (b. 1927), a New York textile designer and weaver. Draper
could have made the carpet's stripe green and thus extruded the green sofa from a similar
hue. Her designs, however, were never quite that simplistic or literal. The manner in
which she assigned color created a more unified, visually complex experience. The line
of the sectional and the carpet connected the two pieces. But, instead of placing a green
sectional on top of the green stripe, Draper placed the green sofa on top of the blue
84
"Earthborne Comforts for Airborne Travelers: The International Hotel near Idlewild,"
Interiors (November 1958): 97.
section of the carpet. The color of the sectional and field color tied the composition
together. The green of the seating related to the outer edge of the carpet furthest from the
furnishings and the area immediately in front of it that housed the two occasional tables.
The black and white photos were telling in that the value of the stripe and the sofa were
very similar as compared to the value of the cerulean-blue chairs on top of the royal blue
stripe. Draper sheathed the column in Erwine and Estelle Laverne's plastic wall covering
in special blues. The overall effect of the lobby was one of layering and dimension.
However, the design seemed an anomaly compared to the rest of the interior.
Forms celebrating flight and modernism dominated the rest of the public space.
In the area behind the central lobby, beyond the porter's counter and the retail displays,
sat the assistant manager's desk (figure 169). Draper situated the desk so that the
manager could have a view of the central lobby and be visible to all customers. The
modern desk and chairs looked nothing like any of Draper's previous work. The body of
the desk was a large form made of dark walnut. From the customer's vantage point, the
desk's perfectly smooth form perched on four polished chrome cylinder legs. This
structure reappeared on top of the desk, supporting a sheet of plate glass six inches above
the walnut form. The glass was the actual work surface for the desk. A white phone
floated quietly on its surface.
The white-glass wall immediately to the left of the assistant manager presented a
gold outline map of the continents stretching from North America in the west to the
furthest eastern tips of Siberia where only a few islands connected the two hemispheres.
Three cantilevered mahogany shelves hosted as many white house phones for customer
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use. The lack of apparent structural support showcased the new technology surrounding
the lobby as the phones floated high above the terrazzo floor.
The seating was a matching dark-walnut frame with black leather upholstery. The
legs rose and fell unbroken in aerodynamic parabolic curves. The wood frame for the
arms and back moved gently through space to create an edgeless structure. The seat
swiveled for modern convenience. Draper used these seats in the writing hall (figures
170, 171) that continued to the right of the assistant manager. They fronted desks that
mimicked the design of an airplane wing. In section, a smooth rounded front tapered
toward the user ending in a fine edge. A simplified strap-metal leg system supported the
tambour top. Across from the desks, Draper created a seating arrangement with four
chairs, two of which were fully upholstered and positioned by end tables with dark
walnut legs and a flat plane of marble for a surface. The other two chairs were knock-offs
of Mies van der Rohe's Barcelona chair. The leather tufted cushion that formed both back
and seat sat atop a clumsier, over-executed structural system. The elegant x-shaped strap
metal that formed the unbroken lines from leg to back (in Mies' original) had been
relegated to an x-stretcher connecting four tubular steel legs. Numerous strips of the
strap-metal dropped from the chair's uppermost cross bar underneath the seat and to the
front bar.
Draper continued to demand custom furnishings even if she only tweaked the
design of an existing piece of furniture, such as the writing desks by Kagan-Dreyfuss.
Draper's customization allowed her to experiment with some of the more modern
materials of the 1950s. As usual, her approach was to juxtapose them with traditional
331
ones. In one area of the lobby (figure 172), the backdrop for the composition was a wall
paneled in walnut. Three ceramic plaques by J. Warner Prins (b. 1901), a New York
painter/illustrator born in Amsterdam, provided Romantic scenes of Italy. Draper covered
the flanking walls in Laverne's "Patina," a pattern customized by Draper's colors.85 A
striped, custom Spinning Wheel rug anchored the seating composition. The plaid, five
cushion sofa stretched the length of the wall and sat on small tubular steel legs that
enhanced the feeling of weightlessness. Lamp shades constructed of Amtico Renaissance
translucent vinyl, a flooring material, topped bases influenced by the configuration of an
atom. The tables of glass and steel demonstrated a clear acknowledgement of Mies Van
der Rohe's Barcelona Grouping with their V shaped, strap metal supports. The end
tables were walnut and marble. Serge Cinquinni executed all of the tables.
Minimal evidence of Draper's previous styling existed in the Idlewild. However,
she relegated her bold colors to accents as the dominant palette was one of neutrals:
beige, dark brown, and black. For the first time in her career, Draper designed a distinctly
masculine space. Geometry replaced organicism, solids replaced florals. Applied
decoration gave way to smooth planes. Other than color, a few of Draper's motifs crept
into the design. Above the writing desks in the hall, Draper mounted a hand-carved,
85
Erwine (1909-2003) and Estelle (1915-1998) Laverne were painters trained at the Art
Students League under Hans Hofmann (1880-1966), a Bavarian born abstract painter,
whose legacy was not only the success of his paintings, but also his teachings in the
United States. They established Laverne Originals in 1938, an influential New York
company driven by their precise and unique modern artistic style. Their primary products
were fabrics and wall coverings. "Erwine and Estelle Laverve," 20l Century, retrieved on
September 10, 2007 from http://www.r20thcentury.com/bios/designer.cfm7article id=63.
86
"Earthborne Comforts for Airborne Travelers," 98.
332
gilded eagle. Its wings spanned ten feet. Her symbol of American heritage was relevant
for the flight industry and likely a comforting, familiar image of designs past. In the same
area, a small oval, gold plaque with the words "Wing Room A" printed in her typical
script provided information about the space behind the large double doors. The cursive
lettering and ovoid shape was conspicuously out of place in the hard-lined interior. For as
much as Draper attempted to soften the space with numerous plants throughout, the
modern interior turned them into anomalistic objects as opposed to the cohesive elements
that often unified her English Baroque expressions.
The Idlewild Hotel was a success. The reviews were positive, but they lacked the
same energy and flamboyance as before. America had finally embraced modernism.
Draper's concept of floating, or perhaps weightlessness, celebrated the new form of
travel, flight. Humankind had broken the gravity barrier and design reflected the
aerodynamic quality of the machines streaking through the sky. By the 1950s, this was
old news. Industrial designers embraced this aesthetic with the popularization of
automobile and train travel in the 1930s. Draper had resisted the Streamline Modern
period for its sterility and lack of color and warmth. But, time had finally caught up with
her. The softer forms of second phase modernism, as defined by post-WWII preferences
for Scandinavian design, were the popular mode.
Draper was becoming a relic. Just as the "old guard" had ceded to the parvenus,
so too would her Romanticism cede to modernism. Yet, she was still relevant. She had,
after all, just finished her historic interview with Edward R. Murrow on Person-to-Person
(May 1957), the first and only interior decorator/designer to receive such an honor. She
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was and continued to be a force in American culture. The difference was that she would
finally have to compromise. Draper's last major project of the 1950s would be as
historically relevant as her commissions at the Hampshire House and the Quitandinha.
She was about to break another barrier.
Convair 880
Taped in her apartment at the Carlyle Hotel, the Person-to-Person interview
focused on a tour by Draper through her interiors, decorated in her quintessential style.
Near the end of the interview she revealed her newest commission, General Dynamic's
Convair 880 Airplane. Harley Earl, Inc., a company based out of Michigan, was
responsible for the design of the interior. Convair charged Draper with color and material
selection. To no-one's surprise, Draper began with color. A cosmic-themed wall
covering of stars and planets in gold on a white background covered the area between the
windows and the storage above (figure 173). A gold mylar wrapped the base of the chair
and provided a decorative stripe across two windows. Draper suggested a rotation of
chair fabrics, by rows (figure 174). Two rows of stripes followed two rows of solids. The
rhythm broke up the monotony of the long narrow space. General Dynamics used this
idea in their full scale mock-up, but used more rows of one fabric before rotating to the
next. A red carpet spread across the floor. The gold buckles mentioned in some of the
sources may not have been Draper's idea. Edward R. Murrow joked that the buckles
should be gold in her interview. Either she forgot to mention the idea, letting him believe
the idea an original one, or she actually followed up on his suggestion.

334
Other renderings of the lounge and galley showed schemes in blue, red, and
white—a favored scheme for Draper.87 Soft blue outer walls blended with the sky
beyond. The carpet continued the sky blue color, but added green to create abstract
patterns. Inner walls reflected the simplistic geometry (figure 175) of Piet Mondrian
(1872-1944), the famed Dutch De Stijl painter who came to New York in 1938, or
offered whimsical stencils of all manner of flying machines from balloons to rockets. In
almost all schemes, the seats were some form of red. Orange made a rare appearance in
one rendering as an alternating color with the red.
Draper's initial designs were not those executed in the full scale model published
by General Dynamics. Her original renderings for the main seating cabin did not include
the cosmic wall covering. She treated the wall originally with yellow material. A green
panel highlighted the red control panels above the passengers. Draper repeated the green
in the carpet. The final interior was less vigorous in its color, less dramatic, and
essentially more modern. The implication was that Draper's designs had to go through a
series of alterations before accepted by the client demonstrating a decline in society's
acceptance of her notion of good taste.
With Draper's health waning, the grand projects of decades past were gone. In the
early sixties, Draper connected more directly than ever before with the average American
by designing a couple of motels (e.g., Cherry Hill Inn in Haddonfield, New Jersey). In
87
The renderings of the lounge and the galley were completed in a distinctly different
style from those in the original presentation. It is unknown as to whether Draper hired a
new artist or perhaps sent the renderings to a professional illustrator for purposes of
publication. The style was far more polished and precise.
335
1962, Draper, now in her seventies, sold her business for $150,000 to Leon Hegwood, but
stayed on as a consultant in the position of Chairman of the Board. This lasted for about a
year. Hegwood became the President of Dorothy Draper & Company with a young
Carleton Varney as his eventual Vice-President. Once Draper left her firm, her name did
not vanish. In 1965 she worked with Westinghouse to create a "Dream House" in the
Better Living Building for the 1964 New York World's Fair. Carleton Varney suggested
that an employee tried to encourage Draper to open a second firm under her name after
her departure from Dorothy Draper & Company. His intentions were self-serving.
Reports described the Dream House as shunning the future for reality.88 The core concept
was Draper's. Never a slave for the promises of the future, Draper lived and designed
under the auspices of the optimism of the present. The interior used only objects that
were available to the consumer. However, the description of the interior did not follow
Draper's style, even of the 1930s and 1940s. "Rooms [were] a blend of French and
contemporary furnishings, floral and geometric prints, gilt trimmings and color schemes
dominated by golds and greens."89 Draper rarely used gilt trimmings or combined floral
and geometric prints. The relationship with the rogue designer lasted but a short time.
Carleton Varney noted that by 1960 Draper was the most recognizable name in
interior design. Her name had appeared in newspapers for the last three decades attached
to some of the most high-profile projects in the United States and abroad. She was a
88
Rita Reif, "Dream House at the Fair Shuns the Future for Reality, New York Times
(June 4, 1964): Food Fashions Family Furnishings, 40.
89
Ibid.
common author of articles in popular shelter magazines. If not writing them, they were
about her work. Her books made it through a couple of editions and her "Ask Dorothy
Draper" column continued even after Varney became its successor. In the late 1950s
Draper teamed with Kaycrest to create a series of Christmas wrapping papers and
accessories that they advertised in Life magazine. Finally, in 1960, Draper's name
became a palpable force for the working class. The Sperry and Hutchinson Company
invited Draper to be a featured designer for their S & H Green Stamps catalog. Draper
provided a general overview of her philosophy of decorating, commented on a series of
rooms provided by readers, and starred items in the catalog she thought were of
particularly good taste. She was steadfast as always. Items shared her basic love of color
and scale with some harkening back to American Colonial artifacts. On pages with
clocks, televisions, and radios, stars were conspicuously absent. And, anything that
attempted scrollwork was just too meager. The average American found Draper in their
home providing free design advice and consultation. It was no wonder she was the most
recognized name. A combination of successful designs and innovative marketing
opportunities made her America's most accessible "Star" designer.
This analysis of Draper's designs reveals a style based in late nineteenth
ideologies. The aesthetes of the Aesthetic Movement believed that people would live up
to the spaces and objects around them. This was a core value of Draper's. She connected
her design aesthetic to the idea of living better. The major difference was that Draper
applied this philosophy to a much wider twentieth century audience, some with a more
modest purse. She also instilled the necessity of functionality. Beauty was not the only
guiding force. In addition to her basic philosophy Draper brought forward experiences
from her youth. Her European travels affected her designs the most. At its simplest level,
Draper tried to bring the elegance and livability of English country homes to the
American people. She did not attempt to recreate these spaces; however, she did employ
the scale of the ornamentation, the use of color, the spaciousness combined with the
intimacy of their interiors, and the connection with nature. Draper then filtered these
anglophile characteristics through the unique spirit of twentieth century America.
The United States did not value history in the same fashion as Europe, in part
because the country was comparatively young. New technologies and advancements
driven by a competitive market surged the country past its older counterparts with
lightening speed. Americans were determined to find their own identity within the world
community and yet they chose this, in part, by associating with the architectural and
interior periods of the past. Draper blended the two—historicism and modernism—and
then added her own Romantic vision. The result was bold, optimistic colors, over-scaled
elements of grandeur, modern architectural shells with historic motifs, and comfortable
interiors. Truly, she had lifted those that entered her spaces.
Draper's style seemed to experience two revolutions. The first was when she
broke away from the historic period rooms that defined much of her work with the
Architectural Clearing House. Her clients hindered her yearning for creativity and
personal expression. The historic formulas were too constricting. The public commission
suited Draper much better. The historicism that created Newport and drove the upper
class to mimic European models did not exist in the public realm. It was too expensive
and did not relate to the realities of life for most Americans. The second revolution
arrived in the 1950s. The catalyst for this change came quickly, whatever it was. Without
apparent warning, Draper's style turned on a dime and responded to the modern
aesthetics that had finally found acceptance in the United States. Part of the reason could
have been the students graduating under the influence of the master modernists who fled
Europe in the 1930s and 40s. Numerous members of the Bauhaus or representatives of
Scandinavian Modern instructed students at institutions like Cranbrook, Harvard, and
Illinois Institute of Technology. Less unique in its styling, the 1950s projects remained
overshadowed by Draper's bold gestures in the 1930s and 1940s.
The nature of Draper's relationships with her clients changed drastically as well.
Her work with private clients during the years of the Architectural Clearing House could
best be described as "diplomatic." She mediated the needs and desires of the homeowner
with the knowledge and expertise of the architect. During the 1930s, Draper engaged
printed media to provide free advice for all at the cost of a magazine, "a cheery thought"
she once said.90 This was her most "democratic" approach to her client relationships. As
her reputation grew as an expert in hotel design, Draper became much more dictatorial.
She knew that she was the expert and that her clients hired her for that reason. She
became the sole arbiter of taste and the confidence even manifested itself in her contracts.
However, the unexpected revolution that occurred in the 1950s also brought a new
relationship with clients. Draper was still a respected designer, but she did not have the
90
Draper offered this quote during her interview with Edward R. Murrow on Person-to-
Person in 1957.
same autonomy over her designs. She had to enter negotiations or the client simply
refused or edited her design solutions. Her professional relationships had come full circle.
She had collaborated successfully before on the Hampshire House, the penultimate in
design reviews. The experience was not new, but it was another manifestation of the
changes occurring at the end of her career.
Perhaps more than any other achievement, Draper expanded the role of the
interior decorator. She moved the profession forward by extending the services of the
interior decorator into the public realm. Draper's pursuit of large scale public
commissions made the interior decorator/designer relevant to an entirely new area of
society. The most logical step for Draper was to bring the domestic environment into the
community by focusing on apartments and hotels. The public spaces of these buildings—
lobbies—became the bridge between the private home and public spaces. Draper
eventually spread her expertise to include theaters, retail spaces, and hospitals. Each has
an aspect of the domestic environment, which demonstrated the relevance of women and
their skills to the community at large. By the time Draper concluded her career, she had
demonstrated how interior design was more than the selection of color and furnishings.
Her full style and color coordination of projects consumed all aspects from graphic
design to industrial design to costume design. The unification of the experience was an
early form of branding yet to be acknowledged. And, it came from a female interior
decorator.
Draper was a pioneer in an industry, interior decoration, with which she never
quite identified. She knew it was her closest connection, but she had to be outside the
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existing structure to forge and expand the role of the interior decorating and design
profession. Her iconoclastic philosophies and strategies of design greatly affected the
development of the profession. She explored and created models for new interior types;
produced interiors that redefined America's upper class; elevated spatial experiences for
the middle class; and blended historical motifs with modern custom designs to create a
style all her own. Her approach resonated with Americans—housewives and businessmen
alike— during the 1930s, 40s and 50s. Draper's success lay in a system of values.
CHAPTER 6
A FORMULA FOR SUCCESS
Few could argue that Draper's career in interior design was unsuccessful. By
1960, the public knew her name above all others, due to her past commissions and
constant presence in the media.1 Her television appearance with Edward R. Murrow in
1957 solidified her perceived authority as America's leading designer. For many, Draper
was very much a celebrity—a glamorous career woman not unlike a Hollywood movie
star. Others, like the countless businessmen she called clients, lauded her ability to turn
decoration and design into huge profits. Draper had seemingly captivated an impressive
number of Americans across social and gender boundaries. But, how? No other decorator
or designer attained this status in the twentieth century. The closest example might have
been Martha Stewart, a woman who also marketed her domestic talents to working-,
middle-, and upper-class women. In Stewart's case as well as Draper's, media played a
significant role. However, beyond the public exposure, there were numerous reasons for
Draper's success. Her success stemmed from her up-bringing, gender, design philosophy,
style, and business strategies.
Draper's up-bringing and gender were consequences of fortune. Though they
contributed to her success, she had no control over them. The other three—design
philosophy, style, business strategies—indicated Draper was an active agent in creating
1
According to Carleton Varney, the Center for Research in Marketing completed a
survey revealing Draper was more familiar to American housewives than industrial
designer Russell Wright (1904-1976), furniture designer and decorator Paul McCobb
(1917-1969), architect and furniture/industrial designer George Nelson (1908-1986) and
architect and furniture designer T. H. Robsjohn-Gibbings (1905-1976)—all leading men
in the various fields of design. See Carleton Varney, In the Pink, 27.
342
her own identity and success. As intimated earlier, another component needs to be
considered in this analysis. Life in America from the 1920s to the 1960s was turbulent.
Social issues were central as Americans dealt with decades of prosperity, economic
constraints, war, promise, and finally internal social revolution. Draper had to negotiate
these shifts because the built environment, especially the interior, always reflected
society's value system. Beyond the societal-level values driven by major events such as
World War II and the Great Depression, Draper had to deal with the added complexity of
three different class value systems (working, middle, and upper) as well as her own.
Consequently, Draper's ability to merge, understand, or at least recognize these value
systems underpinned her success and guided her design philosophy, style, and business
strategies.
Draper's Up-bringing:
The Creation of a Tastemaker and the Class Who Sought Her Advice
Much of Draper's success must be attributed to her social position. As a member
of the elite class, raised in Tuxedo Park, Draper was placed unknowingly in a unique
situation to become a tastemaker. The education of young women during the Gilded Age
revolved around issues of taste and decorum; this was their socially prescribed role in
upper-class society. According to Russell Lynes's The Tastemakers (1954), the women of
the upper class were the purveyors of taste in society in the late 19l century.2 The middle
class and nouveau riche class looked to them as models. This bode well for anyone
wishing to enter or participate in the dissemination of "good taste" either in decoration or
See Lynes, The Tastemakers.

343
decorum. Many of the first generation of lady decorators utilized this "skill."3 The social
circumstances provided all of the upper-class women with an education that soon became
not only marketable, but also a prosperous industry.
The reason for the marketability of "taste" centered on the social phenomenon of
emulation, which was fueled by middle-class values. During the middle of the 19
century, the middle class glorified economic independence as a means of attaining
stability, continuity, and domesticity.4 Maintaining the status quo assured that they would
not lose their new-found position in society that was granted by the effects of the
Industrial Revolution. At the turn-of-the-century with the increase of wealth in the United
States, many members of the middle class vaulted into the upper class with such speed
and pecuniary force that they were unprepared to "act" appropriately to their new station
in society. While they struggled to integrate into a new social system, the class they left
behind grew envious of their lifestyle and no longer settled for stability. They desired
orderly progress. "The root assumption was that progress was an inspired and irrevocable
3
Eleanor Brown McMillen (1890-1992), Marian Hall (1896-unknown), and Dorothy
May Kinnicutt (1910-1994) were all women born into the upper class and utilized their
"taste" to enter interior decoration. Mark Hampton (1940-1998), author and decorator
provides anecdotes about the lives of these women through personal interaction with the
subject or their family. See Mark Hampton's Legendary Decorators of the Twentieth
Century (London: Robert Hale, 1992). The life of Dorothy May Kinnicutt (Sister Parish)
is more intimately described by her daughter and granddaughter in Susan Bartlett Crater
and Apple Parish Bartlett's Sister: The Life of Legendary Interior Decorator Mrs. Henry
Parish //(London: St. Martin's Press, 2000).
4
Clark Davis, "The Corporate Reconstruction of Middle-Class Manhood," in Burton J.
Bledstein and Robert D. Johnston (eds.), The Middling Sorts: Exploration in the History
of the American Middle Class (New York: Routledge, 2001): 202.
law." The middle class viewed their ascension to the elite levels of society as inevitable,
given enough time, at least for some of them.6 In the meantime, they prepared for the
"inevitable" by acting, behaving, and living like their social superiors to the point that
their financial means would allow them. Without any direct knowledge of how to do this,
they needed advice; and who better than the "grande dames" of taste, the women of the
upper class, to come to their aid.
Admittance into the upper class was not just about money. According to the
established matrons of America's oldest families, admittance into the elite enclave
required a suitable background and the appropriate decorum and awareness of taste.7
Unable to satisfy the required heritage, the nouveau riche focused on these seemingly
attainable goals. The rigorously established rules for behavior in any situation ensured
that the upper class would rarely be surprised or caught off guard in any situation. It
allowed their behavior to be consistent in all manner of situations, almost suggesting that
it was more of a genetic trait than a learned behavior. For quite some time, their behavior
mystified members outside of the inner-circle. By the turn of the century, the boundaries
between the nouveau riche and the Old Guard became blurred. The rest of society saw
5
Loren Baritz, The Good Life: The Meaning of Success for the American Middle Class
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989): 106.
6
Baritz notes that the middle class believed that life would continue to improve and that
the "present was less desirable than the future." The middle class demonstrated their
ambitions of wealth through their emulative behavior of the upper class. See Baritz, The
Good Life, 80. See also Clark Davis' "The Corporate Reconstruction of Middle-Class
Manhood" in Bledstein's The Middling Sorts, 2001.
7
Lucy Kavaler, The Private World of High Society (New York: David McKay Inc.,
1960).
345
them as one. However, the Old Guard's concession did not prevent them from trying to
maintain their values of civility. Emily Post's 635-page tome on manners, Etiquette, in
Society, in Business, in Politics, and at Home (1922), was but a gentle reminder to all that
being a member of the upper class was not just about having money in the bank. A
portion of the upper class maneuvered to the best of its ability to protect the stability they
valued so deeply. After all, change likely meant that they would have to give something
up—because they already had everything.
The upper class utilized taste as a powerful tool that distinguished their social.
They elite taste through their behavior (decorum) and the objects they purchased to create
the 'stage' upon which they 'performed.' The two were inseparably linked. Taste as a
social phenomenon was quite complex. On the one hand, it was highly personal and a
manner in which one might construct and communicate individual identity. Based on the
selection of objects and their arrangement within an interior, members of all classes
provided a wealth of information about their values, beliefs, aspirations, and identities.
On the other hand, taste was very much a "collectively negotiated agent of aesthetic
discrimination," which supported group, or in this case, class identification.8 With taste
securely in the hands of the Old Guard, two things were certain. First, aesthetic
preferences would be anchored in the past (to be discussed later in this chapter). Second,
society began valuing materialism more highly.
Once taste became a means of bridging the gap between the upper and middle
classes at the turn of the twentieth century, consumerism flourished. Middle-class values
Sparke, As Long As It's Pink, 1.

shifted abruptly. Fulfillment was no longer achieved through spirituality, but through the
acquisition of goods. According to William Leach, "acquisition and consumption were
the means of achieving happiness."9 The economic independence desired by the middle
class in the nineteenth century no longer meant just stability and domesticity; pleasure,
comfort, and material well-being became the cardinal features of this culture. This new
value system fueled the development of the department store, and demonstrated the need
for consumers to identify themselves as part of a particular group by conforming to their
group's taste. In fact, consumers stopped purchasing just the object; they also bought the
effect, which more often than not supported a fantasy based on living the life of the upper
class.
Advertisers soon realized the shift in middle-class values and responded
accordingly. They crafted their advertisements to support the concept of upward
emulation. Products bore names like "Pompadour silks" and "DuBarry lingerie,"
implying that these were the luxuries of royalty, but accessible to all women.10
Advertisements dealing with the home more accurately depicted the living conditions of
the wealthy. Even though manufacturers priced these products for middle-class
consumption, the advertisers presented them in the context of an upper-class
environment. Advertisers blended the product (e.g., affordable furnishings and
appliances) of their clients cleverly with an interior environment that stimulated dreams

10
Ibid, 100.
347
of a better life. They purposefully sold the product and the way of life that accompanied
it.11
The shifting values of the middle class to a material culture and the responding
growth of consumerism bode well for all those desiring to enter the market place. Draper
was poised particularly well because of her interest in the interior environment and her
socially accepted role as a tastemaker. As members of the middle class strove to emulate
their social superiors, they found a resource in Draper. She lived the life they coveted and
she was offering her services, her insider knowledge, to help them attain it. These
conditions allowed tastemaker and entrepreneur to converge, offering unique
opportunities for a career in the young profession of interior design. Draper utilized her
rearing as an Edwardian debutante to her advantage and delivered advice and products to
the aspiring middle class.
Due to a lack of confidence in social skills and in their own perception of taste,
the middle class required advice on decorum and decoration. Etiquette and decorating
books flooded the market. These books offered two approaches. The first presented rules
and regulations, droning endlessly about what one did or did not do in a wide range of
situations. These books communicated the behavior of the elite in its most transparent
state. Emily Post's tomes on decorum and decoration were standards of this approach and
accepted by those who really wanted to "do things the right way." Draper, on the other
hand, challenged books like those scribed by Post. Within the first pages of Decorating Is
Fun! and Entertaining Is Fun she spoke of the "nonsense" surrounding the subject of
1
Kavaler, The Private World of High Society, 1960.
348
interior decoration and the "ridiculous pomposity" surrounding the word entertaining. For
those who wanted to be "grim and serious," Draper suggested that her books were not for
them.
Draper's books traded pretension and intimidation for fun and familiarity. She
replaced the tenet of "living the good life" with the idea of "making living fun." This
shift in attitude reflected the social circumstances during which both books were
published. The prosperous twenties had passed and America was struggling with the
Depression. Though Draper's business maintained a healthy stream of clients, the middle
class was suffering severely. The Depression threatened their core values of stability and
steady progress. Their identity as a class was slipping away and they needed help. Still
the standard in the 1930s, Post's Etiquette maintained a meaningful connection with
members of the middle class perhaps as a means of providing stability in an uncertain
time. One could always control their behavior. Draper, however, offered a different view.
She wanted to remind people to live and that money and pretension was not the deciding
factor of a quality life.
According to Draper, the average American during the 1930s needed three basic
things: optimism, human interaction, enjoyment. Throughout her books, newspaper and
magazine columns, and radio interviews Draper emphasized a need for optimism. This
was culturally ingrained in almost all Americans as they experienced two world wars and
a depression in less than three decades. The American Dream that motivated so many
seemed to vanish during these years, making it difficult for many to continue with the
daily routine. Draper injected a high-spirited, authoritative voice into the lives of many
women through her various communiques in order to stimulate positive thinking. The
future appeared brighter as Draper encouraged women to plan events large and small that
would bring laughter and happiness into their home. Some of the events could be as
simple as painting a room in the house a soft pink or a sunny yellow. Such advice
allowed Draper to bond with middle-class women. She became a confidante, a close
friend, who helped distressed housewives with activities that made beautiful their
personal spaces. The simple act of painting a room was a physical and psychological
reminder that life was not stagnant and that change was possible both on a personal and
global level.
In addition to optimism, Draper focused on the importance of human interaction.
Readers appreciated Draper's style of communication that some likened to a chat over
tea. The tone was familiar, cheery, and, of course, optimistic. Virtually all of her advice
had one goal—to bring people together. Whether family or friends, Draper's advice
intended to enhance social interaction at times when humanity seemed a fictional
character in a dime store novel. Eloise Davison, friend of Draper and author of the
preface to Entertaining Is Fun, commented on the timeliness of Draper's book.12 She
believed that if the "grim, chaotic world" had befogged or upset the readers, then there
was every chance that this book would make the readers remember that "living [was]
12
Eloise Davison (1893-1981), a home economist, was Director of the New York Herald
Tribune Home Institute at the time she wrote the preface to Draper's book. Her list of
accomplishments and services parallel those of Draper in that she was an active and
involved citizen. In 1948, Davison was appointed Assistant Director of Civil Defense.
She held memberships in the Advertising Club of New York, the American Home
Economics Association (AHEA), and the Conference Club. See "Eloise Davison, Home
Economist," The Chronicle Telegram of Elyria, Ohio, February 23, 1981, D2.
350
more vital when ... shar[ing] hospitality with friends."13 Draper did not disappoint. Each
chapter focused on a type of entertaining that satisfied everyone from the hardworking
husband to a flock of friends. Key to the book's success was that money had little to do
with having a good time.
The final goal for Draper was to improve the daily lives of her readers. An
optimistic attitude and a group of loved ones would naturally yield a joyful experience.
Whether decorating the house or planning for the event, Draper's advice met a
psychological need for a wounded middle class. Their spirits were on the verge of
breaking. All that they had worked for was vanishing overnight. Draper's propositions
rang from the pages like a joyous sermon heralding the promise of a new year. On the last
page of Entertaining Is Fun, Draper offered her personal motto for a healthy, successful
and joyous life.
LOVE that fulfills you,
FRIENDS who delight you,
WORK that intrigues you,
BEAUTY which enchants you.14
These closing thoughts summed up Draper's approach to life and decorating and at the
same time revealed a real sensitivity to middle class values. Draper's ability as an upper
13
Draper, Entertaining Is Fun, viii.
14
Ibid, 241.
351
class woman to connect with the middle class in such an intimate manner was one of the
core reasons for her success. The middle class had found a strangely sympathetic ear with
a kind voice that helped them through difficult times by understanding what they valued:
constant progress towards a better way of life.
Aside from the direct advice Draper delivered to the middle class during the more
difficult times, her projects were equally important. From her hotels in San Francisco,
West Virginia, and New York City to her lines of fabrics and furnishings, Draper's
influence as a tastemaker spanned the United States. These projects and products reached
the middle-class consumer directly. They could have drinks in the Kiltie Bar at the Mark
Hopkins Hotel or claim an address, like the Carlyle, designed by Draper. For the middle
class, these opportunities to intersect, even peripherally, with one of the nation's leading
upper-class tastemakers validated their position and supported their value of progress
toward a better life.15 These experiences and material objects whetted their appetites for
the potential to visit one of Draper's true crown jewels, the Greenbrier.
The Greenbrier Hotel and Resort at White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia was a
well established enclave for the wealthy. Though much of the middle class could not
afford to visit the resort, it was a cultural icon that drew their attention much like the
Hamptons, Newport, or Palm Beach. For those middle-class women who followed
Draper's career, reading about these destinations in the papers, they were reassured that
15
According to Lucy Kavaler, Draper received solid "inner-circle" support, identifying
her as a major tastemaker for the upper class. Also included in the list were William
Pahlmann and Ellen Lehman McCluskey (c. 1914-1984). Kavaler noted that Melanie
Kahane (1910-1988) and Michael Greer (c. 1916-1976) were the "favorites." Kavaler,
The Private World of High Society, 26.
352
the basic principles provided in her books and columns were true to her style. But, for as
much as Draper's success relied on the middle class, her own class was equally
important.
Draper's social position provided an advantage in the advancement of her career.
First and foremost, as a member of the upper class she was well educated in their level of
taste. Her frequent trips to Europe and daily exposure to some of the finest interiors in the
New York area, especially Tuxedo Park, provided her an education unequalled by any
school. The upper class automatically accepted Draper as a person of taste, because she
was one of their own—a member of the inner circle. They trusted her as a confidante
even more than the middle class because she knew the rules of decorum and would never
divulge private information about her clients. The upper class's acceptance of Draper
allowed her some leeway in the development of her style, which Draper used to great
advantage. While most decorators maintained a reverence toward period styles, Draper
crafted an expression that was a combination of the traditional and the modern.
The issue of Draper's taste, as a result of her upbringing, played a major role in
her relationship with members from other classes as well. The middle class and nouveau
riche accepted her taste automatically, a vastly sought-after commodity during the early
portion of the twentieth century. At a time when the middle class flourished and many
were ascending to the upper class seemingly overnight, emulation spread across the
United States. While the nouveau riche tried to copy the behavior of their newfound
peers, the middle class settled on seeking their advice in preparation for the day when
they, too, could be counted among the upper ranks of society. All of this was driven by
353
the perception of the "good life"—the goal for many during the 1920s. The following
decades required a different viewpoint, in which the idea of "living well" supplanted the
concept of the "good life." Through her books and advice columns, Draper provided the
middle class with the advice they desired on a budget they could afford in a tone that was
familiar and accepting. This would become the foundation of Draper's reputation.
The second and arguably the most valuable reason that Draper's relationship with
the upper class was so important to her success was her accessibility to many wealthy
businessmen. Draper had an inside track to many of her commissions early in her career.
Friends of family knew of her interest in the field of decoration and design, and gave her
significant opportunities as a novice in the professional realm. The River Club, Carlyle
Hotel, National Headquarters for the Junior League, and the Sutton Place Tenement
Apartments were four major projects in which her social contacts played a role. The latter
was of particular importance due to the news coverage it received, hailing Draper as one
who could make properties profitable. The use of social contacts to advance a career was
certainly not new. Many upper-class decorators and designers throughout the twentieth
century exploited their social peers.16
While Draper offered hope through optimism to a class that valued progress and
respect, her relationship with the upper class was much more symbiotic. As one of their
own, she knew the type of experience the wealthy required. However, she also knew how
far she could push the envelope to provide them with something new and modern, while
16
Dorothy May Kinnicutt (Sister Parish) is perhaps the best example. In fact, she only
used her social contacts for potential jobs. She would not work for people outside of her
social and financial circle. See Blossom and Turpin's "Risk as a Window to Agency."
354
still recognizing their desire to hang onto the past. On the other hand, Draper relied
heavily on her social contacts to get her career off the ground; this was especially crucial
considering she was not trying to build her business in the residential sphere. Large
public commissions were rarely awarded to women. Her contacts provided her the
opportunity to demonstrate her skills. She did not disappoint and soon became the leading
female interior decorator for hotels and apartment buildings - all of this, in part, because
of her upbringing and social position.
Draper's Gender:
A Female Confidante versus Male Confidence
Draper also experienced success because of her gender. Not only did society
assign her gender the role of purveyor of taste, but also as overseer of the domestic
environment. The domestic sphere had belonged to women since the earliest recordings
of human history. In the nineteenth century, men of the household gave women more
responsibility in supervising the maintenance, functioning, and decoration of the home.
According to Massey, "the Victorian middle-class woman was expected to stay at home
and manage the household and servants."17 The housewife who was free from manual
work, both in the public sphere and the private sphere signified status and wealth for the
male provider. Massey continued by noting that "the decoration of the domestic interior
1 Q
was a respectable pastime which allowed women some control over their environment."
For women, the home offered the only vehicle by which they might construct or even
17
Massey, Interior Design of the Twentieth Century, 124.
355
express their identity. The home became particularly important for the nouveau riche
who tried to recreate the stage of their peers on which they now had to perform.
Consequently, the interior and its decoration constituted a crucial reflection on the
inhabitants' social status and could easily be viewed as an asset or a liability. Only a
woman could understand the significance of this responsibility and relate to the stress that
accompanied it.
For the middle class, Draper was a female providing advice to females. This was
not new. Women had been sex-typed into positions because they had a woman's point of
view and understood the factors that motivated them. The professions of journalism and
marketing, where understanding the consumer was crucial to selling a product, were
poignant, early examples. Draper perpetuated this stereotype when it came to her books
and articles. She knew that women needed a confidante, someone who could help them
with tasks that, according to the male gender, should have been innate. But, decorating
and entertaining presented serious challenges if one had a limited budget and was under
the relentless scrutiny of neighbors, friends, bosses, and social clubs. Just as in the
nineteenth century, a woman's ability to dress, decorate, and entertain was a reflection on
the husband. This trend continued through the 1960s and to a lesser, but notable, degree
to the end of the century. Second wave feminism battled some of these issues.
Nonetheless, the home and the woman were symbiotic concepts in the fabric of American
capitalism and culture.
The relationship between housewives and home was palpable during the
Depression. Having experienced growth in job acquisition, women retreated to their

356
domestic home, turning over all of the job opportunities to the returning World War I
veterans. This shift back to the domestic environment reattached women to their homes
as part of their patriotic duty. Not only were they allowing the men to return to the
workforce, but they also strengthened the symbol of American prosperity, the home,
through the 1920s, and then maintained its appearance during the extreme budgetary
constraints of the Depression.19 The working class felt the bite of the Depression first as
households relinquished their servant staffs before any other luxury. This required
middle-class and upper middle-class women to be responsible for the home in much more
of a "hands-on" manner. Wives had to maintain the house in all of its aspects from
cleaning to sewing. Though reactionary, Draper aimed her advice at the middle class who
were attempting to repair their identity in the late 1930s. World War II presented new
challenges yet again.
The war uprooted the middle-class housewife as her soldier-husband's military
life took on a distinctly mobile character. "I think the war caused a definite rootlessness
in our society. We would marry servicemen and follow them from one camp to another,
and suddenly all of our roots were gone."20 Draper recognized this problem and
addressed it specifically. In one of her articles for Good Housekeeping, she offered
advice regarding "How to Live in a Trunk."21 She realized that women were leaving their
homes and their identities, in order to stay with their husbands as long as they were
19
Baritz, The Good Life, 143.
20
Ibid, 180.
21
Dorothy Draper, "How to Live in a Trunk," Good Housekeeping, January, 1942, 107.
357
stateside. By utilizing the familiar objects of home that brought with them a multiplicity
of favorable meanings, the displaced housewife turned temporary housing into a warmer,
more inviting and secure place.
America's growing insecurity revealed one of the major reasons for Draper's
success. Countless wives, daughters, and mothers experienced significant stress with
loved ones overseas. The increase in support groups that were forming all across the
nation revealed women's needs for emotional outlets and human contact beyond the
home and work.22 Draper filled that gap for many of these women by offering a
distraction and a friendly tone in her writing. She could be found in familiar places such
as Good Housekeeping. Draper believed everyone had a duty, and a responsibility during
the war; to retreat and hibernate was unacceptable. She championed the home, that
distinctly feminine cultural product, in order to give housewives a sense of participation
in the war effort:
... it's time that we, the women of the United States,
resolved—in times none too auspicious—to make our
homes so cheerful and pretty that not only our own families
but the chance passerby will draw courage from the sight of
them . . . . Morale is in your hands.
D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America, 5.

Draper published a series of programs that allowed the American housewife to fulfill this
proclamation. She especially seemed attentive to the war brides. Having dreamt of a
fairy-tale marriage herself that in reality ended in divorce after 18 years, Draper's
empathy revealed her own faith in the institution of marriage, even under such stressful
conditions as the War.
Gender affected not only her relations with women, but also her design style.
Many of the high profile commissions that Draper finished during the war years were
feminine in aesthetics or function. The Camellia House in Chicago's Drake Hotel (1941)
was a prime example of an aesthetically feminine space (figure 176). The descriptions of
the restaurant recalled a space blushing with pinks and reds. Leather banquettes with
sculpted backs framed the seating in the center of the space. Straight back chairs
upholstered in a marbled white and teal pattern introduced the accent color. Custom
designed plates showcased an over-scaled camellia in the center with a pink border
trimming the edge. Menus, striped in pink, also presented the logo with the
establishment's name in Draper's characteristic bold script. Everything about the space
was stereotypically feminine from the color palette to the curved lines. The Camellia
House's aesthetics announced unabashedly the presence of women in the public sphere.
The Drake Hotel, a tradition in Chicago since 1920, was a social center where people
were meant to be seen. Business dealings and private parties all occurred within the
dramatic space. Even though the function of the space supported masculine and feminine
activities, the aesthetics favored the female, a rare occasion.

359
Three other projects by Draper were specifically feminine in function. The Coty
Beauty Salon in New York City (1941) serviced the burgeoning cosmetics industry. A
shrine for women, the salon was a private enclave. Men did not belong there and only
entered with the intentions of purchasing something for a special woman. The women's
floor of Kerr's Department Store (1944) in Oklahoma City, brought Draper's reputation
to the heartland. She created a shopping atmosphere that was as grand as though seen on
the silver screen. Women escaped to the stores when the reality of the war or life on the
home front became too "real." Finally, Midwestern women experienced a Draper interior
during one of the most intimate and feminine moments in a woman's life, childbirth. The
Delnor Hospital maternity wing in St. Charles, Illinois (1941) received the Draper touch.
Patients took note of the softly colored ceilings, the domestic decor, and the personal
details like the concealed make-up kit in the bed tray.24 Each of these spaces provided
women with a sense of ownership in the public sphere, even if they were full-time
housewives. Though Draper obviously did not "create" these gendered spaces, her
participation in the design and decoration of them linked her to the female experience in
the public sphere. Her gender made her a partner in women's negotiation with modernity.
If one could have measured Draper's popularity, it surely would have spiked
during the war years. Women were in need of distractions from the stress of the war; they
needed human interaction due to the isolation that set in as a result of being housewife,
mother, and worker; they needed another woman's attention. Draper satiated all these
24
Raymond P. Sloan, "Styled for Health and Happiness," The Modern Hospital 56, no. 1
(January 1941): 46-49.
360
needs. Her books and projects made crucial contact with middle-class women and their
values when the need was at its highest. But, more importantly, Draper maintained her
femininity throughout this process. She spoke of feminine things in a feminine manner.
Women who followed this approach during the late twentieth century also became
incredibly popular - Oprah Winfrey (b. 1954) and Martha Stewart (b. 1941) to name just
two. Contemporary women across the nation identified with them for the same reason
women in earlier times identified with Draper. Women like Oprah Winfrey and Martha
Stewart were the next generation of successful women trying to improve the lives of
other women, and thus peripherally, shape American culture.
Draper's gender was a key to her success. She connected with the largest
consumer group and tended to their needs and values. This was only one manner in which
Draper's gender played a role; however, unlike most decorators, women were not her
preferred clients.
Draper was unusual in that she preferred to work with male clients. For Draper,
female clients were too meddlesome and capricious. Unlike the safety she gained by
writing advice in various forms of media, working with female clients on residential
projects was not nearly as easy. Even when women had the rare opportunity to employ
Draper for a residential projec, they naturally wanted to take a role in the decoration and
design of their own home. This meant that their ideas might conflict with Draper's, which
she viewed as a challenge to her authority. In his biography of Draper, Varney recounted
a story in which Draper convinced the husband to whisk his wife away on an unexpected
361
vacation so that she could finish the job she was asked to do.25 The implication was that
the wife was either unable to make decisions or wanted to make too many of them. The
female client's desire to assert authority over her own home ironically frustrated Draper
when she was called in as an expert.
Women questioned—if not challenged—Draper's expertise far more often than
did male clients. Businessmen accepted Draper as a professional, the possessor of
specific knowledge to get the job done. This understanding manifested itself in Draper's
contracts where she was often identified as the sole arbiter of taste and given carte
blanche when it came to making design decisions. Draper's male clients supported the
interjection of Draper's expertise in feminine taste, generated by the domestic, female
environment, into the masculine public sphere. The confidence of male clients propelled
her career forward as they provided her with large commercial contracts.
Draper was indeed a contradiction. On the one hand, she dispensed advice to
middle-class housewives, but preferred not to work directly with women as clients. On
the other hand, Draper challenged existing gender constructs by assuming a position of
power and control when working directly with businessmen, her preferred clients. In
essence, Draper blurred the lines between the public sphere and the private sphere,
between the male and the female. As a female, she fostered her relationship with women
through more familial means, offering helpful instruction on how to improve their lives.
Women's desire to create more personal relationships characterized their criteria for
evaluating Draper. Men, however, focused less on personal characteristics as they desired
Varney, The Draper Touch.

362
increased profits. How Draper achieved this goal was not a concern for them, even if she
did it through feminine traits. Gender constructs—their similarities and differences—and
the accompanying embedded value systems revealed their impact on society's perception
of Draper's reputation. In the end, the complex gender relationships were manifested by
the confidence presented by men and the confidante sought out by women.
Draper's Design Philosophy:
Blurring Class Boundaries
Draper's design philosophy showed many similarities to that of the modernists. At
the core each desired to bring design to everyone. However, while the modernists focused
on the functional aspects of design as the leading qualifier, Draper privileged aesthetics.
She believed that "decorative styles [were] simply indications of a manner of living."26
Two very important messages emanated from this theory. First, unlike the modernists
who attempted to homogenize the built environment, Draper chose to encourage
individuality. She drew from various styles freely in order to evoke different kinds of
experiences. This was at the very heart of her romantic nature. She further encouraged
individuality by releasing the authoritative grip on taste that so many decorators
cherished. Draper encouraged women constantly to explore and express their own taste.
Second, like the modernists, Draper infused her philosophy with a form of environmental
determinism in that the objects in the near environment fashioned behavior. Because of
her experiences as a child, Draper thought everyone should be surrounded by beautiful
26
Fischer, "Dorothy Draper, Designer, Ties Up Her Hotel Decorations All in One
Package," CIO.
spaces. The type of space was often aristocratic in that she encouraged "a grand enough
scale" as one of her three major components of good design.27 The other two were color
and comfort. As expected, Draper's design philosophy derived from her experiences
within the inner-circle of the upper class and those of the progressive era that
characterized the early twentieth century. She used decoration as a mechanism for
blurring class boundaries.
Draper's philosophy demonstrated an appreciation for and a critique of her
upbringing. On the one hand, the culture of Tuxedo Park introduced Draper to the
concept of charity. Women of privilege often chose to engage in volunteer activities for
the less fortunate (the other 97% of Americans). However, these acts were not entirely
altruistic. Volunteerism offered women an opportunity to build an identity outside of the
home.28 Women had greater freedom to pursue interests that were not confined by the
domestic environment. Not only did these opportunities help them create and express
their identity, but they also enhanced their social relevance. The women of Tuxedo Park,
including Susan Tuckerman, demonstrated the appropriate behavior for women in a
larger social context. These expectations followed Draper throughout her life and she
responded to them appropriately. She often participated on committees and in events that
were charitable in nature. Thus, from an early age, she realized the significance of
helping those of lesser means.
See Kathleen D. McCarthy, ed., Lady Bountiful Revisited: Women, Philanthropy, and
Power (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990).
Aside from acts of charity, Draper did not fully appreciate all of the lessons
passed on by her elders. The restrictive deportment that controlled Draper's every move
suffocated her. One of the many stories she often retold was the time she tried to escape
from Tuxedo Park through a hole in the fence. She desired a life free from endless rules
or the notion that someone else would tell her exactly how to behave at all times. From
this inner-spirit, Draper developed a new, perhaps more modern concept of decorum.
Appropriate behavior was important, but it should not stem from a need to distinguish
oneself from others. Good behavior should lead to "living a good life." The major
difference was that the former was an exercise in facadism, a mask intended to separate
members of society from each other. The latter approach facilitated social interaction
with the intent to improve communal life. Members of Tuxedo Park would have viewed
this to be radical. Life in Tuxedo was not known for its innovation. The community had
one foot firmly planted in the past and the other in the present. Nonetheless, this
environment laid a crucial foundation for Draper's developing identity.
Draper was both an active agent and a passive participant in the shaping of her
identity. Her formative years straddled the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. The
Gilded Age provided the foundation of her understanding of upper-class life. The
Progressive Era grounded her views in the reality of the early twentieth century. It had an
effect on the mood of the entire country. A greater sense of morality and responsibility,
especially as it related to the quality of life for the lower and middle classes, became a
cultural focus. For Draper, the Progressive Era was an external catalyst that justified her
shifting view of the world as it related to class and its innate exclusionary practices. The
365
social movement amplified the charitable actions of her mother. In tandem with her own
innate desire for a freer, more middle-class lifestyle, Draper developed a philosophy of
living that challenged her previously predetermined identity as an upper-class woman.
She embraced a much more energized, gay lifestyle. She envisioned laughter and beauty,
conversation and optimism. She wanted to live in a romantic world absent of conflict, and
in the spirit of progressivism she believed this was how all should want to live. Her desire
to bring joy and happiness to the American masses became her mission and the
centerpiece of her design philosophy.
Draper's design philosophy underpinned her success because she bridged the gap
between classes. By extending her hand to the middle class, Draper reached a much
larger audience than a decorator who focused only on the palatial residences of the
wealthy. Her sensitivity to the larger American public and their awareness of her efforts
elevated Draper's reputation a hundred-fold. She quickly became a source of knowledge
or information simply because she was a known figure. This frustrated many of Draper's
peers, as she seemed to become the voice of the profession. Many decorators were
aggravated, especially since Draper rarely participated in residential design, which they
believed was the cornerstone of their profession. Though powerful in many aspects of
American life, the upper class could not match the voice of the middle class who saw
value in Draper's work.
Draper demonstrated her commitment to the middle class by dispensing advice
and selecting specific public commissions. Her advice supported the middle-class need to
be conformists and individualists simultaneously. As much as they needed instruction to

366
conform (so as to emulate the upper class), they wanted to maintain some element of
individuality. Draper offered both. She did not present her advice as hard and fast rules
and left a great deal of room for the reader to interpret her messages. She reinforced this
perspective by demonstrating how numerous design schemes responded to the same
principle. For example, when discussing the decoration of the front hall in Decorating Is
Fun!, Draper emphasized the concepts of welcome, tidiness, and function. Plenty of light
and an optimistic color scheme hallmarked a welcoming environment. Flat surfaces and
storage addressed function, while tidiness was a state of the room that communicated
values of the family inside. Beyond that, Draper left the expression of the room up to the
individual. She emphasized this point by providing the descriptions of six aesthetically
different halls. Her approach not only provided the necessary instruction yearned for by
the middle-class housewife, but also empowered her by inferring that she already had
taste; she just needed guidance. The notion—that Draper believed that they already had
taste—was one manner of blurring class boundaries. Good taste was typically accepted to
be an upper-class trait.
Draper's advice further blurred the boundaries through the images she included in
her book. Many of the line drawings depicted components of an upper class family's
home. Elegant mantles with sophisticated details (figure 177), richly framed doors with
bold molding, and lush window treatments with hard and soft valences inspired the
readers' do-it-yourself projects. Though styled after palatial examples, none of them was
367
intimidating or perceived as unattainable. Draper had mastered the vocabulary of the
aristocratic home and shaped it for the middle class.29
Draper's projects also challenged the traditional perception class, but in two
different ways: programming and decoration. In the former, Draper was a passive
participant. The programming of many of her projects occurred outside of her purview.
The Hampshire House, for example, had a wide range of prices ($1,200 - $36,000) for its
many different units. Price reflected the number of rooms, location in the building, and
whether or not the apartment was furnished or had a balcony or terrace. The variety of
units and their accompanying rates allowed for a wider range of individuals between the
middle and upper class to experience the luxury of the Hampshire House. This formula
was popular in New York City where Draper worked on many of its apartment buildings.
Even though it was not her idea to provide the consumer with this many options, her
participation in the project connected her to the experience of the consumer. In fact,
considering the visibility of her design and decoration work, the average consumer would
likely connect Draper to the project more than the architects or engineers.
Aside from the passive role of decorating what had already been planned out,
Draper simultaneously turned her decorating and design efforts into an active role when
trying to provide "beautiful spaces for all." Draper transformed middle-class spaces like
Kerr's Department Store and the Metropolitan Museum of Art Restaurant into exquisite
interiors. Within these public interiors she interjected aristocratic detailing. Baroque
29
See John Turpin's "The Doors of Dorothy Draper: Vestiges of Victorian Manners with
a Middle-class Sensibility," In.Form: The Journal of Architecture, Design & Material
Culture, 1 (2000): 8-15.
368
scrollwork framed the mirrors in the dressing room at Kerr's while giant, custom
chandeliers floated above the diners at the museum. Draper knew that she had to balance
effect with budget and she accomplished this time and again. Just like in her columns and
books, Draper proposed imagery from the upper class in an economically feasible form
for the public to enjoy.
Unlike the esotericism of the modern movement, historical references held claim
to certain perceptions by society.30 The nouveau riche popularized the revival styles by
seeking associations with the wealth of 'Olde Europe.' As the middle class grew in
number and stature, they desired to emulate their class superiors and their interest in the
historic. Draper, a member of the Old Guard, appreciated both the style and the desire of
the middle class to be surrounded by the grand detailing found in palaces, villas, and
country homes. She crossed class boundaries as a woman of society who delivered the
previously exclusive images of the wealthy to the middle class. In fact, the dissemination
of beautiful spaces was so important to Draper that she made it one of the core elments of
her design philosophy.
The other major component of Draper's design philosophy was her view on
aesthetics. Draper believed in a form of environmental determinism, in which aesthetics
was a powerful tool in the environment that affects human behavior. According to Burton
Bledstein,
30
The term "esotericism" is used to indicate the theoretical depth of the Modern
Movement that drove design decisions. The average consumer was not aware of the
socialist goals underpinning the products. The same would be true for the modernists'
minimalist approach to design that was steeped in theory.
369
At the root of both the Gilded Age abundance and
Progressive Era reforms was a belief in environmental
determinism, that the material world not only reflected the
status of those who lived in it, but could in fact help shape
that status.
Bledstein's statement reflected the late 19th century Aesthetic Movement's belief that the
objects in the environment inspired people to live up to them. Early in the twentieth
century environmental determinism focused more on climate and geography; however,
the theory became relevant in interior design by the end of the century. Researchers
began studying the effect of the interior on the inhabitant in work spaces and healthcare.
The results had great impacts upon the profession. Draper was an early pioneer in this
area, most notably for hospitals.
Draper's work on the Delnor Hospital in St. Charles, Illinois and the Naples
Community Hospital in Naples, Florida revealed her belief in environmental
determinism. She stated that "medical and surgical skill, modern equipment and facilities
[were] requisites, of course, but what about the most modern of therapeutics, beauty?"
Her design solution relied on two important factors. The first was the overall look. Draper
re-imagined all the spaces where the patient needed to recuperate. She treated the rooms
as if they were domestic bedrooms. Wood headboards and footboards introduced a
31
Bledstein and Johnston, The Middling Sorts, 172.
32
Sloan, "Styled for Health and Happiness," 46.
370
feeling of hand craft and tradition. Dressers and nightstands matched to create the effect
of a suite of furniture. Fully-upholstered chairs wrapped in a bold floral pattern doubled
as a place to sit when out of bed, but perhaps more importantly, as a visual stimulus while
the patient was in bed. Draper also realized the unique point of view for the patient lying
in bed all day. She mentioned the significance of the ceiling plane for that reason, but her
interior suggested that other aspects of the room supported her theory as well. The home-
like environment distracted patients from their ailment, refusing to remind them of their
location in a hospital.
The second factor was not surprisingly color. Pinks, blues, reds, and greens in a
range of values participated in the healing process. The hues were optimistic, soothing,
and lively. They stimulated the patient by evoking positive thoughts, a notable influence
of Draper's contact with Reverend Vincent Norman Peale. Painted flowers, bows, birds,
and apples surrounded the patient in the Delnor Hospital. In Naples, a city on the Gulf of
Mexico, fish reminded people of their seaside location. Reactions from the public were
exactly what Draper had hoped. People suggested that they could not be sick in these
spaces; the hospital reminded them of a country club or home. Such reviews delighted
Draper and reinforced her design concept that was printed aptly on all of the hospital's
stationary: "To Health and Happiness."
Draper utilized the theory of environmental determinism in other project types.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant, one of her most public spaces, hosted
middle-class Americans who sought refuge in the restaurant for a well-needed respite
between visits to the exhaustive galleries. The intent of the restaurant was not formal
371
evening dining. Its use was predicated on offering food services throughout the day for
the museum guests. Though programmatically informal, Draper took the opportunity to
provide the average America with an elegant, sophisticated dining experience. She hoped
that the space would inspire a certain level of deportment. Draper's efforts supported the
middle class desire to emulate the upper class. Her design communicated sophistication
and refinement through its color, ornamentation, and symmetry. The drama and grandeur
of the space elevated the human spirit, capturing it in a moment of awe. This was not a
diner or the family restaurant around the corner. And yet, the prices were reasonable. The
space was financially accessible to the middle, and at times, the working class. While the
middle class mimicked their perception of upper class behavior, the working class had a
visible example of appropriate etiquette in the restaurant—an example they likely tried to
emulate so as not to reveal their lower class standing.
Draper had a genuine concern for people. Her design philosophy reached out to
the public, by dispensing decorating advice at the low cost of a magazine, and by
designing public spaces for all who entered. Her appreciation for the common American
was noted when Edward R. Murrow asked Draper what types of spaces she would like to
decorate that she had not already done. One of her first answers was trains. "Imagine how
many people die young because they [train interiors] are so dreary."33 She went on to
suggest a butcher shop, another distinctly middle-class space. She had a strong foothold
in restaurants and apartment buildings, all of which hosted middle America, but she
wanted to do even more. One of her last gestures as a designer was to truly reach out to
33
Edward R. Murrow, "Interview with Dorothy Draper."
the working and middle class by being a guest designer for S&H Green Stamps. In their
1960 catalog, Draper provided decorating advice and indicated products that she thought
were good designs. In addition, S&H had their customers send in pictures of their
decorated interiors. Draper provided a positive critique of the room, once again
reinforcing the notion that neither money nor class was a prerequisite for good taste.
Draper's design philosophy crossed and blurred class boundaries through the
concept of taste. Though never stating it explicitly, Draper seemed to agree with Russell
Lynes's conclusion regarding the role of taste, which was to "increase one's faculties for
enjoyment."34 And, for Draper, everyone should be living with joy. Having interpreted
culture and filtered it through a lens of her own vision, Draper's design philosophy was
very much an altruistic gesture similar to those made by her mother. The upper class
extended a hand to "others." Her philosophy was the foundation of a style that resonated
with the American public for over three decades.
Draper's Style:
Emotion through Scale and Color
Draper's design philosophy and thus, her style, was very much a personal
expression born of her individual life experiences.35 Intrinsic values shaped her approach
Lynes, The Tastemakers, 341.

35
As early as 1765, Lord Karnes (1696-1782) noted that taste or preference came from
individual life experiences or context. See Lord Henry Homes Karnes, "Standard of
Taste," Elements of Criticism, volume II, third edition, with additions and improvements
(Edinburgh: 1765): 483. Lord Karnes was born Henry Home. He received his title once
he was appointed to the Scottish Court of Sessions in 1752. As judge and author he
wrote on numerous topics, including: equity, religion, morality, and criticism.
373
to design as she drew freely from historic periods that reflected her traditional up-
bringing. At the same time, a strong spirit of individuality prevented Draper from
recreating the interiors of her childhood. This tension between conformity and
individuality set Draper on a stylistic path that differed from most. Even though her style
served her well in the public sphere, extrinsic forces would become a factor. After World
War II, the middle class found their voice. They no longer tethered their dreams to the
upper class. They adopted modernism, the style of the future, as a sign of their
detachment of the past. This forced Draper to alter her style, although she did not
abandon her colors or visions of romanticism.
Draper grew up the daughter of anglophiles, traveled to Europe, and bore the
responsibility of passing on her family's deep American roots to her children. These
factors anchored Draper's style to traditional expressions. Her background as a member
of the social elite exposed her to a material culture defined by the level of its ability to
stimulate the inhabitant. As anglophiles, the Tuckermans sought inspiration from their
well-established American and English heritage. With their arrival on the Mayflower, the
relatives of the Tuckermans splintered from their English origins at a time when large
country homes were the marks of the wealthy upper class. These homes were eclectic in
style, mixing Gothic, Classical, Baroque, and Rococo motifs into a uniquely English
interpretation of the interior environment. Because the upper class relied heavily on their
heritage as a validation of their wealth or station in society, the home became a display of
ancestral artifacts and treasures.36 The Tuckermans were no different. They cherished
36
Clive Aslet, The American Country House (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)
374
objects that connected them to both the privileged class and significant figures in
American history. The art of Gainsborough, Whistler, Gay, Turner, and Copley sent a
message to all who entered that the family was cultured in the arts and had the
expendable income to acquire such pieces. The silver wine coolers given to Oliver
Wolcott, Jr. by George Washington in gratitude for his help in stabilizing the government
after the Hamilton/Burr affair, and the punch bowl from which the Continental Army
drank at the house of Miss Sarah Draper demonstrated the family's role in the
development of the American nation. The pair of Angelica Kauffmann sofas, and cups
from Goode's of London identified their taste. These pieces from the past further
enhanced the eclectic nature of the home's interior and demonstrated the family's
reliance on American and English culture when identifying their position in society and
searching for means of expression.
Tuxedo Park, as a community, reflected the traditional values of its inhabitants
through its responsiveness to historic revivals and English precedents. The setting of
Tuxedo Park was idyllic. Tree-canopied roads wound through forest and field with grand
homes revealing glimpses of architectural master works. The blending of the homes with
the environment, to make them look old, suggested a need for the inhabitants to recreate
the longevity of their family heritage, which extended back to England, in even the most
nascent stages of Tuxedo Park's existence. The park, like its inhabitants, was veiled in
and Kavaler, The Private World of High Society both address the emulative practice of
the Olde Guard and their relationship with 17th and 18th century England. See also
Cleveland Amory's The Proper Bostonian for a discussion of the Bostonians reliance on
English customs, manners, fashion, and interiors.
375
illusion. The people wore masks of gentility, while Tuxedo Park wore a mask of time.
The number of European revival styles behind the gates further accentuated this point:
Tudor Revival, Georgian, Jacobean, Gothic Revival, Queen Anne, Shingle, Spanish
Mission, and Dutch Colonial Revival. The overwhelming popularity of the English-
inspired styles demonstrated a desire on the part of residents to express their social and
cultural relationships with England.
Another aspect of Draper's style that connected back to her upbringing in Tuxedo
Park and proved an asset to the middle class was her interest in nature. At the turn of the
century, concurrent with the advancement of the middle class, a renewed fascination with
"country life" began to simmer.37 With the growing interest in and study of the home,
Americans began believing that "home-like qualities were more likely to thrive in the
country than in the city." Very similar to the teachings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-
1778) in 18th century France and the American Transcendentalists of the mid 19th
century, who warned of the harmful effects of the separation of humankind from nature,
A. J. Downing (1815-1852), author and writer, was perhaps the leading figure in the
previous movement that praised the virtues of country living. His books were extremely
popular and helped define a way of living in the middle of the 19th century. " . . . if we
become sincere lovers of the grace, the harmony, and the loveliness with which rural
homes and rural life are capable of being invested, [then] we are silently opening our
hearts to an influence which is higher and deeper than the mere symbol; and that if we
thus worship in the true spirit, we shall attain a nearer view of the Great Master . . . " See
A. J. Downing, Cottage Residences; A Series of Designs for Rural Cottages and Cottage
Villas, and Their Gardens and Grounds Adapted to North America (New York: John
Wiley & Sons, 1863). Originally published in 1842.
Aslet, The American Country House, 27.

376
early twentieth century city-dwellers began to romanticize about life in the country.39
Life was good and wholesome outside the city; family was a central consideration, not
the daily work schedule that exhausted husband and wife who struggled to keep up with
the Joneses. The isolation of the country removed that very palpable pressure from social
peers. People could smell the fresh air, plant gardens, enjoy the informality of the
outdoors, and return the family back to the nucleus of human life. But, this was not a
practical solution for everyone.
The Tuckermans blessed Draper with this romantic lifestyle. They raised her in
that very environment that was coveted by so many stressed, overworked city-dwellers.
Draper knew of the value and effect of flowers on the human spirit. People simply could
not look at flowers and be depressed. As a blatant reflection of nature, she adopted the
cabbage rose as her symbol. The rose burgeoned with petals never wanting in fullness. In
1937 she designed a textile that utilized the pink globular flower, and debuted it in the
Hampshire House at the same time retail markets released it to the public. The cabbage
rose became one of F. Schumacher's all-time best sellers.
Flowers and foliage were popular motifs in a Draper interior. She applied them at
large scales in the Greenbrier, Quitandinha, Arrowhead Springs Resort, Kerr's
Department Store, and Camellia House. She integrated live plants in her hotels and
39
See Jean-Jacques Rousseau's, "Discourse on the Origin and Foundation of Inequality
Among Men" in Roger D. Masters', ed. and trans., The First and Second Discourses:
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1964). Rousseau authored the
essay for a competition sponsored by the Academy of Dijon in 1753. It was first
published two years later. See also Philip Gura's American Transcendentalism: A History
(New York: Hill and Wang, 2007).
377
apartments and used mirrors to integrate nature's true beauty into the home. As a core
component of her style, Draper drew from her lush childhood surroundings in order to
bathe the city in roses.
As a young child, Draper lacked the awareness that England inspired her
environment. However, once she began traveling to Europe, she saw the grand country
homes and recognized the relationships. The "naturally planned" Baroque gardens and
the grand, eclectic Georgian homes both inspired and educated her. She linked oral
history passed on by her female elders with actual spaces and at that moment became
indoctrinated in the hegemony of the upper class's instinct in preserving the past. This
understanding proved vital to her future success as she began designing spaces that had to
reflect upper-class values, while still allowing herself some latitude for personal
expression. She utilized her knowledge of values when she designed spaces like the
Greenbrier Hotel with its checkered floors, luxurious window treatments, traditional
furnishings, and architectural details. The Baroque scrollwork that characterized so much
of her style in the 1930s and 1940s was the hallmark expression of aristocratic life in
many European locations.
Draper's gender was another reason why she gravitated toward the historic.
Women, in general, were responsible for transferring historical knowledge about the
family through oral histories and the care of ancestral artifacts. Susan Tuckerman made
sure Draper knew her family history through stories and memories embedded in the
objects displayed around the home. This history was particularly important to the women
of a family because it was often the only way in which their accomplishments,
378
contributions, or experiences would have been remembered. The significance of this
responsibility took on new meaning during the twentieth century. According to Penny
Sparke, as "guardians of the past" women "provided an anchor to ensure that modernity
was encountered with a set of values that was both tried and tested."40 This suggested that
women's relationship with the past and present validated the co-habitation of historicism
and modernism since women were the major consumers of stylistic domestic objects.
Draper was addressing the values of both the rooted upper class and the ever-progressing
middle class.
Unlike her contemporaries who dealt almost exclusively in period rooms that
relied heavily on the antique trade, Draper knew that the growing movement toward
modernity enticed the middle class. Though it was not going to translate to the Germanic
modernism of the Bauhaus or the American Art Deco, she realized that the twentieth
century encouraged its citizens, both upper and middle class, to look forward as much as
they were to glance back. This was Draper's opportunity to interject her interpretation of
culture into the mainstream. Anchored by the traditional images of the past, Draper
created a style whose roots were traditional, but whose branches and blossoms reflected
the needs and wants of the American public: hope and optimism.
Draper expressed these two concepts through her color palette more than any
other aspect of her design. The palette was a risk. The upper class could have easily
viewed such bright colors as vulgar. Restraint was a key characteristic of the "Old
Guard" and this applied to color as much as it did to social behavior and taste in
40
wardrobe. Draper's colors suggested nothing more than optimism. They evoked joy. She
replaced the maudlin beiges and browns with watermelon pink and lemon yellow. In fact,
Draper probably hoped her clients loved the colors as much as she did visualizing and
naming them. They were distractions in otherwise muted cityscapes. And distractions
were needed. Among World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II, America
faced grim realities on a daily basis. Draper used the psychology of color to uplift the
spirits of the people. Even in some of her earliest commissions, she dared to use forest
green, lemon yellow, and soft gray in the Carlyle Hotel and turquoise and maroon in the
public spaces of the Hampshire House. Draper's daring color schemes challenged the
taste of the Old Guard, but since Draper was one of their own, they gave her some
leeway. Their acceptance only fueled Draper's popularity as the nouveau riche and
middle class followed.
Draper's childhood played a crucial role in the development of her taste which
she brought to fruition in her style. She brought with her an appreciation of all aspects of
her surroundings. From the objects that relayed stories of the past to the Georgian
inspired interiors, Draper was born within an eclectic environment that communicated
messages of her class and her heritage. From inside the home, romantic views beckoned
the young Dorothy to a world both wild and tame. The landscape enticed her imagination,
encouraging her thoughts to drift away from the sometimes restrictive realities of her
fairytale life. These distractions would prove useful during the difficult times ahead.
Tradition, taste, and optimism merged into a style that would be popular with the
American public.
380
The fact that Draper's traditional upbringing would appeal to the middle class was
an unexpected benefit. The emulative behavior that drove the nouveau riche and the
middle class fashioned the taste of the upper class into a powerful tool of dependency. All
desired the knowledge of the wealthy. The nouveau riche needed their advice in order to
learn appropriate behaviors, which included the art of decoration, that would allow
deportment to shroud their humble upbringings during important social interactions. The
middle class had other intentions. The industrialization of the United States made real the
possibility for anyone to advance beyond one's class. With a steady drive toward
progress, they prepared for their potential, if not eventual, ascension into the inner circle
of society. No one questioned the authority of the Old Guard's taste; it was the automatic
foundation of anyone claiming expertise in decoration and decorum.
For as much as Draper's style relied on the physical surroundings of her youth,
another feature of her childhood was far more influential. Draper lived in a romantic
world far from the harsh realities of the twentieth century. Her parents provided her with
everything she could possibly desire. As a product of the Gilded Age, Draper did not
know how the other half lived. Every day was filled with plenty of food, toys, polite
conversation, and generous neighbors. Conflict was an unfamiliar concept at least until
she began schooling in Manhattan. A short-lived experience, Draper's time in the city
was often interrupted by travels to private enclaves or European destinations. Not until
she married and entered the city as an adult did she likely become aware of the poverty
and distress that characterized the hard lives of the average Americans. Her mother's
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charity had made her aware of their plight, but she did not confront it personally until
1912, just years before World War I.
Protected within the tightly woven inner circle of the upper class, Draper
experienced the effects of the war peripherally. Her husband participated in the war effort
as a stateside medic, uprooting Draper to Washington, D. C , and barely affording her the
opportunity to establish her family or household in Manhattan. The typical daily pursuits
of visitations and preparations for social interactions either as guest or hostess filled her
time in the capitol. In fact, Draper's peers considered her one of the city's most
successful hostesses. At the conclusion of the war she returned to Manhattan and
experienced the prosperity of the 1920s. Essentially, Draper reached the age of forty
having lived what most would consider a Romantic existence unhindered by the realities
of life. Draper embraced her Romantic view of the world and sought to transfer it to the
public.
Draper's style was essentially based on the concepts of escape and fantasy. Many
of her interiors were thematic and intended to transport her clients to a distant time or
exotic place. The Hampshire House was at times an English manor house of the 17l
century or an antebellum plantation in the south with a majestic grove of orange trees and
a classical fountain. Draper immersed San Franciscans in Scottish folklore at the Mark
Hopkins Hotel, while the guests at the Greenbrier relished the service that only the Old
South could provide. New Yorkers had the privilege of dining in a Roman atrium.
Virtually all of her projects in the 1930s and 1940s achieved this Romantic goal. She was
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a master of illusion. By reaching back into history, she freely gathered images and
expressions and interpreted them via her unique style.
Americans found these spaces to be successful for the same reason that Draper
created them. The war years of the twentieth century were a difficult time to be alive.
World War I derailed any notion of a peaceful century. The fight was external to the
United States and at an unimaginable scale. The Depression seemed a punishment for the
debauchery and loose living of the 1920s, while World War II demonstrated that conflicts
could actually get worse. During these three decades the American people yearned for
distractions.41 They needed an escape from worrying about how to feed the family or
whether or not a telegram would arrive telling of the loss of a husband, father, or son on
the battlefield.
The desire for escapism or fantasy was manifest in many aspects of daily life. The
most obvious was the explosive popularity of movies. The relatively new media became
the "space of supreme illusion" during the 1920s and 1930s.42 The antics of Charlie
Chaplin (1889-1977), the sultry romances of Rudolph Valentino (1895-1926), and the
unforgettable screen performances of Greta Garbo (1905-1990) swept the audience away
from their own lives and inserted them into someone else's, one that was more intriguing
and exciting. According to some historians, movies became more escapist during the
41
"The people are seeking to escape from themselves," concluded a writer in Advertising
and Selling in 1926. "They want to live in a more exciting world." This quote revealed
that even during the 1920s Americans wanted to engage in a life of escapism and fantasy,
albeit for different reasons other than the depression and war. See Marchand, Advertising
the American Dream, xvii.
42
Fischer, "Ties Up Her Hotel Decorations," 201.
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1940s due to the psychological stress of the war.43 Walt Disney's (1901-1966) Snow
White (1937), Pinocchio (1940), Fantasia (1940), Dumbo (1941) and Bambi (1942) were
effective in their ability to provide escapist afternoons, considering they were always
some of the highest grossing films. The media itself resembled the real world, but at the
same time was nothing like the real world. Americans lost themselves in romantic stories
with inevitable happy endings.
Other cultural experiences reflected the American appetite for escapism.
Department stores appealed to fantasies of escape and luxury by providing customers
with atmospheres of pleasure and comfort. Window displays delighted the eye and the
employees placed customers on a pedestal while serving them. The department store was
particularly meaningful to the female consumer by indulging feminine taste, and
mingling dreams and realities seamlessly.45 Draper's design of the women's floor at
Kerr's Department Store seemed a blend of movie and shopping experiences. The Mirror
Room was a glamorous stage that mimicked the elegance of the black and white movie
sets. Draper accented the predominantly gray and white palette with a lemon yellow as if
to remind the consumer that this was no dream.
The activity in this space, which Draper decidedly framed with the portal, often
engaged a bit of fantasy. Women enjoyed the theatrics of exiting the dressing room into
the common area in a new garb. Each garment allowed them to engage in playacting and
43
Kathryn Weibel, Mirror, Mirror: Images of Women Reflected in Popular Culture
(Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1977).
44
45
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transported them into a world of luxury beyond the drudgery, bills, and monotony of
daily life. The mirrors, the most powerful elements in the space, played a major role in
inducing the effect. They had the power to "draw customers into a narcissistic maze of
self-reflection, creating an environment in which they might interact with the goods in the
most intimate and personal way."46 Such hypnotic experiences, as noted by Leach, were
nothing short of a harmless drug that cheated reality if even for just a moment. This brief
escape was crucial as women were stressed about the safety of their loved ones overseas
and burdened with the responsibility of maintaining the illusion that life was normal even
though they now assumed the roles of both mother and father.
Draper's incorporation of this need for fantasy or escapism made her interiors a
welcome relief for all—lower, middle, and upper class. From this viewpoint, her style
was far more effective than that of the Modern Movement. The modernists' drive toward
universality and standardization in response to economics and class carried the mantle of
social justice through design. Modernists desired to solve the basic requirement of human
shelter and, to some degree, economic security with designs that were mass produced and
affordable. Their overtly rational approach ignored the human need for emotion. During
the stressful years of both world wars and the Depression, people needed to be comforted,
distracted, and elevated. They needed to know that there were places where they could
retreat in order to alleviate the overwhelming stress of their lives. The modernists offered
good design for all that was rational and pragmatic; Draper, by contrast, offered
individual spaces embedded with emotion. Her style was imbued with Romanticism from
46
the Baroque scrollwork to Scottish plaids to over-scaled floral textiles to optimistic
colors. For this time period, the Romantic was more relevant than the rational, at least for
the average consumer.
Draper's style flourished during the 1930s and 1940s. Her aristocratic scrollwork
satiated the middle class's desire to emulate the wealthy. Her bright colors provided
optimism when times were bleak. Most importantly, her interiors offered escape during
the harsh realities of the Depression and the wars. Draper's designs addressed social,
psychological, and emotional needs—criteria for success during the interwar years. Once
World War II ended and the soldiers returned home, the social dynamics began to
change. With money in hand, thanks to the thrifty women on the home front and the
absence of another depression, middle class families exited the city in search for the
American Dream. The suburbs offered a version of country living with a plot of land and
a detached home to call their own. Once the opportunity to start fresh became a reality,
the middle class packed up and moved, but left the baggage of emulation on the front
stoop. They abandoned the traditional preferences of the upper class, and looked toward
defining their own present and future through modernism.
Following the years of World War II, a more optimistic attitude emerged. The
soldiers were home and another dreaded depression did not materialize. Americans
treasured life once again as a precious commodity, and values began to shift. The
reinstitution of traditional values returned, especially the centrality of home and idea of
the nuclear family. In the realm of design, Americans finally began their move toward
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modernism,47 which was no longer as severe stylistically as what had emerged from the
innovative Bauhaus think-tank. Forms were more organic, textures were softer, and color
flouirshed. The creative work of Charles (1907-1978) and Ray (1912-1988) Eames led
the way. Americans drifted away from the desire to live in a fantasy and, instead, latched
their efforts on to achieving the American dream—a house in the suburbs to call their
own.
The cultural shift had significant impact on Draper mainly because the middle
class was creating an identity that no longer depended on the upper class. The postwar
middle class began exhibiting "limitless faith ... in itself and its future." The suburbs
offered a fresh start in all aspects of life, from new friends to new furniture. Of most
importance, for the often young, newlywed couple, all of these experiences and material
objects belonged to them from the start. These were not hand-me-downs or heirlooms.
The couple's identity was free from a visible past; the phenomenon was one of
newness.49
Draper' position as leading tastemaker seemed to wane. Not that her style had
changed or that her interiors were less successful, but because American values had made
her style less relevant. Though Draper's interiors were never a period recreation, the
47
George Marcus, Design in the Fifties: When Everyone Went Modern (Munich: Prestel,
1998): 7.
48
Baritz, The Good Life, 183.
49
Many authors note that Americans wanted to put the past behind them. Marcus notes
the desire of a "brand new life in a brand new world." See Marcus's Design in the Fifties,
56-57. Baritz, in The Good Life, uses the term "newness." It is unknown if she was the
first to use this term to demonstrate the phenomenon across social and design disciplines.
This is, nonetheless, the source for this term in this dissertation.
historical roots other style were evident enough to not be considered "new." In addition,
the bonds between the upper class and the middle class began to deteriorate for two
reasons. First, the middle class focused on achieving "the now" as opposed to "the then."
Emulation subsided and the middle class stopped viewing the lifestyle of the upper class
as the end goal; they wanted the "good life" without all of the pomp and circumstance.
The middle class still wanted to make steady progress, but they did not want to sacrifice
the "new good life," which was characterized by barbecues in the backyard, or martini
parties on Friday. The pretentious life of the Old Guard no longer motivated their
behavior. The "new" nouveau riche, the Hollywood movie stars, became the favored
icons. In this situation, Draper was a residual casualty. She had always championed the
less formal lifestyle. The problem was that she was viewed as a member of the upper
class who dispensed advice based on that station.
Second, class relationships changed due to a shift in power between the concepts
of taste and design. Modernism had introduced a new vocabulary to American culture.
The concept of design based on functional criteria, superseded taste, which was based on
aesthetic criteria. Taste had long been the purview of women, especially upper class
women. Redefining the relationship between taste and design meant removing all
"aesthetic autonomy and authority from the hands of women."50 The rational realm of
design belonged to the masculine domain. As women tried to reassert authority through
their preferences in the marketplace, male culture branded women's choices in products
50
Penny Sparke's As Long As It's Pink provides an in depth look at the relationship of
the female consumer during the twentieth century. She addresses the dynamics of the
taste/design debate and traces its impacts.
(e.g., pink radios and colored appliances) as kitsch—a product that resonated with the
lowbrow.51 This tactic was effective considering the fact that the middle class wished to
be anything but lowbrow, common, or even tacky. As an upper class woman, Draper was
being stripped of her armor, the taste that was the perceived foundation of her reputation.
Nowhere was this shift from taste to design preference so obvious as in the 1952 Look
magazine. For Draper, it was a visual that announced the end of an era. In order to
survive she would have to reinvent herself.
Draper's reputation carried her through the transition from her pseudo-historic
style to the development of her more modern 1950s style. Some clients still wanted the
Draper interiors they knew and loved like the Carillon House (1950) in Washington, D.
C. Some of her clients asked her to come back to update interiors she had previously
decorated. This request reflected both positively and negatively on Draper's design work.
The fact that they asked her to return indicated that she was still fashionable, but the
insinuation was that her interiors had become "dated." The Gideon Putnam Hotel in
Saratoga Springs, New York (1953) and the Essex House in New York City (1954) both
called on Draper for these services.52
Other projects still maintained a distinct Draper style, but shifted to more modern
expressions. The Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant was one example. The bold
colors and high contrast typical of a Draper interior were tempered by a degree of
52
Draper decorated the Gideon Putnam Hotel in 1933, early in her career. The fact that
the interiors lasted twenty years was a testimony to the relevance of her original designs.
389
restraint in molding and ornamentation. Draper allowed the structure of the columns and
the reflecting pool with Milles's sculpture to take center stage. She focused her effort on
the large custom, bird-cage chandeliers. The lobby at the Mark Hopkins Hotel in San
Francisco was similar in approach. Draper abstracted her scrollwork by using cut mirror
instead of plaster or wood to create the aristocratic line she so loved. These gestures
supported the shapes and forms of the dramatic central light fixture that spilled down the
wall like a fountain. The effect was one of her most distinctive Art Deco expressions
since her design for the Carlyle Hotel lobby. Draper used her classic Baroque scrollwork
in the hotel's Peacock Room. Large bolection moldings framed the bandstand and
terminated in beautiful flourishes six feet in height. These interiors would not, however,
get the same media coverage as some of her more modern work. Sometimes it was the
product, not so much the style, that warranted all the attention.
Draper was calculating in the 1950s when it came to her decisions to expand her
impressive repertoire in the field of design. She had already demonstrated great success
in interior design, textile design, furniture design, and industrial design. It was the latter
that had the most potential for popular interest. In the early 1950s, Draper collaborated
with two automobile companies: Packard and Chrysler. The automobile had become the
symbol of middle class independence. It indicated mobility at work, from suburb to city,
and at play, representing the freedom to travel. Draper attached her name to these values
once again. She made her 19 century taste relevant in an automated twentieth century
culture when she agreed to "fashion-key" the 1952 Packard. Both benefited from the
collaboration. Packard essentially paid to have Draper's name attached to the product,
390
reaping the benefits of her "legendary" status in the fashion world. Draper, of course, was
reintroduced to the American public in a new light—she was intimately tied to the
symbol of American freedom and progress.
Draper must have realized the asset of the new marketing campaign. She
maintained her relationship with the automobile industry by entering the field of
exhibition design. In 1953, Dorothy Draper & Company designed the Chrysler
corporation's sales display for a car show. She also designed a temporary showroom at
one of their garages, transforming the cold space into an outdoor area with a green shag
textile on walls and columns to represent passing hedges and landscapes. She painted the
floors in a cobblestone pattern evoking the illusion of a romantic, casual Sunday drive in
the country. Draper never lost her love of Romance, which was key to her successful
approach to style. In an interview with the Detroit News, Draper reinforced her
understanding that the product itself was not the focus; it was, instead, the "joy, gaiety,
excitement" of travel.53 Draper knew that she was selling an experience that would lead
to the purchase of a product by the consumer. Draper had managed to inject one of the
most modern icons—the automobile—with her touch of Romanticism.
Draper's successes in the auto industry once again captivated a new audience. She
was soon asked to design the public spaces of the International Hotel at Idlewild (now
JFK International). Air travel was the next major evolution of modern achievement. The
hiring of Draper to complete the public spaces acknowledged her many successes in
previous hotels and resorts, but this was the hotel of the future. It did not look to the past
53
Dorothy Draper quoted in Carelton Varney's In The Pink, 199.
391
for inspiration, nor did it attempt to transport the traveler to another place. Instead,
travelers were to come face-to-face with the technology that was changing their world
with every passing day. Draper put her styling skills to work splashing color where
possible and using over-scaled elements when the space would allow. The continued use
of the eagle as a symbol in many of her projects paid homage to the great country that
was charging through the century. Other than these two aspects, the aesthetic of the space
likely did not come from Draper. Her evolving staff had been exposed to modernist ideals
ever since some of the great German masters immigrated to the United States in the
1930s. The simple geometry of the architecture and surrounding counters contrasted with
the more organic, colorful style of Draper.
By the end of the 1950s, Draper's style had yielded to that of the prevailing
American modernism. The one trademark she never abandoned was her use of color. The
Conair jet was a defining moment in Draper's career. She had entered the realm of air
travel, a monumental opportunity. She specified a delicate balance of bright colors and
pure white for the airplane's interior. Old World luxury met space age technology.
Golden atomic patterns embellished the cabin's wall, while customers secured their
safety with Draper's massive gold buckles. Draper's organic scrollwork transformed into
Mondrian-esque blocks of color. References to her childhood were recognizable only in
the polite manners of the flight attendants and the level of service offered to the
customers. Even though her style had changed drastically, Draper maintained her
relevance as a leading designer. However, she was probably relying more heavily on her
youthful staff.
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Draper's style was a manifestation of her childhood and her vision of how life
should be. She crafted a pseudo-historical aesthetic that reminded Americans of their past
and, equally important, that they were still moving forward. In that sense, Draper's style
reflected a modernist tendency—the idea that the designed environment should reflect the
current culture, not just the past. Draper did this with the concession that knowing
whence one came was as relevant to the present as was the present itself. Grounded in
Romanticism, this philosophy evolved into a style that the American public found
particularly relevant and useful during the 1930s and 40s. Her escapist ideals provided
them places to retreat, heal, and be optimistic. She brought joy and hope to an otherwise
distressed nation. At the end of World War II the members of the middle class began to
take ownership of their identity. They no longer desired to emulate the upper class, a
phenomenon that challenged Draper's authority on taste. As modernism swept across the
nation, taste fell to the wayside and design became the new criteria. Draper had to readapt
her style. She did and maintained her reputation of success through the 1950s.
Draper's Business and Design Strategy:
Innovation and Sensitivity
By the end of her career, Draper was the most recognizable name in the interior
design and decoration industry. Her journey was neither easy nor predictable; she had
numerous boundaries to overcome - none more foreboding than being a female in the
business sector. And yet, she was one of the most successful businesswomen of her
generation. Other great female entrepreneurs included Elizabeth Arden (1884-1966),
founder of Elizabeth Arden Red Door Salons; Marjorie Post (1887-1973), founder of
General Foods; Helena Rubinstein (1870-1965), founder of Rubinstein Cosmetics; and
Margaret Rudkin (1897-1967), founder of Pepperidge Farms. Each of these women
challenged existing gender roles to craft an identity in the public sector. They all shared
two common characteristics. First, they were shrewd businesswomen in that they
successfully negotiated the unstable commercial sector during the 1930s, 40s and 50s.
Their business acumen and innovative spirit aided in their successful ventures. Second,
they took some part of their perceived domestic duties and fashioned them into highly
successful firms. From beauty products to food preparation to interior decoration, these
women turned previously devalued female skills into culture-defining institutions.
Draper's business skills could only have been learned from her father and mother.
As a member of the upper class, her education, whether formal or delivered by her
governess, did not include studies in business. Her father's business dealings and her
mother's volunteerism were the only examples she knew for how to interact with
individuals in a business-like manner. The only other source of this informal education
could have been her marriage to Dr. Draper. Nonetheless, Draper maintained her
business's relevance in an industry that was growing exponentially throughout the
twentieth century. Her success as a businesswoman was due to her ability to identify a
need, to craft innovative solutions, and to view interior design and decoration's role
beyond that of the residential interior. Above all, her pioneering spirit, resolved
confidence, and social conscience separated her from her peers.
Draper demonstrated her keen sensitivity and daring spirit with her very first
business venture, the Architectural Clearing House. First and foremost, women were not
opening their own business in large numbers, or hardly even in small numbers, due to the
social roles prescribed to them.54 Home and family were their priorities. Only a few
courageous women challenged the status quo. For these pioneers, there were few models.
In the area of interior design, Candace Wheeler (1827-1923) had created a company
known as the Associated Artists (1883-1907), a business run completely by women who
designed textiles, for interiors.55 Elsie de Wolfe fashioned herself as a woman of taste and
opened a business in 1905. An interior decorator was the closest example to Draper's
business since both focused on the home, the accepted sphere for their activities.
However, Draper's initial concern was not decoration. It was the satisfaction of
consumers who had identified difficulties dealing with architects. Draper had friends and
acquaintances on both sides of the dispute: the clients who felt ignored by the architects,
and the architects who felt the client did not respect their expertise. She realized that
communication and lack of respect were at the core of the problem.
Draper's firm served two very important functions. First, she educated her clients
on their role in the design process, which included the need for basic research on an
Finding specific information on either women entrepreneurs or women in the field of

design from the census data collected prior to 1940 is difficult. However, according to
Janet Hooks, 28% (n= 85,986) of proprietors in 1920 in the area of general merchandise,
apparel and shoes were women. This number dropped to 22% by 1930. The number of
women decorators jumped significantly from 1920 (n=l,201) to 1930 (n=6,488). See
Janet Hooks, Women's Occupations Through Seven Decades.
55
Candace Wheeler partnered with Louis Comfort Tiffany (1848-1933) to create Tiffany
and Wheeler in 1880. The name changed a year later to Louis C. Tiffany and Company
Associated Artists. In 1883 the company was dissolved and Wheeler opened her own
business, keeping the name, Associated Artists, which lasted from 1883-1907. See
Amelia Peck and Carol Irish's Candace Wheeler, Designer and Reformer (New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2001).
395
architect's personal style, as well as an analysis of their own needs and wants that would
help guide the architect in the design process. Requiring such knowledge of the home
forced her clients to reflect on their living experiences and their individual needs. This
allowed the couple, especially the wife, an opportunity to identify with her domestic
environment in a manner much different from before. She was not just another object in
her husband's home; the home became a reflection of her. Draper's approach furthered a
theory vocalized by Elsie de Wolfe who stated that "Men are forever guests in our homes,
no matter how much happiness they may find there."56 Though the home became an
increasingly female-identified sphere during the nineteenth century, women's efforts
were in the end intended to reflect the financial and social success of the husband. The
wife decorated and entertained in order to maintain his, and thus her, status. De Wolfe,
however, opted not to continue that tradition of ambiguity, and neither did Draper. In
fact, Draper required that the wife become much more intimately involved in the process.
Second, Draper was very much an advertiser for various architects. She chose to
include architects in her consultation books, and thus introduced them to her middle- and
upper-class clientele. This pseudo-advertising service popularized Draper among some of
the leading architects in the northeast. The relationships she created would become
crucial in the development of her contacts when she entered the commercial arena. The
Architectural Clearing House was truly an innovative business that interjected Draper, a
woman, into the architectural design process. The fact that she eventually maneuvered
de Wolfe, The House in Good Taste, 5.

396
her way into consultation regarding the interior was an example of a shrewd
businesswoman taking advantage of opportunities as they presented themselves.
Draper always thought "outside of the box." Shortly after, her unique entrance
into interior design, she opted to stretch the boundaries of interior decoration. During the
1930s Draper shifted the focus of interior decoration from a luxury service provided to an
elite few to an investment that would serve the public. Her success in reviving the
neighborhood surrounding the Sutton Place Tenement apartments resulted from her
ingenious use of color. Draper updated the building's exterior with a striking black and
white scheme accented with bright colored doors. The interior, the soul of the building,
however, maintained a more distinct air of historicism. Though not a period revival,
Draper gave the apartments a makeover without sacrificing their past. This remarkable
approach to refurbishment resonated very well with consumers as they flocked back to
the Lower Eastside bringing all of their money with them. When the owners realized that
their buildings were going to do more than just turn a profit, the interior design profession
took a step toward its current state. Draper had opened the door to the commercial sector.
Draper moved with lightning speed as she continued to redefine the interior
decorator/designer. Within ten years, she moved from a consultant, to a traditional
decorator, to an interior merchandiser, that is someone who sold an experience by
creating the stage. She continued to redefine professional boundaries in the future by
authoring her correspondence course and competing for some of the largest commissions
in the United States. Her "full color and style coordination" required that she and her
business adopt new services, mainly graphic design and industrial design. Little did
Draper know that she was an early pioneer in the concept of branding. The message of
her client's company was consistent throughout the hotel or restaurant experience. The
addition of graphic design allowed Dorothy Draper & Company to control even the
smallest detail, such as matchbook covers. Large pink and white stripes identified the
Camellia House in Chicago, while a large script "G", accompanied by a consistent red
and green color scheme, marked the Greenbrier. Dorothy Draper & Company's expertise
in graphic design served them well as they secured contracts to design the packaging for
a line of Dorothy Gray cosmetics in 1945. Her design for products like the hospital tray
with hidden cosmetic kit and countless patterns for silverware and china ensured that the
guest would have no experience in any given space that she had not already preplanned.
One of the most telling examples of Draper's forward thinking occurred in the
1950s when Draper designed the interiors for automobiles, exhibitions for Chrysler and
Dodge, and the interior of a Conair jet. It was particularly remarkable considering Draper
grew up in an era that relied on horse and buggy. Such projects demonstrated a fearless
attitude toward what was expected, versus what was possible. She never limited her
abilities. She recognized and acted on the universal nature of design. Good design was
important in all aspects of the built environment and no one could stop Draper from
capitalizing on this fact. Her firm was one of the first to offer the full gamut of design
services, all under the leadership of a female designer. Had Draper accepted society's
prescription of women as decorators, the interior design profession might be completely
different today.
398
For as much as Draper pursued opportunities, she knew that a successful business
required public awareness. Consequently, Draper formulated an effective and unexpected
marketing campaign. Forgoing any form of traditional advertising, Draper relied on word
of mouth and her articles published in House & Garden in her career. Under the guise of
dispensing taste, Draper was, in fact, marketing her business. None of the articles was
more blatant than "Before You Build." Draper shifted the typical discussion of taste to
that of an essay on how clients should program their homes through an analysis of needs
and wants prior to visiting with an architect. The number of considerations overwhelmed
the reader and by the end of the article they were relieved to find Draper's contact
information. Draper furthered her dialogue with the American people through her two
books, articles in Good Housekeeping, and her syndicated column "Ask Dorothy
Draper." Having established a national reputation by means of the countless articles
written about her in magazines and newspapers across the United States, Draper
maintained a point of contact with the American people. By the time Edward R. Murrow
interviewed her on Person-to-Person, her reputation was sealed. Americans perceived
Draper as one of the leading figures in design.
Draper's success did not, however, result solely from her business practices. Her
product had to pass the heavy scrutiny of her clients, who in Draper's case were three
completely different groups of individuals: the client, the consumer, and the employee.
Each utilized a unique set of criteria by which to judge the success of Draper's work. The
client, or business owner, focused mainly on the financial outcome. At the completion of
the job, they expected profit, and so did Draper. In an interview for the Christian Science
399
Monitor, Draper stated with the utmost clarity that she would be "very disappointed
indeed if our decorations didn't make money for the owners."57 Draper always knew that
decoration was a means to an end.
Draper's success was easily measurable through the number and size of her
commissions, the longevity of her career, as well as the awards and honors bestowed
upon her. Clearly, Draper did not fall prey to trends, fads, or a consumer culture whose
aesthetic fatigue shifted with the annual change of seasons. Both intrinsic and extrinsic
forces guided her success. Draper was both a pawn in a masterful game of chess and the
chess master herself.
Draper's gender and upbringing were passive contributors to her success as an
interior decorator and designer. Each provided a definite springboard for her skillful
entrance into the business community. Society deemed upper-class women the purveyors
of taste. The timely rise of the nouveau riche and the middle class was the catalyst that
transformed taste from a social trait to a marketable service. Draper had no control over
either of these factors, but she benefited from both equally. While society offered her a
path to a professional career, it was Draper who seized the opportunity with great
confidence and verve. Once the door opened, she chose to control her own destiny.
As an active agent, Draper crafted a design philosophy that extended beyond her
social circle and utilized decoration (once a feminine pastime) as a vehicle for
disseminating her progressive views. The blurring of class boundaries was hardly popular
with her social group. But, Draper's vision was clear, as was her duty. She lifted the
57
Fischer, "Ties Up Her Hotel Decoration," CIO.
human spirit through her interiors in an attempt to improve society at all levels. Her style
carried the message and her business strategy allowed her to deliver it. Her values
connected with the upper class and the middle class, with housewives and businessmen.
She crossed class and gender boundaries by recognizing the needs and wants of others
whether it was financial success or distractions from harsh realities.
Draper orchestrated a career that moved her from the home to the office. She
elevated taste from a snobbish trait to a profitable business, faced men on their own turf
and garnered their respect, and constantly expanded the role of the interior designer.
Draper was indeed a pioneer for women and the profession of interior design.
CHAPTER 7
A LIFE WORTH KNOWING
This monograph of Dorothy Draper's life and work transcends the boundaries of
interior decorating and design by providing a poignant view of American life between
1888 and 1969 through the experiences of an upper-class, businesswoman and mother.
Draper's experiences inform the growing discipline of gender studies by tracking the
successful career of an upper-class female transforming domestic skills into a lucrative
business venture. The manner in which she reacts to certain social, and sometimes global,
situations informs historians how this particular upper-class woman perceived life in
America. Draper's story may be most welcome, however, by the discipline of interior
design whose current historic narrative lacks substantive documentation of its
development as a profession. From the life and career of one woman comes a wealth of
information about class, gender, and values in America from the late 19th century through
the social revolutions of the 1960s.
One of the most significant themes underpinning Draper's story was the manner
in which she manipulated or challenged existing social constructs. As the eldest daughter
of a wealthy couple whose family roots ran deep into American history, Draper's life was
scripted by a host of ancestors even before her birth. The traditions of the upper class,
those that extended well beyond that of even her parents, demanded that Draper be
educated only in issues of taste and decorum as a means of securing an eligible bachelor
of appropriate breeding. Children followed and Draper tended to her family and her
husband. Volunteer work offered one of the few opportunities to change the rhythm of
daily life. Though she embraced some of these traditional values, she would challenge
others. Draper envisioned a different future.
Draper's education in taste and decorum lay at the core of who she was as an
individual. Though her elders instructed her in these specific areas as a means to ensure
she could perform her domestic duties in the home, Draper recognized the cultural
relevancy of taste and decorum and chose to market them to a country she believed
lacked both. Her exposure to the many exquisite homes of Tuxedo Park and its
fashionable people provided her with an education in beautiful domestic environments,
while her travels abroad supplemented her aesthetic knowledge by viewing firsthand the
scale and grandeur of European precedents. Draper used this education in her home
environment as the basis for her design practice. After brief experimentation with private
residences (excluding the time she spent on her own), she turned to projects like hotels,
restaurants, and resorts, which were, in essence, larger applications of domestic design.
Once comfortable with her understanding of decoration and design and the business
aspect of her endeavors, she began expanding her scope to include retail stores and
hospitals. The taste that Draper developed as a child helped her create her signature style,
but was only one half of her formula.
Decorum, the manner in which to act in these spaces, was of equal importance.
Draper reinterpreted the polite gestures and controlled speech of her class and
reinterpreted it for both the upper and middle class of the 20th century. She alleviated the
rules from its strict deportment and encouraged people to enjoy each other through
thoughtful social interaction. The home was a place for laughter, good friends, and
403
happiness. As a good hostess, all women should be able to entertain her guests and
increase the happiness of her family through the decoration of her home and the
interaction that occurred within that home. Draper turned these two dominant traits of
domesticity, taste and decorum, into the foundation of a successful career in the public
realm.
A duty specific to women of the upper class once they reached a certain age was
that of volunteerism and philanthropy.1 With plenty of leisure time on their hands,
wealthy women engaged the public through charitable activities. Draper learned the value
of assisting those in need from both of her parents. She took this to heart as she focused
much of her valuable time on improving the life of the middle class. She concerned
herself directly with their "dreary" experiences traveling to work or over exerting
themselves when entertaining guests. Her work during the war years focused on a variety
of housing issues. Draper offered solutions to the housing shortage by informing her
readers about the potential of utilizing barns, attics, and basements for added rentable
living space. Her suggestions for the repeatedly displaced military-housewife and family
provided a sense of stability in an otherwise chaotic life. Though Draper always received
some sort of compensation for her advice in newspapers and magazines, her willingness
to focus on social issues and her passion in delivering the messages that reflects the
values embedded in volunteerism was notable. She did participate in more conventional
forms of volunteerism and philanthropy, however, the examples above demonstrated how
For a history of the development of philanthropy in the United States, see Kathleen D.
McCarthy's American Creed: Philanthropy and the Rise of Civil Society, 1700-1865
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
404
she employed her expertise as an interior designer to assist others, and how the profession
could be viewed as a public service and thus socially valuable.2
In the case of these social constructs—type of education, focus on domesticity,
role of volunteerism—Draper accepted her position as an upper-class female. After
marrying and building a family, however, she began diverging from her prescribed path
and challenging social constructs. The moment Draper went into business, she stood upon
untested ground. Women, in general, were still a significant minority in the work force.
Men dominated the vast majority of jobs—even in the field of decorating. Society viewed
women who left children at home as neglectful. The upper-class simply did not find it
acceptable for a woman to work. Janet Flanner stated that "Mrs. Draper is probably more
of a problem to the conservative family friends she was brought up with than she is to the
unrelated cutthroat business world she now contentedly frequents." The fact that Flanner
referred to Draper as a potential "problem" suggested that women who ventured outside
their expected gender roles risked their social standing. If anything, Draper risked her
marriage and lost.
2
Draper participated in more traditional forms of volunteerism and philanthropy. For
example, in 1939 she actively aided in a $500,000 fundraising campaign for the Citizens
Committee for the Salvation Army. She also was on a planning committee for an event to
assist the United China Relief effort. See "Salvation Army Will Seek $500,000," New
York Times (5 March 1939): 9, and "Party in Automat Will Assist China," New York
Times (5 October 1941): D2.
3
Flanner, "The Amazing Career of Dorothy Draper," 90. See also, Blossom and Turpin,
"Risk as a Window to Agency."
With no formal education, Draper was ineligible to enter a profession; this was
not problematic since she wanted to offer a new service to the public.4 The fact that
Draper maneuvered in the public realm outside of any well-defined profession or trade
prevented her from being viewed as a competitor to anyone else. This allowed her to
develop her stature in the business community with minimal friction, even as a woman.
She further lessened the impact of her presence by acting as an advertiser for numerous
male architects. As a non-offensive identity, Draper developed and honed her business
skills before entering the more highly competitive market of design.
With the advent of Dorothy Draper & Company in 1930, Draper had made her
presence known. Her success with the Architectural Clearing House encouraged her to
expand her business and begin competing directly in the decorating and design arena.
With each successful project Draper grew more confident, and she continued to examine
other types of projects she could tackle. By the late 1930s, she had built a solid business
with a national reputation. She assembled a collaborative, multidisciplinary team that
4
Both business and social sectors discouraged educated women from entering the
growing realm of professions (i.e. occupation that required extensive education and
specialized training to qualify). While men moved freely between the public and private,
strict stratification remained in the work environment through a movement toward
professionalism, an effort to limit access only to the highly qualified in fields such as
medicine, law, and business, as well as the unionization of labor. Those women who
persisted in attaining education and training in these occupations faced very different
opportunities than their male counterparts. While women were key components of the
general workforce, their opportunities as wage earners at all levels were strictly
controlled and yielded significantly less dollars for effort. See Penina Migdal Glazer and
Miriam Slater, Unequal Colleagues: The Entrance of Women into the Professions, 1890-
1940 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1987) and Lynn D. Gordon,
Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1990).
406
included artists, designers, and engineers. Such a company structure was not unheard of
during the mid-20 century. However, very few of them were led by women.
Draper's pursuit of a career challenged the social constructs of early 20th century
American culture by entering not only the work force, but what most considered a job
based on a trade (interior decoration). The upper-class showed distinct disfavor. Draper
embarked on a business that developed into a successful professional career despite all of
the mechanisms in place to prevent women from entering such positions. Ironically,
much of Draper's success was, in fact, grounded in prescribed gender roles. She
converted her feminine-specific education in taste and decorum into a lucrative business.
She applied her social obligations by eventually focusing her efforts on providing a better
life for the middle class. As a female figure in American history, Draper shrewdly
exploited and challenged social constructs to forge a path toward self-expression and self-
actualization.
Draper's personal life intersected with numerous social and political issues in the
late 19th and early 20th century. The manner in which she negotiated these circumstances
reveals yet another story regarding the American experience—another interpretation of
history. Both her class and gender were central themes that underpinned the values
instilled within the young girl. Beauty, romance, and social responsibility were three of
the main values and together formed the basis for her overarching design philosophy in
which everyone should be surrounded by beautiful spaces as a means of improving daily
life. As Draper moved into the public sphere, her body of work began reflecting the
values of America-at-large. Her communications and interactions with the upper and
407
middle classes responded to their needs and desires, consequently uncovering their
values. From her design strategies to her selection of projects, Draper's professional life
became a study in American values.
Draper's approach to design guided her successfully through a wide range of
projects both in type and scale. Having grounded her practice in non-residential projects,
she developed four goals that guided all of her designs: function, aesthetics, budget, and
maintenance. The first two were common considerations for decorators in the early part
of the twentieth century, while the last two identified Draper as someone who dealt with a
clientele far different from that of the middle- or upper-class housewife. The emphasis on
budget reflected the singular most important issue for her male business clients. They
valued the freedom to pursue personal wealth and thus defined success through profits.
Draper had to balance carefully aesthetic decisions with cost efficiency. This relationship
between beauty and money likely led to her over-scaled gestures and intense color
palettes. Paint was cheap and easy to apply, and her scrollwork focused the attention of
the customer in carefully predetermined locations within the space. Draper also realized
that maintaining her interiors was a significant concern. Public spaces received much
more wear and tear than the average home. In addition, since it did not belong to anyone
in particular, those who actually used it did not see the need to take special care of it.
These four goals demonstrated Draper's understanding of the relationship among the
built environment, business, and human needs.
In order for Draper to achieve her goals, she relied on four distinct strategies:
innovation, supervision, trademark style, and interior merchandising. Her drive toward
408
innovation was most obvious in her pursuit of nomenclature. In the beginning of her
career, she did not think of herself as a decorator. As she struggled to put a name to her
identity, she was actually redefining the profession. Early nomenclature, such as
"Practical Artist" and "Real Estate Stylist," ignored the term decoration. In each instance,
Draper attempted to recognize the functional aspects of decoration and design. For
Draper, "decoration" simply did not communicate the extent of her services or her design
philosophy. Once she created the term "interior merchandiser," a new segment of design
services entered the public arena. Only in the latter portion of her career did Draper start
to accept the title of interior designer because of the growing popularity of the term
"design" which was supplanting slowly "interior decorator." Draper recognized the
term's ability to extend beyond the confines of decorating to include industrial design,
graphic design, costume design, and furniture design. The preference for this term
revealed her interest in holistic design, which Draper turned into her successful "full style
and color coordination."
Though she had minimal control over architectural decisions, Draper commanded
all other aspects of the interior, and in some instances, the landscaping. Her firm created a
consistent visual experience for the client. Consequently, custom-design was a daily
exercise at Dorothy Draper & Company. From furniture to textiles, decorative moldings
to light fixtures, maids' uniforms to soap wrappers—Draper demonstrated that design
was a common and universal language in her world, and she showed no trepidation in
exploring many of its areas. Her ventures with the automobile and airline industries were
cases in point.
409
Supervision was an equally important aspect of Draper's strategy, mainly because
she took full ownership of her business. Draper did not hide behind any of her well-
educated staff. She ran the business with an iron fist—no design or business related
decisions occurred in that office without her knowledge. Her "DD" signature pervaded
design documents. She was Dorothy Draper & Company. Having built the company from
the ground up and demonstrated continuous success, Draper overcame the social
blockades that stopped so many of her peers from achieving success in the business
world. By the end of her career, Draper's name had become synonymous with success.
The style she created became her trademark and was a significant component of
her recognition, popularity, and success. Reporters attempted to label it by using terms
such as "neo-Baroque," "modern Baroque," or even "surrealist." However, Draper's
aesthetic vision favored the early Georgian or the English Baroque. Much like her
approach to design, Georgian designers assimilated styles rather freely. They drew from a
wide variety of periods (e.g., Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque, Rococo) and from many
locations between England and the Far East. Draper's collaged interiors followed this
premise, thus, making them more Georgian than truly Baroque (in, say, the Italian or
French fashion). In addition to history, Draper also drew from the current popularity of
"the modern." She often balanced her energetic, dynamic moldings with large expanses
of flat wall, emphasized only by their color. She combined Chippendale furniture with
modern, custom pieces. Draper then added her personal touch: color—vivid, unabashed,
and fresh. Her burgeoning floral textiles were one manner of conveying her palette.
Draper's color seemed to be the mediator between past and present. Unconventional
color palettes challenged preconceived notions of what the interior should look like.
Though her clients recognized historic motifs or modern expressions, Draper's color
blurred the distinction between the two creating a relationship between past and present
that was both vivid and hazy. Instead of untangling their perceptions of the traditional
and the modern, the client relished the experience of the interior with all of its joyous
overtones and humanistic underpinnings.
Draper's greatest strategic asset—interior merchandising—separated her from
many of her peers. Decoration was a means to an end, but that end extended beyond
pleasing the client who paid the bills. When working in public spaces, Draper realized
there was no singular client. She unfolded the complex relationship among the various
entities involved—customers, employees, and owners. Each brought with them a set of
values that required attention from and orchestration by Draper. Her primary client
valued profit first. In order to turn this profit, Draper had to entice customers to visit the
space, spend their money, and then desire to return. Keenly aware of the American
shopping culture, Draper sold an experience. Her color palettes, decorations, and space
planning all went toward the enhancement of a shopping experience. This was valued by
the middle class who desired to emulate their social superiors. Draper also considered the
working class employee who had to experience the space far more than any other group.
Pleasant surroundings, easy to maintain spaces, and functional layouts made their jobs
much more enjoyable.
Draper considered the human experience in all of her projects and in a
surprisingly wide variety of ways. In the Coty Beauty Salon, Draper selected a cool blue
411
color palette to emphasize the warm tones of the customers' skin. She sat in a hospital
bed for three days to understand the specific viewpoint of patients. For hotels and resorts,
employee needs sat high atop Draper's list of concern in order to prevent high turnover.
These examples demonstrated the breadth and depth at which Draper tended to the needs
of the users of the spaces she designed. She transcended conventional paradigms that
focused solely on comfort for the primary user. She viewed the human element as a
crucial component when searching for design solutions that affected color palettes,
furniture layout, and material selection. The finished design placed humans at the center
of the experience by providing them with aesthetically stimulating environments,
functional spaces, and memorable experiences.
Draper's interior merchandising of a hotel or resort was perhaps her favorite
challenge. Here, she brought to life her romantic visions by transporting the guests to far
off places or times gone by. In San Francisco, the doors to the Lochinvar Room and
Kiltie Bar submerged the middle class in Scottish surroundings. The Hampshire House
provided an orchard in the center of New York City for customers to enjoy while dining.
The Greenbrier, steeped in history, received a massive facelift when Draper brought back
to life the beauty and hospitality of the Old South complete with Southern Belles.
Draper's romantic tendencies were extremely effective during the 1930s and
1940s. World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II shaped the American
public. Resolved in their stance for freedom and democracy, people often needed to
escape from the exigencies of their daily lives. In this instance, the many decorators and
designers who produced romantic interiors served a distinct public function. Historic
412
references in interiors reminded people of a different time and place. Consumers'
romance with the past caused them to look toward antebellum plantations and European
palaces for inspiration for their interiors and exteriors alike. Draper understood the role of
nostalgia in the human experience.5 Though she did not promote living in the past,
Draper knew familiarity was comforting and the ability to dream or escape allowed
Americans to decompress psychologically. She wanted to heighten the emotional
experience, not an intellectual one. This was a defining difference between the
romanticists and the modernists.
All of Draper's efforts led toward a desire to "live the good life," for both herself
and her clients. Critical of the restrictive nature of life in Tuxedo, while recognizing its
positive attributes, Draper spread the teachings of her childhood, reinterpreting them just
enough to suit the more casual needs of 20th century America. For the upper class, Draper
provided the luxurious spaces they had come to expect with her own modern styling
absent the Victorian massing of objects and patterns. Draper offered a much different
service for the middle class. She fed their desire to dream that one day they may
experience the wealth and privileges of those ranked above them. This phenomenon,
though common in human history, was enhanced by the exponential growth in American
consumerism since the mid-19th century. Coupled with the unfortunate events of the
twentieth century, the middle classes' emulative behavior drove their value-laden goal to
live a lifestyle in preparation of their potential social advancement.
5
Letter from Dorothy Draper to Eleanor Roosevelt, May 2, 1940. Eleanor Roosevelt
Archives, Box 713. hi this letter, Draper recognizes that "everyone has a 'nostalgia' [sic]
for a garden."
413
Draper accepted the task of educating the middle class on taste and decorum
through her numerous articles in shelter magazines, her directorship of Good
Housekeeping's Studio for Living, and her two books—Decorating Is Fun! and
Entertaining Is Fun. She took this opportunity to market cleverly her young business
venture and the services she could provide. The advice Draper offered went beyond mere
tips on decorating and entertaining. Individual improvement marked Draper's true intent.
She instructed women how to take care of themselves and to improve their lives, whether
that was through a happy marriage or a place in the work force. The desire to help others
had its roots not only in the culture of the upper class, but also the Progressive Era that
sought to fight for the less fortunate. As a result of her writings, Draper gained the respect
and confidence of middle-class housewives across the United States.
Draper's career led to numerous developments in the profession of interior design.
The most significant was the expansion of decoration and design services to include the
commercial arena. Her pursuit of large-scale commissions underpinned the social
perception of interior decoration and design as an area that required knowledge and
expertise—not just flair. The complexity, size, and scope of the project grew
exponentially with these large projects due to the numerous facets of the design problem.
To have a firm focus on the interior issues suggested that it required as much attention
and detail as those of other design related professions such as engineering, architecture,
and landscape architecture. This awareness enabled Draper to require a flat fee based on
her design expertise. While Draper focused mainly on hospitality projects, her successes
were an entree for other female design professionals who wished to focus in different
414
areas. Florence Schust Knoll Basset, for example, though trained as an architect, was a
pioneering force in workplace design.
Draper's efforts also demonstrated that women were more than capable of
competing on a national and international stage. Her acquisition of the Hampshire House
project yielded the largest design fee ever awarded a woman. The Quitandinha Hotel and
Resort was reported to be one of the largest design fees awarded to any designer. The
recognition that these projects brought to Draper reflected on the potential of all women
further advancing their movement into the design arena. By the time she coupled with the
automobile and airplane industries in the late 1950s and early 1960s, women stood upon
a threshold that would alter their place in society. Draper clearly participated in the
advancement of women in the 20th century.
Draper was successful not because she produced beautiful interiors or because she
followed prevailing fashions in trends. She focused her efforts on people's needs and
desires. Early on, she defined these needs based on her personal value system, which was
indicative of her privileged childhood in Tuxedo Park. Beauty and behavior were
important values in this community. But, instilled within Draper grew a spirit of freedom
and a desire to enjoy life. She eschewed the excessive restrictions of being a Tuxedoite,
knowing deep in her soul that there was a better way to live—a better balance between
civility and pleasure. Draper surrounded herself with beautiful interiors that enhanced the
joys of human interaction—perhaps most importantly, both were devoid of pretension.
Over the years, Draper found that balance and created an integrated approach to living
through decoration and entertainment. For the upper class, her peers, Draper validated
their lifestyle; but, for the middle class, Draper offered a new way of living. She
reinterpreted the life of their social superiors in a manner that allowed them to live just as
well, because for Draper, money was not the determinant of happiness. By negotiating
values between two classes (upper and middle) and two centuries (19th and 20th), Draper
crafted a successful career that was without precedent.
Draper was a wife, mother, and businesswoman. Traditional and conservative
values guided her life and design decisions. Her style acknowledged opposing
philosophies of historicism and modernism. She was equally concerned with the needs of
the upper, middle, and, at times, working classes. How, then, might we categorize
Draper? Was she a "modern aesthete," an "Edwardian New Woman," or a "romantic
modernist?" Perhaps all of these appellations would be appropriate, revealing the
complexity of her life and work, and her significance to both women in general and the
profession of interior design.
Because Draper was a female decorator/designer who favored romanticism (the
antithesis of the male modernist architect), historians of the 20th century methodically
wrote her and her peers out of history. Only in the last few years have scholars begun
turning a more critical eye to this under represented group, in part, due to an unexpected
ally—television.6 The advent and pursuant popularity of HGTV (Home and Garden
Television), which aired for the first time on December 30, 1994, created a renewed
interest in interior decoration and design. With icons like Martha Stewart leading the
6
See Turpin's "A History of Women in Interior Design" for a discussion of scholars and
their works.
416
way, television media capitalized on the public's growing interest in all things domestic.
HGTV and its numerous offshoots brought design to the forefront of mass entertainment
and reinstituted the notion that anyone could decorate. The effects of this new domestic
movement encouraged reporters and writers to turn their attention to the early decorators
as a means of captivating their readership.
Mitchell Owens, interior design director of Elie magazine, has written articles on
Draper and her peers. His most recent article, "Living Large: The Brash, Bodacious
Hotels of Dorothy Draper," is his most in depth piece to date.7 Carleton Varney,
President of Dorothy Draper & Company, has remained faithful to the spirit of Draper's
design philosophy and has continued to bring recognition to her name. His ability to
manipulate color, scale, and pattern has brought him many well-deserved accolades. In
2006, he authored In The Pink: Dorothy Draper, America's Most Fabulous Decorator,
which coincided with a retrospective of Draper's work at the Museum of the City of New
York.8 As a result of her re-emerging popularity, Draper's furniture and aesthetic has
appeared in top television shows such as Ugly Betty (2006-2007) and Sex and the City:
The Movie (2008). With so much public attention and the exposure of the Draper archives
thanks to Varney's latest book, the possibilities of additional research are promising.
7
Mitchell Owens, "Living Large: The Brash, Bodacious Hotels of Dorothy Draper," The
Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts 25 (June 2005): 254-287.
8
After its initial showing in New York, a substantial portion of the exhibit traveled to
The Women's Museum in Dallas (December 2006 - July 2007), and then to the Museum
of Art in Fort Lauderdale, Florida (February - June 2008).
417
Numerous aspects of Draper's life and work need further exploration. Two
general questions are quite important. The current documentation in the Draper archives
does not provide a clear understanding of Draper's design process. At this point, what is
known is only anecdotal from those who knew her. The rest remains speculation. A
complementary concern involves the impact of Draper's staff. A true understanding of
the relationship between "star" designers and their support staff is difficult to untangle.
But, considering Draper lacked training and education, the talent possessed by her
employees becomes even more important. The background, education, and experiences
of these individuals would be a worthy study. What did they bring to Dorothy Draper &
Company, and did their time with Draper affect their stylistic choices once they moved
on?
Relative to specific areas of design, a more detailed study of Draper's textile or
furniture designs would help locate her position specifically in those fields. Who inspired
Draper? She mentions rarely other designers or decorators. To what degree were these
designs the responsibility of her staff, and can their individual personalities be identified?
Did the furniture and textile companies extend the same sort of design freedom that
Draper demanded from her clients? How did her contracts develop over time relative to
pay scale?
Further analysis of Draper's relationship with Eleanor Roosevelt could offer more
insight into the degree to which these women influenced each other. Did Eleanor enhance
Draper's since of social responsibility, especially during World War II? What role, if any,
did Eleanor play in the private life of Draper? Did they turn to each other in times of need
418
for support? Is it possible that Eleanor consulted with Draper on political issues? The
depth of this relationship is very much unknown.
Two areas of specific interest include two minor references made in a single
newspaper article about Draper's extracurricular activities. The Post-Standard in
Syracuse, New York noted that Draper was a member of the Italian-American Marketing
Committee and the national Committee of Judges for the Annual Sylvania Television
Awards (1955-1959).9 The government of Italy asked Draper to serve on its committee so
that Italians could learn how to market their products more effectively to the American
market. The ramifications of this could be significant, considering that Italy was on the
verge of becoming a major force in the design world. As a judge for television awards,
Draper may have had an even larger impact on popular culture than is currently known.
Exploration of these areas will further uncover Draper's significance to the design
community and American culture as a whole.
The review of Draper's life and work indicates a rich source for understanding
existing social values in the United States between the 1880s and the 1960s. For
anyone—let alone a woman—to negotiate the shifting cultural landscape was an
achievement worth noting. The fact that Draper was both committed and nimble enough
to work in this environment demonstrated her insight, sensitivity, and innovation toward
a culture experiencing significant change. Janet Flanner's 1939 perception was most
insightful: "Dorothy Draper was brisk, iconoclastic, eclectic, inventive, unapologetic, and
9
"So You're Wondering About Your Home, Dear?" The Post-Standard, Syracuse, New
York (Monday, 7 September 1959): 8.
419
successful."10 Any individual who can be described in such a manner belongs in the
annals of history. Dorothy Draper was a pioneer and trailblazer who altered the trajectory
of the profession of interior design in mid-century America. Who would have guessed
that such a seemingly inconsequential photograph in Look magazine would reveal so
much about American culture in the twentieth century?

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dorothy Draper Sources
"5-Minute Divorces Turned Out at Reno," New York Times (5 May 1931): 14.
"A House in One Room Designed by Draper." House & Garden 90 (September 1946):
86-7.
"An Exhilarating Approach to Hotel Design." Interior Design and Decoration 17

(October 1941): 42-45, 70-73.
"Beauty." Interior Design and Decoration 17 (September 1941): 36.
Blackwell, Meta. "Noted Woman Designer Takes Rainbow's Colors for Hotel." San
Bernardino Daily Sun (17 December 1939): 16.
Conte, Robert S. The History of the Greenbrier: America's Resort. Charleston, WV:
Pictorial Histories Publishing Company, 1989.
Current Biography, vol. 2 (1941 Yearbook): 237-8.
"Debutante Dance for Miss Tuckerman 1907," New York Times (21 December 1907): 10.
"Dorothy Draper, 79, Designer and Interior Decorator Dies," New York Times (12 March
1969): 47.
"Dorothy Draper: Decorator," Coronet 25 (November 1948): 61.
"Dorothy Draper." Interview by Edward R. Murrow. Person to Person with Edward R.

Murrow. CBS, May 1957, videocassette.
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APPENDIX A
IMAGES
433
Figure 1. Image from Look (1952). From left to right: Albert Radoczy, Dorothy Draper,
Donelda Fazakas, Ted Muller, Ben Rose, Estelle and Erwine Laverne, Angelo Testa.
434
Figure 2. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's first permanent home in Tuxedo Park, New York
(1889) designed by James Lord Brown. Personal collection of author.
435
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ m . i f •
Figure 3. A partial map of Tuxedo Park (1908). All four plots of land owned by the
Tuckermans are visible. This map shows the actual location of the third home. The other
three homes are immediately below the corresponding number. Courtesy of Tuxedo Park
Archives.
436
Figure 4. The front gate of Tuxedo Park, originally known as "the keep" for trespassers.
Personal collection of author.
437
iiM>A
Figure 5. The tower of Tuxedo Park's front gate. Personal collection of author.
438
..««f*y
Figure 6. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's second home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1893)
designed by James Brown Lord. Courtesy of Tuxedo Park Archives.
439
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Figure 7. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's third home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1899).
The home boasted a Richardsonian Romanesque-influenced facade. Personal collection
of author.
440
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Figure 8. Paul and Susan Tuckerman's final home in Tuxedo Park, New York (1928) was
also inspired by Richardsonian's Romanesque style. Personal collection of author.
441
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Figure 9. Cover board for a Dorothy Draper presentation for Mt. Sinai Hospital in New
York City (c. 1950). Red gouache on paper. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
442
Figure 10. Title sheet for Mt. Sinai Hospital presentation (c. 1950). Red, green, and black
gouache on paper. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
443
Figure 11. Plan for a private bedroom with an arrow indicating viewpoint of
accompanying perspective. Dorothy Draper presentation for Mt. Sinai Hospital in New
York City (c. 1950). Red and black gouache on paper. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
Figure 12. Perspective of a private bedroom with a distinctly domestic decor and
Draper's custom bed tray with hidden compartment and flip-top mirror. Dorothy Draper
presentation for Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York City (c. 1950). Gouache on paper.
Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
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Figure 13. Left page of presentation "book" introducing fabrics. Dorothy Draper
446
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Figure 14. Right page of presentation "book" with fabric samples. Dorothy Draper
Figure 15. Left page of presentation "book" introducing wallpapers. Dorothy Draper
448
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Figure 16. Left page of presentation "book" wallpaper samples. Dorothy Draper
449
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Figure 17. Draper included pricing information in her presentations. Above, an estimate
of costs for the main lobby. Dorothy Draper presentation for Mt. Sinai Hospital in New
York City (c. 1950). Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
Figure 18. Perspective of the main lobby. Dorothy Draper presentation for Mt. Sinai
Hospital in New York City (c. 1950). Gouache on paper. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
451
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Figure 19. Blueprint of custom console table for President's Room at the Greenbrier,
White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia with Draper's sign-off initials (c. 1947). Courtesy
of Dorothy Draper & Company.
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Figure 20. Draper alters the design of a valance for the Georgian Room for the
Greenbrier, White Sulpher Springs, West Virginia. Blueprint produced circa 1947.
453
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Figure 21. Draper indicates a change in height for Chippendale armchairs and suggests
purchasing older chairs because she is likely going to paint them for the Greenbrier,
White Sulpher Springs, West Virginia. Blueprint produced circa 1947. Courtesy of
Dorothy Draper & Company.
454
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Figure 22. Lobby no. 3 side tables for the Greenbrier, White Sulpher Springs, West
Virginia. Blueprint produced circa 1947. Courtesy Dorothy Draper & Company.
THE " M l UICUI" SELF-SELECIOR
• FEATURES THE BEST-SELLING CHRISTMAS WRAPPINGS IN THE WORLD!
• A ONE-STOP-AND-SHOP GIFT WRAP DEPARTMENT. - . K ' \
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lb* l « l minute Thli floor di»-
play can bo n r n n U i d In a taw
ininutat by following door cut
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All pHMhfdi pro-priced
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'See reverse side of page for conlenti p

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, ,«itm«iy »'v" .
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Figure 23. Advertisement for Kaycrest wrapping paper "excitingly styled by Dorothy
Draper, World Famous Designer." Personal collection of author.
456
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Figure 24. Sample of Kaycrest wrapping paper with children encircling Draper's favored
large-scale rose. Matching ribbon and note card included. Personal collection of author.
457
atf-msr
•g 3 "
Mil
Figure 25. A portion of a 1952 Packard brochure featuring Dorothy Draper. Personal
collection of author.
458
'lite Literary Digest jui April 17, I'126 17
'!'
<*5^. famous professional woman speaks

to American women-owners
About to build a home, the successful c u s h i o n e d s e a t s , t h e ne plus ultra o f t h e

business man seek* the best architec- Upholsterer" s c r a f t . . .
tural talent available—and, of it»demasdg In the Willys-Knight Great Six is
the utmost in experience, originality, present every known convenience and
resourcefulness - . . elegance ever built into an automobile
W h e n Madame herself would have —everything in exquisite good-taste,
expert counsel and co-operation as to not a jarring note anywhere, each item
decorative effects and home furnishings of its appointments supplementing the
* */; km & rm% charming ejfeet. . .
de luxe, she enlists the aid of an aoviso* tytfMsbruitHtiijrsmiftm* <wUkatrue other in beauty and comfort, all har-
of recognised standing—by. preference. stmt t>fshejstnmofthings ecu. m*v#tf monizing perfectly with the entire
lie appoiuimmis afthu mmor-car, ** color-ensemble of the car . . .
Miss Elsie de Wolfe, of Paris, London (Siputt) EUiK » E W Q I - F E
and N e w York. And this superb automobile is driven
W h a t Miss de W o l f e — p r e m i e r by the silent, super-efficient Knight
and door-checks of the same exquisitely sleeve-valve engine—the only known
interior decorator — sees in the rich material. , .
Willys-Knight Great Six, its tens of motor-mechanism that imprsves with
Window panels, dash,anddoorpanels use. A sweet-running: car, powerful,
thousands of discerning American are of genuine walnut, inlaid in dull
women-owners see~~ quiet, smooths from the lira: turn of the
gold; door handles,door-releases, win- engine, the power-plant of your Willys-
A body of exquisite beauty— with 2 dow-lif ts—all hardware is antiguesilver Knight Great Six—to a mileage-mark
dash of the Bois, the Boukvarde and the type, of chaste, conservative design . . . still undetermined after 18 years of use
C h a m p s d'KIysees about it. Long, Tasseled silk blinds on all three rear —improves in power, impnmt in activ-
graceful Hues, distinctive, low. A veri- windows, hang-ons and robe-rail of ity, mprsms in smooth and silent opera-
table symphony in s y m m e t r y — t h e heavy silk-rope , . . Opalescent corner tion with each succeeding mile I
nearest to smart perfection yet achieved side-%hts and ceiling light wish sepa- Today the Willys-Knight Great Six
in motor-car design . . . rate ebony switches set in antique silver may be purchased more conveniently
Its interior--an inviting expanse of design ;smart, antique silver type vanity than ever before. T h e new WIJLXYS
automobile, eye-filling, sense-satisfying, case, match holder and ash receiver iu FINANCE PLAN off ers asmallerdown pay-
super4uxurk>us. Done throughout in compartmented walnut, casej heavily mentand smaller monthly payments) and
rich, heavily-piled Mohair Yelour—a upholstered arm rests, comfortably car- the lowest credit-cost in the industry.
subtle cloister-blue with a beautiful silver peted foot rest, gear-shift with ornate WiHya-O.etlsftii. I n c . . Toledo. O M D
bloom—all four doors, window-trims O o y x k n o b ; deep, restful, luxuriously- WjMr**t>»*fi*it4 5»lei C o . I.W., Teru«t» s C*8ai3t
tfif*trtnlk*fl{kltitth#ntt*'hii fnd ifHifmm*! mithmt Ktltn
WlHYS-KNIGHTfezrSIX (p\t With an Gamine j/ou'll never wear out <,J?a
Figure 26. Advertisement for the Willys-Knight Great Six featuring Elsie de Wolfe. The
Literary Digest, April 1926), 47. Personal collection of author.
459
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•leojo ex t a x „ -. "
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I n lite J ! Ji! 4 stun t \ h i U i d i n i f . a--

< iniiipagm. . i« put 'wuip*. in \ m n "-pint
Id' ^ a hath M\ <\j« tit I K t t.> h a 4 .
n <!Mam v\ H U M ait hath p n paia-
li f ' f-i\< i - p i H - 1 u u u n n l h < ablt io
It I' HI \<U l-< IS «>llit MH1 ~<« tin
pa v j u i k h i i j . ivlull -pla^hid Hitll
iu-i (ItatttatH tin . b {rem ih< hand of
a fat ! 'MiMHtnr
• • •
t I I, /(»„*.£ V.' >« 70 0 . * - U v »
/ htM J>. 'Jill I)U\'IM. /'Ok ' I - i
^Jyotetiui C u
AMERICAN DESIGN OF BEAUTY
n
Figure 27. Advertisement for Dorothy Gray line of beauty products (1946). Packaging
by Dorothy Draper and Company. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink,
74.
460
111
mmm fSs&iwMjy?*'~f&'
Figure 28. Advertisement for hardwood (n.d.). The company is not specified and is likely
part of a larger campaign for the wood industry. Draper is the first designer listed with
Frank Lloyd Wright atop the column next to her. Personal collection of author.
461
s
iamk--
ms,mmwms
•y*\
I
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Hi If
Figure 29. National Junior League Headquarters, New York City, 1930. Courtesy
462
*$&••
'»?-**
ih*-
8 ftftb J
Figure 30. The Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930. Reprinted, by permission, from
Varney, In The Pink, 36.
463
Figure 31. Octagonal vestibule of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930. Reprinted, by
permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 37.
464
Figure 32. The gallery at Temple Newsam, Leeds. Georgian interiors influenced Draper's
color palette: clear, intense hues framing architectural elements in white. Courtesy of
Country Life Picture Library.
Figure 33. Main lobby of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930. Reprinted, by
permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 38-39.
466
Figure 34. Fireplace mantle in elevator lobby of the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930.
The fender is the only element not overtly inspired by classical design. Reprinted, by
permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 41.
467
11*.
'11 •
h
J*
I li I
Figure 35. Stairs the Carlyle Hotel, New York City, 1930. Reprinted, by permission, from
Varney, In The Pink, 37.
468
Figure 36. Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
469
*; ••.•ffife*.•.••«-F8^c.••"' , .• -
^ff-^^tew *****«!3r ""' •^ ; $^Jfc**a
i IB
'•^sîSS**^'
Figure 37. Main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper & Company.
470
mmJ*
Figure 38. Detail of fireplace, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of
471
Figure 39. East wall of main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of
472
Figure 40. Draper's reliance on passement, in this case fringe, is indicative of early
Georgian furniture design of the late 17 century. Early English Georgian tester bed.
Courtesy of Country Life Pictures.
473
, • * * * "
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L * * ^
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H
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61
ill in
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Figure 41. North and east wall of main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
474
Figure 42. Corridor looking west into main lobby, Hampshire House, New York City,
1937. Reprinted, by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 46.
475
Figure 43. Corridor looking east, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of
476
Figure 44. Detail of plaster wall treatment at end of corridor, Hampshire House, New
York City, 1937. Reprinted, by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 47.
477
Figure 45. The Great Hall leading to the restaurant, Hampshire House, New York City,
1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
478
illlP,
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Figure 46. The formal dining room, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy
479
Figure 47. The Garden Room or Fountain Room, Hampshire House, New York City,
480
l.v M 1 hi* ««)i ifUrwi ^ ('in, '..,,1, - , ,. , . .., =i| , ir1

'ni.- Hi-n. m ia tbr J«r»li ».i< ^....M u , ... ( j , , , ; , tt,
.,..!...! I.t>!!t«j(f«|(lj0».i..ii ,m,l ., i n . II.I , W.ill
•••« »!>«'. e » ^ j f | ( ( i » |«'i i . ».. rt ii . . . . i i . i . ...i|.
!"•"« t«ft«ts, UBtiuii*. ;»,.; < . ll» -.11 hi , . .II.I
« > i * J * w * « > » ^ f c ~ «.Hi t l u i i if I „ ., I,, -|,.„|, \
Ml>«»jU£jj|jyri) a)1i\ «..i I': . • .I.I.I
Figure 48. Rendering of various interiors in the Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
From top to bottom: an entertaining suite, the main dining room of the restaurant, and
sitting room in one of the private suites. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
481
Figure 49. Entrance to the Hampshire House restaurant, New York City, 1937. Courtesy
Figure 5.17
A C C O M M O D A T I O N S
ROOM A GARDEN LOUNGE D AND BAR
Seating eapaciiy 8 to 3t4 peraana har Cocktail or Tea Partiaa
ROOM B Capacity 8 to 30 peraona
Setting capacity 8 to is pemoo. GARDEN LOUNGE D, GALLERY AND BAR
COTTAGE ROOM C For Cotkuil or Tea Partita
Seating capacity 30 to IU5 peraona Capacity 30 to 80 persona
T H E ENTIRE C O T T A G E (including Room. A, B, C, Lounge ond Gallery)

Seating Capacity StOO peraona. For cod tail partita, dance*, etc. up to 350 peraona
AIR-CONDITIONED
Figure 50. Second floor plan of the Hampshire House showing entertaining suites,
Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
483
Figure 51. The Garden Lounge, Cottage Room, and Drawing Room "B" as seen on axis
from private elevator (see fig. 5.21). Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Reprinted,
by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 49.
484
Figure 52. The Garden Lounge with door to Cottage Room closed, Hampshire House,
New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
485
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Figure 53. Looking west from private elevator across the Garden Lounge. Courtesy of
486
Figure 54. The Aviary poised on the east wall of the Garden Lounge, Hampshire House,
New York City, 1937. Reprinted, by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 48.
487
»«&£&»'
Figure 55. Interior of Cottage Room looking north toward Central Park, Hampshire
House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
488
Figure 56. Dining Room "A" of the entertaining suites, Hampshire House, New York
City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
489
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Figure 57. Dining Room "A" of the entertaining suites, Hampshire House, New York
City, 1937. Reprinted, by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 52.
490
.*
Figure 58. Drawing Room "B" of the entertaining suites, Hampshire House, New York
City, 1937. Reprinted, by permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 52.
SOUTHRN EXPOSURE
LIVtNGROOM
iss; ft
Typical 1 mom nmte with

bath, serv bg pantry and 2
large dosi Is on the 4th to
15 ill floors
Figure 59. Floor plan for one-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
492
r * O N G C » f ! ! A t PAWC
5 rooms, 2 baths, latmtory, dressing room,fcifcftcwand pantry on the I7lh to

jtOth $oar$. Note the huge gallery, raised dining balcony, 2 double bedrooms
and exceptional doset space.
Figure 60. Floor plan for five-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
SOUTHftN IXPOSURf
MCMG CtNTKAt PAMt

7 rooms, 3 hatha, on thm 23th floor with
complete houmhmplng facilities, dressing
mom powdmr room, 10 ttotttt. 3 exposures.
wide terrace
Figure 61. Floor plan for seven-room suite, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
494
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1 1i
I 1 ^
1 1 ;
1I1* '1
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11
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11
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iggP^B
Figure 62. Stair hall, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper & Company.
495
Figure 63. Close-up of bench and bust, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
496
V
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ifi*ti* *'
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New York's newest apartment
hotel offers a wealth of bright
and colorful ideas in decoration
' I l „ , „ . . [ „ . - ! „ . » i . „ . H i , - , i.„ L .,- arc in Hmnj.-iiir,- H „ . i - . , V « Mv<\< s« tin j.-.u.it hull k-ii.tiiM- in ti . Wall- .,r. nl.ii.
\MV- m.x-.t i.j.a.uuinl li,,t,.| ,.»..il < .„Li.i; ! tV.itral P.irl. Dr.- with nliil.- i.la-ti-i In.il j n . l . l u l l , II 111," I1..IUII.-I ..'
„i.,i,-,t In I 1 M L . I I , . I ) ] j | . . - i , i l i i . Imil.liiH. \. ,1 »..!.! miin- »I J c . ( i r i o l i i i - « . i M i , . l i - l.i.l N V . - I - . i.l.-.l an i n in l.-.-liiii-. h,
ra.un,.: u l , . i . . | , . H : I , u l . i i l . in .„l..r. B. ]..» .- .. l..-.tr 5 »li„«i..s ; .isri-ri % l i ! m ( , .mii-fiiL-il Hi tin- h i !
liiiUi-MI i i - . i.l |..1-I. I !..>,.- i . l i . i.-.l U »..M s.-.-.-nl,. Tin- bill k Inumliiiriis ifiinliH. Tin- i.-sbmi i- ;> nk. It,.- Ili.or l,hu& ,
..I..IIII,I i- ,1 -il.i.it «-i<J.-~lr.|i".l pittk-aiiilvtliitr ,,-.,11 (>.ip, I. O n
film- J N run. M?k. ills- . Ikiir M-M-im^ ai. I'lH-Ji-li fi*».-.ia\ illfssif; .ulslln^ I r i m . Furinhn,- . ..(isif!- ..! , - J I
In - n i k i l i j : l i l - l J!.- III.- I..-.I-- U|ilii.l-t.-i-.l ill pt.-i-n InitlAt-H,- wliilf. ll|«li..l-l. i.-.l ami lutrrxi in <-ii.il
i
i
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:
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Figure 64. Rendering of various interiors in the Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
From top to bottom: the Great Hall leading to the restaurant, and a bedroom in one of the
private suites. This is the companion page to figure 5.18. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
497
Figure 65. Living room in one of the private suites, Hampshire House, New York City,
498
Figure 66. Living room in one of the private suites, with writing desk, nesting tables, and
fireplace, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
499
Figure 67. Living room in one of the private suites with game table and dining room
table, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
500
Figure 68. Bedroom in one of the private suites with Chippendale-inspired four-post
tester beds, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
501
3?!
A * *
v^-
- - ' • '
Figure 69. Bedroom in one of the private suites with beds painted in white, Hampshire
502
—
• • •»i t
'jKaBpSi?**
••••^•|s^„^sv*^:;..v.
St;
Figure 70. Kitchen in one of the private suites, Hampshire House, New York City, 1937.
503
4 ^•if
Figure 71. Bathroom in one of the private suites with glass shower doors, Hampshire
504
Figure 72. Approach to Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939.
505
Figure 73. Front entry for Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939.
506
k>«J
Figure 74. View of main lounge from the reception area, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San
Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 128.
507
I 1
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\
A \
1
1
1
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™"
r
-â^^
Figure 75. Panoramic view of the San Bernardino valley from the Solarium, Arrowhead
Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with permission, from
Varney, In the Pink, 126-127.
508
Figure 76. Main lobby featuring custom fireplace surrounds and built-in shelving,
Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with
permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 130-131.
509
BUSH
'•yx^y^jHKs^^^^^&s
psmz
flri&rt
iHIH
*J3MHBH
*&&*-**% *
Figure 77. View of dining room from lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San
Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 133.
510
* 4
| # U
SB
Figure 78. A "fake" dresser with jardiniere in front of the marbleized wallpaper in the
lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with
permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 132.
511
Figure 79. Custom sofa, end tables and wall sconces by Draper & Company in the
lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with
512
Figure 80. View of dining room looking into adjacent lounge, Arrowhead Springs Resort,
San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink,
134-135.
513
i:
•
mt
• 5
i K
w 4
Figure 81. Garden front, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939.
Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company, Inc.
514
Figure 82. Chinoiserie chest originally located in the dining room with a base (see fig.
5.54), Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Personal collection
of author.
515
Figure 83. Side detail of chinoiserie chest, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
California, 1939. Personal collection of author.
516
^*«%»S!„.
>
m
mmsms
Figure 84. Custom wall sconce made of plaster by Dorothy Draper & Company located
in the lounge (see figure 5.53), Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California,
1939. Personal collection of author.
517
Figure 85. Detail of custom wall sconce showing fruits, flowers and foliage, Arrowhead
Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Personal collection of author.
518
Figure 86. Custom wall sconce made of plaster by Dorothy Draper & Company located
in the dining room (see figure 5.54), Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino,
California, 1939. Personal collection of author.
519
mm
:-immm
JUSsfe
InHPI
Figure 87. Detail of dining room custom wall sconce made of plaster by Dorothy Draper
& Company showing beading and acanthus leaves (see figure 5.42), Arrowhead Springs
Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Personal collection of author.
520
m I
I ill
1
Wfr
: t
km
Figure 88. Dining room custom wall sconce made of plaster by Dorothy Draper &
Company backed by a mirrored wall (see figure 5.43), Arrowhead Springs Resort, San
Bernardino, California, 1939. Personal collection of author.
Figure 89. Symmetrical arrangement with fireplace as focal point in a suite. Typical
balance of stripes, floral patterns, and chinoiserie-inspired furniture. Arrowhead Springs
Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In
the Pink, 139.
522
Figure 90. Bedroom, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939.
Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 138.
523
Figure 91. Bedroom, Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California, 1939.
524
J
BRITAIN l/EJJVf kS • * OQODS'CS
Figure 92. Dorothy Draper receiving a rare shipment of chintz from England during
World War II. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, The Draper Touch, 174-175.
3p$fe
* *• . - - •..-."*. .•**,.«L„
Figure 93. First floor of Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper & Company.
526
Figure 94 Display unit and make-up counter, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941.
527
Figure 95. Second floor of Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941.Reprinted, with
Figure 96. Balustrade and custom display unit on second floor, Coty Beauty Salon, New
York City, 1941. A set of double doors just to the left lead to private treatment rooms.
529
<• llult.m-lillllll.-t Mill SM''*I

II.& Pit'' I . Ill IIK.Ilf\ i'.i% If-
...ll.m.-l -Hill „l n i . h - u . i l r
• lm..t uilll ., Illiril | . i , U l
I j.-«.-ll,-.l i.i ,- - :•*••-,. II,.-
.1,1, l,,:l in lit.- ...m.- ,..•.)••-
. •!:'.«, K..I!I ,1, Ki.o.-I.
i-l.rp •..ii.i.l.-.irlc..lml:n.n-
.-.-.I 11-1:.%.- III.- » . . l l it l l .
I.. I I I . - . I . . . . I , I ..!>'-
..I 1..-.H- uijlt.'-- ill.!!
...lll> ltl.ll..-l ll.l- II.I--.-.I
Figure 97. The Tent as showcased in a fashion shoot for Mademoiselle (September 1941),
Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In
the Pink, 94.
530
\ \^mm
Figure 98. Custom product display featuring Draper's trademark scrollwork, Coty Beauty
Salon, New York City, 1941. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 96.
531
Figure 99. Individual treatment room with mirrored wall, custom shelving and stenciled
wall treatment, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
532
Hi l^jt " * T& ^ ^ ^ ^
H,,..Af
MR
Figure 100. Sales counter featuring the artwork of Alice Willits Donaldson, Coty Beauty
Salon, New York City, 1941. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 97.
533
Figure 101. The Tent, Coty Beauty Salon, New York City, 1941. Reprinted, with
534
Figure 102. Custom bed tray designed for hospital patients with a flip-top lid concealing
a mirror and make-up kit. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
. 7-LVMj
Wi'*:&<*£
*?£$&$
Figure 103. Central display unit, Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma,
1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 102.
536
DEPARTMENT STORE
Figure 104. Advertisement for the redesign of the third floor, Kerr's Department Store,
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, 1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink,
103.
537
Tap*""
••I
- / * * % w
JL__1
Figure 105. The Mirror Room (dressing room), Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma, 1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 102.
538
«ti
*&K
•.Jo-utin | 1 H * * *
Figure 106. The faux en filade in the Mirror Room, Kerr's Department Store, Oklahoma
City, Oklahoma, 1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 102.
539
'ID
U -JIM
•' " • ! ! ... .»
.1 ct* * H ' I '
RIO OE JANEIRO OL1S — QUITANDfNHA
Figure 107. A postcard for the Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944.
540
1 -"
Figure 108. Grand Entrance Hall, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944.
Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 142-143.
541
Figure 109. Lobby, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944. Reprinted,
with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 144.
542
Figure 110. Hall of Mirrors (Galerie de Glaces) at the Palace of Versailles, Versailles,
France begun in 1678 under the supervision of Charles LeBrun (1619-1690), and Jules
Hardouin-Mansart (1646-1708), architect. Courtesy of Patrick Snadon.
543
*KW*X*:*> K
Figure 111. Entrance loggia, QuitandinhaHotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944.
Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 151.
544
Figure 112. Children's dining room, Quitandinha Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil,
1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 153.
545
m&JlEjU*m**'
* i» «» if 1.«l^
t *
%i * » /
• • •*•
r #f?fc~
•I » * * - '•' - '
Figure 113. Children's dining room featuring the house for the projector, Quitandinha
Hotel and Resort, Petropolis, Brazil, 1944. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In
The Pink, 152.
546
h\ lioritflii /iivi/if/- foe

•»««». £ | | A M | ' I U C CtCMf
iir.i/illi.HMT: TIH I HUM milium ?MIInr.iih-D w\\$ m yt!;m,.j\ iVrsh, ^ly Huitwe
iff MV\W for ynui linusr, Doiulih jh'ifjin'1; cMittr, Bi'wil•in,j|HiiM] rle-si^n^. .
iIfiiHi;il!U!!l> ii^scliipid in liiM-imts lalnirs iiiitJ ViiilijMpt'rs,. mhr toprtlmalrd
in flu- lufUi' ilrli impirisi Umvs m I he Inter* aimu1 ilia! sprl! nut Bra/iffmtrn
lit ihi" dîtiriiliiii; sli'pjtrlrtarn! uf UHII fiiuinle Murf nr al ynur ilmiulm^
I- Si-hinmu IH-I- >V (j». lid Wt'sl 4()lli Stri'M. \t*v\ Urk HI, \ Y.
•_*
FABRICS - CARPETS • WALLPAPER
of off apfit^vie^ ce*f« a W fesn J o b d u far Cafeiwi Wiitmmtkarii Kesfssratibfl
Figure 114. Advertisement for Dorothy Draper's line of fabrics, "Brazilliance," for F.
Schumacher & Company, 1947. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink,
176.
547
bYO^\Ji^ÂOJfm^ TROPICAL INSPIRATION
Figure 115. Advertisement for Dorothy Draper's line of fabrics, "Hawaiian Islands
Group," for F. Schumacher & Company, 1949. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney,
In The Pink, 172.
548
Figure 116. Four patterns from Draper's "Hawaiian Islands Group," for F. Schumacher &
Company, 1949. Clockwise from top left: Island Fruit, Maui Fern, Sugar Cane Trellis,
Hula Fringe. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 175.
549
•gkt'*^
.r •/ •% ^ - *.» ^.v^îsp
**«*~">Jjj
Figure 117. Ventana Florida from Draper's "Espana" line of fabrics for F. Schumacher
& Company, 1955. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In The Pink, 179.
550
Figure 118. Granada from Draper's "Espana" line of fabrics for F. Schumacher &
Company, 1955. Personal collection of author.
#w
^>-. ....' <§*•*]

r
- , •' .- •r .
:W<
•V
111
I i ^ :
a^-jfcaaai 'ii***-?". •
Figure 119. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948.
552
Figure 120. A Greenbrier hostess and Dorothy Draper in a costume designed by Draper
& Company. Draper used an enlarged "Dotted Swiss" polka dot pattern that harkened
back to the romantic cinematic feature, Gone with the Wind and its leading character,
Scarlet O'Hara. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia,
1948. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, The Draper Touch, 174-175.
553
ill
!i I
Figure 121. Draper-designed parlor maids' and chamber maid's uniforms for the
Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Text on left:
Right and centre parlor maids - left chamber maid. Uniforms - strong clear red, green
and white. Red with green and green with red. All trimmed with white." Courtesy of
554
"• T'- '. - ST' - 1
S P E C I A L DESIGN
PROPERTY or
Figure 122. Bellboy uniform for Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
•••31
•••
w5r*Jfftvn™wW9'#iVB'P'
Figure 123. Ben Clark, Head Bellman, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur
Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
556
Figure 124. Samples of braiding and buttons for Greenbrier uniforms, White Sulphur
557
Overcoating - Beoraea
Green tergs
Pinter WUMHW, ol»»»tor asm, captains
ebi«f*r p»g« boy?, chauffers, <teom»«,
bootblecli*, (Say VRiiers' troueern,
evaning waiter*' auitr, troBboye' even-
lug trojwersi Ctroteise'of vsiterp"
porters*, eftidy aaetere' coats and
golf »tarter«*.
Figure 125. Fabric samples for Greenbrier uniforms. Clockwise: green serge (winter
bellmen, elevator men, captains, chiefs, page boys, chauffers, doormen, bootblacks, day
waiters' trousers, evening waiters' suits, busboys' evening trousers, Captains of waiters',
porters, caddey masters' coats and golf starts; overcoating (doorman); and green shantung
(cashiers). Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948.
558
jiffirt. wire**
Mutton 4 vM'« - Walter** *•»** Sold & grant - Captains of vultera *mrt»'
• " ' i .iiiiiiii RlHHllllll
* " * - "-'SHx^ **t*. t >
*• •*"¥***•* \ *~f\ -^^ «
f© !•—WW——MM
„ - S \ ^ i •»*• ,. „ ^^.^
•w W'w t»» fw»-

Green ire»i«el - C-taraffeor* sti *Mf« Mia Be*!* - GwHtr «tmrt«M> troaaM*
Figure 126. Sample fabrics for Greenbrier uniforms. Clockwise from top left: maroon and
white, waiters' vest; gold and green, captains of waiters' vest; green tropical, chauffeurs'
summer uniforms, and white Palm Beach, caddy masters' trousers. Greenbrier Hotel and
Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper &
Company.
559
pftet* A TfsL
Bed sastobls twill - Welters'

lnfeiaal «o»t»
te
& e « t e , tor v,itm» * « -
Figure 127. Sample fabrics for Greenbrier uniforms. Left to right: khaki washable chino,
housemens' jumpers and trousers, cocktail room waiters' coats, bar waiters' coats; red
washable twill, waiters' informal coats. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur
560
IMlii
1.
•afc?^
**E\Mp«
<m§?
•'•»! " ^(g?
' - . < . •"•
>'"""-*."
Figure 128. Greenbrier uniforms with fabric samples. Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White
Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
561
Figure 129. Arrival lobby, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West
Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company.
562
Figure 130. Portion of main lobby, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs,
West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company. Note the Chinese
porcelain vase on the table in the foreground. Draper frequently selected Asian-inspired
vases, lamp bases, and accessories for her projects.
563
Figure 131. Main lobby, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West
Virginia, 1948. The pen marks indicating the addition of a central sway suggest that
Draper critiqued her own work even after it was completely installed. Courtesy of
564
Figure 132. Victorian Writing Room, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur
Figure 133. Postcard depicting the Victorian Writing Room by a guest in watercolor.
Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Personal
collection of author.
566
Figure 134. Victorian Writing Room, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur
567
•
Wwh *>
*. -; >,*&&
Figure 135. Detail of Fudge Apron textile found in the Victorian Writing Room.
Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of
568
N£ •s*
t . *
Figure 136. Game tables in a lobby area on the main floor, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort,
White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
569
•
W^\ I
IV
*
H
,1.
LJ*.
J^k
Figure 137. Lattice screens separate the conversation areas with the game tables. Lobby
on the main floor, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia,
1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
570
%.\$
l
Wr
Figure 138. Casual rattan seating arrangements sit opposite of the game tables in a lobby
area on the main floor, Greenbrier Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West
Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
571
.*$?*
& - • '
Figure 139. The central fireplace in the lobby as seen from the gaming area. Greenbrier
Hotel and Resort, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, 1948. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper and Company.
3»*0'*•••"
QUWOTtTV /If
Ti, : ^
ivy
WO
TIU1S44
vir f*c^la; O' -? i .* IS4
Figure 140. Blueprint of a custom bamboo double chest for a guest bedroom at the
Greenbrier. The sheet (4614/53) contains handwritten notes regarding size, quantity, and
color. John Whitticomb was the vendor. Dated February 1947. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper and Company.
573
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%$h-&*t%
•i'
J
\ \
M O
f""1 O o
w
.i-<-4
r~;
-—Jt..
- "f-
H yj LI
<2* h
l> t
v^J0
^ 1
hi • 1 " T^\HSHI> mât-wv?
o - n." •*™ * * - , '-?>'.l 1 ;
Ol J . . . » •
Figure 141. Blueprint of a bedroom dressing table for the Greenbrier with a flip-top
mirror similar to the hospital tray design by Draper for Delnor Hospital in St. Charles,
Illinois. The sheet (4614/016) contains handwritten notes regarding size, and color. John
Whitticomb was the vendor. Dated February 12, 1947, but with a revision May 26, 1947.
Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
574
9
« " »
'. • ' " > •
l i . v.<
./
Ô 7
^
44 *&
»S
i .a st .aTiasas ca o w - u r n a Of
.Winn-I ••! •Mtmjulnig. -'i ,iMIHim|-n MI.I .... nilii.lni.il .n..ii«. • . — — » • » — I — ' « '
QUfaNTiTy office of DOROTHY D R A P E R INC.

£ 8 M 1ST C;7 : -THJJTT F . Y.
TINISM BWCJ NT TABlS ^S+Jtfir
4rawiiby; clicked: sc-.le. elauv,, m>
Figure 142. Blueprint of a custom night table for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier. The
sheet (4614/19) contains handwritten notes regarding size, and vendor (Kitinger, order #
8677. Dated January 27, 1947. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
575
"TO 5 « « t3 tax psofser 3?

.'*.! ;8 *?£.!» VV, ASP BU'SpaiKS
.: 4 a j d .iisuasjc os ctHu&max tar
-^|.;^»7rjW.^r-CT7... . y - . ^ . — - | n -^jteftj>». . - . •
QUANTITY office of D O P O T H Y D R A P E R INC
Ms- JOB GREEKS* I gfi. -W'OTCL

TlNiSM D W ~ C t t C S T , TBPOROOW Oftfe* rKlo 14
d r a w n by', c h e c k e d : sc.-Je. datec'Ai * T "3f
Figure 143. Blueprint of a custom chest for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier. The sheet
(4614/14) contains handwritten notes regarding size. Dated January 27, 1947. Courtesy of
Dorothy Draper and Company.
576
Figure 144. Blueprint of a custom headboard for a single bed at the Greenbrier. The sheet
(4614/7) contains handwritten notes regarding size and color. This page has the initials
"GB" indicating that the image was drawn by Glenn Boyles. Dated January 27,1947.
577
Figure 145. Blueprint of a custom sectional sofa with green pillows at the Greenbrier.
Note the "DD" signature to the right of the drawing indicating Draper's final approval.
The sheet (116) contains handwritten notes regarding size, quantity, and placement in the
hotel (Lobby no. 1, Spring Room, Paradise Row, Elevator Lobby). Draper also notes the
need that these pieces must be able "to get into elevator." No date. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper and Company.
578
\ ;
ins -m liV..lST*
SiBli^TJK Y
GrfieerNiitumn H$Tjru
3cV- **
45
/JO- by; checked: scale. dat^ fl | .ng47
F/N4iH~
Figure 146. Blueprint of a Lawson chair for the Greenbrier. The sheet (4614/45) contains
handwritten notes regarding size. Dated February 12, 1947. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper
and Company.
579
Figure 147. Blueprint of a custom single sofa bed for a guest bedroom at the Greenbrier.
This type of sofa bed was a favorite of Draper's for small spaces or flexible sleeping
needs. The sheet (4614/49) contains handwritten notes regarding size. Dated February 12,
1947. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
580
W
{KititillHtfefe^ — , / o •' .,^pammd
7) ^
if •/'-•• u C
^ ^ tetter-
\ ,
Figure 148. Blueprint of a custom kidney sofa for Lobby no. 1 at the Greenbrier. The
sheet (107) contains handwritten notes regarding size, quantity, placement, and yardage.
Draper's initials are accompanied by reminders that she wants additional feet to support
the 3-sectioned piece. No date. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
•.jCl^.
i
1r
Figure 149. Blueprint of a custom table for the Greenbrier. The sheet (85) contains
handwritten notes regarding size, quantity, and location (Lobby no. 2, Lobby outside
colonnade). No date. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
582
I i >(i
iti^l0i^m^X««!^!^^^!^*'^m'»i^^»'*»ll>>>mî4 «m»«n5nX!i
vr>.
wts Bsj:r.-s:- rut reeysgjrcy
MUSS.
3 £ OHS&ISS' CQOcYKtL CLUQ

«AY 9
©<;
807 •
Figure 150. Blueprint of a custom console table for the Greenbrier demonstrating a strong
influence of William Kent, a famous British . The sheet (207) contains handwritten notes
regarding size, quantity, and location (Cocktail Club). Dated May 9, 1947. Courtesy of
» V
/
>
fr
ii
f
.— —r\
-7
IB-: 10 BE REM&tBI) DK COHPifillOB 3
QUANTITY office of DOROTHY DRAPER INC.

38 BAST 57 STREET NT. Y.
JOB . GR^tKiBUl^ 4JOTCL
TINISW D W G SWWJC,SOUBUt 3btD
d r a w n by: checked: scale: datejM„r!3
Figure 151. Blueprint of a custom design for a four-post, tester bed (single or double) for
the Greenbrier. The sheet (4614/11) contains handwritten notes regarding size. Dated
January 27, 1947. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
IT "fr
: i ?i 8 > F
jS
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..*"«* 00 CO
-;CDi© | i!'! f ' '
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i
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< - i • :i
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n X| \ M i
< ^ -i>' ' X

ta ^ •
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!
: i . .- i l <, '. " 1
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Figure 152. Blueprint of a custom breakfront for the Greenbrier dining room. The sheet
(4614/58) contains handwritten notes regarding size. Dated February 12, 1947. Courtesy
of Dorothy Draper and Company.
585
X_, -v. \\*A y-i!
\
Tf
.(U
H-57"
••st—*
mis DESKS is ras paoptui •>"

MdfflCB* DRAPES, 1 8 3 , &SI3 BUKPSIK.'S
4HB 10 BE RETBBSaS OS CSSFLgliON 01
0BDS8.
£ UANTI7Y office of DOROTHY DRAPER IJSv . :

89 EASTf^?. •3TR3F,TrT F . V
, J O B G M l t ^ l t U~ llOTtL (4 S ly ;
TlNlSH JJ-WG C+4AIR Naw
S*EfcT No. «3
d r a w n by: checked: s c - le. date^M 2 7 ",B4l
Figure 153. Blueprint of a custom chair with a fanciful back for the Greenbrier. The sheet
(4614/23) contains handwritten notes regarding size. Dated January 27, 1947. Courtesy of
?' •^"fn^J
*»
&&*&. ?
&&&&££&&£&
i) —
C*fcKrK*v "T^%L« k«*B¥ •Kb' t
! *
v.4
Figure 154. Blueprint of the central table for Lobby no. 1 at the Greenbrier. The sheet
(118) contains handwritten notes regarding size and location, and Draper's initials. No
date. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
587
4 **% - **•%+.
|g^ <J%
Figure 155. Main lobby of the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco, California, 1952.
588
!•••
»m\
I • * f «fl'l-i (
IHii
Figure 156. The Peacock Court, a ballroom in the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco,
California, 1952. Courtesy of Dorothy Draper and Company.
589
*<,*J
Figure 157. The proscenium of the Peacock Court at the Mark Hopkins Hotel, San
Francisco, California, 1952. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 108.
590
•"*?»:
IP-.,
Figure 158. The restaurant at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City, 1954.
591
Figure 159. Draper's famous "birdcage" chandeliers in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
restaurant, New York City, 1954. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink,
68.
Figure 160. The exquisite "Aganippe" by Swedish sculptor, Carl Milles, in the center of
the Metropolitan Museum of Art restaurant, New York City, 1954. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper and Company.
593
Figure 161. The view of the restaurant at the Metropolitan Museum of Art from the
museum. Lounge area spans the front of the restaurant. New York City, 1954. Reprinted,
with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 68.
594
*m
' rW K.
kl
Figure 162. Dorothy Gray line of beauty products (e.g., soaps, lotions, creams), "In the
Pink," with graphic design by Dorothy Draper & Company, 1945. Courtesy of Dorothy
Draper and Company.
595
f''ASHION Ki'JYF;/)
\ i < \ < ii d t i t i m d in i m t i n In ire. 11! m men t
.1 i . •• in 1 ' I i 1 l i p i I ill
in i> i • . I in ) - , c r I hr n
| • i - "I I t i i , , Itl 11 iri| ,
Tin 1 r e s u l t Ls t h e m o s t hreitth-lakingly b e a u t i f u l automobile lit o u r time!
f'Mi, llcri.tlr. n o
Ami u.iii
1-r.irn riu
iK-ii- P.ifl.iinl 1..1V.II11.UK I'owct lir.il
As t o n tlLmn t h r i v e ! ' ilin liildi-r.
Figure 163. Advertisement for the 1952 Packard. Personal collection of author.
596
;ler •pp»e !: «5»5 g
'8
!CtS
des
\ ' ' 1»
: HER
COBP TlOf!
Figure 164. Sales display for the Chrysler Corporation, 1953. Reprinted, with permission,
from Varney, In the Pink, 197.
597
Figure 165. Sales display for the Chrysler Corporation, 1953. Reprinted, with permission,
from Varney, In the Pink, 197.
598
i
Figure 166. Temporary Chrysler showroom in one of its Michigan plants, 1953.
599
•AKi • putts. **4y *r^.B ****£ 8*^1
Figure 167. Fabric samples for a temporary Chrysler showroom in one of its Michigan
plants, 1953. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 199.
600
t T-fcJI
\ .f
Figure 168. Main lobby, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York, 1958.
Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 188-189.
601
Figure 169. Assistant manager's desk, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York,
1958. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 192-193.
602
Figure 170. Lobby to meeting rooms, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York,
1958. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 188-189.
Figure 171. Rendering of the hotel's meeting room lobby at Idlewild International Hotel,
Jamaica, New York, 1958. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 190.
604
•a I
Z**.i-1,
Figure 172. Lobby seating area, Idlewild International Hotel, Jamaica, New York, 1958.
605
Figure 173. Interior of the General Dynamic's Convair 880, c. 1958. Reprinted, with
606
Figure 174. Draper's concept for the interior of General Dynamic's Convair 880, c. 1958.
607
Figure 175. Draper's concept for the General Dynamic's Convair 880 lounge showcasing
a Mondrian-inspired wall treatment, c. 1958. Reprinted, with permission, from Varney, In
the Pink, 184.
608
Figure 176. The Camellia House in the Drake Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, 1941. Reprinted,
with permission, from Varney, In the Pink, 90-91.
609
Figure 177. Sample mantles from Decorating Is Fun! Drawings by Lester Grundy.
APPENDIX B
LIST OF PROJECTS
Piping Rock Estates (1927)
Locust Valley, Long Island
Architect: Pleasants Pennington
English Bermuda House (1928)

Kenilworth, Great Neck, Long Island
Architect: Archibald Brown
National Junior League Headquarters (1928)

Barbizon Hotel, 140 East Sixty-third Street, New York City
One East End Avenue (1929)

New York City
Architects: Pleasants Pennington and Albert W. Lewis
Supervising Architects: McKim, Mead, and White
Builders: James Stewart & Company
Sherry's (c. 1930)

300 Park Ave, New York City
115 East 72nd Street, Lobby (c. 1930)

New York City
770 Park Avenue, Lobby (c. 1930)

New York City
The Carlyle Hotel (1930)

Location: 35 East 76th Street, New York City
Private Residence of Mrs. Albert (Mary) Lasker (1932)
River Club (1932)

New York City
Majestic Apartments (c. 1933)

115 Central Park West, New York City
Gideon Putnam Hotel (1933)

Saratoga Springs, NY
Sutton Place Tenement Apartments (1934)

New York City
Sutton Terrace, 450 East 63rd Street (Sutton Place, New York City)
5 Riverside Drive (1937)
New York City
17 East 89m Street (1937)

New York City
The Hampshire House (opened October 1, 1937)

150 Central Park South, New York City
Architects: Arlington Rollin Caughey and William F. Evans, Jr.
Builders: (Millard) Shroder & (Arthur D.) Koppel
Lighting Consultant: S. R. McCandless
Private Residence of Mr. and Mrs. Blumenthal (1937)

Hampshire House, New York City
Alwyn Court (1938)
th th
Southeast corner of 7in Avenue and 58m Street, New York City
Penthouse of Stoneleigh Hotel for owner Colonel Harry Stewart (1938)
2927 Maple Avenue
Dallas, Texas 75201
Chatham Apartment Building (1939)

108-125 72nd Avenue, Forest Hills, Long Island
Architect: Benjamin Braunstein
Builder: Queens-Roman Corporation
Decorating Is Fun! How to Be Your Own Decorator (1939)

New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company, Inc.
Fefe's Monte Carlo (1939)
East 54th Street, New York City
Fefe's Monte Carlo (1939)

New York City
Terrace Club at the New York World's Fair (1939)
The Arrowhead Springs Resort (opened December 15,1939)

San Bernardino Valley, CA
Architect: Gordon B. Kaufman and Paul R. Williams of Los Angeles
George Herz Co. of San Bernardino - physical landscaping
Assistants: Katharine Seaman, William Abrams (installing furniture), Lester Grundy
Owners: Jay Paley, President (Board of Directors of Hotel Corporation)1
The owners were a veritable Who's Who of Hollywood. Jay Paley opened a successful
613
50 East 77 Lobby (1940)

New York City
Arthur Murray Dance Studio (1940)

695 5th Ave, 5th floor, New York City
Lines About Living (c. 1940)

WOR Radio Show
Mayflower Hotel (c. 1940)

Washington D. C.
Entertaining Is Fun! How to Be a Popular Hostess (1941)

New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company, 1941.
Private residence of Mrs. Frank Vanderlip (pre-1941)

Private residence of Owen Young (pre-1941)
Private residence of Preston Davies (pre-1941)
Camelia House at the Drake Hotel (1941)

Chicago, Illinois
Coty Beauty Salon (opened July 9, 1941)

Rockefeller Plaza, New York City
July 9, 1941
Stonehenge Apartments (1941)

Albany, New York
Builder: Vincent Gallagher
Interior Designers: Theodore Simpson, Mayfair, Inc. (furniture resource)
Architect: Richard Boring Snow
cigar company in Chicago in the 1890s. His nephew, William Paley (1901-1990),
transformed CBS from a radio station to a television network. William Goetz (1903-
1969), film producer and studio executive, and Darryl Zanuck (1902-1979), an Academy
Award-winning producer, writer, director, and actor, served as vice-presidents. Other
owners included J. B. Codd; Joseph Schenck (1878-1971), chairman of 20th Century Fox;
actresses Claudette Colbert (1903-1996) and Constance Bennett (1904-1965); Al Jolson
(1886-1950), singer, actor, comedian; Edgar J. Mannix (1891-1963), Vice-President of
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer; and producer, Lou Anger.
2
The list of pre-1941 residences are listed in the 1941 write up of Draper in Current
Biography. No other information is currently available on these projects.
Delnor Hospital (1941)
St. Charles, Illinois
Office for Sheldon R. Coons (1942)

New York City
Savoy Plaza Hotel (1943)

New York City
Kerr's Department Store (1944)

Oklahoma City, OK
The America House (1944)

New York City
Architects: Morris Ketchum and Francis X. Gina
Six Model Rooms for LaSalle & Koch (1944)

Toledo, Ohio
Versailles Restaurant (1945)

151 E. 50th Street
New York, New York
Private residence for Benjamin Sonnenberg (1945)
Graphic packaging for Dorothy Gray's "In the Pink" (1945)
Quitandinha Hotel and Resort (1946?)

Petropolis, Brazil
Brazilliance Fabric Line (1947)

F. Schumacher & Company
Fairmont Hotel (1947)

950 Mason Street, San Francisco, California
Essex House (c. 1947?)

46th Street Theatre—now the Neil SimonTheater (1948)

250 West 52nd Street, New York City
615
The Greenbrier (1948)

White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia
Landscape architect: Richard K. Webel (1900-2000) of (Umberto) Innocenti & Webel
founded in 1931, Long Island
Sutton Terrace
450 East 63 rd Street, New York City
"Hawaiian Islands Group"—textile (1949)

The Island Group—furniture (1949)

Ficks Reed Company
Styling for the 1952 Packard (1951)
Riverview South (1951)

Architects: Emery Roth & Sons
Associate Architects: A. Rollin Caughey & Son
Gideon Putnam Hotel - redesign (1953)

Saratoga Springs, NY
Mark Hopkins Hotel (1953)

San Francisco, California
The Metropolitan Museum of Art Restaurant (1954)

New York City
Essex House - redecorated lobby (1954)

"Espana"—textile (1955)
Espana Group—furniture (1955)

Heritage Furniture, Inc.
West Hampton Bath and Tennis Club (c. 1956)

Long Island, New York
Naples City Community Hospital (1956)

Naples, Florida
616
Groton Inn (1958)

Groton, Connecticut
Idlewild International Airport Hotel (1958)

William B. Tabler (1914-2004), Architect
Chandler Cudlipp (1898-1967) & Associates, interiors, guest rooms
Robert Zion (1921-2000) and Harold Breen (1923-1995), Landscaping
General Dynamics Convair 880 (1958)

Trans-World Airlines
The Barclay Hotel (late 1950s)

111 East 48th Street
New York, NY 10017
Cherry Hill Inn (c. 1960)

Haddonfield, New Jersey
Hotel Utah (c. 1960)

Salt Lake City, Utah
Christmas Bag 'O Tags and Wrapping Paper (c. 1960)

Kaycrest
Cooper River Plaza (c. 1960)

5105 North Park Drive
Pennsauken, New Jersey 08109
Robert Treat Hotel (c.1960)

50 Park Place
Newark, New Jersey 07102
St. Anthony Hotel (c. 1960)

300 East Travis
San Antonio, Texas 78205
Westinghouse Dream House (1964)

1964 World's Fair, New York City
365 Shortcuts to Home Decorating (1965)

New York: Dodd, Mead & Company
617
Other Projects with incomplete information
The Plaza Hotel (New York City)
Park Lane Hotel

36 Central Park South
New York, NY 10019
River House
New York City
Forest Hills Inn

New York City
Abraham & Strauss (1950s)

Brooklyn, New York
Loewe's Orpheum - Broadway, New York City
Clients (Private Residences/Apartments)

The Duke and Duchess of Windsor
Mr. and Mrs. Walter Winchell
Hope Hampton
Frank Weil
APPENDIX C
BIBLIOGRAPHY FROM DECORATING IS FUN!

619
The following is Dorothy Draper's bibliography for Decorating Is Fun! (1939).
The formatting of the entries are as Draper presented them.
American Work
Lost Examples of American Architecture, John Mead Howells. William Helburn, Inc.,
New York, NY, 1931.
The White Pine Series of Architectural Monographs, Edited by Russell W. Whitehead,

New York, NY.
The Domestic Architecture of the Early American Republic: The Greek Revival, Howard
Major. J.P. Lippincott, Philadelphia, PA, 1926.
The Story of Architecture in America, Thomas E. Tallmadge. W. W. Norton & Co., New
York, NY, 1927.
The Early Architecture of Western Pennsylvania, William Helburn, Inc., New York, NY,
1936.
A Handbook of the American Wing, R. T. H. Halsey and Charles O. Cornelius, Published

by the Metropolitan Museum, New York, NY.
Monograph on the Work of Frank Lloyd Wright, The Architectural Forum for January,
138.
Space for Living: Creative Interior Decoration and Design, Paul T. Frankl. Doubleday,
Doran & Co., New York, NY, 1938.
The Geography of American Antiques, Laurelle Van Arsdale Guild. Doubleday, Doran &
Co., New York, NY, 1927.
English Work
Sir John Vanbrugh, Architect and Dramatist, Laurence Whistler. Cobden-Sanderson,

London, 1938.
English Domestic Architecture of the 17th and 18th Centuries, Horace Field and Michael
Bunney. G. Bell and Sons, London, 1929.
Late Georgian Homes (2 volumes), Ramsey and Harvey. Architectural Press, London,
1923.
620
A History of the English House, Nathaniel Lloyd. William Helburn, Inc., New York, NY,
1931.
The "English Homes" Series, C. Avery Tipping. Country Life, London, 1921.
English Furniture from Charles II to George II, R. W. Symonds. International Studio,

Inc., New York, NY, 1929.
English Furniture from Gothic to Sheraton, Herbert Cescinsky. Dean-Hicks, Grand

Rapids, MI, 1929.
French Work
The Smaller Houses and Gardens of Versailles 1680-1815, Leigh French, Jr. and Harold
Donaldson Eberlein. Pencil Points Press, New York, NY, 1926.
French Provincial Architecture, Phillip Lippincott Goodwin and Henry Gothout

Milliken. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, NY, 1924.
French Provincial Furniture, Henri Longon and Frances Wilson Huard. J. P. Lippincott
Co., Philadelphia, PA, 1927.
Old French Furniture and Its Surroundings, Elisa Maillard. Charles Scribner's Sons Co.,
New York, NY, 1925.
Louis XIV and Regency Furniture and Decoration, Seymour de Ricci. William Helburn,
Inc., New York, NY, 1929.
Towards A New Architecture, Le Corbusier. Payson and Clarke, Ltd., New York, NY,
1927.
Other Countries
Old Domestic Architecture of Holland, Edited by F. R. Yerbury. The Architectural Press.

London, 1924.
Bermuda Houses, John S. Humphreys. Marshall Jones Co., Boston, MA, 1923.
Modern Danish Architecture, Edited by Kay Fisker and F. R. Yerbury. Charles Scribner's
Sons, New York, NY, 1927.
Empire-und Beidermeirmobel, Ferdinand Luthmer and Robert Schmidt. Julius

Hoffmann, Stuttgart, 1922.
621
The Practical Book of Italian, Spanish and Portuguese Furniture, Harold Donaldson
Eberlein and Roger Wearae Ramsdell. J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia PA,
1927.
Majorcan Houses and Gardens, Arthur Bryne and Mildred Stapley. William Helburn,
Inc., 1928.
Mobilier et Decoration des Anciens Palais Imperiaux Russes, G. K. Loukomski. Les

Editions G. Van Oest, Paris et Bruxelles, 1928.
Swedish Architecture of the Twentieth Century, Ahlberg. Charles Scribner's Sons, New
York, NY, 1925.
Special Subjects
Historic Wallpapers, Nancy V. McClelland. J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, PA, 1924.
The Old China Book, Maciver Percival. William Heinemann, Ltd., London, 1923.
German Baroque Sculpture, Sacherverell Sitwell and Anthony Ayscough. Duckworth,

London, 1938.
Historical Colours, Thomas Parsons & Sons, Ltd., London, 1934.
Han 'tec Color Book, Sigrid K. Lonegren, 630 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY.
Color Combinations, William Helburn, Inc., 15 East 55th Street, New York, NY.
APPENDIX D
PERMISSIONS TO PUBLISH IMAGES

ESTABLISHED - I 925
September 4, 2008
Ass. Prof. John Turpin

2329 S. Grand Blvd.
Spokane, WA 99203
Dear John:
We hereby grant you permission to use the images from our archives/publications to appear in
your dissertation.
Credit should be given as follows:
1. "Courtesy of Dorothy Draper & Company" - for images from out archives.
2. "Reprinted, with permission from Carleton Varney, The Draper Touch and
In the Pink- Dorothy Draper -America's most fabulous decorator. Page # -.
We wish you every success in your endeavor.
C^M
Carleton Varney
•
President
CV:ix
Carleton Varney Design Group: 60 East ,56th Slreer, New York, NY 10022
,(2 1 2)758-28 1 0 fov-:\i 1 2)759-0739 E-mail; dorofhydiaperco@dorol'liydrapef'.cofn

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THE LIFE AND WORK OF DOROTHY DRAPER, INTERIOR DESIGNER:

A STUDY OF CLASS VALUES AND SUCCESS

John Coy Bond Turpin

A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY

All rights reserved.

A STUDY OF CLASS VALUES AND SUCCESS

John Coy Bond Turpin

has been approved

Graduate Supervisory Committee

Beverly Brandt, Chair

ACCEPTED BY THE GRADUATE COLLEGE

acknowledged women in the discipline of interior design as having contributed to the

development of the profession. Instead, a masculine narrative of architects constitutes the

identity of a field dominated by women in number, but by men in perceived significance.

contributions of early interior decorators/designers. The focus of this study is Dorothy

and Company offer valuable information leading to a greater understanding of Draper's

market, but this is not true, at least, for Draper.

style underpinned by modern conveniences. Finally, Draper's business strategies allow

As a businesswoman, Draper redefines the profession by extending its scope of

Even though a dissertation is a very personal experience, it is by no means one

challenged my perceptions, supported my efforts, and increased my personal standards.

Dr. Rothschild provided me the inspiration to consider history as a multi-dimensional

but also through your example.

1997 when he granted me an interview to support my master's thesis on Draper. During

my home institution, Washington State University. He continued to support my research

R. Murrow. I am forever grateful for their generosity and hospitality.

On a personal level, I am fortunate to have an incredible support system. My

A heartfelt thanks to all.

LIST OF FIGURES xii

CHAPTER 1 A TIME OF CHANGE, OPPORTUNITY, AND GROWTH 1

Arts and Crafts Movement 31

CHAPTER 2 A LIFE OF PRIVILEGE AND DISCONTENT 60

Life in Tuxedo Park 79

Education and Travel 87

CHAPTER 3 A QUESTION OF TITLE: INTERIOR DECORATOR, INTERIOR

MERCHANDISER, INTERIOR DESIGNER? 105

The Architectural Clearing House (1925-1930) 107

Dorothy Draper, Inc. (established 1930) 120

Business practices 125

Design goals 127

Economical expenditure 132

Design strategies 135

CHAPTER 4 A MASTER OF COMMUNICATION: WRITER, MARKETER,

AUTHOR, ADVISOR 155

House & Garden Articles 156

Learn to Live: A Correspondence Course 167

Decorating Is Fun! How to Be Your Own Decorator (1939) 176

Entertaining Is Fun! How to Be a Popular Hostess (1941) 195

Director of Good Housekeeping's Studio for Living 206

CHAPTER 5 DESIGN: A MULTIDISCIPLINARY IMPERATIVE 218

Phase I: Revival Styles in Residential Projects (1925-1930) 220

Phase II: Experiments in Modernism (1928-1930) 221

National Junior League Headquarters, New York City (1929) 221

Carlyle Hotel, New York City (1930) 226

Phase III: Anglo-eclectic Inspirations and Public Spaces (1930-1954) 232

Hampshire House, New York City (1939) 232

Arrowhead Springs Resort, San Bernardino, California (1939) 257