TITLE OF PROJECT: SENIOR PEOPLE AND DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY

IN SINGAPORE
By Jose Rojas

A. Objectives of the Project

This project attempts to document the experience of ageing in Singapore as well as the
manner in which extant social structures in this nation-state shape this human developmental
stage. It also aims at developing interactive applications that complement existing approaches
to the introduction of elderly people into the digital realm. Finally, this project aims at
implementing HigherNetwork, an information and communication technology to address the
needs of the elderly population in Singapore.

B. Scientific Abstract of the Proposal

Existing approaches to the development of information and communication technology for

elderly people fail to account for the socio-technical context elderly people inhabit. As a
consequence, elderly people fail to recognise the potential of digital technology. In the
present project we propose, first, an ethnographic exploration of the manner in which elderly
people experience this developmental stage in the context of Singapore. On par, we propose a
critical analysis of the manner in which different social structures including the government,
different organisations, the media and the family nuclei shape the experience of ageing.
Grounded on this knowledge, we propose the development of interactive ludic applications
that contribute to the provision of basic computer literacies to facilitate the introduction of
elderly people into the digital realm. Finally, this project aims at designing, developing and
deploying HigherNetwork, a multiplatform information and communication technology for
elderly people in Singapore to enhance their information and communication reach, and to
provide a dedicated channel for the promotion of products and services for, and among, this
community.

C. Lay Abstract of the Proposal

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Many computer technologies purportedly built to address the needs of the elderly population
are developed without a clear understanding of the social reality faced by this segment of the
population. As a consequence, computer technology remains foreign to older people. To
address this problem and develop technology better suited to the abilities and social context
of elderly people in Singapore we proposed the following:

1. A study to document the manner in which elderly people currently live their lives in
Singapore without the assistance of any digital technology

2. A study to identify the manner in which different social institutions indirectly influence the
lives of older people

Once this understanding has been achieved, we will use it to develop two types of computing
systems:

1. Interactive lessons to familiarise elderly people with mainstream digital technology online,
2. An information and communication software application that brings the elderly some of
the benefits of the digital age.

D. Potential Application/Exploitation of the Project

The outcomes of this project can be exploited in at least the following ways:

1. Knowledge and expertise gained from an intimate understanding of the experience of

ageing can be used to inform the development of successful future digital technologies apart
from those proposed in this piece.

2. Knowledge gained from tracing the manner in which different social institutions ultimately
impact individual experiences of ageing can be used to inform the development of guidelines
and policies that have a positive impact in this stage of human development.

3. Expertise gained from the development of our interactive ludic tutorials can be later used
to develop various other forms of interactive training on applications not considered in this
project proposal, but nonetheless deemed useful for the senior population now or in the near
future.

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4. The existence of a dedicated, multiplatform channel of information and communication
resources for elderly people such as HigherNetwork may well be the technological platform
upon which the budding market of products and services for older people may be based.

1. DETAILS OF PROPOSAL

A) Specific Aims

- To understand the relational world elderly people in Singapore inhabit

- To document the manner in which the experience of old age in Singapore is constructed by
the local government, public and private organisations, the media and the family nuclei

- To develop digital ludic activities to facilitate elderly people’s familiarisation with computer
technology

- To develop a multi-platform ICT to enhance the information and communication reach of

senior people in Singapore

“In a fair society, all individuals would have equal opportunity to participate in, or benefit
from, the use of computer resources regardless of race, religion, age, disability, national
origin or other such similar factors.”

ACM Code of Ethics

I UNDERSTANDING THE EXPERIENCE OF AGEING IN SINGAPORE

In this section we first discuss ageing of the world population. Later, we frame this world
phenomenon in the context of Singapore discussing its causes and consequences. We use this
understanding to propose a first study that seeks to document and understand the experience
of ageing by those undergoing this process.

I.1 WHO ARE THE ELDERLY?

The world population is ageing. Such a statement is normally associated with the fact that a
large generation known as ‘baby boomers’––a term used in the United States, Canada,
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Australia and most of Europe to denote people born in the post-World War II era––is
approaching, or has already reached, retirement age. In a report produced in 2002 by the UN
entitled World Population Ageing: 1950-2050, ageing of the population is described in
ominous terms including unprecedented, as no similar situation has ever occurred in human
history; pervasive, because it affects every person in every country, even though at a different
pace; enduring, since we will not return to the young populations of the past; and of profound
implications given its nuanced and varied effects in society as we know it (United Nations
2002).

The popular discourse commonly found in the media about the elderly echoes that of the UN
conflating this event with two peculiar characteristics of contemporary society, that is, a
decreased child birth rate and an increased life expectancy. Together, or so the argument
goes, they can only negatively impact economic growth because of a reduced workforce and
increased spending dedicated to age-related issues across all nations (e.g. (USA Today 2002;
Farrell 2004; Duncan 2007; Stevenson 2008)).

The negative economic impact of an ageing population is rarely challenged. However, some
research on this phenomenon presents a less bleak outlook. Rogers et al. (2000) argue that
while a slow economic growth is to be expected from the year 2010 onwards, this should not
be catastrophic since a smaller labour workforce also translates into the relative availability
of capital. Under certain assumptions, this counterview continues, private saving rates will
not necessarily decrease with a dwindling population, but on the contrary.

I.1.1 AGEING IN SINGAPORE

Let us now consider ageing of the population in the context of Singapore to elaborate on the
local causes and impact of this world-trend. In Singapore, an individual 65 years old and
above is considered an elderly person (Chong and Theng 2004). Interestingly, the retirement
age in Singapore has been raised in the past from 55 to 60 years in 1988 (Phillips and Bartlett
1995), and again from 60 to 62 year in 1999 (Shantakumar 1999). This implies that upon
retirement a person is not yet considered an elderly one. In Southeast Asia, Singapore is the
country with the fastest growing ageing population across its three main ethnic groups
including Chinese, Malay and Indian (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995). Currently, the population
aged 60 and above constitute 9% of the population. However, it is expected that by the year
2020 the population aged sixty and above will account for around 25-28 percent of the total

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local population (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995; Shantakumar 1999). Singapore is thus expected
to become the third most aged country in the Asia-Pacific region following Japan and Hong
Kong (Phillips and Bartlett 1995).

Singapore’s fast ageing profile seems to be a consequence of several circumstances. These

circumstances include the world’s most successful family planning program in the 20 years
following its independence in 1965, an excellent economic growth, and increased female
employment opportunities. This combination of factors has produced a very low fertility rate.
In 1986 it reached 1.4. A further plough was reported twenty two years later when in 2008 it
reached 1.28; the trend remained unabated in 2009 when 170 fewer babies were born in
comparison to the previous year (Tay 2010). The steady decrease in fertility in Singapore has
remained despite all incentives (e.g., cash, paid child-care and infant-care leave, and longer
maternity leave) offered by the local government to counteract it and raise fertility rates to 2.1
or the minimum rate needed for a population to re-place itself.

Other particularities of the elderly population in Singapore are worth highlighting. Sex ratio
among older people is skewed. Widowhood is more prevalent among females. About 4 in 10
women aged 55 and above are widows, while only 1 in 10 men experience the same
condition. The proportion increases with age reaching 78% and 29.1% among females and
males, respectively, in the 75 years and above age group (Ministry of Community
Development 2005).

Regarding the educational profile of senior citizens, 56.9% have no formal education
qualification, that is, they either have no education at all or did not complete primary
education. Nevertheless, senior people in younger appear to cohorts fare better and their
education achievements tend to increase. Consequently, 24.4% of senior people aged 55 to 64
have a secondary qualification, while only 10.4% of those aged 75 and above do (Ministry of
Community Development 2005).

Most senior citizens (87%) aged 55 and above in Singapore live in public flats; 73.7% of
them are owners or co-owners of the homes they inhabit (Ministry of Community
Development 2005). Most Singaporean elderly (85%) across the major ethnic groups
(Chinese, Malay and Indian) co-reside with their children (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995;
Shantakumar 1999). Only a small proportion (5.6%) or senior Singaporeans 55 and above

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live in one-person households (Ministry of Community Development 2005). A high
proportion of home ownership and co-residence is possible due to the fact that, recognising
the limitations of the State in providing for his ageing population (Phillips and Bartlett 1995),
the Singaporean government has implemented housing programs (e.g., Joint Balloting
Scheme, Mutual Exchange of Flats Scheme, Reside Near Parents/Married Schemes, etc.) to
foster co-residence, or at least physical proximity between senior citizens and their children.
This has been done to promote caring of the elderly by their own relatives (Mehta, Osman et
al. 1995; Shantakumar 1999). Through this measure, the local government not only attempts
to diminish the direct demands of the ageing population on its resources, but also promote
traditional Asian conceptions of filial piety.

Mehta et al. (1995) suggests the very act of co-residence with elderly people in Singapore
addresses the major source of concern for this group as it more or less guarantees the
availability of care as health deteriorates in old age. Furthermore, the actual act of caring for
an elderly parent is said to illustrate to younger generations the role they are expected to play
once their time comes to provide for their own elderly parents. Mehta et al. suggest that in the
context of Singapore care implies, for the elderly and their adult children and across ethnic
groups, more than financial or material contributions or support; it involves the more nuanced
ideals of love and companionship (1995). Thus, co-residence with relatives like children and
grandchildren yields a number of (tangible and intangible) benefits for Singaporean elderly.
These include the manner in which co-residing elderly remain an active presence within a
household by performing practical, though perhaps menial, roles like cooking, cleaning,
doing laundry and taking care of grandchildren while parents work. Furthermore, co-
residence with the elderly plays an important role in the preservation of traditions and
customs that are unknown (or ignored) by younger generations, as well as in the embodiment
of a religious and moral orientation (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995). The satisfaction derived by
the elderly from their active involvement in household dynamics is in stark contrast with the
feelings of loneliness and rejection experienced by those living alone or with non-relatives
(Mehta, Osman et al. 1995).

I.2 METHOD
Having thus presented but an outline of some aspects of the experience of ageing in
Singapore, we now turn to elaborate on the first study of this research proposal.
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This first study aims at documenting the experience of ageing in the socio-technical context
of Singapore in order to elaborate on:

1) The manner in which the elderly themselves experience this natural process, and

2) What are some of the needs of the Singaporean elderly community that have the potential
to be addressed by some form of digital technology

To address the goals of this first study we will apply standard techniques of qualitative
research such as fieldwork, participant observation, interviews and focus groups to document
all aspects of the experience of ageing in Singapore. Through this variety of methods we will
gather rich data to illustrate how the elderly socialise among peers, navigate the urban
landscape, their role in the family nuclei, job prospects in the city-state, formal and informal
educational opportunities in old age, entertainment and leisure activities, physical activities,
health matters, values and norms, and community involvement.

In order to illustrate the experience of ageing across a representative sample of Singaporean

society, we will use standard theoretical sampling techniques as found in, for instance,
grounded theory (Strauss and Corbin 1998). Consequently, we will recruit participants from
across the major ethnic groups in Singapore (Chinese, Malay and Indian), as well as different
economic backgrounds, living arrangements, educational achievements, experience with
digital technology, gender, and religion. With this sample we will conduct longitudinal
research in order to illustrate changes in time across all dimensions indicated.

I.3 EXPECTED RESEARCH OUTCOMES

This study will provide much needed empirical findings on the experience of ageing in
Singapore. With such an enlarged understanding of this age group we will be better prepared
to propose a number of technological interventions grounded both in the actual socio-
technical context and identified needs of the local elderly population. We expected that such
developments will pave the way for technological developments that, while apart from the
Western milieu, respond, nonetheless, to the demands of an ageing population in the context
of Asia.

Our evolving understanding of the experience of ageing in Singapore as well as our final
findings will be published in the appropriate research venues. Furthermore, we will organise
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workshops to share our findings with a community of like-minded researchers in Singapore
and Asia.

II CONSTRUCTING THE EXPERIENCE OF AGEING IN SINGAPORE

In this second section we discuss the manner in which the experience of ageing is shaped not
only by those undergoing this process but by large scale social structures. We pay attention to
negative social attitudes to the experience of ageing. We also review initiatives that seek to
promote the wellbeing of elderly people in contemporary society. With this understanding we
propose a second study that seeks to document and understand the manner in which the
experience of ageing in Singapore is constructed by different stake-holders including the
government, different organisations, the media, and the family nuclei itself.

II.1 AGEISM
Besides the negative economic impact usually associated with a greying society, the elderly
also face more nuanced forms of discrimination in everyday life. This is generically known as
‘ageism’. Palmore (2004) defines ageism as “the ultimate prejudice, the last discrimination,
the cruellest rejection”; a form of discrimination so widespread and nefarious trailing only
two better known forms of discrimination, racism and sexism. Unlike the other forms of
discrimination, Palmore argues, all people may eventually become a target of ageism if they
live long enough. People’s ignorance of this phenomenon or outright denial may be a
consequence of its subtlety and novelty; nevertheless, as Palmore emphasises, it is
widespread in modern societies.

Ageism refers to judgement and treatment of people solely on the basis of their age. Common
indicators of ageism include stereotyped beliefs about the elderly and even gerontophobia.
Blanket generalisations regarding loss, decline and outright dysfunction in the physical,
social and psychological dimensions of life are among the most common and widespread
stereotypes held about older people (Cheung, Chan et al. 1999). However, it is important to
distinguish differences between positive and negative ageism as well as those between hostile
and compassionate stereotypes. As Cheung et al. (1999) put it, negative ageism refers to all
the maladjustments associated with old age, while positive ageism strives to portray old age
through a rosy glass. Both ageist attitudes, however, are detrimental to older people as they

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may lead to withholding the care and assistance they may need, that is, to hostile
stereotyping. Compassionate stereotyping, on the other hand, would tend to see the elderly as
less physically, psychologically or socially able than what they really are and would
encourage the provision of assistance even when unwarranted.

There is a wide variety of stereotypes in society about old age. Just as with other forms of
discrimination, the limitations placed on people by others influence the expectations people
place on themselves as they age (Harwood, Giles et al. 2001). Besides the negative impact of
ageist attitudes in self-worth, Nussbaum et al. (2000) argue ageism also affects the elderly by
excluding them from taking part in activities, reduce the quality of health care they receive,
affect their interpersonal interactions, inhibit their performance of tasks, and decrease their
perceptions of environmental control.

Western societies, given their avowed worshipping of youthfulness, are said to be

environments particularly hostile for the elderly (Cheung, Chan et al. 1999). On the other
hand, Asian cultures are frequently depicted as being more welcoming of old age as a result,
at least partially, of the Confucian ideal of filial piety or Xiao. The consequence of this
positive attitude, it is argued, can be seen in the increased respect and considerable social
power people gain as they age in those countries. However, recent studies challenge this
traditional conception of old age among Eastern cultures. For instance, it has been found
across Hong Kong, Korea and the Philippines that people’s positive association of old age
with the traits of wisdom and generosity (common and positive stereotypes of elderly people
in Asian countries) are in decline. Similar findings challenging traditional conceptions of
filial piety have also been identified in Taiwan, China and Singapore (Harwood, Giles et al.
2001). Typical explanations for these declines in the esteem traditionally assigned to old age
in Asian countries are associated with the rapid pace of industrialisation and urbanisation, and
with negative reactions (e.g., resentment) to socially-enforced observations of filial piety
(Harwood, Giles et al. 2001). Naturally, this is in detriment of the experience of ageing.

Through a survey designed to gauge the frequency of ageist attitudes experienced by older
people, Palmore (2004) found that in the USA and Canada 84% and 91% of respondents,
respectively, have experienced one or more instances of ageism. Even though the prevalence
of non-threatening ageist attitudes across the sample was widespread (e.g., receiving a
birthday card that pokes fun at older people), the more severe cases (e.g., vandalised homes)
were rare. Interestingly, even those who are supposed to be specially attuned to the
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experience of old age (e.g., gerontological social workers) and, therefore free of prejudices,
are said to hold negative stereotypes of the elderly (Cheung, Chan et al. 1999).

Not only individuals, but also institutions and governments as a whole display ageist attitudes
through, for example, their employment and compensation policies, or through their
withholding of welfare and other social benefits (Cheung, Chan et al. 1999).

II.1.1 ACTIVE AGING

To counteract the effects of widespread ageist attitudes as those illustrate above, important
organisations like the World Health Organization (WHO) seek to promote positive views of
the process of ageing through concepts like ‘active aging’. The WHO defines active aging as
“the process of optimizing opportunities and security in order to enhance quality of life as
people age” (World Health Organization 2002). With this definition the WHO attempts to
convey several ideas pertaining to the acknowledged greying of society. First, active aging is
a process that should be enjoyed by individuals and populations. Second, the preservation of
the physical, social, and mental well being of people throughout their life is paramount in
their active participation in society. Third, older people’s active participation in society
should be according to their needs, desires and capacities. Finally, adequate protection,
security and care in old age should be provided for thus who need it.

Within the context of active ageing there is a push for policies and programmes that promote
mental and physical health as well as social connections. Active aging highlights the
importance of intergenerational ties that provide “mutual aid and support when needed”
(World Health Organization 2002, p. 12). In this sense, active ageing strives to differentiate
itself from similar concepts (e.g., healthy ageing) recognising the experience of ageing as
more than a passive state. In fact, the WHO conceptualises active aging as a right to equal
opportunities and treatment in all aspects of life as people grow old.

The WHO sustains the following outcomes will be possible when health, labour market,
employment, education and social policies in support of active ageing are implemented
(World Health Organization 2002, p. 16):

- Fewer premature deaths in the highly productive stages of life.

- Fewer disabilities associated with chronic diseases in older age.

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- More people enjoying a positive quality of life as they grow older.

- More people participating actively as they age in the social, cultural, economic and political
aspects of society, in paid and unpaid roles and in domestic, family and community life, and.

- Lower costs related to medical treatment and care services.

II.1.2 SUCCESSFUL AGING

Communication perspectives on the process of ageing usually emphasise the importance of
maintaining meaningful relationships through old age. This perspective, somewhat
complementary to active ageing although with less emphasis on national-level policies, is
known as ‘successful aging’. In their review of the gerontological literature of theories and
models defining this concept (e.g., disengagement theory, activity theory, continuity theory,
etc.), Nussbaum et al. (2000) argue they all tend to present an individualistic perspective of
this experience. This narrow view of successful aging is, Nussbaum et al. contend, a
consequence of the psychological orientation behind these social studies that only focuses on
the individual experience.

Nussbaum et al., argue successful aging should be conceptualised as a communication

relation between interactants. In this manner, the basic unit of study of successful aging is not
the individual by him or herself, but the dyad of interactants whose communication may
define a relationship over the space of decades. For Nussbaum et al. (2000) successful aging
is, therefore, a life-span process that should be studied under a more comprehensive view to
understand all its facets.

Because a communication relation is mediated and shaped not only by the environment
where it takes place, but also by other individuals populating that environment, a social
perspective of successful aging could produce a better understanding of this process. A social
perspective of the process of aging portrays elderly people as more than a list of (expected)
characteristics or as passive recipients of imagined roles. Enhanced perspectives counter to
the ageist discourse recast this process, at least among those who can afford it, as a time of
liberation and exploration. These characteristics are said to be at the heart of an ‘experiential
marketplace’ where sensation, education, adventure and culture are the core pursuits of the
baby-boom generation (Dychtwald 1990; Johnson 2010).

Alternative views on the process of ageing like active aging and successful aging seek to
establish older people as “active participants in a system of relationships.” Successful aging,
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Nussbaum et al. conclude, may thus be found in the “maintenance of a stable relational
system”. The study of such relations should form the basis of approaches to a better
understanding of the process of ageing (Nussbaum, Pecchioni et al. 2000, pp. 340-341).

II.1.3 COUNCIL FOR THIRD AGE

As suggested in the preceding paragraphs, the process of ageing is socially-constructed; many
structures in contemporary society strive to shape it in benefits of those undergoing this
process. Nevertheless, even the best of intentions may sometimes have the opposite effect.
Before presenting the second study in this proposal we will illustrate this circumstance
through the work of Singapore’s Council for Third Age (C3A). This critique will attempt to
justify the study proposed next.

In Singapore the ideals of active ageing are reflected in the aims of the C3A. Funded in May
2007, the C3A describes itself as an independent body that seeks to promote “active ageing to
enable seniors to achieve a better quality of life in all the six dimensions of wellness – social,
intellectual, physical, vocational, emotional and spiritual.” The C3A also aims at partnering
with community and commercial organisations to “develop products and services that meet
the various needs and interests of seniors”1.

Given its positioning as the leading organisation for all things pertaining to old age in
Singapore, we consider useful to analyse C3A’s strategy on this matter as presented in its
corporate video available online2. We do this to illustrate the manner in which the experience
of ageing is constructed by the local government through this organisation. This will also
provide a critical perspective justifying the study we will propose later in this section.

In the following paragraphs text in italics represents the audible portion of C3A’s corporate
video; it will be used to structure our analysis. C3A’s corporate video appears to have been
shot during the launching of this organisation at an event entitled ‘Active Ageing Carnival’.
After the narrator’s opening remarks, the camera lingers on a mature woman at the podium,
presumably an important person in the organisation, who declares, “We want seniors to know
that they have choices beyond growing old.” The implication of this statement can only be
understood in the context of what the process of ageing apparently has come to signify for
Singaporean society in particular, and for the world in general (cf. with section I.1 Who are

1
http://www.c3a.org.sg/
2
http://www.c3a.org.sg/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=46&Itemid=48
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the Elderly? above). An equivalent expression in reference to earlier stages of human
development–– for instance, “there are many more things to do in addition to maturing” or
“there are many more things to do in addition to being young”–– is comparatively absent
from society’s vocabulary. The statement thus reveals that in the context of Singaporean
society growing old has come to represent a process of decay, of growing out of service, of
breaking down, of isolation, emptiness, purposelessness, and meaninglessness. Certainly, a
relentless loss of individual identity, value, purpose and goals. It is the inevitability of this
process and of the negative images ingrained in the public psyche about it––including the
minds of those undergoing the process of ageing themselves––that seem to be highlighted
and denounced by this declaration.

Later, Mr. Gerard Ee, C3A Chairman, adds, “The Council for Third Age has as its mission to
help people to form social networks through activities and these social networks become the
basis for them to develop mutual support towards achieving a better quality of life.” With
these words Mr. Ee discloses the manner in which C3A attempts to tackle the ‘problem’ of
old age. The solution, it is implied, will come from the elderly themselves; their ability to
form networks to support each other appears to be central in C3A’s strategy to realise active
ageing. Indeed, this point is further clarified next as the narrator declares, “Active ageing
means optimising opportunities for health, participation, and security to enhance quality of
life as we age.” The goal of the C3A is, curiously, not about providing those elements
(health, participation, and security) arguably paramount in achieving ‘quality of life’, but in
optimising them. Such a declaration implies that those elements leading to quality of life are
already being widely provided; C3A’s mission is thus to, somehow, fine-tune them.

Mr. Gerard Ee then continues, “C3A is committed to create an active ageing culture in
Singapore so that everyone can age with dignity.” Ageing with dignity, a term here made
analogous with quality of life (see previous paragraph) is defined as the product of an active
ageing culture in Singapore. Interestingly, because the range of activities normally organised
by the C3A (as well as those depicted in the video itself) would appear to exclusively involve
the elderly themselves, it may appear to tacitly suggest that it is only them, the elderly, who
are responsible for creating this ‘ageing culture’ in Singapore. This statement over-simplifies
the manner in which contemporary societies are constructed (see for instance (Berger and
Luckmann 1990)), effectively declaring that it is the elderly themselves who are responsible
for constructing an island-wide ageing culture in which they can live/age with dignity.

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This implication is, in fact, made clearer next as the narrator states, “Active aging means that
as we grow older we can maintain a vibrant, enriching life by making the most of
opportunities to grow and stay connected with friends, family and society.” In other words,
the achievement of active ageing, ageing with dignity and, in general, an ageing culture is the
result of independent and individual efforts to remain connected with different social groups.
The image of ageing thus revealed is indeed one for which the elders are solely responsible. It
is them, it would appear to imply, who fail to make the most of opportunities to grow and to
stay in touch with friends, family and society. It is, therefore, them who are responsible for
not ageing with dignity. Under this argument, the rest of society is set apart from the
experience of ageing and indeed exempted from providing for this natural human condition.

In fact, the reality of this choice for elderly people is fully acknowledged in the following
statement in the video, “Active ageing is a choice and C3A is committed to giving
Singaporeans choices and transforming the way they live their senior years.” It is, as we
have argued, a path walked independently and individually. No one, but the elderly
themselves, is responsible for transforming their image, and therefore, their role in
contemporary society. No one, but the elderly themselves, is responsible for transforming
their lot in their senior years.

Only when the elderly are considered as resources in the machinery of society is their
condition seen as less foreign from mainstream society. This much can be gathered from the
following in the video, “Seniors are valuable resources for the family and community. With
their vast work and life experiences seniors will be able to continue contributing to society if
they are given the opportunity to deploy their skills and knowledge.” It is only under this
utilitarian, but nonetheless idealistic, view of the elderly as an untapped labour resource that
their existence is still considered valuable in the workings of society.

The full integration of elderly people with mainstream society does not only come from their
vast experience alone. Through its Go Fund, C3A expects to “support efforts by seniors to
develop programmes and activities for themselves and other seniors; nurture a vibrant
seniors’ voluntary sector; and develop the seniors market in Singapore to provide seniors
with a wide range of products and services.” The full integration of senior people into
mainstream Singaporean society is thus conditioned on their ability to develop their own
market catering to their own special needs and likings. Even though this perspective would
appear to place the elderly on a more egalitarian footing with the rest of society, it depicts
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them as in possession of a certain economic power to support this ‘new’ market. On the other
hand, it acknowledges the disinterest of existing providers of services and goods to target this
segment; the burden of developing and sustaining said market is, once more, placed on the
elderly themselves.

To sum up, according to C3A active ageing is an individual and conscious choice to live a
full life throughout old age. In realising such a life the elderly, as a group, are solely
responsible for their role in contemporary society.

II.2 METHOD
Having illustrated the manner in which the experience of ageing is shaped by multiple social
forces, we now present the second study of this research proposal. This study aims at
understanding the role multiple organisations and policies play in constructing the experience
of ageing in Singapore and their impact among older people. This is a complementary study
to the first study described above. More particularly, this study aims at:

1) documenting the impact of national-level policies on the experience of ageing in areas

such as health-care, employment opportunities, social participation, access to information,
and family integration.

2) documenting the role different public and private organisations have in shaping the process
of ageing in areas such as transportation, social participation, religious life, employment and
healthcare.

32) documenting the impact of depictions of old age across different media including TV,
radio, newspapers, magazines, and the Internet in the process of ageing, and

4) documenting the role of the family nuclei in the experience of ageing.

Drawing from different critical perspectives, we will conduct extend analysis of the different
elements mentioned. With this understanding we will reconstruct the manner in which the
experience of ageing in Singapore is shaped and sustained by different structures of
contemporary society. Such an understanding, in combination with the previous study, will
allow us to track individual responses to large scale social process across different aspects of
everyday living in old age.

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II.3 EXPECTED RESEARCH OUTCOMES
This second study will not only provide a social background in which to interpret the
experience of ageing in Singapore, but more importantly, it will provide empirical evidence
documenting the impact at an individual level of various social structures shaping this
process.

As with the previous study, such an increased knowledge of the experience of ageing in
Singapore and of the role of the many actors in this process will allow us to identify specific
areas in which the development of digital technology may adequately solve some of the needs
of the elderly.

More importantly, though, this study will allow us to identify best strategies to facilitate the
introduction of digital technology in harmony with the interests of diverse stakeholders in the
process of ageing in this city-state. It is expected that this harmonisation of synergies between
various institutions shaping the process of ageing, those undergoing the process, and those of
technology developers would facilitate the appropriation of novel digital technology among
the senior community in Singapore.

As before, our evolving understanding of the manner in which the experience of ageing is
shaped in Singapore, along with our increased understanding of best strategies for the
introduction of novel technology for the elderly will be published in the appropriate research
venues. We expect to organise workshops not only among the scientific community, but also
among those stakeholder mentioned to share our findings and propitiate the synergies
indicated.

III INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGIES FOR THE

ELDERLY
In this last section we review the literature pertaining to the development of technology for
the elderly from the Human-Computer Interaction (HCI) perspective. We describe some of
the common goals behind the development of technology for elderly people in this field, as
well as those areas of human endeavour commonly targeted by these developments. We use
this understanding to propose the development of two systems. The first system aims at
fostering fundamental computer literacy among elderly people through ludic digital activities.

16
The second system, HigherNetwork, aims at providing a multi-platform ICT to enhance the
information and communication reach of the elderly population in Singapore.

III.1 DESIGNING AND EVALUATING TECHNOLOGIES FOR THE

ELDERLY
The process of ageing has received considerable attention by the Human-Computer
Interaction community (HCI). In the first edition of the Handbook of Human-Computer
Interaction, Czaja (1988) describes ageing as a “gradual biological process which occurs
throughout the life cycle.” From this perspective, ageing is both a natural condition and a
continuous sequence of events. Ageing brings a number of psychological and physiological
changes not uniformly experienced and varying from individual to individual. In general,
these changes fall within three major categories: biological, sociological and behavioural (see
also (Carmichael 1999)). Interestingly, illness is not an inherent characteristic of ageing.
From a functional perspective it is possible to distinguish between ‘primary ageing’, or
disease-free ageing, and ‘secondary ageing’, or declines associated to pathological conditions
(Czaja 1988).

Several authors have identified areas where ageing directly impacts the use of technology by
older people, especially when dealing with personal computers (e.g. (Czaja 1988; Czaja
1997; Hutchison 1997; Carmichael 1999)). HCI practitioners are encouraged to first
understand these problems in order to recognize and propose solutions that might satisfy the
exceptional needs of the ageing population. Accordingly, research in HCI has traditionally
targeted the areas of vision, hearing, body size and strength, as well as the cognitive and
learning abilities of the older generation (see for instance, (Czaja 1988; Czaja 1997;
Hawthorn 2000; Karvonen 2000)).

III.1.1 AGEING IN PLACE

Behind the development of technology to compensate for declines in old age, it is possible to
recognise a general aim to assist the elderly in continuing with an independent and active life
and ‘age in place’. This vision of old age is usually advanced as the ideal goal of the elderly
population. It is suggested that this condition is most likely achieved by those not
experiencing steep declines in their physical and cognitive abilities and who, therefore, do not
need to resort to caring facilities or dedicated assistance.

17
It could be argued that ageing in place is not just a desired condition by older people
themselves, but also one national governments seek to promote and support (cf. with sections
II.1.1 Active Aging and II.1.2 Successful Aging above). This is done to diminish the
demands an increasingly older population places on, for instance, national health systems and
on the entire social structure (Phillips and Bartlett 1995; Shneiderman 2000). Generally
speaking, there are three areas where the penetration of technology is said to play an
important part in the opportunities older people have to age in place. These include the
workplace, healthcare and home environments (Czaja 1997; White, McConnell et al. 2002).

III.1.1.1 WORKPLACE
The pervasive use of computers in work environments practically forces every single
individual to some level of computer literacy to remain economically productive. In the
context of Singapore this is an issue of particular interest, not only because older workers are
said to be an invaluable source of experience and knowledge for organisations and younger
employees (Dychtwald 1990; Lim 2003), but because of the peculiar conditions of this city-
state. Since 1989 the Singaporean government formulated a policy regarding the elderly
which, among other things, emphasises the continuation of an active role in the workforce in
old age. To this end, in 2012 the Singaporean government is expected to enact re-
employment legislation to enable people to continue working past the statutory retirement age
of 62 and up to 65 and 67. In this context of this legislation re-employment is not understood
simply as the extension of retirement age, but rather as a re-location to a job position with
demands and benefits matching older workers’ abilities (Singapore National Employers
Federation 2010). This provision strives to diminish both the demands directly imposed on
government resources by the elderly (Phillips and Bartlett 1995), and those expected by
diminishing birth rates. The Singaporean government is adamant to offset these declines
through the loosening of immigration reforms; the maximisation of local labour resources is
the acknowledged way forward out of this situation (Tay 2010).

Even though Singaporean elderly are said to express little anxiety by the prospect of retiring,
they are, nonetheless, concerned with the prospect of retirement as it deprives them of the
one activity, employment, that gave their lives a temporal structure, as well as a sense of
value and independence (Lim 2003). These issues may account for the reasons why
Singaporean elderly upon retirement are willing to either, accept a different occupation in the
same industry, a different occupation in a different industry, or a temporary position instead
18
of part-time, despite the lack of benefits offered to the former. It remains to be seen what will
be the impact of local policies for re-employment on an ageing population with little
computer literacy in a working environment increasingly saturated by digital technology
(Lim 2003).

III.1.1.2 HEALTHCARE
Healthcare-related technologies are those that offer either the possibility of a permanent link
between patients and caregivers, or between patients and family members. These
technologies are usually praised because they are said to assist in the maintenance of
adequate contact levels and thus promote independence without disrupting privacy, and
without the burden of actual visits to check on the status of elderly people (Forlizzi, DiSalvo
et al. 2004; Ballegaard, Hansen et al. 2008; Rege, Jung et al. 2008).

It is worth analysing the prospects of these technologies in the context of Singapore. As

indicated earlier, a large proportion (85%) of Singaporean elderly across the major ethnic
groups (Chinese, Malay and Indian) co-reside with their children (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995;
Shantakumar 1999). As seen, this is the result of local policies to a) diminish the impact of an
ageing population on national resources by unloading them unto the family nuclei (Rege,
Jung et al. 2008), and b) counteract what is seen as a diminishing of the traditional Asian
conception of filial piety (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995; Shantakumar 1999). In practice, both
provisions for co-residence between the elderly and their adult children appear to address the
major concern of the former, namely, the actual, visible availability of a blood-relative who
may guarantee the provision of care as health declines in old age (Mehta, Osman et al. 1995).
Research and development in healthcare technology based on the idea of the independent
elderly person living away from his or her family may thus be ill suited to the realities of the
family structure in Singapore.

III.1.1.3 HOME ENVIRONMENTS

Home settings are the last area in which digital technology is portrayed as an important
element of the process of ageing in place. Through computer technologies the elderly would
be able to satisfy their needs, for instance, when house-bounded due to lack of transportation
means or because of special health conditions. Not only that, computers could help in
supporting tasks that depend on memory (e.g., appointments and medications), since this

19
continues diminishing throughout old age (Bauer, Streefkerk et al. 2005; Kimel and Lundell
2007).

The communication and information possibilities of digital technology may also contribute in
the preservation of the social aspects of older people’s lives. Some studies (Kubeck 1999;
White, McConnell et al. 1999; White, McConnell et al. 2002) suggest use of the Internet,
email and other so-called social applications may foster independent living among senior
citizens (Fraser 2004). White et al. (2002), for instance, list several reasons why the Internet
and email can improve the social support and psychosocial well being of older people. Their
reasons include an increased frequency of communication with family and friends who have
access to these technologies; exploration of interests and hobbies; access to consumer
information and community resources; increased opportunities to meet new people and
interact with others; better time control; and finally, re-establishment and improvement of
communications with the outside world.

Several circumstances may account for the appeal the Internet and email appears to have
among older people. First, the Internet is said to have a reduced set of features (when
compared to traditional computer applications) easing its learning curve. Second, with the
exception of email, there is limited need for typing on the Internet. Lastly, the Internet is
mostly operated using only a pointing device (White, McConnell et al. 1999).

This optimistic view of the appeal of the Internet and email for older people is challenged by
two circumstances. On the one hand, the effects of ageing (cognitive, vision and hearing
declines) negatively impact use of any novel digital technology. On the other hand, elderly
people simply ignore the often-touted benefits of digital technology like speed, efficiency,
and community and social capital building. More particularly, there is widespread
unawareness of this technology’s potential; cost concerns specially for people with low-
incomes; ignorance of computer language, terminology, and conventions; unwillingness to
seek assistance; belief in the irrelevance of services available; inappropriate locations to
access computers and the Internet; and finally, inaccessible web designs ((Shneiderman 2000;
National Audit Office 2003; Sourbati 2004)). Elsewhere, low income levels, as well as low
educational achievements, employment status, and racial and cultural differences have also
been identified as factors hindering the adoption of technology in some segments of the
population (National Telecommunications and Information Administration 2000).

20
In light of these counter-views, it is worth considering the prospects of ICT among senior
people in Singapore. According to Singapore’s Infocomm Development Agency (IDA) 80%
percent of households in this country have access to a computer as of 2008, while 76% have
home Internet access (Infocomm Development Authority of Singapore 2009). Since 94.8% of
elderly Singaporeans live with their children (Ministry of Community Development 2005),
presumably, younger generations of co-residents, it would be reasonable to assume that a
considerable segment of the senior population in Singapore already has access to a computer
at home (even when they may not personally own it). Interestingly, a study by Chong (2004)
with a small sample of senior Singaporeans reveals that computer access does not imply use.
As of 2003 (i.e., five years before the statistics mentioned) the role computers and the
Internet play in the leisure and information activities of Singaporean elderly is quite
insignificant. Moreover, as expected, it is only those with some form of computer experience
who are more likely to surf the Web and play computer games as leisure activities. Computer
experience, in turn, appears to be linked with the level of education attained. Computer
experience, however, is not related to utilitarian uses of the Internet; in other words, the
elderly in Singapore barely use computers to address their information needs.

III.1.1.4 TECHNOLOGY DESIGN FOR THE ELDERLY

To diminish and counteract the effects of the ‘digital divide’ in which the elderly unwillingly
find themselves, several organizations promote the development of human-centred design
guidelines based in a clear understanding of the challenges and needs of the disabled
population––among which the elderly are regularly considered––for the development of
physical and virtual spaces. Promoters of universal design3 (Marcus 2003) propose designs
that heighten confidence, comfort, and control allowing social equity regardless of variations
in human ability (Institute for Human Centered Design 2010).

While universal design has promoted the practice of design with special consideration for
human disabilities, other groups have specifically focused in the development of technologies
and information systems specifically designed for older people. This is the case of, for
instance, universal usability (www.universalusability.org), an initiative that by segmenting
the user population and providing the right amount of knowledge (among other goals)
pretends to satisfy the needs of older users (Shneiderman 2000). The UTOPIA (Usable
technology for Older People: Inclusive and Appropriate) project, a consortium of four
3
Universal design is also known as universal access, usability for all, design for all, and inclusive design.
21
Scottish universities, follows this view; it aims at overcoming the obstacles of computer
access among older people. To do this, UTOPIA applies standard HCI techniques in the
collection of information about older people in their regular habitat (e.g., day centres,
residential homes, and private livings). This information combined with an understanding of
the different levels of technology expertise among senior people in the context of their
specific impairments attempts to build more appropriate information technology for this age
group (Dickinson, Eisma et al. 2002).

However, a critical evaluation of the outcomes of the above initiatives suggests they can at
best produce isolated results in the long term; in this manner, such initiatives fail to address
the needs of the wider elderly population. On the other hand, the availability of an increasing
number of design guidelines and developments (see for instance (Weeks 1997; Hawthorn
2000; Hanson 2001; Zajicek 2001; Gregor, Newell et al. 2002; Chadwick-Dias, McNulty et
al. 2003; Hawthorn 2003; Richards and Hanson 2004; Zajicek 2004) to produce information
technologies for the elderly does not seem to ensure the acceptance and use of technologies
thus produced (Shneiderman 2000).

III.1.1.5 HELPING THE ELDERLY THROUGH TECHNOLOGY

The literature across the HCI, communication, and psychology disciplines is full with
examples of (a) technological interventions destined to help the elderly cope with the
physical, mental and social declines of the process of aging described above, and (b)
assessments of old people’s motivations, purposes, and skills in dealing with existing ICT.

For instance, in a study exploring the ability of older people to find information online,
Sayago and Blat (Sayago and Blat 2007) comment this process is affected by two
components. First, there are those characteristics of technology that make it hard to use by
older people (e.g., information density online). Second, there are those characteristics of older
people themselves that further complicate the use of technology (e.g., low literacy levels that
lead to typos or diminished dexterity and arthritis that made using a standard keyboard hard).

Interestingly, regardless of these disadvantages, after training has been provided, older people
can perform as good as younger adults in, for instance, finding answers online to difficult
problems (Kubeck 1999). It is, of course, not a breakthrough the observation that some older
people are motivated to learn for reasons of self-fulfilment and pleasure, or to keep their
minds active and stimulated, and thus to delay the effects of ageing (Boulton-Lewis 2010). It
22
is interesting to observe, however, that the development of novel ICT as an aid in the process
of ageing is, more usually than not, a unilateral enterprise performed on behalf of the elderly.
Usually, such an enterprise is launched with a meagre understanding of the world senior
people inhabit. As a consequence, novel digital technology is resisted and hardly
appropriated. As seen, this is not necessarily a consequence of older people’s failure to
master technology, but because the novel device stands apart from the practice it is supposed
to assist.

The following example could help illustrate this point. Walk 2 Win (Mubin, Shahid et al.
2008) is a “socially interactive mobile game for the elderly” positioned as an aid in the,
apparently, insipid environment of a community centre somewhere in The Netherlands. It is
worth noticing that, even though the authors emphasise how the game is a product of a close
collaboration between designers and users, Walk 2 Win ultimately amounts to a sophisticated
memory game distributed around a room. What is more, even though the game is a success
among its users during the evaluation session, there is no way elderly participants can take it
home so as to integrate it in their everyday, common leisure or exercising practices. This, of
course, is the fate of every prototype technology; nevertheless, what we want to highlight
here is how this, and many other technological developments, attempt to address widely held
stereotypes of older people and contribute to their solution––This, in fact, could be
understood as a pre-condition of ageist attitudes. In doing this, the authors fail to recognise
the process of aging as one that extends beyond the confines of the community centre––a
place which, in the first place, senior people usually visit to socialise in the manner they see
fit––and the many elements that contribute to making a technology common. In attempting to
reconfigure the experience of aging through a narrow intervention such as Walk 2 Win, the
authors replicate what we believe to be a common practice behind the development of
modern digital technology, that is, solving the ‘problems’ of aging.

Technology developers, however, are not the only unwilling actors of the ageist world. Even
though learning in old age has been recognised as a way of remaining actively involved in
society (Boulton-Lewis 2010) and, therefore, as a way to age successfully, some researchers
observe old people are discouraged from using ICT at home even when family support has
been shown to be an important influence in the appropriation of digital technology (Sayago
and Blat 2007). The presence of this attitude at home, perhaps an instance of compassionate
stereotyping or outright ageism in the use of ICT at home, has been little researched––In fact,

23
in our review of the literature we have only found Sayago and Blat’s observation of this
particular phenomenon. Nevertheless, it is our contention this situation may be behind the
findings of some studies.

III.1.1.6 COMPUTER TRAINING FOR OLDER PEOPLE

Some have suggested that low-levels of computer use among senior people can be corrected
through different forms of (re-)education (Rogers 1999). The development of computer skills
among (healthy) elderly has been proposed as an alternative to promote a deeper and lasting
integration of technology in their lives. It is expected that such integration can be carried
forward throughout the process of ageing when this has produced a greater toll in older
people’s lives. This argument is based on the simple idea that entrenched habits (between
people and digital technology) are hard to break (Czaja 1997). Ideally, the formation of such
habits would be fostered by gentle introductions (i.e. training programs) that take into
account the characteristics, abilities, and needs of older people and their impact on the use of
computer technology.

Few studies in HCI have addressed the need to produce appropriate materials and
programmes of study to introduce older people to the use of computers. For instance, Czaja
(1997) provides an excellent review of previous studies addressing the limitations of older
people when participating in computer training. From these studies a number of
recommendations were issued to produce experiences and material that might prompt
positive results when training older people. These recommendations include the provision of
materials written in ‘very’ simple language with enough illustrations of different procedures;
use of human instructors; use of goal-oriented activities; and use of adequate analogies
highlighting the differences between real objects and the system under study4. While valuable
to understand how to teach older people, these guidelines do not address the problem of what
to teach them.

Gasen (1999) suggests a focus in “the learning needs of older adults”, but besides those needs
traditionally associated with old age like health issues, there are no further suggestions to
address other needs, if any. Mannová (1999) describes a positive experience in the
development of IT courses aimed at older people, and though a list of subjects that may be

4
An extended list of training recommendations for older people can be found in Czaja, S. J. (1997). Computer
Technology and the Older Adult. Handbook of Human-Computer Interaction. M. Helander, Elsevier Science
B.V.: 797-812..
24
taught is provided (e.g. Internet, word processing, spreadsheets, etc.) he fails to define the
aim of such a course; how the aim influences the depth and structure of the knowledge
provided; how this knowledge satisfies the communicative and information needs of older
people; and the actual impact of such courses in the uptake of ICT among older people, if at
all. Rogers (1999) argues older people are indeed willing to endure training to learn how to
use everyday technologies (e.g. security systems, VCRs, credit card scanners, etc.).
Furthermore, when these interventions are combined with the application of adequate design
guidelines it is more likely to result in the adoption of technology among older people.

The provision of proper computer training seems to be the strategy currently being followed
by the Singaporean government to foster the adoption of computer technology among older
people. In the context of Singapore bridging of this digital divide would appear to amount to
providing the elderly with the ICT skills needed to promote self-sufficiency and autonomy.
Consequently, the Silver Infocomm Initiative organised by the Infocomm Development
Authority (IDA) of Singapore aims at providing ‘digital lifestyle skills’ to 30,000 senior
citizens (here defined as those 50 and above) from 2007 to 2010 through a variety of
interventions. First, Silver Infocomm Days are events featuring talks, exhibitions and actual
use of various ICTs ranging from social networking to blogging to multimedia applications to
demonstrate the ‘benefits’ of these technologies among seniors. Second, Silver Infocomm
Junctions are specific venues––currently only five in operation and three more expected
before 2010––where elderly people can receive in-depth learning on the use of ICT. Third,
Silver Infocomm Curriculum, a purportedly built curriculum in English and Chinese for
seniors to learn basic and advances skills with ICT. And finally, Silver Infocomm Hot Spots
that are up to a 100 free computer- and Internet-enable spaces deployed by 2012 island-wide
across accessible venues for the elderly such as community centres, senior citizen connect
areas and society buildings (Infocomm Development Authority of Singapore 2010). While
the real outcome of this initiative is as yet unknown, it represents an ambitious plan attacking
the problem of the digital divide in a more comprehensive manner than, apparently, any
previous effort reported in the literature.

One of our research team members has had the opportunity to participate as an instructor at
last year’s Silver Infocomm Day and later at several ‘Intergenerational IT bootcamp’ courses
also organised by the IDA in Singapore. Unlike Silver Infocomm Day courses, an
Intergenerational IT bootcamp course seeks to foster the adoption of technology among
25
elderly people by literally bringing together two different generations (grandparents and
grandchildren, parents and children, aunts and nieces) to a computer course.

In our opinion there are several fundamental problems unaddressed by Silver Infocomm Day
courses and, for that matter, by any of the research on computer training for older people
indicated above. First, there is the fact that elderly people struggle mightily to perform basic
operations with both standard input devices of current computer technology (i.e., mice and
keyboards) and state-of-the-art graphical user interfaces. Because of our experience in
Intergenerational IT bootcamp courses we can say that it is not helpful for seniors to be
paired with a youngster who tacitly rushes them to complete the steps of a given procedure.
Even when well-intentioned, a youngster’s intervention in, for instance, completing the task a
senior can not during a course is ultimately detrimental. While youngster can indeed easily
perform the task of say, typing a Web address, their abilities to demonstrate it are rather
minimal. For example, they would not take the time to indicate that it is first necessary to
click the Web browser address bar, type the desired Web address, and then press the Enter
key or the Go to button to actually go to the desired destination. Perhaps their own familiarity
with these basics tasks precludes them from being able to separate and demonstrate the mini-
steps required to move from one website to another. To be clear, some children do in fact
demonstrate a procedure, but the speed in which they do it and their inability to provide a
clear rationale (demonstration-explanation) for the procedure precludes the elderly from
understanding how a chain of minis-steps is necessary to achieve a desired outcome.

Second, elderly people in general lack the mental framework necessary to understand the
underlying conceptual models proposed by modern Internet applications like, for instance,
social networks to ‘administer’ friendship, or microblogging for background ‘awareness.
What is more, important issues of privacy and security online along with their intricate and
granular aspects are further removed from the grasp of a generation whose communication
experience is only rooted in the possibilities of life offline. It is very unlikely that these
complex issues can be addressed in a single, one-time only, 3-4 hrs training course.
Consequently, elderly people will continue resisting novel ICT as long as the new modes of
communication and ‘needs’ purportedly satisfied by this technology remain foreign to their
everyday living.

26
Finally, and related to the previous point, it is unrealistic to expect that, again, a single, one-
time only, 3-4 hrs computer training course will produce, by itself and beyond the classroom,
the environment supportive of the appropriation of ICT in everyday life.

The actual impact of the Silver Infocomm Initiative courses can be better appreciated by
contrasting this single event in older people’s lives with the digital landscape children and
teenagers inhabit in, for instance, the intergenerational household. Unlike children and
teenagers, the elderly live in a world in which their acquisition of IT-related skills is not
portrayed as paramount to their eventual ‘success’ later in life. Similarly, the elderly are
neither rewarded nor bribed by the prospects of a new mobile phone, a personal computer, or
a video game console in exchange for, say, good grades or good behaviour. In fact, unlike
younger people, the elderly are not expected to be ‘equipped’ by their main providers with
the latest digital gadgetry to successfully perform a productive activity––like studying in the
case of younger people––in contemporary society. Even more, unlike toddlers, young
children and teenagers, the elderly are not ‘pacified’ or entertained with the equivalent of
‘digital rattlers’ in the form of handheld game consoles, games in smartphones or films in in
car entertainment systems.

It is in the overall context of this social reality faced by the elderly in an increasingly
saturated digital world that we present the final two developments of this research proposal.

III.2 INTERACTIVE LUDIC TUTORIALS

III.2.1 METHOD
To address some of the shortcomings of the Silver Infocomm Initiative––e.g., providing
enough basic computer literacies to elderly people to enable them to competently perform
standard hardware and software procedures, conveying compelling enough scenarios
illustrating the potential benefits of computing technology, and creating the environment in
which computing technology is more likely to be adopted––we will develop a number of
interactive ludic tutorials whose main purposes are:

- Familiarising elderly people with the basic operation of computer keyboards and mice

- Familiarising elderly people with the basic operations of contemporary graphical user
interfaces
27
- Familiarising elderly people with the basic operation of touch-screen technologies

- Familiarising elderly people with conceptual models underlying contemporary Web 2.0
applications

- Familiarising elderly people with the benefits of contemporary Web 2.0 applications

- Familiarising elderly people the operation of contemporary Web 2.0 applications

- Familiarising elderly people with important privacy, security, and advertising issues of the
contemporary online landscape

Our interactive ludic tutorials are envisioned as an emulation of the playful environment in
which most youth have learnt to operate computer technology, without necessary forcing
elderly people to play a game. Our tutorials are also envisioned as compelling stand-alone
digital activities whereby elderly people can first acquire and then refresh basic computer
literacies at their own convenience regardless of their physical setting. To achieve this, our
tutorials will be available across different computing platforms including standard desktop
computers and portable devices. We consider important to target multiple platforms to
prepare this elderly generation to cope with the not-so distant onslaught of increasingly
popular smartphone device and computer appliance and applications (e.g., in the form of
tablet computers like Apple’s iPad). These tutorials will provide fully-working, stripped-
down versions of actual Web 2.0 applications to familiarise elderly users with the ‘feel’ (i.e.,
interaction paradigms, visual metaphors and other conventions of standard graphical-user
interfaces) of contemporary applications. Finally, out interactive ludic tutorials will provide a
digital playground in which elderly people can safely experiment with the potentials and risks
of modern computer technology.

III.2.2 EXPECTED RESEARCH OUTCOME

The practical outcome of this project is a vast array of interactive ludic tutorials that
complements extant efforts to familiarise elderly people with the operation of modern ICT as
well as with the benefits and potentials of this technology in everyday life.

From a research standpoint this project will provide empirical data to aid in the design,
development and deployment of ICT purportedly built to target and increase the digital
competencies of elderly people in Singapore. These findings may prove useful in the
development of future technology that addresses the wider socio-technical milieu of elderly

28
people in Southeast Asia. Our findings and the different aspects of our work will be
disseminated in the appropriate scientific venues.

III.3 THE HIGHERNETWORK SYSTEM

III.3.1 METHOD
The HigherNetwork project aims at addressing the lack of an appropriate software system
that caters to the specific information and communication needs of the elderly community in
Singapore.

To address this problem we will develop a multi-platform system, HigherNetwork, whose

aim is to provide:

1) information resources deemed and vetted important for and by the elderly community in
Singapore including, but not limited to, health matters, job opportunities and re-training skills
past retirement age, social involvement within the community, leisure and entertainment, and
products and services for seniors; and

2) a decentralised content platform to encourage the autonomous creation of social capital by

the Singaporean elderly community itself.

By reason of being reflective of their symbolic world in the digital age, the HigherNetwork
system ultimately aims at becoming the point of reference among Singaporean elderly for all
issues related to their social group in this city-state.

This research project draws on primary data gathered through fieldwork described in the first
two studies of this research proposal regarding the experience of ageing in Singapore and the
manner in which different social structures shape this process in this city-state. Our first two
studies will provide empirical data expanding on the peculiarities of the elderly population in
Singapore in areas such as literacy, living arrangements, re-employment opportunities, socio-
economic factors and multi-culturality that have been previously explored in (Chong &
Theng 2004; Infocomm Development Authority of Singapore 2009; Lim & Nekmat 2009;
Lim 2003; Mehta et al. 1995; Ministry of Community Development 2005; Phillips & Bartlett
1995; Shantakumar 1999; Williams et al. 1999)

Building on this understanding, we will apply participatory design to develop, deploy and test
HigherNetwork, a multi-platform information and communication system. HigherNetwork
29
will be deployed across existing infrastructures like the Internet, digital TV, mobile telephony
and other smart appliances. Through the HigherNetwork system we will develop a hybrid
information and communication technology (i.e., a mashup) that borrows aspects from
different popular Web applications and re-interprets them in the context of the elderly
community in Singapore.

At least the following features or subsystems will be incorporated into the HigherNetwork
system:

1. Bulletin Board System (BBS) to allow and promote the free flow of information and
knowledge within the elderly community around an undefined number of topics, as well as
group and personal interests.

2. Wiki to allow, promote and aggregate a repository of ‘sanctioned’ information deemed

relevant by the elderly on matters pertaining to their own life experience in Singapore.

3. Social Network to promote social participation and cohesion among the elderly community
in Singapore between identified parties.

Because the HigherNetwork system is conceived as a multi-platform system, it will be

available through different standard infrastructures. With this requirement we will not only
strive to reach the widest elderly audience in Singapore, but also to facilitate and encourage
system usage by providing a variety of access channels tailored to different information and
communication needs and technological expertise as well as technological platforms.

The design, implementation, and testing of the HigherNetwork system will place special
emphasis on the abilities of elderly people reviewed earlier when interacting with different
digital technology, while taking into account both the features and restrictions of different
platforms. For instance, while the ability to post information to HigherNetowork may be a
standard feature of the PC/Web-based system, the same feature (information posting) may be
altogether eliminated or refined to accommodate this feature to the standard capacities of, for
instance, digital TV or mobile telephony, respectively.

Given the ambitious aims of the HigherNetwork system (i.e., a number of subsystems
accessed through a variety of digital platforms by an elderly user base) we will approach this
project through a participatory design methodology. Through this methodology will not only
seek to address the usability aspects of technology created for the elderly in the particular
socio-technical context of Singapore, but we will also aim at involving diverse stakeholders
30
(e.g., governments, corporations, the media, local organisations, families and peers) early in
the design, development and implementation process to favour the synergies that are
ultimately at the root of any novel successful technology.

III.3.2 EXPECTED RESEARCH OUTCOMES

The outcome of this project is a multiplatform information and communication system for
elderly Singaporean known as HigherNetwork. The system will operate across different
infrastructures including digital TV, the Internet, mobile telephony, and other so-called smart
appliances.

However, the HigherNetwork system is only part of the general outcome of this project.
Besides the system itself, we aim at gathering a self-sufficient, self-sustaining community of
Singaporean elderly users that produce, edit, and consume the HigherNetwork system content
thereby addressing their own information and communication needs with minimal
intervention from third parties.

The HigherNetwork system also aims at providing an additional, dedicated distribution

channel of products and services for the elderly community in Singapore.

Furthermore, from a research standpoint, this project aims at contributing to the scientific
discussion on the role of the elderly in contemporary society in the face of an increasingly
complex digital landscape. This project also aims at exploring the real impact and potential of
novel and future information and communication technology among the elderly in everyday
life. Through empirical data published in the appropriate venues, we will disseminate
different aspects of our work including, but not limited to, the inclusion and participation of
the elderly in the digital realm to overcome the digital divide; guidelines for the development
of a variety of digital technologies for the elderly (away from the traditional Western milieu
of technological development) including Web services, digital TV, mobile telephony and
smart appliances; and finally, issues pertaining to successful ageing/active ageing/ageing in
place (e.g., health matters, employment and re-training opportunities beyond retirement,
social participation, leisure and entertainment, and products and services) and the role of
information and communication technology in this process.

31
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