Professional Documents
Culture Documents
International Journal of Action Research - Leandro R Pinheiro
International Journal of Action Research - Leandro R Pinheiro
process.
(FACEd/UFRGS).
Email: leandropinheiro75@gmail.com
Address:
CEP 90130-000
Brasil
1
Trash Pickers and position taking regarding the environmental field: the
of institutional spheres and in the production of social practices, I analyze the configuration
of the environmental field along with collective actions related to the recycling of solid
waste in southern Brazil. Consequently, I seek to “understand how the trash pickers
constitute their position taking in the recycling productive chain and in their interaction
with the environmental field.” By analyzing the accounts of different agents who act in this
chain, as well as the socio-demographic data and historiographic references, I argue that
the position taking by trash pickers is organized upon a history of precarious inclusion;
what is more, transience at work and solidarity ties regarding subsistence in the field
Key words: Trash pickers; Position taking; Participation; Environmental field; Recycling
of solid waste.
The production and consumption model we have generated and the signs of
exhaustion in has presented for the past decades, have fostered reflections about the
practices and disputes regarding the preservation of the environment have been established
and public administrators, amongst others. Consequently, Lopes (2006) characterizes the
1
I prefer to maintain “environmentalization” in accordance with Lopes (2006). Even if this may be
considered an inexistent word in the ordinary vocabulary, this coined expression denotes in a very specific
way the phenomenon of interpenetration between social conflicts and environmental themes, which is the
2
So far, the amount of waste periodically disposed of has become the target for
work of an ever-growing group of people, denominated in Brazil as “trash pickers 2.” They
make a living out of picking, selecting and commercializing recycling materials and, in
In this article, aiming at inquiring the relationships built in the social practice of
recycling, I seek “to understand how the trash pickers constitute their position taking in the
productive chain of recycling and in their interaction with the environmental field 3.” It is
my opinion that this is a possible way of explicating the contradictions of this field: social
but charged with power relations and social-exploitation practices hardly ever discussed4.
articulated to appropriation of the term ‘recycling’ in Brazil, and, afterwards, narrate the
activities developed by the acting agents in this productive chain, signaling the tasks which
are typical of trash pickers, of the representatives of the public apparatus, and of the
intermediaries in the commercialization of recycling materials. After that, the focus of this
de Materiais Recicláveis” (MNRC, National Movement of Trash Pickers). Henceforth, in this article, the
appropriation of Bourdieu’s (2007) “social field”. Appropriate explanations are given throughout the text.
4
The analyses presented here are the result of a research conducted between 2009 and 2010, as requested by
the Education Ministry of Brazil, which intended to characterize the socio-educational profile of the trash-
picking population who partake associations, cooperatives, and informal groupings. Such initiative also
3
article is directed to the characterization of the workers in recycling units by analyzing
their familiar, gender and educational conditions, aiming at dealing with data related to
their social position and then about the way the trash pickers articulate with the power
structures of their field in order to promote inferences about the interaction agent-field.
However, before starting the analyses mentioned above, the references adopted in
this context will be detailed. Also, the description of the empiric corpus will be rendered,
as follows.
how they have established relationships which also integrate the environmental field.
In this process, I perceive two conditions which are important for this analysis.
Firstly, the agents, upon narrating, revisit the links established between past and present,
development, highlighting, thus, the social relationships in which their life conduction is
circumscribed, rendering an analysis of their field of practice and illusion. And, secondly,
certain group regarding the processes which constitute the modus operandi of a specific
social context.
In this sense, I consider that the production of narratives about practices intends to
5
Regarding this research, “development” designates the entire pathway taken by a subject or a group
throughout their lives, focusing on the movement in time and space, on the changes of social position, and on
the relevant experiences and knowledge produced along the way. In Brazilian Portuguese, the common
expression is “trajetória.”
4
relation with a game that is the product of an ontological complicity relation between the
mental structures and the objective structures of the social space’ (p. 139-40), which we
may call illusio6. Bourdieu (2007) defines the field and the positions which constitute it as
follows:
According to my understand of it, Bourdieu (1999; 2007) establishes the basis for
a perspective that evinces the interdependence between our education7 and the objective
conditions which surround us, so that we may conceive the trash pickers’ narratives beyond
the perspective of a personal account as a source able of conveying the collective and
social characterizations, including structures of power. Upon acting, the agent would
manifest his relation with the social field, his associations, contradictions and conflicts,
since
7
By “education” I try and mean the processes concerning the agents’ learning in different social spaces and
integrated to both formal and non-formal socializing initiatives throughout their development. In this sense,
“education” is distinct and extrapolates the practices produced in schools and institutions and based on
academic knowledge.
5
exclude a whole repertoire of taking positions abstractly possible
(Bourdieu, 1999, p. 160)
The position taking represents, thus, the positions occupied and constituted by the
agents, among solidarity ties and disputes in the field, in accordance with capitals that
Therefore, through the contrast among the trash pickers’ narrative and between
them and my own reading of reality, as an investigator interested in the understanding and
change of the productive chain of recycling, we sought to identify the social conditions of
collective and social production of the participation of workers in the recycling units in the
environmental field. In the next section, I explain the methodological arguments for such a
construction.
1.1 On the constitution of the empiric corpus and the analysis of such data
associations or work groups in units located in ten cities in the south of Brazil, distributed
socioeconomic growth levels. The groups were selected in accordance with criteria of
physical and operational structure of its facilities, political affiliation, communital relations
In the beginning, the research included a survey for the collection of socio-
demographic data, interviews on the development of the trash pickers’ work and life, and
information on the management and working conditions in the cooperatives which were
consulted, along with contact with representatives of the public administration and of non-
6
At the end of this step, we added the sociodemographic data of 200 trash pickers
and the information on the working conditions of 30 recycling units distributed in 11 cities
of Southern Brazil. What is more, a total of 100 qualitative interviews about the
development of trash pickers, public administrators and NGO representatives — more than
The data, already tabulated, were considered in relation to the references regarding
The readings taken, especially those regarding the contributions of Carvalho (2002)
on the formation of the environmental field in Brazil, have helped in the identification of
the agents and capitals which build the social space under analysis: mainly public
organisms that focus basically on the production of symbolic capital regarding ‘nature’
valorization. With the contribution of the contrast among the interviews with different
agents, it was possible to evince the details of the most recurrent disputes, “agreements”
and interests at play, by emphasizing in the sketch of such field the practices regarding
recycling and by evincing how the trash pickers integrate and share the environmental
illusio8.
So we started the third stage. The research has continued in an association of Porto
Alegre/Brazil, where we produced individual and collective narratives from photos about
the quotidian. The images were produced by five trash pickers in three essays and totaled
more than 400 pictures. Thus, we have contrasted interpretations on the recycling work,
claims to improve living conditions and participation possibilities for these workers.
8
In the scheme presented below (figure 1) the agents and capitals constituent and intervineint in the
7
By collecting information about the sociodemographic conditions of the trash
pickers — income, schooling, leisure activities, dwelling place and conditions, familiar
origin and organization, etc. — I tried to scatch a space of practice and objective conditions
activities, socializing and leisure activities, etc. —, I sought to visualize which were the
disputes and interests built in the developments of the current recycling workers, to
identify the dispositions established in the relations of this collective, and finally to
configure the habitus from which capitals and illusio are articulated by trash pickers in the
related to the recycling practices — constituent agents, capitals e and social disputes and in
a historic process —; the recovery of the production processes of the trash pickers’ habitus
— socioeconomic factors, work and school experiences and current life conditions —; and
the characterization of their action strategies in the present of the field — as a result of the
9
It is worth mentioning that a report with the results of the research was delivered to the Brazilian Education
Ministry aiming for the government agents and for the representatives of the National Movement of Solid
8
2. The formation of recycling production chains: in order to begin an account from
Since the 1960s and 1970s, due to the emergence and the consolidation of
ecological movements and the consequent extension of the debates on the limits of the
(Oliveira, 1995). The extension — and, in some cases, even the change — of focus of such
policies happened as they started to direct not only the promotion and maintenance of
public health, but also the protection to nature. In other words, “the trash started being
viewed as the cause of environmental pollution, demanding thus the control of the effect
The 1970s were the period for the creation and consolidations of state regulation
themes, as well as it was the decade of the construction of the environmentalist movements
and organizations, which, according to Carvalho (2002), developed in consonance with the
In this period in Brazil, the practices of the environmentalist movements were still
punctual and localized, and the incorporation of the theme in the government activities
context fostered the entrance of environmentalist agents in the state apparatus, which made
it become one of the power structures able to effect the dissemination of the setting of
issues and interests regarding the “environment.” Such process lasts at least until the
beginning of the 1990s, when it grants a more effective constitution to the state
Trash Pickers (Movimento Nacional de Catadores de Resíduos Sólidos - MNRC) there inserted, to use such
9
organizations which are concerned with preservation themes and a more explicit
population.
until the 1990s: it is a space for practices and disputes which aim at the production and
invested with the right to exist and to have a dialogic interaction with human survival
(Carvalho, 2002). Therefore, the agents that constitute it propose a guiding ethics — of
patterns of production and consumption when they establishe nature as an object of social
value.
romantic-ecological ethos — built along with the practices of intellectualized urban middle
Hardly does such ethos find room amongst the practices of religion-affiliate institutions —
such as assistance and/or militant associations —, so that, at least in the beginning, the
The production of the environmental field and the symbolic capital it engenders
would then happen first in the practice of environmentalists organized in associations and
NGOs and later as the participation of state bodies and supranational organizations, also
10
Both Carvalho’s (2002) ideas and the interviews with the public administrators and NGO representatives
suggest that the environmentalist causes originate and modernize amongst agents of usually higher schooling,
10
Later on, academic professionals — at first biology professionals associated with
the environmental illusio — began to partake the disputes with more emphasis by
articulating the cultural capitals at their disposal in order to determine the environmental
issues and norms, highlighting the promotion of environmental education in schools and
colleges.
By the end of 1990s, companies which aimed to enjoy the symbolic capital from
the environmental field started to associate their practices with ecologically responsible
activities, usually under the label “corporative social responsibility.” Thus, they tried to
amplify the bases of their symbolic capital aiming to convert it in economic capital. That is
why the field underwent an explicit conflict: the economic field established practices for
environmental regulation and preservation at the local, state and federal levels, a number of
teaching, and companies and associations that make use of environmentalist themes —
trade unions, political parties, media corps, etc. If the social practices concerning recycling
are evinced, we can integrate trash pickers, the MNRC and the intermediaries, whose
practices still seem too connected with the working practice and with the production of
However, the recycling of solid waste, in spite of being an aim since at least the
1970s, became a public proposal for the solution of environmental and social problems in
Brazil only in the beginning of the 1990s. Presented since then as a little productive
technique and, because of it, unfeasible in ample scale, the recycling of solid waste was
11
restricted to some pilot experiments (Oliveira, 1995) which, generally, tried to cope with
In some cases, the first associations started before the initiatives of the public
administration for the implementation of selective collection of waste. This would be the
case of the city of Porto Alegre, for example, whose municipal implementation started
officially in the 1990s, comprising what, in the beginning, was presented as “the
radicalization of the option for the poor” linked to initiatives from the religious field
(Martins, 2003). Therefore, such practices are converted in public policy, acquiring
visibility as a form of symbolic capital which ended up tensioning the relationship between
Linked to the debates about the production and destination of trash, we have, in
this context, the belatedly emergence and consolidation of a productive chain organized
around recycling materials, but differently in every location. Even if we find occurrences in
the first half of the 1990s, the setting of associations and the juridical formalization of
cooperatives do not happen until the end of this decade and throughout the decade of 2000.
Consequently, the information retrieved from the interviews signal that the
associations were formed from the common condition of social vulnerability and from the
access to the waste as a means of living. Given such a situation, social movements for
supporting the collective organization and the demands for better working conditions
would be in vogue11, and the State would be moved to serve the trash pickers’ groups. In
this context, the public power starts to articulate the trash pickers’ work — named as
11
As examples, we have the supracited National Movement of the Recycling Material Pickers (Movimento
Nacional de Catadores de Materiais Recicláveis - MNRC) or the associations affiliated to religious sects,
12
‘income-generating initiative’ — and the need for managing the amounts of waste
produced, especially, in the urban centers, as it is clear in the following personal account12,
[…] We started here in 1994 […] In the beginning it was hard in here,
there was no energy, no water, no nothing. There was no lift to load
the burdens, we had to load everything with our own arms, it took us a
month to do a cardboard load […] The trash used to be burned in the
past […] burned night and day […] and the smoke would go
downtown […] (Male trash picker, Dois Irmãos City).
of different interests and capitals It is possible, then, to consider the partaking in ecological
disputes and capitals related to the capitalist development which, associated to the public
environmental field. This scheme places the relative positions regarding both the economic
Schools/Environmental
educators
and the cultural capitals. These are the more effective
Environment andcomponents
Waste of capital for the
Public Administrators
environmental field: Companies
(corporative social
responsibility)
Political Parties
Religious associations and
NGO MNRC
Recycling Processing
Trade unions Companies
12
All the personal accounts transcribed and translated from Portuguese into English in this article are part of
the research mentioned in footnote 2. The author assumes entire responsibility for the translations. As a
Trash pickers and
matter of style, the accounts are kept in the informalrecycling
register inunits
their translations, as they are in the original.
Intermediaries
13
Economic Capital +
+ Cultural Capital
Figure 1 – Representative Diagram of power distribution in the environmental Field.
Given this succinct description of the emergence of the environmental field and of
the public practices of recycling in a productive chain out of the generation of urban waste
in the South of Brazil, I can now explain how the current activities are distributed among
In this section, I present the objective conditions under which the trash pickers
work by promoting the understanding of the parts of the environmental field summarized
14
above. As will be evinced, the capitals at play in the relationships under scope now tend to
The selective collection of waste in the consulted cities and towns is structured as
of the public apparatus, of private companies or of tertiarized hybrid ones, or by the trash
pickers (in agreement with the city administration); 2) the collected material is given to
recycling associations — in which, usually, the trash pickers are located —, which take the
first step regarding the treatment of solid urban residue — selection, pressing and
packaging, in accordance with the available equipment —, and then; 3) the cooperatives
them to the beneficiating industry. The waste of the selection process is sent to landfills or
The bonds that the trash pickers built during labor interfere in the quality of their
work and in the income generated by the associations. However important industries,
social movements and NGO may be, the presence of the city administration outstands in
this process. The latter usually provides the place, the equipment and the materials for
recycling, whereas the formers offer equipment and improvement in the facilities, besides
Among the bonds established in the beginning of the activities, the most talked
about by the subjects is the partaking in the city councils, a datum which is coherent with
hiring of trash pickers, and in the institutionalization of these workers’ action space, should
be given a face.
13
I suggest ‘traders’ for this word in English, since, literally, it would be translated as ‘crossers.’
15
Another important link in the maintenance of the productive chain is the
necessary production for a direct sale to the industry, so the associations establish relatively
lasting agreements about the provisions with private intermediary companies, called
‘traders’, which buy and hoard enough material for such negotiation.
Such condition increases the exploitation of the trash pickers’ work by reducing
the prices of the materials they commercialize. The trash pickers, then, seem not to
consider, however, that the lack of articulation between the units is a significant problem: it
if they gathered their efforts toward promoting a change in their relation with the traders.
On the other hand, these commercial practices are not usually object of government
concern and intervention, whether because the associations avoid such participation or
because there is a supposed ‘non obligation’ of the government, even if it knows and, in
The reality faced during the research signals, nevertheless, that the relations and
what they produce have established working conditions and income levels which are
unsatisfactory and insufficient, which, in most cases, contribute to the maintenance of the
Having characterized the current space of practice above, I present the social
16
Throughout the 20th century, the socioeconomic formation of the South Region of
Brazil changed its emphasis from the cattle-raising production onto the agricultural one,
and from this onto the industrial production. Besides, the regions of late colonization
(especially those which happened during the 19th century) presented considerable
diversification regarding the industrial production14. During this time, the processes of the
mechanization reached the agriculture — especially from the 1960s and 1970s —, with the
available, and they started seeking for alternatives in the urban centers. To this process of
associated, which increased the rate of structural unemployment and, it seems, reinforced
the informality of work links (Montali, 2000). Even if the employment rates have been
improving in Brazil for the past few years 15, with reference to the lives of those agents I
interviewed, their informal conditions of work have not been altered, which reveals that
their participation is built upon the maintenance of the precarious activities which integrate
and support the relations of the economic field in this region, which have as examples the
productive chain has benefitted from a historical relations of precarious inclusion which, in
contingent of migrant workers with reduced economic and cultural capitals who search for
14
Examples of such regions are the cities of Porto Alegre and Caxias do Sul in the state of RioGrande do Sul,
Estatística’ (IBGE – Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics), on the site http://www.ibge.gov.br.
17
different means of making a living as ‘the doors are shut for them’ in the places where they
It is that the sales of fodder started going down and we came to live
here. Then we started working with bricklaying. Always “fighting”!
After that, it was the pig, yeah. We raised pigs, then we already got
paper, cans, we started like this. After that, they forbade the pigs; only
papers then […] (Female trash picker – Porto Alegre)
[…] I already have lots of CVs all around, but there are people who
have a lot of prejudice. So they pay too much attention to the person’s
appearance, if the place they live appears on the news and they don’t
like us then, so all this counts. And it’s difficult, really difficult. So it’s
just that it is really difficult for us to find a job then. (Male trash
picker – Londrina)
The interviews with the trash pickers signal that the involvement with recycling 17
range from the informality of job to precarious working conditions to migration in search
for better life conditions. There are accounts of insertion in activities and spaces whose
requirements regarding education and/or qualification were not a parameter for job
selection and, in conformity with the socioeconomic formation of the state sub-regions that
were covered, which have been the setting for the formation of a contingent of people in
16
The income per capita for the families is around U$ 126,40 (R$ 227,50). In order to locate this datum
precisely, it is important to highlight that such research on the 2008-2009 home budgets, made by the IBGE,
informs that for the 40% with the lowest incomes in the population of the Southern region in Brazil the home
expanses per capita reaches up to around U$ 225,50 (R$ 406,00). It was considered a ration U$ 1,00 : R$
1,80.
17
The trash pickers used the expression ‘recycling’ to define their job. That is why I use it here, even if their
18
precarious inclusion (Martins, 2002) who, several times, would follow the same paths
[…] Listen, I was born in Minas Gerais, there the biggest city is
Portiguara, but my documents are from Campestre, a small town. So
we came here, to Itaúna farm, in 1947, I was 3. So I stayed there till I
was 11, when I went to a small farm to work on a plantation […]
(Male trash picker – Londrina)
[…] I started working in the farm as a farm worker with my uncle, I
was ten and worked already. That’s how I learned about life […] I was
19 when I came [to Porto Alegre] in 1970. So I started as a bricklayer,
in jobs by my brother –in-law. This way I started as an assistant
because I didn’t know the job […] (Male trash picker – Porto Alegre)
In accordance with the personal accounts, the elements that contributed to the
choice for recycling by the agents were (1) the relative proximity of their houses to the
association facilities; (2) the flexibility of working relationships — working hours and time
off, amongst others —, which allows them to look after their children and family; and (3)
the presence of friends and family in this activity, fostering the subjects’ insertion, whether
it individually or collectively via the associations. Furthermore, the very fact that the
recycling work does not require prerequisites such as specific age, education 18, health
Besides, the analysis of the accounts signals some variations that intervene in the
choice for the continuity of recycling and shows us the hypothesis that it is necessary to
18
Regarding schooling, it is possible to say that, amongst the interviewees, 85% has not finished elementary
school (all the 9 years), out of which 43% has not finished the first 4 years.
19
It is important to highlight that the trash pickers, in most cases, dwell in places built in irregular territorial
occupations, with three or four rooms for families with 5 to 6 members average. The urban areas where they
live have restricted provisions of sanitation service, water or electricity. About 80% of the people interviewed
19
consider them conjointly, as follows: (1) current income and working conditions; (2)
projections related to age group; (3) expectations related to the amount of time spent on
recycling — in which the identification with work and colleagues would be found —; (4)
perspectives envisaged in the production chain of the region; and (5) symbolic recognition
of recycling. All this seems to configure the probabilities intuited by the trash pickers
The trash pickers, in the meantime, integrate the environmental fiels for survival.
Guided to capitals constituted in the practical work for survival and with a certain amount
intentions that move them seem to concentrate, on the one hand in the practices for familiar
financial maintenance, showing their abilities for the administrations and, optimization of
minimal resources. On the other hand, they move around the valuing emphasis of the
familiar nuclei, with focus on the recurrent affective testimonials about their relatives, from
whom they would supposedly find stable support and would concentrate their sociability
Therefore, the same scarcity of economic and cultural capitals that were
as the treatment of social residue, signals a habitus which is constituted by transiency and
constantly seeks for new practices that guarantee more economic capital at the expense of
20
The trash pickers mention that the most accessed cultural assets are those they find in their own homes or
those restricted to their neighborhoods in the preripheral city aresas. The most common ones would be:
watching TV; going to bars, balls or chat groups in the streets; watch football matches which, in the absence
20
possible interest in symbolic environmental capitals, which is less acknowledged,
Once the life conditions and entrance into the productive chain and in the
environmental field by the workers in the recycling units have been dealt with, the
accounts regarding the position taking can be analyzed, especially with regards to the
strategies and solidarity ties established by the trash pickers in the social space.
In the outline of the recycling productive chains, strategies developed by the trash
pickers in the context that they face need to be observed. Thus, the constitution of their
above, I can cite, as an example, the solidarity ties established between the recycling
associations and the traders: the exclusiveness of supply and compensatory assured
payment; or, even, loans and advanced payments which the traders grant to the trash
pickers, who, acting under unstable, adverse conditions, find immediate support in those
[…] He [her husband] was a trash picker before, and he could improve
his life; he was buying from some ten, fifteen groups. Now, he has the
documentation. So we suggested selling our cardboard to him […]
(Female trash picker – Londrina)
[…] We sell to Porto Seguro [a trader], to ASCALIXO [an
association]. ASCALIXO pays a bit more, but they’ve bankrupted,
and they are just coming back […] (Association manager – Rio
Grande)
Consequently, I have observed that the places occupied by the agents have flexible
delimitations, which, often, makes the ‘bounds’ that we could imagine regarding the roles
21
the people involved play end up being diffuse. There are cases in which the trash picker
associations would work as traders; there are workers who, after being trash pickers,
became traders of associations in which their relatives worked — what is more, they
Henceforth, the social practices that configure this productive chain extrapolate
the stiff delimitation of roles and, furthermore, cooperate in the maintenance of constituted
naturalizing and legitimizing such activities in the development of their daily strategies, the
trash pickers also build a configuration of the recycling productive chain and of part of the
environmental field: as it seems, it is not a matter of economic and material concern alone,
appropriate for the agents and it alters from a mark or condition to a constituent part of a
habitus. It is, thus, from this viewpoint that the subjects seem to build their position taking
in relation to the world in general and particularly in relation to recycling as a paid activity
We should consider, then, the connections and the development from the
following point of view of environmental field (Carvalho, 2002): social space and
beliefs and values […] whose common axis refers to the valorization of nature and of the
subjects establish position takings based in the interaction (in disagreement) with
becomes a condition devoid of the usual discourse which promotes recycling. During our
22
dialogs, the trash pickers expressed the supposed value of their activity as a service done to
the environment, but also expressed a feeling of undervalue of their work in their desire for
a different job.
Besides, these workers rarely associated the production of the symbolic capital of
the environmental field — in which recycling is inserted — to the exploitation net in which
their own work activities were included and from which we could inquire the
The recycling work, in most cases, is an option for making a living. The need of
survival, the augment of income, the improvement in life quality, and the desire for being
inserted in the consume market also constitute the interest for these agents, establishing
congruent position takings which also structure the forces at play which sustain the
recycling productive chain. The appropriation of the environmental capital, thus, represents
appropriate the environmental capital only with respect to the benefits they may gain in
return, they rewrite the field by imprinting upon it their own marks. Regarding recycling,
for example, these marks are the manifestation of difficulties for the productive chain to
develop due to the lack of accumulated knowledge: the constant transience of agents and
pickers in the power spaces of the field, where public administrators, entrepreneurs,
23
difficulty for the formation of leaderships, also a consequence of the constant rotation
observed in the associations, limits the possibilities of deepening the debates and of
significant reformulation not only of the working dynamics, but also of the agents
themselves.
without the regulation of the market and of the recycling productive chain, it is difficult to
alter the current state of affairs regarding the exploitation of the trash pickers, which is the
reason of the desertion of these workers. This means, therefore, the urgent
the sector, preventing the privatization/tertiarization of services which are essential to the
The trash pickers face the need for the increase in the amount of waste in order to
increase their income, whose amount is controlled by a network of intermediaries via price
regulation. Therefore, the augment of the income of a population historically used to access
residually the material and symbolic resources generated by the system is conditioned by
the work production as well as the production of wast in the cities, in spite of all their
contribution to maintain it. In face of such conditions, the advertized sustainability neglects
both the socio-cultural conditions of its realization and, in the meantime, the relational
environment in which the productive chain and, especially, the trash pickers’ practice
This is, therefore, an option for breaking a historical cycle of precarious inclusion
of a population who, seeing that their place is being threatened, will probably try to
migrate to another activity, very much likely to be informal and precarious. Giving a face
to the trash pickers’ current life and working conditions and to the contradictions between
the production of this social position and the symbolic valorization of an essential public
24
service like recycling, is just the first step in order to amplify the symbolic power of the
trash pickers.
References
IBGE (2009). Síntese dos indicadores sociais: uma análise das condições de vida da
25