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The extent of representation, the relationships of

artifacts and the anthropology of art
a
Ragnar Johnson
a
Senior Lecturer, Postgraduate Arts Therapies, School of Art , University of Hertfordshire
Published online: 17 May 2010.

To cite this article: Ragnar Johnson (1997) The extent of representation, the relationships of artifacts and the anthropology
of art, Visual Anthropology: Published in cooperation with the Commission on Visual Anthropology, 9:2, 149-166, DOI:
10.1080/08949468.1997.9966697

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The Extent of Representation, the

Relationships of Artifacts and the
Anthropology of Art
Ragnar Johnson

This paper provides an account of the potential roles that artifacts can
occupy and distinguishes their occurrence as instruments of representation
from other types of relationship of artifact use. When artifacts are employed
as instruments of representation there is a deliberately constructed causal
connection between the artifact and what it represents. This is in contrast to
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relationships of association in which the artifact takes on features of the

context of its occurrence. Anthropological studies of artifact use in the native
societies of Africa, America, the Indian Subcontinent and the Pacific are
reviewed by comparing "dominant functions" that artifacts can serve.

It is possible to differentiate between the roles that artifacts can occupy

in social relationships by using research carried out over the past
century as evidence. The principal distinction is between relationships
of representation, where there is a deliberately constructed causal
relationship between the artifact and what it represents, and relation-
ships of association where the artifact takes on attributes of its context of
occurrence.
The predominant anthropological interest in artifacts treats them as
forms of material culture which can be a focus for discovering related
aspects of the social structure in which they are located. Anthropologists
may conduct field research on the artifacts of a particular society as a
way of discovering the greatest spectrum of social significance and
correspondence with other social forms. This is typified by the ethno-
esthetic approach which aims to discover the elaborate conventions of
evaluation and appraisal behind artifact forms [Coote and Shelton 1992].
The presumption is that these ethno-esthetic criteria are complex and
can be elicited. It derives from a basic premise of the anthropology of

RAGNAR JOHNSON M.Phil. (London), D.Phil. (Oxford) is currently the Senior Lecturer,
Postgraduate Arts Therapies, School of Art, University of Hertfordshire. He has carried outfield
research among the Ommura of the New Guinea Eastern Highlands, and specialises in the
anthropology of art. This article is derived from a major work on the arts and societies of Africa,
America, the Indian Subcontinent and the Pacific.

149
 150 R. Johnson

material culture that there is no necessary similarity between the

physical form, the social purpose which it serves and the evaluations of
the users. The ethno-esthetic approach leads to a detailed exposition of
the social location of an artifact form. The problem is that it is very
difficult to translate between different ethno-esthetic complexes with the
intention of comparison. Given the emphasis on the complexity of
artifact use and associations in the single society of the field research,
comparison is generally limited to geographically adjacent cultures, or
to basic models of the effects of historical change, or by contrast with
the monolith of Western "art".
Artifacts and associated relationships can be compared across cultures
in terms of patterns of use and the dominant functions that they serve.
These are: artifacts and social relationships; adornment and body
decoration; architecture, interiors and social space; emblems of rank;
accumulation or collecting; processes of change; secret knowledge;
instruments of representation. The "dominant functions" are not discrete
entities and are analytic devices to further the argument.
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SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

To understand the social relationships which determine the significance

of an artifact it is necessary to know who made it, who used it, for what
purpose, the occasions on which it was used, and any associations that
have arisen through use.
In the study of material culture artifacts serve as evidence of the social
and ecological relationships that determine manufacture and use. The
difficulty is that the object is an end product which does not reveal the
process whereby it came into existence. There is a problem regarding
what can be discovered by examining the appearance of an artifact. Such
an inspection is constrained to an appraisal of the surface features, the
materials from which it has been constructed, the techniques employed
in fabrication and the types and extent of decoration.
The form and function are determined by social factors including
conventions of design and regulations concerning use. Materials and
methods of construction indicate a utilization of available resources and
a degree of technical expertise. Changes in materials, decoration, style or
form may reflect a scarcity of customary materials, adoption of new
fashions, adjustment in demand, or alteration in function. None of these
aspects is static.
Artifacts often play a role in certain types of social relationship. The
giving and receiving of special objects may be used to create and
maintain exchange relationships. The ownership and use of specific
artifacts is commonly related to aspects of social identity such as gender,
status, inherited or achieved rank.
Some kinds of property may belong to a family or kin group and only
be transferred between members. Land, land rights, residences and units
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 151

of wealth are obvious examples. Property includes items with personal

or family associations, objects connected with ancestral powers and the
enlistment of supernatural protection, and things emblematic of family
or kin group identity.
Artifacts are employed in relations with the supernatural or divine: as
part of a magical act; as a focus or offering or physical embodiment in a
ceremony; as an offering; as a visual depiction; as an emblem of super-
natural power possessed by an individual, a group or ancestors.
Artifacts are also used in life cycle rites—birth, assumption of male or
female adulthood, marriage and death.
Distinctions are universally made regarding the relative quality of
artifacts. Even if no discrimination is made regarding the esthetic merit
of an object it may be judged with regard to its effectiveness in fulfilling
its function.
The relationship between the maker and the artifact is determined by
variables of context. The product may have higher status than the
producer, and the identity of the artist can be insignificant. People may
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only remember the names of the present and previous owner and have
no interest in who made the object. A study of possessions which
members of families in Chicago regarded as special demonstrated that
sentimental value was as important as utilitarian or financial value
[Csikzentmihalyi and Halton 1981: 58]. Netsilik Inuit men hunted and
skinned animals while women cured skins and prepared meat. Each sex
used different types of equipment [Balikci 1971: 104]. Killing, skinning
and butchering were the subject of rules and prohibitions which showed
respect for the dead animal's soul so that it would be reincarnated
[idem.: 200]. Ommura men and women of the Eastern Highlands, Papua
New Guinea, make and use different types of artifact. Women knit male
and female string bags which can be distinguished by their dimensions,
designs, how they are worn and what is carried inside them. The arrows
and shields made by men are both functional and are decorated as
media of artistic expression. An annual ceremony renewed the power of
the Four Sacred Arrows that protected the well-being of the Cheyenne
tribe [Hoebel 1960: 9-10]. Sacred shields provided magical protection
because of ceremonial treatment and the qualities transferred by their
decoration [idem.: 74-76]. Skilled female labor like teepee-making and
quill work was accorded prestige by ceremonies that treated this as
being equivalent to male martial accomplishments [idem.: 64]. Suriname
Maroon men carve wood and women make textiles [Price and Price
1980: 36]. Distribution of artifacts corresponds to the marital, kinship
and sexual relationships of the makers and users [idem.: 42-44]. Women
weave calf-bands for men to indicate love and commitment. Though
created by men the majority of woodcarvings are owned by women.
Maroons consider the social relationships behind the fabrication,
possession and use of an artifact to be as important as its appearance.
Certain obsolete artifacts are used in funerals and ceremonies to
venerate ancestors [idem.: 156].
 152 R. Johnson

CLOTHING, ADORNMENT AND BODY DECORATION

Clothing, adornment and body decoration involve individual display,
group conventions of attire and the social context. The only distinctions
made universally through the medium of attire are those of sex, status
and relative age. Bodily adornment is affected by variables like individual
physical state and resources for decoration. It is the result of individual
style in relation to group fashion as dictated by the social context.
Young Nuba males celebrate the individual body with body decora-
tion [Faris 1972: 114]. The Ommura of New Guinea use body adornment
to make distinctions between different grades of male and female
initiate. In Mt. Hagen, New Guinea, the most elaborate decorations are
worn by men during ceremonial exchanges [Strathern and Strathern
1971: 105, 172-73; 1979: 245]. Walbiri Aborigines paint designs on their
bodies to enlist ancestral power [Munn 1973a: 34, 197; 1973b: 203].
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ARCHITECTURE, INTERIORS AND SOCIAL SPACE

In that architectural constructions provide the setting for the staging of

certain human activities, their physical boundaries are integrated into
these events and become social boundaries. All architecture serves a
definite function, relays messages about the status of its inhabitants, and
reflects through design and furnishing the types of activity that occur
within its confines. Thus styles of Nubian house decoration changed
over a thirty-year period and innovations were introduced by profess-
ional decorators [Wenzel 1972: 56, 91, 117]. The division of the Ommura
hut protects men from female pollution by separating the men's area
from the women and children's area [Johnson 1982a: 514]. Suriname
Maroon men and women live in houses which are decorated with
different types of possession depending on the gender of the occupants
[Price and Price 1980: 27-33]. Sri Lankan Buddhist temples always
consist of a sacred Bo tree, a relic mound and a number of buildings
essential to the practice of Buddhist worship [Gombrich 1971: 76].
In Hindu temples the most sacred images are kept in an inner
sanctum, a zone of maximum purity to which only the temple priests
have access [Fuller 1979: 460]. Due to restrictions on the preparation of
food, kitchens in Hindu households are maintained in a state of purity
and this makes them suitable as household shrines [Babb 1975: 105].

EMBLEMS OF RANK

Emblems of rank and authority have attributes deriving from the

political, economic and spiritual rights and privileges associated with a
specific status. They may be publicly displayed to demonstrate
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 153

possession of the authority to occupy the related position. Their role as

restricted prestige objects is reflected in their forms and decoration,
which are typically not shared with other sorts of object.
An emblem of rank is not associated with individual identity but with
membership of a group or occupation of a particular status. It occurs in
stratified societies where status inequalities have been institutionalised
according to principles other than gender divisions and disparities in
individual wealth. There are formal conditions of ownership so that the
ability to possess or manipulate the particular type of object is a
recognized attribute of occupying a particular rank or office. Thus the
type of object is so directly associated with a specific rank or office that
it becomes identified with it. The ceremonial regalia of feudal monarchs,
the coats of arms of noble families and badges of office of civic dignit-
aries are examples.
The status of the ruler of the Asante kingdom was demonstrated by
ownership of the gold regalia of state and the Golden Stool, the emblem
of this hereditary office [McLeod 1981: 75, 81]. Gold insignia of office
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were distributed to vassal lords. Royal regalia and the artifacts placed on
royal shrines indicated the position of the Oba as the supreme political
and religious leader of Benin [Ben-Amos 1980: 15]. The Oba exercised a
monopoly over ivory and coral and controlled the manufacture of
prestige objects, especially cast brass. Cast brass altar pieces and ivory
tusks were kept on the royal ancestral altars that the Oba maintained for
the benefit of his subjects [idem.: 64]. Bangwa kings had a monopoly over
ivory and leopard skins and owned "king things," the most important of
which were wooden portrait figures of ancestors [Brain and Pollock 1971:
13-14, 68]. They governed through the Night Society, a police
organization which displayed special masks as their insignia. In the Lega
Bwami Association members of the second highest grade, Yananio,
owned wooden masks and sculptures. Members of the highest grade,
Kindi, owned ivory and bone masks and sculptures [Biebuyck 1972: 10;
1973: 112; 1976: 342]. They were possessed as indicators of rank and used
in the moral instruction of initiates [1972: 335; 1973: 181; 1976: 339].
Ownership of certain types of prestige object made by specialist
craftsmen indicated aristocratic rank in Aboriginal Polynesia. Societies of
Aboriginal Polynesia were ranked into hereditary divisions of aristocrats,
expert craftsmen and commoners. There was a correspondence between
the elaboration of aristocratic titles and the degree of craft specialisation
[Goldman 1970: 492, 552]. In Tahiti certain types of artifact were reserved
for aristocrats and rank was indicated by the relative quality of an
individual's tattoos and clothing [Barrow 1979: 27].
The Kwakiutl, like other tribes living on the North West Coast of
America, were stratified into nobles, commoners and slaves [Goldman
1975: 1]. Through inheritance and marriage the nobles of lineages
acquired valuables in the form of names, rights over ceremonies and
crest motifs which were carved or painted on certain types of artifact
 154 R. Johnson

[Boas 1955: 202-04; Drucker 1955: 109; Levi-Strauss 1963a: 260-61;

Walens 1981: 103]. Crest motifs were the form souls of mythical
ancestors and represented both the social standing and supernatural
power of their noble owners.

ACCUMULATION AND COLLECTING

The accumulation of prestige artifacts that reflect the wealth and
discrimination of the owners is a feature of all stratified societies. The
fact that different types of artifact are valued in different societies
demonstrates that criteria of what is rare, unusual or of excellent quality
are social constructs [Johnson 1986]. The greater the degree of social
stratification in a society, the more likely it is that there will be a
wealthy elite collecting items that closely approximate a Western
definition of an art object.
The Kula Ring of the Trobriand Islands of Papua New Guinea is an
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example of art collecting in a society which is not highly stratified,

literate or complex. Kula partners exchange shell necklaces and shell
bracelets ceremonially. Ownership is temporary, all transactions are a
type of regulated ceremonial exchange, knowledge and practice of magic
are necessary for success, and there is an elaborate Kula mythology
[Malinowski 1961: 89, 510-12]. Kula valuables are appraised in terms of
esthetic criteria and their histories of possession. They are coveted for
their visual and tactile qualities and are used to comfort the dying
[Campbell 1983: 245]. Temporary possession of a famous piece confers
status and renown.

PROCESSES OF CHANGE

Social change can affect aspects of an artifact type and its manufacture.
They are:

• materials and tools,

• individual and group style,
• decoration and form,
• function,
• production and consumption.
Social change can influence the form, production and use of artifacts
in many different ways. The popular notion of contact with any form of
Western colonialism destroying indigenous social institutions and
reducing devalued artifact forms to souvenirs sold to outsiders is a
generalization which obscures infinitely more complex processes.
Form, production and use of artifacts are never static and there are
always developments in individual and group style over time. No
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 155

society is ever totally isolated: new designs and materials have often
been incorporated and functional and sacred artifacts were sometimes
traded.
Style can refer both to the group's conventions dictating the appro-
priate form of an artifact and individual treatment by an artist
producing an object in accordance with these rules. Even when custom
imposes rigid standardization in form or design, specialist craftsmen or
knowledgeable members of a community will be able to distinguish one
person's rendering of an object from the work of another. Individual
expression is possible within the limitations of the conventions of group
style, and group style changes over time. The form and decoration of
artifacts constitute the repertoire of design elements through which
individual style and group style are expressed. It is possible for change
to occur in the surface decoration and form of the artifact without their
customary social function being affected. New designs and forms can be
acquired through contact with other societies or from the incorporation
of individual innovation.
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Social change is most extreme when it affects the use or social

function of an artifact type or when it leads to major alterations in the
scale of production or the identity of the consumer. Obviously the most
dramatic change would be an end to manufacture.
A change in social function means that the purpose for which the
artifact type has been customarily used has been transformed, and this
results from changes in its social evaluation and the institutions or
patterns of relationship which provide the context of prior use. Sacred
objects can become secular or restricted items or designs can become
obtainable by anyone. A marked reduction or increase in the numbers of
a particular artifact type would indicate related changes in the social
factors behind their manufacture. Items previously limited to indigenous
consumption may be produced for outsiders.
Vessels for the worship of the deity Eyinle made by the Yoruba potter
Abatan were constructed in accordance with the established conventions
of form but demonstrate the development of her individual style
[Thompson 1969: 74]. When a "tribal" society comes into contact with a
Western society and opportunities arise for the sale of "traditional"
artifacts, several possibilities may occur that affect the form and function.
Iwam Sepik shields were transformed from physically and magically
protective implements of war made by specialists into crude items of
tourist art [Abramson 1976: 251-52, 258-59]. Yirrkala Aborigines adapted
traditional bark paintings for sale to White Australians but did not market
their sacred paraphernalia [Williams 1976: 260, 270]. The persistence of
ceremonial institutions in which Siassi bowls were used as payment in
New Guinea meant that they continued to be made to meet the demands
of the indigenous market [Counts 1979: 340]. Trade in luxury artifacts to
the West is not a new phenomenon and in the nineteenth century Kashmir
shawl weavers were put out of business by cheaper European machine
loomed versions of their shawls [Irwin 1973: 25].
 156 R. Johnson

Graburn classified "Fourth World Art" into seven types in terms of

the derivation of forms, the degree of skill and the purpose for which it
is made [1976a: 5-7]. Disintegration of Haida ceremonial institutions is
reflected in the eventual reproduction of sacred motifs and forms in the
argillite carvings made for commercial purposes [Kauffman 1976:
67-68]. Canadian Arctic Inuit soapstone carving is an introduced art
form which provides an important source of income [Graburn 1976b:
54]. Commercial carving of ivory by Alaskan Eskimo for a White
market dates back to the Yukon Gold Rush at the end of the nineteenth
century [Ray 1980: 122-23]. The Navajo acquired the techniques of rug
weaving and silver jewelry making from the Pueblo and Spanish
colonists [Adair 1970; Kent 1976: 87]. Although they produce these
items for sale, sandpainting is still practiced for curing ceremonies
[Downs 1972: 96, 109; Fans 1990: 132, 240; Witherspoon 1971: 160, 169].
Brahmin painters of the Nathdwara shrine in Rajasthan, India, earn a
living by painting miniatures for a foreign market but continue to make
paintings of Shri Nathji used in worship by sect members [Maduro
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1976: 230, 240-43].

SECRET KNOWLEDGE

Certain artifacts derive their importance from the way in which they are
manipulated as a form of secret knowledge. Their significance results
from the manner in which they are used in ceremonies organized by the
groups which control them. They are employed by gender-based
organizations, secret societies and other associations of limited
membership as a demonstration of esoteric knowledge and spiritual
power possessed by the group. The major features are that access is
restricted, the true nature of the artifact is kept secret, and the items are
displayed. They are frequently used as part of a performance to create
the illusion of the presence of spirits identified with the group staging
the ceremony. Ability to manufacture these artifacts and regulate the
ceremonies is an important mark of the authority of the organization.
Artifacts used for these purposes are masks in masquerades, musical
instruments to reproduce spirit voices and carvings or paintings
representing spirits. Manufacture of these objects and the performances
in which they play a part obviously provide a medium for esthetic
expression and often occur in conjunction with dance and music.
Through costume and mime masked dancers can ridicule disapproved
behavior. Inequalities in access to these artifacts and the secrecy
surrounding them reflect inequalities which occur in other areas of
social life. Rights to make, display or perform with these artifacts do not
necessarily indicate high status within the association.
Other artifacts such as mask costumes and musical instruments are
used by men in an act of institutionalized deception to create the
impression of actual spirit presence to an audience of women and
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 157

uninitiated boys. Ommura males play sacred flutes and whirl bullroarers
during male initiations to produce the illusion for initiands, women and
children that actual spirits are making these cries [Johnson 1982b:
418-19]. Wogeo men act out the presence of masked spirits for district
ceremonies and flute spirits for the larger and more important inter-
district ceremonies [Hogbin 1970: 58]. Men performing the public
masquerades and playing the spirit-voice instruments during Iatmul
male initiations take great care not to make errors that the female
audience might detect [Bateson 1958: 128]. The Abelam male tambaran
cult enlists the protection of the Ngglwalndu clan spirits by performing
the appropriate ceremonies, observing the associated taboos and making
and displaying the sacred paintings and carvings associated with these
clan spirits in ceremonial contexts [Forge 1967: 70-71; 1973: 171; 1979:
284-85].
In each of these cases, production and manipulation of artifacts
associated with the power of spirits is the monopoly of adult men.
Ceremonial use of these sacred artifacts involves keeping their true
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nature secret from women and the uninitiated while staging public
demonstrations to impress these spectators.
Masquerades are performed as a public demonstration of the
supernatural power and esoteric knowledge of an association or secret
society. Masked costumes are used to impersonate spirits. Masquerades
are a display of power and skill, a form of entertainment and a vehicle
for social comment. The female Sande society of the Gola controls
ceremonial activities for three years in alternation with the male Poro
society who control them for four years. Both societies enact masquer-
ades in which the male spirits of the society are portrayed by masked
dancers [D'Azevedo 1973: 131-33]. Members of the Sande society are
said to be the wives of the male Zogbe spirit and its mask is made by a
male carver. The Afikpo male secret society stages masquerades, where
twelve different styles of mask are worn. The act of putting on a mask
transforms the wearer into a spirit and women do not use masks
[Ottenberg 1975: 9, 11, 13, 17]. Masquerades are a form of entertainment
that uses mimes to ridicule deviations from accepted norms of behavior
[idem.: 135, 183], Tensions between men and women and young men and
old men are the dominant themes. The Yoruba Gelede society honors
female ability to bear children and enjoy long life in a society where
women can become financially independent through market trading.
The female elders involved in the administration of the cult have an
honorary male status because they no longer menstruate [Drewal and
Drewal 1983: 7-8]. Medications applied to the masquerade
paraphernalia can harm a woman's fertility. Great Mother masks have
long beards like those of male elders. Gelede masks depict gender roles,
objects of ridicule and supernatural powers [idem.: 162]. Female and
male parts in the masquerades are played by men who use the mimes
and songs to make statements about approved norms of behavior
[idem.: 151].
 158 R. Johnson

INSTRUMENTS OF REPRESENTATION

In a relationship of representation an object which regularly appears in a

given social context becomes a part which invokes all aspects of the
"whole" of its setting. When an artifact is used as an instrument of
representation there is a deliberately constructed causal connection
between the object and what it represents. The object serves as a
material form of the intentionally established relationship, it is treated
as if the relationship of representation exists, it derives its significance
from the social context of use and is accorded importance as the visible
aspect or part of the relationship it represents:
The word represent is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as
meaning: "to symbolize, serve as an embodying of (some quality, fact or
other abstract concept)". When applied to things it means: "To stand for
or in place of (a person or thing); to be the figure or image of
something." The term representation is employed rather than the word
symbol because it is more precise. Each theory of symbolism defines the
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concept so that it refers to different types of relationship and pheno-

mena. In popular usage the word can describe any relationship of
association. This is reflected in the Oxford English Dictionary definition of
a symbol as: "Something that stands for, represents or denotes
something else (not exactly by resemblance but by vague suggestion or
by some accidental or conventional relation); especially a material object
representing or taken to represent something immaterial or abstract."
A relationship of representation is constructed by designating an
artifact to serve as the material form or image of what is being repre-
sented. The artifact functions as an instrument which both determines
the relationship of representation and denotes its existence.
Relationships of representation operate through the creation of an
analogy, an equivalence of form and function between the object and
that which it embodies or conveys.
When an artifact serves as an instrument of representation certain
contingent factors which determine the relationship have to be in
operation. There must be explicit intent behind the use of the object so
that it is treated as the material form of what it represents. A social con-
text exists that provides the frame of reference whereby the relationship
of representation is established and can be given a visible form.
Conventions of use determine the form and function of the artifact in a
relationship of representation. There may be a virtual absence of rules
determining the precise form of the object of representation or such
precise rules that the exact relationship is specified by the physical
form.
Use defines the instrumental connection. Manipulation of the artifact
in the approved manner brings the relationship of representation into
being. Often a ceremony is performed to empower the object so that it
becomes a form capable of representation.
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 159

An instrumental relationship is established and maintained through

ceremonial treatment of the object of representation. Types of thing
which can be represented in this manner include supernatural beings
and deities, persons, social circumstances, illnesses, affective states and
events. The importance of the artifact derives from the way in which it
conveys that which it is used to invoke in its role as the material focus.
This avoids methodological errors inherent in more general theories of
symbolism and representation. It does not confuse relationships of
association which are emblematic of a particular social context with
intentionally constructed relationships of representation. In relation-
ships of association an object which regularly appears in a given social
context becomes a part which invokes all aspects of the "whole" of its
setting. When an artifact serves as an instrument of representation the
relationship has been deliberately constructed so that there is a causal
relationship between the object and what it represents.
Ommura puari-ha spirit images are used as repositories for the spirit
of the deceased in mourning ceremonies. Asante fertility dolls are
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carried like babies by women to promote conception. They are carved to

correspond to the Asante ideal of physical beauty and are blessed in
shrines prior to use [McLeod 1981: 165-66]. Yoruba ibeji carvings
commemorate dead twins. They are offered food, dressed in clothes and
adorned with jewelry to placate the spirit of the deceased [Bascom 1969:
74; Drewal, Pemberton and Abiodun 1989: 170-75]. Christians and
Muslims follow this traditional practice but employ plastic dolls,
naturalistic figures, wooden cylinders and multiply-printed photographs
of surviving twins instead of ibeji [Houlberg 1973: 26; 1976: 18]. The
form of the object of representation is less important than the
propitiation of the spirit of the dead twin. The Kwakiutl shaman
Quesalid "extracted" a bloody piece of down to give a material form to
the illness which he removed from a patient [Levi-Strauss 1963b: 175].
A mudyi tree serves as a dominant symbol in the Ndembu Nkanga
ritual which is performed when a girl's breasts begin to develop. The
mudyi tree under which the female initiate sits during part of the
ceremony is referred to as the "milk tree" because it exudes a white sap.
In the ceremony it stands for breast milk and women's breasts, the
relationship between mother and child, the principle of matrilineal
descent because the ancestress slept beneath a mudyi tree, nourishment
and learning, Ndembu womanhood, and the separation of mother from
daughter [Turner 1967: 20-25]. Turner defines a ritual symbol as
something that condenses many meanings into a single form, conveys
multiple associations and has'sensory and ideological attributes [idem.:
28]. The Ndembu Nkula ceremony is held to cure female infertility. A
carving of a baby made of red-sapped wood is inserted into a calabash
as an act of sympathetic magic. Objects used by male hunter cults to
represent blood are employed in the ceremony because menstruation
makes the patient someone who sheds blood [idem.: 41]. To discover the
 160 R. Johnson

cause and remedy for a patient's affliction a Ndembu diviner analyzes a

configuration of figures and objects which he throws to the top of his
divination basket. Each divination symbol has several possible meanings
and in combination the meanings of individual symbols modify and
expand on each other [Turner 1968: 32]. A diagnosis which is acceptable
to the diviner's clients is reached by the interpretation of the
configuration of divination objects with regard to elicited or previously
known information about the patient's circumstances [idem.: 49-50].
In Dakota Winter Counts, pictorial elements were combined to
represent each year's event as a summary of its most significant features
[Mallery 1886; Howard 1979: 5-6]. A phrase which expanded on the
meaning of the visual depiction of the event was associated with each
pictograph. Basic meanings were conveyed by the system of picto-
graphic notation which had to be combined with the linked phrase to
invoke memorized details of the year event depicted.
Principal religious images are used to communicate with the deities
that they represent in Hindu temple worship. The amount of divine
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power contained in a Hindu religious image depends on the degree to

which it has been worshipped and maintained in a state of ritual purity
[Fuller 1979: 466]. Depictions of Hindu deities represent aspects of the
relevant mythology visually in accordance with accepted iconographic
conventions. The mythology describes the events of the lives of gods and
goddesses, their relationships and families, their incarnations, their
animal vehicles and the significance of their emblems and costumes.
Siva is motivated by asceticism and desire [O'Flaherty 1973: 35]. He is
married to Parvati but they have no natural children. The myths of the
goddess Devi are concerned with controlled and uncontrolled female
sexual energy [Babb 1975: 225-26]. Krishna, one of the many avatars of
Vishnu, is the object of bhakti worship in which total devotion to a
personal deity can lead to salvation [O'Flaherty 1975: 214].
The central images of the Buddha in Sri Lankan temples are not used
as instruments of communication with a deity. Buddha is not considered
to be a god and cannot intercede in human affairs, but he is venerated as
the founder of the religion who attained enlightenment and nirvana
[Gombrich 1971: 112]. Principal temple images contain relics and have a
Buddha force. Images only become sacred objects after a craftsman has
painted in the eyes, guided by the reflection in a mirror [idem.: 114,
138-39]. The main temple image of the founder of the religion serves as
a focus for worship and is given offerings [idem.: 95-96]. Merit gained
from worship derives from the intention which motivates the offering
rather than from its material form.
Images and altars are employed in Sherpa religious ceremonies to
attract the presence of the deities or demons that are invoked. Giving
offerings to supernatural beings places them under an obligation to
reciprocate by granting requests. An altar reflecting the calmness and
beauty of Avalokitesvara (Chenrezi) is constructed and a feast is held
during the merit-making ceremony of Nyungne [Ortner 1978: 36]. In the
 Representation, Artifacts and Art 161

Dzo Dzongup funeral exorcism, demons and illnesses are transferred

into the image of a tiger and the image is destroyed [idem.: 93]. The altar
in the Gyepshi exorcism ceremony is laid out in the shape of the
Buddha's hand with a demon image on each of the four fingertips, a
Buddha image on the wrist, and the image of the sponsor that is fed to
demons in the center of the palm above concentric circles of offerings. At
the conclusion of the ceremony the four demon images are destroyed,
the sponsor's image is put on the village shrine and replaced on the
Gyepshi altar by the Buddha image [idem.: 95, 118]. In the Kangsur
ceremony torma images are used to embody deities that are invoked to
receive offerings so that their anger can be directed at defeating demons
[idem.: 130, 145]. In advanced Buddhist theology demons are considered
to be projected images of negative human emotional states, while the
Sherpa folk belief is that demons exist as physical entities [idem.: 99].
To produce a divine blessing for the worshippers in the Mahakala rite
the vajra master merges his identity into that of the deity [Stablein 1976:
361]. Offerings are laid out in front of an image of Mahakala behind
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which is an image of the Buddha. By following the instructions given in

the Mahakala Tantra and mentally projecting images of Mahakala in
union with his sakti into each of the five centers located in the vajra
body, the vajra master melts into the deity. Production of the images
activates the centers so that they burn away the five poisons and create
the divinely blessed essence of Mahakala.
Certain Mahayana Buddhist texts explain the events and processes of
the in-between states that follow death and result in rebirth [Stablein
1980: 194-95]. Devotees can prepare themselves for the inevitable after-
death period leading to rebirth by learning and meditating on the
iconography of the bardo [Gordon 1967: 97]. The thought body separates
from the carnal body at death and is subject to its karma. It progresses
through the bardo experiencing visions of different deities and fuses with
the semen and blood of sexual intercourse to enter the mother's womb
and form the embryo. Impelled by the karma of its previous life, the
thought body is directed to appropriate parents and merges with the
physical causes of conception to form the consciousness structure of the
fetus.

CONCLUSION
The roles of artifacts have been discussed in terms of their patterns of
use and dominant functions, with reference to anthropological research
on the arts and societies of Africa, America, the Indian Subcontinent and
the Pacific. The distinction has been made between relationships of
association, in which the artifact takes on associations from the context
in which it occurs, and relationships of representation, in which there is
an intentionally constructed causal connection between the artifact and
what it represents.
 262 R. Johnson

This provides a spectrum of comparison from less to more. It is a

corrective to the tendency among interpreters derived from archaeology
and museum display to assume that the artifact can be connected to the
greatest possible networks of social relationship and significance.
Obviously "things" have a "social life," to use Appadurai's phrase, but
not every object can be used to recreate its context of use in a relation-
ship of representation. The ideal system is one in which artifacts are
employed to link the powers of the ancestors and group custom to
further the preoccupations of the living by manipulation in ceremonies.
It is like the Walbiri Aboriginal use of the sacred designs of the Dream-
time ancestors or Navajo use of sand paintings depicting mythical
ancestors to connect patients to their healing powers.
The drive towards the location of collective representations has
obscured other roles that artifacts may serve. Anthropological analyses
of artifacts carried out over the past century have been used for only
limited comparative investigations. Psychologists, psychiatrists and
psychotherapists study areas in which the anthropology of art could
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make a great contribution, such as the art of children, the folk art of
adults, and the use of art in rehabilitation and psychotherapy [Johnson
1993].
Artifacts are universally employed in the life-cycle ceremonies of
birth, marriage and death to indicate relationships in visible manifesta-
tions and as forms of sympathetic magic. Objects are not just used to
commemorate the deceased and "facilitate" the mourning process.
Personal possessions and photographs of the dead person may be used
by surviving relatives in transacting or failing to transact their grief. The
complexity of social and sentimental associations that can be invested in
objects is illustrated by family photographs [Csikzentmihalyi and Halton
1981: 58]. They are of passing interest to children and teenagers but
become increasingly important as adults grow older, as a way of
retaining their memory of deceased relatives.

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