218 vontans, from the periphery to the center of the MicenaBan world that took place at the end of the Bronze Age, by no means all of them assoc. ated withthe Dorians proper (thus the southward niovements of the Bouorzaxs should also be taken into account). "The Dorlans as such are mentioned in Homer ‘only once, in the Opyssay list of the tribes that inhabit Crete: “There are ACHAMANS, there are the great-heatted Ereocretans, there ate the Kyponians, as well as the Dorians of three tribes [tvikhaites) and the divine Paascianss” (19,175 177), The reference to the Dorians is a blatant ANActRONBA reflecting the geopolitical reality of the Anciatc Ags, so that it is not surprising thet in the rest of the epics Homes, who obviously shared the common opinion that the Doriaas emerged on the Greek seene only after the end of the Hore Act, consistently abstain from me tioning them. Nevertheless allusions to their pres- fence in the Aegean can also be found the Catarocus or Suites references to descendants of Herekles coming to ‘Troy from Rhodes and Kos, both inhabited by Dorians in historical times (see further Hexactins). Moreover, although the Dorian slates of Argos and Sparta do not properly belong to the Heroic Age, in Homer the Argos of Dioons and the Sparta of Mewwx.aos actually replace Tinrws and Asevci.g, the traditional cent- ‘15 of the relevant terctories whose key position in sk legend shows that their function as admin. ative and cult centers of pre-Dorian Greece was ‘well Inown to the Greeks of Homer's times (Cartledge 2002, 93; Finkelberg 2005, 171-172}.As 2 result, although it was a matter of common ‘knowledge that the Dorians were newcomers into the Peloponnese, they could nevertheless easly locate themselves within the “usable, ideological past” (Whitley 1988, 181) thatthe Flom: supplied. Dorion (Adépiav) This islistedin the Cavatocue ‘or Suips as one of the nine settlements from which Nestor drew his contingent (It. 2.591). ‘Unusually the reference is expanded with a story conceming the poet Tuanyais, sometimes ‘thought to be a later expansion but argued to be part of the entry by E, Visser (1997). Srraso (6.325) was uncertain whether “Dorion” was the name of a mountain, plain, or settlements Pausanias (4.93.7), however, identified it as a ruined settlement neat a spring, Achaia ‘The theory that this was the prehistoric site Malthi, which dominates the Soulima plain (Messeta), rests largely on the supposedly uunique position and history of Malth, but several ‘comparable sites are now known in the neighbor- ‘hood (McDonald and Hope Simpson 1968, 141), "The evidence for Early Iron Age occupation at Malthi (Coulson 1986, 16, 30), contrary to pre= vious statements, undercuts claims for the ‘MuceNAEAN source of the Catalogue entry. It scems questionable in any ease whether genniine tradition could have survived the Spartan con= quest of Messen ing a Catalogue name to a notable local site. The existence of a Doureon, which entertained Delphic envoys ea. 200 nes (Giovannini 1969, 15), is of questionable relevance, but serves to underline tie potential for gaps in our knowledge, this could be w case of attach- References and Suggested Readings ‘Hope Simpson sad Lazanby 1970, 855 Kir. 1985, 215: Anderson 1995, 184-185; Visser 1997, 514-522 Double Motivation “Double motivation” (or “double determination”) is modern scholarship’s Aimperiect) name for the Homeric tendeney to place the causality of human actions under two different headings, the external and internal, Interpretive problems arise because no explicit explanation of how one relates to the other is provided, and justepositions can be stark: at Odyssey 18.158-165 the narrator tells us that ATMENE put it into Puxezore’s head to show her self to the Surtons; Penelope then says: “BuayNoMe, my THuMos wants me to appear before the suitors” ‘The term “double motivation” cerries anach- sonistic dust from modern debates on free will vs, determinism: are the actions of “Homeric _man” caused by internal forces under his control, ‘ris she or he the mere pawn of the coos? Lesky (2961), pointing to passages like the Opyssay passage discussed above, showed that for Homer the two types are parallel or complementary rather than opposed; the characters are familiarwith both possibilities, and though individuals ‘ay invoke divine interference in order to deny culpability (AcansNon in Il. 19.86-138) cor credit (Parnoxios 16.844-850), @ culture of personal essvonsisitiry remains intact (Agamemnon, not Ars, gives compensation to Acuiiiss, and Achilles identifies Hector, not Arou.o or Eurioxnos, as the slayer of Patroklos). “Mac confusion about motivation derives from the poet tse of certain conventions first described by JOrgensen (1904), about who isallowed to know what: internal mot focalized to the sub- jective experience ofthe character, and the actions of the gous working externally upon the character are, by Jorgensea!s Lav, visible to the audience only through the pact (so Penclope in Od. 18 [above] cites her own thumos, while the narrator Identifies Athene; see also Pocaurzaston), who melt is assumed to have it from the Musis (Hl. 2.485-~486). The upshot is that when, for example, Oprssnus takes ever as narrator in Odyssey 9-12 (see Avotoaus), the “pivinn aPpaRaxts” lngely disappears. But Homer seems troubled by its removal: once Odysseue’ NARRATIVE i over the hhero is made to complain to the self-revealed AAthene that he has not had her help or company for many years (13.314-319); she dows not deny it, and says she has stayed away out of deference to her uncle, Possipow (13.339-343), This looks lke the poet’ attempt to explain a protracted manifes tation of Jorgensen’s Law in “eal” terms; but who did he think needed it explained, Odysseus or the audiencst Divine motivation is not to be assumed eve- rywhere. Agamemnon can blame Até for his mistreatment of Achilles in Ifa 1, but we think. ‘we know the facts: Athene is shown intervening to restrain Achilles from killing the king (1.14 222), and she says Hina hes sent her out of con- cern for them both (208-209); she and the narrator mercilessly fail to give any hint that a god Até is across the way working on Agamemnon, whose blunders are thus allowed to be his own. If his later appeal to Até is taken as allegorical (see AtiaconY),a different can of ‘worms is opened. More simply, not all motiva- tion is double, See also Morwvaton. DREAMS 219 Doulichion (AovAiyio¥) One of the Tomas Isiaxps, the location of which has proved apuzale, In the CxraLocun Or Sites it is paired with the “sacred Rcusrsapes” under the leadership of Meas son of Previous, and is desribed as being across from Buss (It, 2.625-626); Srnavo (82.2, 102.10, and 19) considers it of the Fchinades. For the Obyssry poet, i is ruled by Akastos (14.336), and supplies fifty-two of Pastor's Surtons (16.247). ‘The portrait of the island in the Odyssey is hard to reconcile with the Bchinades. Ovrsseus describes Doulichion as one of three islands "very dose 10 one another” which gied Irnaca Doulichion, Sass, and well-wooded Zaxwoerm0s (9.23-24; see Map 5). In addition, as noted by Stubbings (1962b, 403}, in the Odyssey Doulichion provides almost twice as many suitors for Penelope as Same and is described as polupures“rich in corn” and poiteis “rich in grass” (16.396), suggesting a much larger island than one of the Bchinades Possibilities forthe locaton of Doulichion have ded the western half of Kephallena (the Pale Peninsula, ee Saace},Ithoki itself (an interpreta tion which Diggle 2005, 515, traces back to Verg. Ed. 6.76), Meganisi, Leukas, or Makei inthe Fchinades (whose name would be semantically ‘equivalents“Long Island?’ cf. Fernsndez-Galiano in Russo et al. 1992, om 21.346-347). Bittlestone (2005, 264-266) observes that if Doulichion is identified with madera thaki, Megesand Odysseus then control discrete adjacent kingdoms: Meges in the northeast, Odysseus in the southwest, See also Insc, References and Suggested Readings ‘Overviews af the debate onthe locaton of Doulchion ‘an be fond in Stubbings 1962) an Biglestone 200, SENFAMIN HALLER Dreams Both narrator and characters. treat ‘dreams in Homer primarily ab communications fom cops to morals. In the Fisap, Zn i elle the source of dreams (1.63) and we witness bin sending Dream (personified) to AcAwExOvON in order fo advance his plan to honor Actix (25-83; see Psxsoxaricarton) Inthe Opyssex, we get detailed accounts of Avtiave sending a dream to Punstove (4796-841) and appeatng to [Nausteaa in a dream (6.13-40) Tn each instance,