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Women's Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea

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 Substance Use & Misuse, 43:1078–1087
Copyright © 2008 Informa Healthcare USA, Inc.
ISSN: 1082-6084 (print); 1532-2491 (online)
DOI: 10.1080/10826080801914212

Women’s Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea

WOOKSOO KIM1 AND SUNGJAE KIM2

1
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School of Social Work, University at Buffalo, New York, USA

2
College of Nursing, Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea

Recently South Korean society has experienced an increase in alcohol use related prob-
lems, as well as alcohol use among women. The purpose of this paper is to describe
the cultural context of and to summarize the current state of knowledge of women’s
drinking in South Korea. Subscribing to Confucian principles, traditional Korean soci-
ety has allowed drinking for men, but not for women. However, as society has changed,
contemporary women drink at a younger age and consume larger amounts of alcohol
than their prior generations. The current trends suggest an urgent need for research on
the etiology and trajectory of women’s alcohol use among various populations and the
need to develop intervention programs tailored to the specific needs of women.

Keywords alcohol use; alcoholism; gender difference; Korea; women

For personal use only.

Recently, South Korean society has witnessed a rapid increase in women’s alcohol use.
National statistics show that the rate of drinking among women has increased from 33.0%
in 1993 to 59.5% in 2001 (Ministry of Health and Welfare [MOHW], 2002). Contemporary
Korean women start drinking at an earlier age and consume more alcohol than did women
in earlier generations. Along with the increase in the number of female drinkers, the number
of problem female drinkers is also on the rise.
The problem has started to receive public attention. In the popular discourse in South
Korea, women’s alcohol-use-related problems have been framed as a threat to family life.
Since 2000, the popular media, including major newspapers and television stations, have cre-
ated special editions and programs on women’s drinking, especially the alcohol-use-related
problems of stay-at-home mothers. One popular newspaper title reads, “Housewife alco-
holism, 550,000 women alcoholics—Families are reeling” (Hurh, 2005a). Another popular
newspaper presented couples struggling with changing expectations and norms for women’s
drinking at work and offered different sets of “ten commandments” for men and women.
The first commandment for men was “do not drink competitively,” whereas, for women, it
was “do not use alcohol to cope with depressive feelings” (Yu, 2005).
Culture provides the context in which we can understand women’s drinking in South
Korea. Due to social expectations and norms, women and men may present a completely
different set of motivations, problems, and help seeking behaviors. This study presents a
brief description of the meaning of drinking for South Korean women, provides a discussion
on the increasing use of alcohol among women, particularly in comparison to use among
men, and reviews the current status of knowledge on women’s drinking. Throughout this

Address correspondence to Sungjae Kim, Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea. E-mail:
sungjae@snu.ac.kr
1078
 Women’s Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea 1079

paper, Korea refers to South Korea. Unfortunately, we do not have knowledge of women’s
alcohol use in North Korea.

Cultural Context of Women’s Alcohol Use

South Korean society holds two distinctive values and attitudes toward men and women’s
drinking. For men, alcohol is a social lubricant, and the consumption of alcohol is considered
essential to many business and social gatherings. The conduct of business generally involves
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alcohol as a means to please business partners or customers and to create a “good working
relationship” among coworkers. Alcohol is also viewed as a means to promote enduring
friendships and enhance existing relationships, as well as an acceptable coping mechanism
for any stressful life event. The public has a high tolerance for open drunkenness, and
“mistakes” made while under the influence of alcohol (such as rowdiness, arguments, and
fighting) are readily tolerated. This cultural acceptance of alcohol clearly affects the extent
to which individuals drink (Danko et al., 1988).
Societal acceptance of alcohol use is limited to men, however, and the values and
norms regarding women’s drinking are unclear and often contradictory. Traditionally,
Korean women are expected to stay at home, take care of their children, and support their
husbands and parents-in-law. Characteristics of the traditional ideal woman include being
permissive, submissive, and domestic. In the past, women were not expected to participate
in work-related activities and were expected to refrain from drinking alcohol. In recent
For personal use only.

years, however, women’s role in society has been changing. Women’s participation in the
workforce has rapidly increased, and young women are expected to work outside of the
home for financial reasons and for self-actualization. As such, society requires them to
engage in both traditional and modern roles.
Traditional social values and norms are slowly changing to reflect the reality of the
contemporary women’s role in society. For alcohol, however, this involves more than a
simple transition. As noted earlier, although drinking with coworkers is an important and
natural part of business culture, women experience more difficulty adapting to the rules
and standards of the workplace. Historically, women have served as entertainers for men
in social settings or as cooks who prepare lavish side dishes and drinks. Woman enter-
tainers are called “jik-up yeosung,” meaning “women who earn money by entertaining
men at a drinking party.” Such women still exist in Korean society in large numbers, and
many men look for their services to entertain at parties. Because of this, contemporary
working women participating in a drinking party, or any women at private parties with
men, have to be cautious not to come across as women entertainers, not to be taken as
“easy.” This set of contradictory expectations requires women to maintain a continuous
balancing act.
A woman who participates in social drinking must engage in constant self-assessment.
Although she is expected to take part in the collective party mood by drinking like her
coworkers or friends by offering drinks to others and not rejecting drinks offered by others,
unlike men, she is not allowed to become intoxicated. If she fails to abide by these rules,
which are different from those of her male coworkers or friends, she faces the risk of being
criticized by friends and sometimes ostracized from the workplace. If she becomes drunk
and falls asleep or vomits, she may be considered as lacking self-discipline or may run the
risk of being seen as a woman entertainer or as “easy.” The issue is not whether to drink in
these situations. Rather, it is how to navigate the subtleties of contradictory gender norms,
traditional and modern, in regard to culturally appropriate drinking practices.
 1080 Kim and Kim

Current Trends in Korean Women’s Drinking

According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare (2002), 80.7% of Korean women in their
20s drink, but the rates decrease as they get older. Women’s drinking peaks in their 20s,
when they either attend college or begin their career, but then plunges by their 30s. It is
assumed that women eliminate or significantly reduce their alcohol use as they enter a
marriage-appropriate age and have to fulfill the role of wife and mother.
Although women’s participation in economic activity has grown, most women expect
and are expected to be homemakers after the birth of their first child, if not right after
marriage. Even if they continue to work, most caretaking and household work remains the
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woman’s responsibility. Whether women stay at home or at work, most of them are busy in
their 30s with children and family affairs and may not have the opportunity to drink again
until their late 40s or early 50s, when their children are in college.
Female college students and working women are two major groups that have received
attention in research on women’s drinking (e.g., Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2001; Jang, 2001).
These two groups of women may be relatively exempt from the stigma attached to women’s
drinking because of their educational, career, or socioeconomic status. The rates of alcohol
use among these two groups are much higher than the national average. Female college
students, generally from the middle or upper classes, drink more than the national average
(Jang, 2001). Additionally, a study of white-collar workers found that 44.8% of female
workers consumed alcohol at least one to two times a month and 86% had used alcohol
within the last month, a figure that is much higher than that of the general population 54.9%
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(Choi, Kim, & Kim). With regard to motivation for drinking, most female white-collar
workers reported drinking for social reasons 71.2% (Choi, Kim, & Kim), and female college
students are also more likely to drink for social reasons than are their male counterparts
(Chung, Kim, & Seo, 2005). Additionally, gender difference is observed in expectations,
norms, or values in regard to alcohol use among college students (Jang).
Another study showed a generational progression in alcohol use. A mother–daughter
paired study showed that the rate of alcohol use among college-age daughters was 68.3%,
whereas that of their mothers was 22.1% (Weatherspoon, Park, & Johnson, 2001). Further,
generational differences in alcohol use in the general population are more prominent among
women than men in Korea. This issue will be explored in detail in the next section on gender
differences.

Gender Differences in Alcohol Use

Statistics show opposing patterns in the prevalence of drinking in men versus women
(MOHW, 2002). The prevalence of drinking in women over 20 increased from 33.0% in
1992 to 59.5% in 2001, whereas that of men decreased from 84.7% to 82.7%. The mean
age of onset of drinking for women is older than that of men, 26.7 to 20.0.
In recent years, the age of first alcohol consumption has been dropping significantly
among women. Although both men and women show a pattern of a decrease in the age of
the onset of drinking, the decrease in women is more drastic. National statistics show larger
generational gaps among women in the last 50 years. For women who are currently 70 years
old, the average age of onset of drinking was around middle age, whereas women who are
in their 20s started drinking, on average, at age 20. For men, there is not much difference
in age of drinking onset, whether they are in their 70s or 20s. Between the two generations,
the mean age of onset of drinking for women has dropped from 42.2 to 20, whereas that
of men has decreased from 23.2 to 19.2 (MOHW, 2002). Younger women not only start to
 Women’s Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea 1081

drink earlier than their previous generations, but their alcohol consumption also seems to
have caught up with men. The rate of high risk drinking among women drinkers in their
20s is 67%, almost the same as that of men, at 66%.
Problem drinking among women has increased at the same pace as overall drinking.
The lifetime prevalence of alcohol use disorders for Korean women has nearly tripled,
from 2.63% to 6.30%, whereas that for Korean men has decreased from 42.9% to 25.2%
(Lee, 1992; MOHW, 2002). The 1-year prevalence for an alcohol-use disorder in women is
2.6%, as compared to 11.0% for men, and the rate of alcohol dependence, as measured by
the CAGE questionnaire (answered “yes” for two or more questions; see Ewing, 1984), is
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10.5% for women and 26.1% for men over age 20 (MOHW). In most statistics, it is clear that
contemporary Korean women are starting to drink earlier and more and are experiencing
more problems than did their previous generations. Simultaneously, alcohol consumption
among Korean men appears to be decreasing.

Alcoholism in Women and Associated Factors

Although most studies on women manifesting alcoholism in Korea employ small conve-
nience samples, which significantly limit the generalizability of the findings, they still pro-
vide valuable insight into women’s alcohol-use-related problems. Demographically, women
manifesting alcoholism tend to be unmarried, less educated, and have lower socioeconomic
status as compared to men manifesting alcoholism (Chung, Kim, Jang, Sohn, & Park, 1997;
For personal use only.

Song, 2003) and women in general (Jeong, 2003). A family history of alcoholism is a
prevalent characteristic of women manifesting alcohol use related problems (Lim, 2002).
Research suggests that alcoholism in women develops more quickly than alcoholism in
men. Although individual differences exist, it takes about 4 to 5 years of ”heavy drinking”
for women to experience alcohol-use-related problems that are severe enough to cause
them to enter treatment facilities, whereas men tend to appear in treatment after 10 or
more years of excessive alcohol use (Chung, Kim, Jang, Sohn, & Park, 1997; Kim, 1996;
Song, 2003; Sung, Shin, Song, & Lee, 1999). It is interesting to note that women who
enter treatment for alcoholism have been drinking a shorter period of time and experience
fewer severe withdrawal symptoms and health complications resulting from a long history
of alcohol abuse,1 such as liver cirrhosis or diabetes, than do men entering treatment for
alcoholism (Heo, Kim, & Kim, 2001; Park, Oh, & Lee, 1998; Sung, Shin, Song, & Lee,
1999). We speculate that this finding reflects the social attitudes toward women’s drinking
in that women who drink excessively are looked down on, and their families are likely to
force them in to treatment earlier than they would males. Males who drink excessively are
protected from the consequences of their behavior by their families until their drinking and
associated problems become more severe. At this point it is difficult to make distinctions
between women who enter treatment because they have progressed to severe levels of
alcoholism and those that are forced into treatment due to negative familial attitudes about
excessive drinking among women.
Lim (2002) found that the women manifesting alcohol-use-related problems in her
study tended to drink alone and move quickly from the early stage to the middle phases
of the addictive process without anyone’s knowledge. In keeping with this, Lee and Kim
(2000) found that housewives generally drink covertly in the kitchen or when their children
are asleep, but, in public, drink very little or not at all, so that even very close relatives or
1
The journal’s style utilizes the category substance abuse as a diagnostic category. Substances
are used or misused; living organisms are and can be abused. Chief Editor’s note.
 1082 Kim and Kim

friends are not aware of their drinking. This makes early detection and treatment difficult.
Such women come in for treatment only after physical symptoms such as nightmares, hand
trembling, and sweating, as well as severe damage to their health (Lee & Kim).
Alcohol dependence in midlife can be attributed to stress and conflict from family
relationships or marital discord, especially infidelity of husbands (Chung, Kim, Jang, Sohn,
& Park, 1997; Hurh, 2005b; Lee & Kim, 2000). Some studies have found that women’s
drinking is correlated with physical spousal abuse (Choi, 2003; Lee & Kim, 2000; Lim,
2002), as well as childhood physical abuse (Choi, 2005). During family gatherings, women
(daughter-in-laws) usually work in the kitchen to prepare offerings for rituals, holiday feasts,
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and snacks, whereas their in-laws and their husbands enjoy the annual family gathering (Lee,
2004). When women feel as if they are serving as “house slaves,” dormant family issues
and problems are brought to the fore, and women may intensify their clandestine drinking
practices as a coping mechanism (Lim, 2002). Additionally, these women have internalized
dominant social values and negatively appraise other women’s drinking, as well as their
own, resulting in feelings of guilt (Kim, 2006).
Many studies on women manifesting alcohol or other substance use disorders in the
United States examine exposure to sexual abuse in childhood as a predictor of alcohol use
in adulthood (e.g., Boyd & Mackey, 2000). Sexual abuse or sexual assault variables are
not typically explored in relation to alcohol use by Korean researchers. However, a recent
qualitative investigation by one of the authors revealed that all of the women manifesting
alcoholism who were interviewed reported experiencing sexual abuse or sexual assault in
their childhood or early adulthood suggesting that these variables warrant examination in
For personal use only.

Korean samples as well (Kim, 2006). We speculate that living in a society that treats sex,
let alone child sexual abuse, as a taboo subject, causes women to have more difficulties in
sharing their experiences with researchers. Indeed, it took established therapeutic rapport,
developed through at least three interviews, to bring forward past abuse in the conversation.
Some commented, “this is the first time I have ever talked to anyone about this.”
Most women manifesting alcohol-use disorders are diagnosed as manifesting depres-
sion (Lee, 2005). Due to the stigma attached to mental illness in general, most women do not
recognize or are unaware of their mental health problems. In addition, women manifesting
alcoholism tend to have lower self-esteem and life satisfaction than do women in general,
but have a stronger “feminine identity” (Jeong, 2003). The positive relationship between
alcohol consumption and femininity has been found among younger generation women
drinkers as well. In exploring the role of femininity and alcohol consumption in college
female students, Shin (2004) found that, among female college students, hyper-femininity,
as measured by the level of beliefs in traditional women’s roles, is negatively correlated
with ability to control drinking. It seems that they lack the assertiveness to say “no” to
drinks offered by others, which appears to be the most important predictor of drinking for
this population.
Although both male and female problem drinkers similarly deny the existence of
alcohol-use-related problems and reject treatment, the social system responds differently
to them. Whereas a male problem drinker usually encounters enthusiastic social support
from his family or spouse, a woman faces rejection, indifference, or even hostility from her
family or spouse, as well as from society in general (Jeong, 2003). When a woman can no
longer hide her alcohol problem, and it becomes apparent to others, she brings disgrace to
the family. Most women are hospitalized against their will, and what little social support
they may have had disappears when they need it the most (Lee & Kim, 2000). In extreme
cases, family and spouses disown them through desertion or divorce, and the rate of divorce
is higher among women manifesting alcohol-use-related problems than among their male
 Women’s Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea 1083

counterparts (Hurh, 2005b; Sung, Shin, Song, & Lee, 1999). Finally, Song (2003) reports
that women who have alcohol-use-related problems tend to delay service use due to social
prejudice and lack of support, whereas men who have alcohol use related problems tend to
avoid service use due to their belief that they can self-treat, as well as a lack of trust in the
health care systems.

Recommendations for Future Research

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Women’s alcohol use and misuse in Korea is complex, and research on this phenomenon
is still in its infancy. As such, it warrants in-depth investigation. In particular, qualitative
research can enable us to understand women’s alcohol use and misuse from their own
perspectives, experiences, and interpretations. For example, there have been a number of
qualitative studies on Korean women who have alcohol-use-related problems, but, until
recently, none has found a connection between childhood sexual abuse and alcohol use
related problems (Kim, 2006). The cultural taboo on discussing sexual abuse has made
exploration of the relationship between childhood abuse and alcoho-use-related problems
in later life difficult and, thus, further research, taking into account the sensitivity of this
issue, is needed.
Quantitative research is also needed to understand the correlates of drinking age, alcohol
consumption, and the increase in the number of problem drinkers among women. Such
research needs to explore the relative mediating and moderating effects of environmental
For personal use only.

factors such as the legal age limit for drinking, social factors such as employment and alcohol
use expectations, physiologic factors such as progression, neurophysiology, genetics, and
physical effects; and individual psychological factors such as motivation, personality, and
sex role traits. It is anticipated that these factors will differ by gender. For example, because
Korean women start to drink later in life, as compared to men, the relevance of the legal
age limit would affect drinking behavior differently for women than for men.
The association between alcoholism, depression, and other mental health symptoms
needs to be studied further in the population of Korean women. The public tends to take
a common sense approach to women’s drinking and assume that women drink problem-
atically when they feel depressed. Although alcohol may be a means to self-medicate
depression, there is little scientific evidence that explains the link between depression and
alcohol use among Korean women. Additionally, current research argues that women man-
ifesting alcoholism tend to have low social support (Kim, 2006). The causal relationship2
cannot be established because cross-sectional data are not sufficient to explain whether
low social support precipitates alcohol use and misuse among Korean women or the other
way around. Further research is essential to verify the causality between variables that are
correlated.
Women’s changing gender/social roles may be at the center of change in alcohol use
among Korean women. Clearly, the expansion of public roles among women and their al-
cohol use are positively correlated, as both have experienced an explosive increase over the
last few decades. However, the direct relationship between such changes remains inconclu-
sive, which begs for future research. Another fruitful area of exploration is the relationship

2
The reader is referred to Hills’s criteria for causation which was developed in order to help assist
researchers and clinicians determine if risk factors were causes of a particular disease or outcomes or
merely associated (Hill, [1965]. The environment and disease: associations or causation? Proceedings
of the Royal Society of Medicine 58, 295–300.) (Chief Editor’s note.)
 1084 Kim and Kim

between religious affiliation and alcoholism. For example, Weatherspoon, Park, & Johnson
(2001) found that religious affiliation (e.g., Christianity, Buddhism) is negatively associated
with alcohol consumption among young female college students. Further research needs to
investigate whether religiosity is a protective factor in and of itself, due to a general religious
orientation or a particular religious belief system, including an emphasis on abstaining from
alcohol.
Finally, alcohol use and abuse patterns among diverse groups of Korean women have
been ignored in research. As reviewed in an earlier section of this paper, among community
samples, college students and white-collar workers have been the main focus of research.
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The findings from these studies, however, cannot be generalized to all women in Korea,
and additional groups, such as stay-home mothers or pregnant women need to be studied
to provide a comprehensive understanding of women and alcohol in Korea.

Recommendations for Practice

South Korea as a society needs to address the epidemic of high alcohol consumption. The
society should make a concerted effort to discourage negative drinking practices and to
find alternatives for alcohol in the school, family, and office culture. In this regard, public
education and mobilization, as well as government intervention, are crucial. Although the
Korean government began responding to this important national health problem in 2000 by
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expanding the number of community alcohol counseling centers that provide prevention,
treatment, and rehabilitation, these interventions are generally targeted towards men. Thus,
efforts should be made to develop interventions targeted toward women.
Governments can implement certain environmental interventions at a relatively small
cost. Enforcing regulation is one good example of such an intervention. Currently, the
government places a warning on an alcohol bottle that states: “Excessive drinking causes
cirrhosis or liver cancer and increases accidents when working or driving. Sale is prohibited
for those under 19 years of age.” Adding an additional line about the risk of birth defects
for pregnant women would reach out to pregnant women and contribute to educating the
public about the dangers of alcohol.
On the organizational level, health professionals need to be educated about the issues
relevant to women’s alcohol use and misuse. Because women’s problem drinking is largely
unnoticed, health care professionals in the primary care setting play a particularly important
role. For example, instituting a simple alcohol use assessment tool in the health care protocol,
health care professionals, whereas addressing other mundane health issues, can screen
for potential alcohol use related problems. This simple practice enables early detection
and has the potential to save the societal and individual costs of alcoholism. Developing
an educational module and creating an alcohol screening protocol, which includes the
administration of a simplified alcohol problem screening tool, are excellent ways to help
women manifesting alcohol-use-related problems.
On the individual intervention level, health care professionals need to understand that
women manifesting alcoholism have special psychological/emotional needs that should be
addressed during treatment. For example, they lack social support while struggling with
their recovery, may need to deal with past traumatic incidents of violence as part of their
treatment, and may attribute their motivation to drink to gender-related issues, such as their
relationship with their husband or in-laws (Kim, 2006). One means to help these women,
in cases in which social support is lacking, may be to provide support groups for them.
 Women’s Alcohol Use and Alcoholism in Korea 1085

As noted earlier, women have become more visible in the inpatient setting (Sung,
Shin, Song, & Lee, 1999). However, not all psychiatric hospitals have alcohol-specific
wards and, even when they do, most are limited to men. As such, there is a dire need for
special clinics and treatment facilities, as well as treatment modalities, which fit the needs
of women. In 2002, the first alcohol inpatient ward for women opened in Korea. Hopefully,
it will establish a model treatment program that responds to women’s needs. As part of and
beyond such programs, women need opportunities to talk about their experiences, learn
skills to decline unwanted drinks, find or develop alternative coping strategies, and rethink
narrow and contradictory options given by society.
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RÉSUMÉ

Les femmes, l’usage de l’alcool et l’alcoolisme en Coree

La société de la Corée du Sud a enregistré une augmentation de l’alcoolisme et une

croissance de la consommation d’alcool chez les femmes. Le but de cet article est de décrire
le contexte culturel de la consommation d’alcool chez les femmes et de résumer et mettre à
jour l’état de nos connaissances sur ce sujet. En conformité avec les principes confucéens,
la société coréenne traditionnelle permettait aux hommes, mais pas aux femmes, de boire
de l’alcool. A mesure que la société a changé, le rôle public de la femme s’est élargi. De
For personal use only.

pair avec ce changement de rôle, la consommation d’alcool a rapidement augmenté et le

nombre d‘alcooliques chez les femmes a aussi augmenté. Les femmes modernes semblent
boire plus jeunes et consommer des quantités plus grandes d’alcool que les femmes des
générations antérieures. Les tendances actuelles suggèrent qu’il est nécessaire d’étudier les
causes et le développement de la consommation d’alcool chez les femmes dans les divers
groupes socio-économiques et de développer des programmes d’intervention appropriés
aux situations et besoins particuliers des femmes.

RESUMEN

Las mujeres, el uso del alcohol y el alcoholismo en Corea

La sociedad surcoreana ha experimentado un aumento en problemas de alcohol, al

igual que en el consumo de alcohol entre mujeres. El propósito de este ensayo es describir
el contexto cultural del consumo de alcohol entre las mujeres, y resumir y actualizar el
estado actual del conocimiento sobre el consumo de alcohol entre mujeres en Corea del
Sur. La sociedad coreana tradicional, siguiendo los principios de Confucio, ha permitido
el consumo de alcohol a los hombres, pero no a las mujeres. Según ha ido cambiando la
sociedad, el rol social de las mujeres se ha expandido a la esfera pública. De acuerdo con
los cambios en sus roles sociales, el consumo de alcohol entre las mujeres ha aumentado
rápidamente, al igual que el numero de mujeres alcohólicas. Las mujeres contemporáneas
parecen comenzar a tomar a una edad más temprana y consumen cantidades más altas de
alcohol que sus homólogas en generaciones anteriores. La tendencia actual sugiere una
necesidad apremiante de mayor investigación sobre la etiologı́a y trayectoria del consumo
de alcohol entre varias poblaciones y la necesidad de desarrollar programas de intervención
diseñados para la situación y necesidades especı́ficas de las mujeres.
 1086 Kim and Kim

THE AUTHORS

Wooksoo Kim received her Ph.D. in Social Work in 2002

from the University of Washington. After graduation, she
served as a National Institute on Drug Abuse Postdoc-
toral Fellow at the School of Nursing, the University of
Washington. Her primary research interests are culture
and alcohol use, as well as minority mental health, us-
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ing various methods of methodological inquiry. Recently,

she has been engaged in international research focused
on the intersections of alcohol use and culture. Her cur-
rent projects include a focus group study with the Korean
Canadian elderly population in Toronto and alcoholism in
women in Korea.

Sungjae Kim, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the Col-

lege of Nursing, Seoul National University, Korea. Since
receiving her Ph.D. in Nursing from Seoul National Uni-
versity in 1996, she has been studying alcoholism issues
with various populations, including women and men with
For personal use only.

alcohol use related problems, the elderly, and at-risk popu-

lations, employing various methodologies. Currently, her
work is focused on developing relapse prevention pro-
grams and understanding health behavior change. Her cur-
rent projects include a qualitative inquiry on factors related
to recovery from alcoholism and a focus group study on
Quality of Life among people living with HIV.

Glossary
“Easy”: Refers to woman who will easily engage in sexual activity.
Hyperfeminity: Strong belief in women’s traditional roles.
Jik-up yeosung: Women who earn money by entertaining men at a drinking party.

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