A Essencia PDF

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 169

THE ESSENCE OF HAGAKURE

by
HOWARD KEVIN ALEXANDER
B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f L e t h b r i d g e , 1972

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT


THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

in
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
Department o f A s i a n S t u d i e s

We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming
to the r e q u i r e d standard

THE UNIVERSITY" OF BRITISH COLUMBIA


A p r i l , 1976

(cT) Howard Kevin Alexander, 1976


In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r

an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that

the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t freely available for r e f e r e n c e and study.

I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f this thesis

for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or

by h i s representatives. It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n

of this thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my

written permission.

Department of Asian Studies

The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia
2075 Wesbrook P l a c e
Vancouver, Canada
V 6 T 1W5
i

ABSTRACT

In 1700 Yamamoto Tsunetomo, a samurai o f the p r o v i n c e o f

Saga i n n o r t h e r n Kyushu, r e t i r e d from a c t i v e duty i n o r d e r to

spend h i s remaining years p r a y i n g f o r h i s l o r d , who had died

t h a t year. In c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h a younger a s s o c i a t e , T a s h i r o

Tsuramoto, who recorded h i s l e c t u r e s and c o n v e r s a t i o n s , Tsune-

tomo authored a book e n t i t l e d Hagakure. F i n i s h e d i n 1716, the

work had taken s i x y e a r s , and upon completion i t c o n s i s t e d of

eleven volumes o f s h o r t passages, mainly of a moral or a n e c d o t a l

nature. Through d i d a c t i c i l l u s t r a t i o n s Tsunetomo d e l i n e a t e d

behaviour proper to the samurai class.

R e a l i z i n g t h a t the extended age of peace of the Tokugawa

p e r i o d was having a d e b i l i t a t i n g e f f e c t on the morals of the

w a r r i o r c l a s s , Tsunetomo attempted i n Hagakure to r e v e r s e t h i s

trend. Aware o f the changing circumstances, i n which the samurai

were i n c r e a s i n g l y assuming the r o l e of a d m i n i s t r a t o r s r a t h e r

than w a r r i o r s , Tsunetomo emphasized the development of mental

a t t i t u d e s a p p r o p r i a t e to the b a t t l e f i e l d . Self discipline and

u n q u e s t i o n i n g l o y a l t y , such as might be expected o f an ideal

w a r r i o r , even to the e x t e n t o f b e i n g r e s i g n e d to death a t any

time, was, he b e l i e v e d , a p r e r e q u i s i t e to s e r v i c e of any k i n d .

By d e v e l o p i n g such moral v i r t u e s as r e c t i t u d e , courage, honour,

decorum, compassion, u n s e l f i s h n e s s , f r u g a l i t y , and, most im-

p o r t a n t l y , l o y a l t y , Tsunetomo expected a samurai to prepare

h i m s e l f to serve h i s l o r d i n any c a p a c i t y . On the o t h e r hand,

he d e r i d e d samurai who were obsessed w i t h i n t e l l e c t u a l or a r -

t i s t i c p u r s u i t s , s t a t i n g t h a t they o f t e n became e x c e s s i v e l y
proud and l o s t t h e i r a b i l i t y to c a r r y out t h e i r d u t i e s e f f e c -

tively.

Because of Tsunetomo's emphasis on r e g i o n a l h i s t o r y and

on l o y a l t y to h i s p r o v i n c i a l l o r d , Hagakure, would most certain-

l y have d i s p l e a s e d the a u t h o r i t i e s i n Edo had i t been widely

circulated. T h e r e f o r e , f o l l o w i n g the author's o r d e r s , i t r e -

mained s e c r e t among the l e a d i n g samurai o f Saga u n t i l the middle

of the n i n e t e e n t h century. Then the r i g o r o u s l o y a l t y found i n

Hagakure was r e d i r e c t e d away from the r e g i o n a l l o r d to the em-

p e r o r , i n keeping w i t h the r i s i n g sense o f n a t i o n a l i s m which

accompanied the i m p e r i a l r e s t o r a t i o n . Hagakure thus took on

a new function. During the p e r i o d of" m i l i t a r i s m l e a d i n g t o

the P a c i f i c War, Tsunetomo's d e c l a r a t i o n that a w a r r i o r must

be r e s i g n e d to death i n the cause of l o y a l t y brought widespread

r e c o g n i t i o n to Hagakure. In f a c t , the book came to be equated

w i t h a d e t e r m i n a t i o n to d i e f o r the sake o f the emperor.

To g i v e a manageable s t r u c t u r e to the hundreds o f l o o s e l y

a s s o c i a t e d passages o f which Hagakure i s composed, a m o d i f i e d

framework o f Confucian mores has been employed i n t h i s essay.

Since the most p r e v a l e n t philosophy o f the book, and indeed o f

the whole Edo p e r i o d , was Neo-Confucianism, t h i s framework,

however a r t i f i c i a l , seems a p p r o p r i a t e . Other approaches may

a l s o have been p o s s i b l e f o r Hagakure c o n t a i n s much more than

only Neo-Confucian p h i l o s o p h y . The emphasis on s i m p l i c i t y and

the r e l i a n c e on one's own e f f o r t s , concepts which form i n t r e g a l

p a r t s o f Zen Buddhism, a l s o h e l d g r e a t appeal to Tsunetomo.

He d i d not c l e a r l y c o n c e p t u a l i z e h i s b e l i e f s as b e i n g C o n f u c i a n ,

B u d d h i s t , o r n a t i v e Japanese components. Rather a l l h i s ideas


were amalgamated i n t o a s y n c r e t i s m which he expresses

Hagakure as the way o f the w a r r i o r .


iv

PREFACE'

I f i r s t became aware of the e x i s t e n c e of Hagakure a decade

ago, y e t I remember the circumstances w e l l . At t h a t time I had

been i n Japan t r a i n i n g i n m a r t i a l a r t s f o r almost two years and

f e l t t h a t I was f i n a l l y making p r o g r e s s . My misplaced p r i d e was

soon d i s l o d g e d , however, by a r e s p e c t e d i n s t r u c t o r who said that

although p h y s i c a l l y r was s t a r t i n g to l e a r n the techniques, my

mind had not y e t begun t o c o n t r o l my body. Unless, he advised,

I s t u d i e d the contents o f books such as Hagakure I would never

be able to comprehend the true s p i r i t o f the Japanese m a r t i a l

arts. In the f o l l o w i n g y e a r s , as I became more i n t e r e s t e d i n

the h i s t o r i c a l and s p i r i t u a l aspects o f Japanese budo, I heard

repeated r e f e r e n c e s to Hagakure, p a r t i c u l a r l y by those practi-

t i o n e r s o f the more t r a d i t i o n a l forms o f m a r t i a l a r t s . I came

to r e a l i z e t h a t Hagakure i s indeed a seminal work i n the e t h i c s

of the samurai c l a s s d u r i n g the Edo p e r i o d .

Because o f t h i s i n t e r e s t i t was n a t u r a l t h a t I would

s e l e c t Hagakure as the t o p i c o f my Master's thesis. Unfortunately,

due to the book's g r e a t l e n g t h , I have found i t p r a c t i c a l to

l i m i t my s t u d i e s f o r t h i s t h e s i s to the f i r s t chapter, which I

b e l i e v e t o be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the whole. Close examination

of the remaining p o r t i o n of Hagakure may i n d i c a t e a need f o r a

s l i g h t s h i f t i n emphasis and p r o v i d e more e x a c t i n g examples.

However, I b e l i e v e t h a t f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h would almost certainly

support the c o n c l u s i o n s reached i n t h i s paper.


V

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter I .

1. Introduction p. 1

2. H i s t o r i c a l Background p. 8

3. Yamamoto Tsunetomo p. 17

4. Compilation and T e x t u a l Information p. 26

Chapter I I .

1. I n t e r n a l Aspects p. 34

2. Training p. 44

3. Loyalty p. 51

4. A t t i t u d e Toward Death p. 55

5. P e r s o n a l Appearance p. 6 3

Chapter I I I .

1. Conduct i n S o c i e t y p. 66

2. Rectitude p. 71*

3. Compassion p. 76

4. Courage and Honour p. 78

5. Etiquette p. 82

Chapter IV.

1. Conclusion p. 85
1

Chapter I .

1. Introduction

By the t u r n o f the eighteenth century the Tokugawa bakufu

had, a f t e r a hundred years o f r u l e , f i r m l y secured i t s

p o s i t i o n o f supremacy i n Japan. A s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p had been

s t r u c k between the c e n t r a l regime i n Edo/:C , the p r e s e n t Tokyo,

o f the v a r i o u s han )J^~. The r e s u l t a n t baku-


3
and the, dainty o 7\ jfc 2

h a n ^ system had proven i t s e l f as an e n t i t y s u f f i c i e n t l y

v i a b l e t o have r e a l i z e d a p e r i o d o f extended peace. The absence

of war eroded the need f o r , and t h e r e f o r e the q u a l i t y o f , the

m i l i t a r y techniques o f the samurai. In t h e i r p l a c e s p e c i a l i z e d

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and b u r e a u c r a t i c s k i l l s became more h i g h l y valued

as the demand f o r such t a l e n t i n c r e a s e d . As the p o s i t i o n o f the

samurai a t the top o f the f o u r c l a s s s o c i a l system^ had not y e t

been threatened by the r i s i n g merchant c l a s s 6


and the surge o f

production and p r o s p e r i t y d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t o f the seven-

teenth century had b e n e f i t e d the samurai as w e l l as o t h e r s , i t

was only n a t u r a l t h a t a r e l a x a t i o n o f the moral f i b r e o f the

code o f bushi "fyj^C ^ e t h i c s should result.

Hagakure ^ ,8
known a l s o as Hagakure rongo ^$f[*g^Nffiv

Nabeshima r o n g o f f l j&f%*, o r Hizen rongo fflijfc)^ffi*/ exemplifies

e x c e l l e n t l y one attempt t o counteract the movement toward the

impotency o f bushi conduct and t o r e s t o r e the q u a l i t i e s which

had enabled the samurai to r i s e t o the p i n n a c l e o f s o c i e t y . En-

compassing w e l l over a thousand passages o r paragraphs o f v a r y i n g

l e n g t h , each more o r l e s s a complete u n i t i n i t s e l f , Hagakure

was n o t intended to c o n s t i t u t e m a t e r i a l f o r c a s u a l r e a d i n g nor

entertainment but was r a t h e r composed as a book o f moral and


2

social injunctions. As such, s t r u c t u r a l q u a l i t i e s and literary-

smoothness were f o r c e d i n t o a p o s i t i o n s u b s e r v i e n t to such things

as i t e r a t i o n of the samurai code of e t h i c s . In s p i t e of c e r t a i n

l i t e r a r y d e f i c i e n c i e s s u f f e r e d because of t h i s requirement, the

manner of p r e s e n t a t i o n , mainly through the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f

v a r i o u s forms of d i d a c t i c , permits Hagakure to be designated one


9

of the important books o f Japanese c i v i l i z a t i o n . Yet the essen-

tial value o f Hagakure i s not p r i m a r i l y as a work o f literature.

The importance o f t h i s book may be found p a r t l y i n the

g r e a t amount of h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n which may be gleaned from

it. The v a r i e d passages, through the p r o v i s i o n o f d i v e r s e ex-

emplary d e s c r i p t i o n s , i n c l u d e much of the h i s t o r y o f the N a b e s h i m a 10

h a n / ^ a n d thus o f f e r innumerable f a c t s concerning the devel-

opment of S a g a ^ p r e f e c t u r e . ^ To s c h o l a r s o f l o c a l h i s t o r y

i n t e n t on c a r e f u l l y d e t a i l i n g the p a s t o f t h a t p a r t i c u l a r p a r t
12
of Kyushu, Hagakure has long been a source o f v a l u a b l e d e t a i l s .
S o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s , too, have d i s c o v e r e d a great d e a l o f m a t e r i a l
13

r e g a r d i n g m a r i t a l and family conditions. References to offi-

c i a l documents, d e l i b e r a t i v e meetings, d u t i e s r e q u i r e d o f par-

t i c u l a r o f f i c e s , and expected behavior regarding intercourse

between v a r i o u s ranks of samurai e x i s t as concrete examples.

For i n s t a n c e , the n o t i f i c a t i o n o f a r a i s e i n s t i p e n d a r r i v e d by
14
means of an o f f i c i a l l e t t e r from the l o r d . Another paragraph
15
deals w i t h methods by which a new group member was s e l e c t e d .
The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y attached to duty i s c l e a r l y d e p i c t e d i n a
statement e x p l a i n i n g the p r e c a u t i o n s r e q u i r e d when d e l i v e r i n g a
16
message and i n the a l l u s i o n to the r o l e o f an o f f i c i a l witness
17
at the r i t u a l o f seppuku j f l j f f . Furthermore, h i s t o r i a n s i n t e r -
3

e s t e d i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l development o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e appa-


18

ratus w i l l f i n d many passages o f s p e c i f i c interest.

The r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Hagakure, though, l i e s beyond a

s u p e r f i c i a l examination of the t e x t i n search o f s p e c i f i c accounts

d e p i c t i n g c e r t a i n aspects o f h i s t o r i c a l study. Rather i t e x i s t s

as an o u t s t a n d i n g r e c o r d o f the code o f conduct o f the i d e a l i z e d

samurai i n the p r o v i n c e o f Saga. The f a c t t h a t i t indeed rep-

resents but a s m a l l p o r t i o n o f the whole country does not de-

t r a c t from i t s c r e d i t a b i l i t y because i t s author, Yamamoto Tsune-

tomo ^ f l ? (1659-1719), w h i l e drawing on l o c a l events f o r

i l l u s t r a t i o n , propounds what may be regarded as the c u l m i n a t i o n

o f - t h e s e t o f e t h i c s which l a t e r came t o be known as bushido


Tsunetomo was i n f l u e n c e d by v a r i o u s sources and the

b u s h i which he so c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y p o r t r a y s were i d e a l models who,

i n a c t u a l i t y , d i d not e x i s t a t any time i n Japanese h i s t o r y .

This f a b r i c a t i o n i s openly admitted.

At p r e s e n t , models o f g r e a t r e t a i n e r s have
disappeared. T h e r e f o r e i t i s probably b e s t
to make one's own model and i m i t a t e t h a t .
The way t o c r e a t e t h i s model i s t o take the
decorum o f one person, the courage o f another
and a t h i r d ' s way o f u s i n g words. Add some-
one's proper b e h a v i o r and the f i r m o b l i g a t i o n
of someone e l s e . Study y e t another man's way
of q u i c k l y and f i r m l y making good d e c i s i o n s .
I f from among people one s e l e c t s men who each
have an o u t s t a n d i n g q u a l i t y , and s e l e c t s o n l y
the b e s t o f these q u a l i t i e s , he can make a
model.20

The Utopian q u a l i t i e s d e p i c t e d i n Hagakure n e v e r t h e l e s s c o i n -

c i d e d almost e x a c t l y w i t h the e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a o f the stand-

ard b u s h i i n o t h e r p a r t s o f Japan. The p o i n t o f d i f f e r e n c e ,

then, l i e s n o t so much i n the content as i t does i n degree. For

Tsunetomo p i c t u r e d h i s model i n s u c c i n c t and f o r c e f u l terms and,


4

because o f t h i s emphasis which bordered on the i l l u s i o n a r y ,

Hagakure p r o v i d e s an e x c e l l e n t example of the b a s i c p r e c e p t s

which the bushi o f the middle Edo p e r i o d were expected to emulate.

While i t i s p o s s i b l e and e x c i t i n g to s e l e c t s p e c i f i c sen-

tences o r paragraphs and attempt t o r e l a t e them to s i t u a t i o n s o f

theppresent age, c a u t i o n on t h i s p o i n t i s i m p e r a t i v e . However

much c e r t a i n passages lend themselves to t h i s p r a c t i c e , i t does

not serve the purpose o f f i n d i n g the true essence o f the book.

For, as i t w i l l be seen, Hagakure was produced w i t h a c e r t a i n

i n t e n t i o n and subsequently the passages, a l b e i t v a r i e d and color-

f u l , c o n s t a n t l y r e t u r n to the e x p o s i t i o n o f p r i n c i p l e s meant to

strengthen t h a t o r i g i n a l i n t e n t . N a t u r a l l y the words themselves

have an important r o l e to p l a y and each must be c o n s i d e r e d c a r e -

fully. The use o f these words by the author, however, sometimes

p l a y i n g on t h e i r shock v a l u e , sometimes on t h e i r emotional v a l u e ,

and o t h e r times upon t h e i r a b i l i t y to impart l o g i c , constantly

reconfirms and s o l i d i f i e s Tsunetomo's p o i n t of view.

Common sense was, i n h i s day, based on fundamentals o f

reasoning d i f f e r e n t from the p r e s e n t age. With the modern em-

p h a s i s upon the f e e l i n g s and r i g h t s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , i t i s not

expected t h a t an employee w i l l have the degree o f commitment


21

which was demanded o f the r e t a i n e r s o f the Nabeshima han. By

p r e s e n t standards t h a t d e d i c a t i o n to s e r v i c e would appear to be

f a n a t i c i s m b o r d e r i n g on i n s a n i t y . Indeed, even Tsunetomo f r e -

q u e n t l y mentions the need f o r a b l i n d and unreasonable d e v o t i o n


22
which he c a l l s s h i n i g u r u i ^fcj^£wi, "death madness." In appa-
r e n t o p p o s i t i o n to t h i s he a l s o s t a t e s the need f o r l o g i c and
23
self control. To Tsunetomo adherence to two such c o n t r a d i c t o r y
5

viewpoints p r e s e n t e d no problem because i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s c o u l d be

caused only by d e v i a t i o n from the main duty of a bushi which

was to f u l f i l l h i s r o l e i n l i f e .

Tsunetomo b e l i e v e d t h a t the Nabeshima House was among the

foremost i n Japan. "Among the generations of l o r d s of our House

there have been no bad men and no s t u p i d men. Nor have there

been any who have dropped to second or t h i r d among the daimyo

of Japan. This marvelous House must have been d i v i n e l y p r o t e c t e d

by the p i e t y of our a n c e s t o r s . " He f u r t h e r b e l i e v e d t h a t the

entire l i f e of a b u s h i , p a r t i c u l a r l y one who was a r e t a i n e r of

such an unequalled House, c o u l d center around o n l y one thought,

the u t t e r and complete devotion to the s e r v i c e o f one's l o r d .

...having been born by happy chance i n t o a House


where the vows between l o r d and f o l l o w e r are
s t r o n g , the r e t a i n e r s , and even the peasants
and townsmen, have such deep indebtedness, the
inheritance of successive generations, that
words are inadequate to express i t f u l l y . When
one t h i n k s of t h i s w i t h the r e s o l u t i o n f i x e d
i n h i s h e a r t t h a t i n the repayment o f t h i s
indebtedness he has to somehow be employed, he
serves even more s e l f l e s s l y . Even i f ordered
to become a m a s t e r l e s s samurai o r to commit
seppuku, he knows these to be d u t i e s . From the
depths o f the mountains and from under the e a r t h ,
from l i f e to l i f e and age to age, determining to
serve i s the fundamental stage o f the r e s o l u t i o n
of the samurai of the Nabeshima. This i s our
h e a r t and s o u l . Although i t does not s u i t my
p r e s e n t s e l f , Iwithdrawn as I am from the world
as a monk,] I never pray f o r such t h i n g s as
a t t a i n i n g Buddhahood. Being born as a Nabeshima
samurai f o r seven l i v e s , and the d e t e r m i n a t i o n
to serve the f i e f , i s s t a i n e d on my very l i v e r
as long as I l i v e . A b i l i t y i s not needed. A l l
t h a t i s necessary i s the d e t e r m i n a t i o n to bear
the House by m y s e l f . ^

No a c t i o n c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d insane o r i l l o g i c a l i f i t were

s i n c e r e l y intended to f u r t h e r the cause o f the l o r d . Conversely,

any e f f o r t which was made i n an attempt to b e t t e r one's p e r s o n a l


6

lot i n l i f e was regarded as wicked. T h e r e f o r e , the use o f exam-

p l e s , s t o r i e s , i n c i d e n t s taken from h i s t o r y f a m i l i a r t o the b u s h i

of the time, q u o t a t i o n s from other books, admonitions, accusa-

t i o n s employing harsh and c r u e l words f o r the purpose of shocking

the r e a d e r , the use o f humour, the s t i m u l a t i o n o f the emotions

of love and compassion and o f h a t r e d f o r cowardice, and even the

appeal to the vengeance of the gods, are a l l employed when needed

to convince the young samurai i n one way o r another t h a t the p r a c -

t i s e of chu , " l o y a l t y , " c o n s t i t u t e d the main f a c t o r i n t h e i r

way of life.

There are i n d i c a t i o n s that the author was c l e a r l y aware t h a t

the age i n which the major s e r v i c e o f the r e t a i n e r was to f i g h t

for h i s l o r d on the b a t t l e f i e l d had passed. Tsunetomo h i m s e l f

had had no b a t t l e e x p e r i e n c e and the i n c i d e n t s d e a l i n g w i t h war

which are s p r i n k l e d throughout Hagakure are a l l drawn from e a r l i e r

p e r i o d s as examples of accepted behaviour i n the contingency o f

war. More o f t e n the passages o f Hagakure attempt to d e a l w i t h the

problem o f how t o m a i n t a i n the proper a t t i t u d e o f complete loyalty

in a p e r i o d o f peace. The young samurai o f the mid-Edo p e r i o d

were d e s t i n e d to become o f f i c i a l s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s r a t h e r than

w a r r i o r s , but i n the d i s c h a r g e of t h e i r d u t i e s they were expected

to fulfill the requirements o f l o y a l t y and d e v o t i o n to t h e i r lord.

Thus, Hagakure deals d i r e c t l y w i t h the d e l i c a t e problem o f a c h i e v -

ing a mental a t t i t u d e o f preparedness o r r e s o l u t i o n (kakugo,^(j^^f)

and s u s t a i n i n g t h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f purpose throughout a l i f e t i m e

i n which there may have been no c o n c r e t e o p p o r t u n i t y to consummately

demonstrate i t .

Taken as a whole, the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f e f f o r t must be

d i r e c t e d toward the c u l t i v a t i o n and development o f an awareness


7

of the d i s c i p l i n e which i s necessary to p r o p e r l y serve one's

lord. I t i s i n t h i s r e s p e c t t h a t Hagakure d i f f e r s from the

g r e a t c l a s s i c s o f war i n two main but r e l a t e d r e s p e c t s . The


25 26
Sun Tzu ffi Jj- , M a c h i a v e l l i ' s The A r t o f War, and On War by
27

Clausewitz, a l l but ignore the mental a t t r i b u t e s o f s o l d i e r s

as i n d i v i d u a l s , emphasizing i n s t e a d i n s t r u c t i o n s to the comman-

der o f the army and the a c t u a l s t r a t e g y to be employed by t h a t

commander i n l e a d i n g h i s army to v i c t o r y . Hagakure, on the

other hand, i s a book which r e v o l v e s around the i n d i v i d u a l s who

make up the army, not around the l e a d e r . These individuals

e x i s t only i n response to the needs of t h e i r l o r d . Hagakure

p r o v i d e s them w i t h d i r e c t i o n s on how t o become commendable r e -

t a i n e r s and i n c i t e s them to do t h e i r utmost to a t t a i n a degree

of mental d i s c i p l i n e which would enable them to achieve the most

favorable results.

Hagakure's concept o f d e v o t i o n to s e r v i c e i n c o r p o r a t e s an

amalgamation o f C o n f u c i a n , Buddhist, and T a o i s t ideas t o g e t h e r

with e x p r e s s i o n s r e m i n i s c e n t o f n a t i v e Japanese modes o f thought.

The d o c t r i n e s o f "reason" o r " r a t i o n a l i s m " ( r i , / ? _ ) and "human-


28

ism" (j i n , •fa- ) are c e n t r a l to orthodox Confucianism and are

supported by such C o n f u c i a n v i r t u e s as " l o y a l t y " (chu),, "filial

piety" (ko, j% ) and " r i t u a l " or "decorum" ( g i , ) . The reiter-

a t i o n of these elements i n the Neo-Confucianism of the Sung

dynasty i n the p h i l o s o p h i c a l teachings o f Chu H s i \ , (113 0-


29
1200, Japanese name Shushi) and the o f f i c i a l adoption o f t h i s
30

s c h o o l by the Tokugawa bakufu gave f u r t h e r s t r e n g t h to the

i n f l u e n c e o f Chinese thought. The emphasis on moderation, con-

s e r v a t i s m and the maintenance of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d -


8

u a l s and among groups e x e m p l i f i e s the d i r e c t e f f e c t o f orthodox

Neo-Confucianism on Hagakure. I n c l i n a t i o n s toward ethnocentrism

and h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s a l s o i n d i c a t e an indebtedness to Confu-


31
danism. Apparent, too, i s the harmonizing e f f e c t of the
a n c i e n t yin-yang (in-yo, ffip^ ) philosophy o f C h i n a . 3 2
The legacy

from Buddhism i s a l s o p r e s e n t , and the expressed n e c e s s i t y to

gain r e l e a s e from w o r l d l y d e s i r e s and the acknowledgment o f the


33
t r a n s i t o r y nature of the world p l a y s an obvious r o l e i n Hagakure•
E s o t e r i c p a t t e r n s , i n the methods o f t r a n s m i t t i n g knowledge f o r

example, are a l s o c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the p r a c t i s e s of Bud-


34
dhist sects. On the other hand, Zen Buddhism added the recog-
n i t i o n f o r s e l f - u n d e r s t a n d i n g and s e l f - r e l i a n c e t o Tsunetomo's
35

ideal bushi. Furthermore, Tsunetomo's support o f the very rigid

h i e r a r c h i c a l system, while i n f l u e n c e d by Confucianism, is a

s o c i a l phenomenon which appeared i n Japan even i n very e a r l y

times. Some o f the elements r e g a r d i n g r i t u a l and e t i q u e t t e


37

can a l s o be t r a c e d to very e a r l y n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n s . Since a l l

of these components are d i f f u s e d throughout Hagakure and have

become i n t r i n s i c p a r t s o f the t e x t , f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n w i l l be

given them
2. H ias
s t othey
r i c a lr e lBackground
a t e to the contents o f t h i s paper.

During the n i n t h century p r o v i n c i a l governors began to

surround themselves w i t h armed men. By the e l e v e n t h century the

bushi had emerged w i t h enough power t o become a source o f a n x i e t y

to the government i n Kyoto, and b e f o r e the t w e l f t h century had

come t o a c l o s e they had e s t a b l i s h e d a bakufu i n Kamakura^


38

which h e l d a wide range o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power. Thereafter,

the samurai c l a s s continued to be a tremendously powerful f o r c e


9

i n Japanese h i s t o r y . Beginning w i t h the Onin/ciWar (1467-


39
1477), armed c o n f l i c t ravaged Japan almost c o n s t a n t l y f o r
n e a r l y a century and a h a l f . H o s t i l i t i e s continued u n t i l they

culminated i n the u n i f i c a t i o n o f the country i n 1600 by Tokugawa


40
Ieyasu. A f t e r he had s o l i d x f i e d h i s g r i p on the n a t i o n through
. . . - 41

the e l i m i n a t i o n o f the Toyotomi f a c t i o n at Osaka i n 1615, any

m i l i t a r y a c t i o n s which o c c u r r e d , such as the s u p p r e s s i o n of

l o c a l i z e d u p r i s i n g s , c o n s t i t u t e d only minor s k i r m i s h e s , w i t h
the e x c e p t i o n of the C h r i s t i a n u p r i s i n g a t Shimabara in
42

1638. Ieyasu e s t a b l i s h e d a - p e r i o d of peace which was to l a s t

f o r more than two hundred and f i f t y years u n t i l the M e i j i Restor-

a t i o n o f 1868. The m i l i t a r y s k i l l s of the b u s h i d e c l i n e d through

the p r o t r a c t e d p e r i o d o f i n a c t i v i t y and the f u n c t i o n o f the

samurai evolved from one of p h y s i c a l combat i n t o one o f adminis-

trative responsibilities. Among those who were concerned with

the s t a t u s of the samurai d u r i n g the prolonged peace was Yamaga

Soko who attempted t o j u s t i f y the continued importance o f the

bushi. He b e l i e v e d t h a t samurai, who r e c e i v e d sustenance as a

r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of the o t h e r s o c i a l c l a s s e s , must earn

t h e i r y e a r l y s t i p e n d , not only by m a i n t a i n i n g proper m i l i t a r y

preparedness, but by d i s c i p l i n i n g themselves i n a r t s and virtues


which would equip them as proper models and l e a d e r s f o r o t h e r s
43

to f o l l o w .

Yamaga was not alone i n h i s concern f o r the f u t u r e o f the

samurai. One hundred years a f t e r the b a t t l e o f Osaka and e i g h t y

a f t e r Shimabara, a t a time when the n a t i o n was engrossed i n en-

j o y i n g the b e n e f i t s o f peace, Hagakure was w r i t t e n (1716). Con-

demning the l a c k of m i l i t a r y v i r t u e s i n terms which were o f t e n


10

extremely harsh and b r u t a l , such as, " A l l the work o f men used

to have the stench o f b l o o d about i t . In the p r e s e n t age this

is s a i d to be f o o l i s h . Through c l e v e r n e s s i n the use of words

people t i d y up t h e i r appearance, and i f there happens to be a

s l i g h t l y d i f f i c u l t t a s k , they a v o i d i t . I would l i k e the young


44

people to r e f l e c t c a r e f u l l y on t h i s , " Tsunetomo appealed f o r

a r e t u r n t o the s t r i c t e r mental and p h y s i c a l d i s c i p l i n e of e a r l i e r

times.

Why, i t may be asked, d i d Tsunetomo f e e l the need to

r e v e r t to what appears to be a more p r i m i t i v e l i f e style? The

author h i m s e l f d e s c r i b e s g r a p h i c a l l y the circumstances which

induced him to w r i t e . In the t h i r t y years p r i o r to the compila-

t i o n o f Hagakure,
...the c h a r a c t e r o f the world changed. When the
young samurai get t o g e t h e r , t h e i r c o n v e r s a t i o n
c o n s i s t s e n t i r e l y of such t h i n g s as c h a t t e r about
money, accounts o f p r o f i t and l o s s , t a l k o f the
private a f f a i r s of families, styles of clothing,
and g o s s i p r e l a t e d to l u s t . I f the c o n v e r s a t i o n
does not turn to t h i s k i n d o f t h i n g , they are a l l
bored. T h i s t r u l y has become a custom devoid of
a sense o f r i g h t and wrong. In the o l d days,
u n t i l the age of twenty or t h i r t y young men d i d
not t a l k o f such t h i n g s because they d i d not have
such d e s p i c a b l e t h i n g s i n t h e i r minds i n the
f i r s t p l a c e . The o l d e r men, too, i f they s a i d
something i n a d v e r t e n t l y , r e c o g n i z e d i t as an
error. I t must be because the world has become
g a r i s h and o n l y the way to get r i c h e r i s seen
to be important.^5
Instead o f d e v o t i n g themselves completely t o p r e p a r a t i o n f o r
46
proper s e r v i c e , they show much more i n t e r e s t i n the m a t e r i a l
47
goods which may be found on the s h e l v e s o f merchant's s t o r e s
48

.and t r y t o a v o i d any duty which may be a t a l l d i f f i c u l t .

The a n x i e t y expressed i n Hagakure r e g a r d i n g the i l l

e f f e c t s of the process o f moral degeneration which was taking


11

place i s mirrored i n other works as w e l l . Ogyu S o r a i ^ JL jO^s^

(1666-1728), i n Seidan h i n t s t h a t the l a c k o f discipline


49

was the r e s u l t of poor government c o n t r o l . In Sundai zatsuwa

•^jtfr -jjH&fl^' w r i t t e n i n 1732 and p u b l i s h e d i n 1750, Muro Kyuso

^ JjL. (1658-1734) i n d i c a t e s h i s g r i e f f o r the dismal state

of s o c i e t y . 5 0
A few years e a r l i e r Kaibara Ekken ^ ^ l ^ j ] ^ ( 1 6 30-

1714) had s t r e s s e d the need f o r proper e t h i c a l conduct i n h i s

Yamatozokukun XJjfl jfafy^, 51


and Kumazawa Banzan jl\ (1619-

1691) was being o s t r a c i z e d by the bakufu f o r suggesting action

which might be taken to remedy p o l i t i c a l and economic d e f i c i e n -


52 53
cies. The Imagawa l e t t e r , a t t r i b u t e d to Imagawa Ryoshun
)l
j T $Ml325-1420) , governor of S u r u g a j j ^ ^ , expounds the

fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of m o r a l i t y . Although w r i t t e n about

200 years before Hagakure, i t s c l a r i t y and s t r u c t u r e allowed i t

to a t t a i n and s u s t a i n a high degree of p o p u l a r i t y . During the

Muromachi p e r i o d the p r a c t i s e o f w r i t i n g such l e t t e r s of i n s t r u c t

t i o n to incoming heads of m i l i t a r y houses was q u i t e common and


54

t h i s custom was r e v i v e d i n the Edo era. The Imagawa l e t t e r ,

f o r i n s t a n c e , was republished at l e a s t 220 times d u r i n g the

Tokugawa p e r i o d . 5 5
The memorandum o f Tokugawa Mitsukuni )'|

^|^| (1628-1700) of Mi to ^ j* i l l u s t r a t e s a s i m i l a r method by

which moral advice was given to r e t a i n e r s at a time n e a r l y con-

temporary to H a g a k u r e . 56
Only s l i g h t l y l a t e r D a i d o j i Yuzan

T\i^A.ik (1639-1730) wrote Budo shoshin shu -jfr jjjS-ri H* 5 7


On

the major p o i n t s of l o y a l t y and views r e g a r d i n g death^this text


58

c o i n c i d e s c l o s e l y w i t h Hagakure. On minor p o i n t s a l s o , such

as the avoidance o f f r i e n d s who seek only p l e a s u r e , Daidoji's

ideas o v e r l a p w i t h Tsunetomo s. 1
12

A response to moral degeneration made i t s e l f v i s i b l e i n


— 59 —
p o p u l a r l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l . The f o r t y seven r o n i n S k . K o r

had gained t h e i r revenge i n 1703 and during the years imme-

diately following t h e i r mass s u i c i d e , v a r i o u s stage v e r s i o n s of

t h i s story,, c u l m i n a t i n g i n the mid, e i g h t e e n t h century drama

c a l l e d Chushingura t^'l£yf& appeared. The f i r s t successful play,

appeared i n 1706. I t was w r i t t e n by Chikamatsu Monzaemon jfr

f^frjjtff^ (1653-1724) and e n t i t l e d Gob an t a i h e i k i fjO. 60

The p l a y s produced f o r bunraku JZJ -^ 1


^ and kabuki^|| $jJ* 2
by

Chikamatsu, o f t e n p r a i s e d as Japan's g r e a t e s t p l a y w r i g h t , are

i n c u l c a t e d w i t h the Confucian themes of l o y a l t y and filial piety

and generally depict the c o n f l i c t between f e u d a l obligations,

cjiri^^,, and human emotions, n i n j o A'ffi • ^ While the novelist

I h a r a Saikaku 4 $ (1642-1693) 6 4
i s celebrated mainly f o r h i s

prose f i c t i o n concerning townsmen and e r o t i c adventures, he also

wrote d i d a c t i c m a t e r i a l f e a t u r i n g the incompatibility of giri

and ninjo. The most important of h i s works i n t h i s f i e l d are


66
Buke g i r i monogatari-^ ffjty 5 a n d
Budo d e n r a i k i ^ x J L f a ^ j ? ^

These men, Chikamatsu and Ihara, as the l e a d i n g authors of pop-

u l a r l i t e r a t u r e , i n d i c a t e through t h e i r works the value placed

on moral b e h a v i o r i n the l a t e seventeenth and early eighteenth

centuries. By i l l u s t r a t i n g that dedication to the advocated code

o f e t h i c s was not always as i t s h o u l d be, they v a l i d a t e the con-

t e n t i o n t h a t Hagakure was compiled as a measure to counteract,

particularly among the samurai of the Nabeshima han, the decline

of morality which was obvious throughout Japan.

Hagakure, then, may be regarded not only as a p r o t e s t

against the degeneration and ostentation of the age but also as


13

p o s i t i v e a c t i o n toward c o r r e c t i n g those e v i l s . Tsunetomo, acutely-

aware o f the c o n t i n u i n g v u l g a r i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y , s t a t e s t h a t the

beginning of a r e v e r s a l must emanate from sound knowledge of the

h i s t o r y of the han. He f e l t t h a t the value of the traditional

mores c o u l d be seen by the young r e t a i n e r s o n l y i f r t h e y were

f i r s t e n l i g h t e n e d about the deeds and p e r s o n a l i t i e s i n the history


68

of the Nabeshima han. In e a r l i e r y e a r s , he d e c l a r e s , "... the

r e t a i n e r s a l l worked d i l i g e n t l y at t h e i r family occupations.

The l o r d s searched f o r persons who would serve w e l l , and the sub-

o r d i n a t e s were eager to comply. The h e a r t s o f thev.upper and


69

lower c l a s s e s met, and the House prospered." That i s , through

the honest endeavor o f both l e a d e r s and f o l l o w e r s , cooperation

was p o s s i b l e with the r e s u l t t h a t there was peace and success

w i t h i n the fief.

Tsunetomo, i n r e f e r r i n g to the men of o l d , understandably

i g n o r e s the numerous i n s t a n c e s o f i n s i n c e r i t y , t r e a c h e r y , and

d e c e i t which abound throughout Japanese h i s t o r y . By emphasizing

the commendable t r a i t s o n l y , admittedly a b i a s e d use of o n l y

some of the f a c t s , he fails i n the cause of p r e s e n t i n g a true

history. However, t o do so was not h i s i n t e n t i o n . With a s i n g l e -

mindedness b o r d e r i n g on the f a n a t i c he drew i l l u s t r a t i o n s from

l o c a l h i s t o r y o n l y to encourage t h e i r emulation by the youths

of the han.

I t i s necessary at t h i s p o i n t to d e s c r i b e b r i e f l y the social

and economic s i t u a t i o n o f the country i n g e n e r a l and o f Saga han

in particular. The response of the s o c i e t y to the g r e a t peace

t h a t accompanied Tokugawa r u l e was profound. Increases i n the

q u a n t i t y and v a r i e t y of a g r i c u l t u r a l products and freedom of


14

70
movement on the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n routes prompted economic expansion,

i n i t i a l l y i n the l a r g e r centers of p o p u l a t i o n , and l a t e r , through

the process of d i f f u s i o n , to the c a s t l e c i t i e s of r e g i o n a l c a p i -

tals. In a d d i t i o n t o i n c r e a s e d m a t e r i a l goods, p r o s p e r i t y brought

a g r e a t c u l t u r a l surge which o r i g i n a t e d i n the major c i t i e s of

Edo, Kyoto, and Osaka and which i s epitomized i n the f l o w e r i n g ,

e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the Genroku/L-^era (16 88-170 3) , of bunraku and

kabuki t h e a t e r , the a r t s t y l e known as ukiyoe ^ ^ J l f f t ^ , and var-

ious forms o f l i t e r a t u r e and p o e t r y . The entertainment quarters

of every c i t y and town c a r r i e d on an i n c r e a s i n g l y l i v e l y business.

Forms of t h i s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y spread to even the most remote

provinces. One main c a r r i e r of t h i s c u l t u r e was the institution

of sankin k o t a i w i t h i t s requirement t h a t the daimyo,

with.a number of t h e i r r e t a i n e r s , make frequent t r i p s between

t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s and Edo. Yet there were other means,

too, by which the p r o v i n c e s came i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h the cultural

a c t i v i t i e s of the l a r g e c i t i e s . Contained i n Hagakure, f o r ex-

ample, i s the s t o r y of a man who had been s t a t i o n e d i n Osaka f o r

a number of y e a r s . When he r e t u r n e d to Saga he was ridiculed

because o f h i s new accent and a f f e c t e d manner. In t h i s connection

Tsunetomo s a i d , "In our p r o v i n c e , s i m p l i c i t y i n the country style

is best. I t may be s a i d t h a t i m i t a t i o n of the manners of o t h e r


73

provinces i s f a l l a c i o u s . "

While much of the b e n e f i t from the new p r o s p e r i t y found i t s

way i n t o the purses o f the r i s i n g merchant c l a s s , the samurai

c l a s s , too, was a b l e , through s t i p e n d s , s p e c i a l taxes and loans,

f o r c e d o r otherwise, to procure enough funds to take p a r t i n the

g e n e r a l c u l t u r a l expansion. Even the s e l e c t i o n of marriage part-


15

ners began t o take on some of the aspects o f an open market, as

each f a m i l y p l a c e d an i n c r e a s i n g emphasis on wealth r a t h e r than

upon s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , much to the dismay of Tsunetomo, who called


74
this "outrageous and i n e x c u s a b l e . "

In view o f the above-described s o c i a l and economic s t a t e of

a f f a i r s , i t i s not s t a r t l i n g to see the appearance o f a r e a c -

t i o n a r y movement. C o n s e r v a t i v e men were concerned t h a t the samurai

c l a s s , which i n p r a c t i s e s u p p l i e d v i r t u a l l y a l l o f the a d m i n i s t r a -

tive o f f i c i a l s to the governments, both n a t i o n a l and l o c a l , would

j e o p a r d i z e i t s a b i l i t y to r u l e e f f e c t i v e l y . Tsunetomo laments,

"When there i s peace the world g r a d u a l l y becomes a gaudy show-

p l a c e ; people become extravagant and i n d i f f e r e n t t o the ways o f

war. They have many f a i l u r e s . Persons of both h i g h and low

ranks are s o r e l y t r o u b l e d and people, both i n s i d e and o u t s i d e o f


75

the f i e f , are ashamed. The f i e f may even f a l l i n t o r u i n . " In

o t h e r words Tsunetomo f e l t t h a t war may be necessary to m a i n t a i n

the moral r i g o r of the samurai. Without war to ensure d e d i c a t i o n

to matters o f moral conduct a t t e n t i o n may be d i v e r t e d away from

the f u l f i l l m e n t o f d u t i e s . Through n e g l e c t of t h i s s o r t the

very f a t e o f the c l a n c o u l d be i n jeopardy. Thus, through proper

m o r a l i t y one's p e r s o n a l f a t e and the d e s t i n y of the han c o u l d be

influenced. Tsunetomo's l i n e o f r e a s o n i n g i n t h i s r e g a r d was

c l o s e r to the Confucian concept of r e c t i t u d e than t o Buddhist

t h e o r i e s o f an i n a l t e r a b l e f a t e . One Hundred years l a t e r Takizawa

Bakin (1767-1848), one o f the most popular w r i t e r s of

d i d a c t i c f i c t i o n o f the Edo p e r i o d , expressed a s i m i l a r view.

"Fate i s indeed c a p r i c i o u s , but m o r a l i t y can sway i t . Morality


76
i s more c r u c i a l than f a t e . "
The Nabeshima han, i n s p i t e of i t s remoteness, was not f r e e
16

from the degenerative i n f l u e n c e s of the age. According to Tsune-

tomo, the p r o h i b i t i o n o f junshiffi] jf^, i n f a n t s u c c e s s i o n to

f a m i l y headship, and the c e s s a t i o n o f the custom o f c h i l d pages,

a l l newly i n t r o d u c e d measures, were not good f o r s o c i e t y i n gen-

e r a l , and the young samurai o f Saga han i n p a r t i c u l a r , because

each of these new elements was d e t r i m e n t a l to the t r a i n i n g o f

good r e t a i n e r s . I n s t e a d o f l e a r n i n g t h i n g s which would help to

serve the l o r d and the House, he says, they become a d d i c t e d to

m i s c h i e f d u r i n g t h e i r spare time. Because they are t r e a t e d as

a d u l t s a t the age o f f i f t e e n or s i x t e e n and as y e t have no taste,

they spend a l l t h e i r time e a t i n g , d r i n k i n g and t e l l i n g obscene


78
stories. In h i s o p i n i o n they would do b e t t e r to ignore a l l
o u t s i d e i n f l u e n c e s and apply themselves only to the study of

kokugaku||] , the h i s t o r y and accepted t r a d i t i o n s o f the Nabe-


79
shima f i e f . E a r l y i n Hagakure Tsunetomo makes a statement which,
at f i r s t g l a n c e , seems to be a t odds w i t h h i s r e a c t i o n a r y views.
80

He d e c l a r e s t h a t s i n c e Buddha, C o n f u c i u s , Kusunoki, and Shin-

gen ,^ had never served w i t h i n the Nabeshima han, and so

had not experienced the circumstances of that f i e f , t h e i r teach-


82

ings are of no relevance to Nabeshima r e t a i n e r s . After having

gained the a t t e n t i o n o f h i s readers by means o f t h i s startling

statement, however, Tsunetomo proceeds to use the i n s t r u c t i o n s

and p r i n c i p l e s o f these men throughout Hagakure. The essential

purpose i n i n t r o d u c i n g such a p r o v o c a t i v e d e c l a r a t i o n was, no

doubt, to emphasize h i s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t a l l l e a r n i n g i s v a l i d

only i f i t d i r e c t l y a s s i s t s the samurai o f the Nabeshima han

in serving their lord.


17

3. Yamamoto Tsunetomo

Although Yamamoto Jinuemon Tsunetomo fc'ffi] P^^ty^ , 83

was h i m s e l f a product o f the age o f peace, h i s i n s t i n c t was to

r e a c t a g a i n s t what he considered to be the degenerate t r e n d o f

the times. Born i n the K a t a t a e k o j i f^j $ yS->\>.$& s e c t i o n o f Saga


84

c a s t l e town i n 1659, twenty years a f t e r the Shimabara r e v o l t ,

he had no b a t t l e e x p e r i e n c e . As no war took p l a c e d u r i n g h i s

l i f e t i m e , h i s c o n t a c t w i t h a c t u a l combat e x i s t e d only through

the s t o r i e s o f the o l d e r bushi o f Saga han, those who had taken

p a r t i n the b a t t l e o f Shimabara. The t a l e s o f such men d o t the

pages o f Hagakure, e i t h e r as d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n s o r as s p e c i f i c
p r.

i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f Tsunetomo s standards.
1

Tsunetomo s own p a t e r n a l g r a n d f a t h e r , Nakano Jinuemon


1

Kiyoaki f v
(1555-16 20) , was the n i n t h generation de-

scended from Nakano Goto Y o r i a k i ^ $ f i % J ^ 4 * 5 $\ , who had founded

a branch o f the m i g h t l y G o t o f | t ^ c l a n . Kiyoaki had, i n true bushi

f a s h i o n , gained r e c o g n i t i o n f o r m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s while serving

under Nabeshima Naoshige. Tsunetomo s f a t h e r , Yamamoto Jinuemon


1

Shigezumi

hJfffifr^P^iLi'ft (1590-1669), the t h i r d son o f K i y o a k i ,

became the adopted h e i r o f Yamamoto Sukebei Muneharu Qpfy^ffififcA


and so assumed the f a m i l y name o f Yamamoto. He p a r t i c i p a t e d both

in the Osaka campaigns and i n the Shimabara i n c i d e n t , and was


86

renowned f o r h i s m i l i t a r y v a l o r . He was seventy years o l d a t

the time o f Tsunetomo's b i r t h but even a t t h i s advanced age he

was an a c t i v e man who, according t o Tsunetomo, r e t a i n e d h i s

health and energy by using moxa cautery and b e i n g prudent i n


87

sexual i n t e r c o u r s e . He remained vigorous u n t i l h i s death i n


the y e a r t h a t Tsunetomo turned e l e v e n . T h e r e a f t e r Tsunetomo
18

r e c e i v e d much o f h i s t r a i n i n g from Yamamoto Gorozaemon Tsuneharu

i /^JLtf^.%t^ ] ^l<a
s
r f
(1639-1687) whose b l o o d r e l a t i o n s h i p to Tsune-
;

88

tomo was t h a t o f a nephew although he was twenty years o l d e r .

Both Shigezumi and Tsuneharu were among those who resisted the

wave of d e t e r i o r a t i o n which was b e g i n n i n g t o appear even i n the

remote Nabeshima han.

While Shigezumi remained "as a shadowy f i g u r e " (kageboshi

^ ^ ^ ^ t l ^ ) ^ he s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d Tsunetomo s t h i n k i n g
1

during h i s e a r l y years. Shigezumi had earned a commendable rep-

u t a t i o n w i t h i n the f i e f , a n d the f i r s t han l e a d e r , Nabeshima

K a t s u s h i g e ^ f t *%>% (1580-1657), had s a i d t h a t the men under


90

Shigezumi were the most trustworthy i n the p r o v i n c e . He i n -

stilled t h i s s t r o n g sense of l o y a l t y not o n l y i n the minds of

his men but a l s o i n the mind o f h i s young son by whispering,

"You must become a s t r o n g man and serve the l o r d , " i n t o the ears

of Tsunetomo, even while he was an i n f a n t too young to understand.


92
Tsunetomo l i s t s some o f the o t h e r remarks which h i s f a t h e r was
fond of s a y i n g .
I f one comprehends one t h i n g he comes t o understand
many t h i n g s . I t i s b e s t to t h i n k t h a t people who.
laugh a t the wrong times are, i n the case o f men,
f e l l o w s w i t h no sense o f d i g n i t y , and i n the case
women, shameless.
When t a l k i n g , e i t h e r on formal o c c a s i o n s o r i n
normal circumstances, i t i s b e s t to speak while
l o o k i n g i n t o the o t h e r person's eyes.
I t i s s u f f i c i e n t to bow w i t h one's head lowered
only when g r e e t i n g someone. To t a l k while l o o k i n g
downward i s i n a t t e n t i o n . To put one's hands i n s i d e
one's c l o t h i n g i s i n a t t e n t i o n . A f t e r reading a l e t t e r
or document, i t i s to be burned immediately. Looking
at documents i s the job o f o f f i c i a l s , and the duty
of the Nakano f a m i l y i s to grasp swords of oak and be
d i l i g e n t i n the m a r t i a l way.
An e c c e n t r i c man [who i s not concerned w i t h making an
impression] i s a man to be t r u s t e d .
Rise at f o u r i n the morning, have a bath and arrange
19

the h a i r every day, e a t with the r i s i n g sun, and


r e t i r e when the sun sets.
Although he may n o t have eaten, a bushi uses a
toothpick. E x h i b i t the f u r o f a t i g e r on the
o u t s i d e even though the i n s i d e may be the f u r o f a dog.

Most o f these i n j u n c t i o n s are s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and need no ex-

p l a n a t i o n b u t the l a s t i s the source o f some puzzlement. The

p o i n t o f focus here i s t h a t while a bushi may, i n the manner o f

a dog, f e e l p e r s o n a l f e a r , he must show the world an e x t e r i o r


93

of courage, confidence, and composure.

Tsuneharu, t o o , continued as an important i n f l u e n c e i n

Tsunetomo's l i f e , by sending him, f o r i n s t a n c e , a g i f t o f en-

couragement when he had done a f i n e job o f kaishaku /^^nf . 9 4


In

a d d i t i o n t o moral support, Tsuneharu r e l a t e d s t o r i e s o f g r e a t


m i l i t a r y heroes and p r o v i d e d i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f proper bushi con-
95
duct u n t i l 1687 when, assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a f i r e , he
96
committed s u i c i d e m atonement.

In a d d i t i o n t o these f a m i l i a l i n f l u e n c e s , Tsunetomo's

c h a r a c t e r was molded by three o t h e r f o r c e s , each i n a d i v e r s e

way. When he was nine years o l d , Tsunetomo was given the name

Fukei-^-1^ and assigned the p o s i t i o n o f p e r s o n a l page t o and p l a y -

mate 9 7
o f Tsunashige^Kjj^ (1652-1706) , the son o f the second head

o f the Nabeshima House, M i t s u s h i g e . Although i t must be granted

t h a t M i t s u s h i g e was a s t r o n g l e a d e r , he was o f the b e l i e f t h a t

the sphere o f the l o r d of a han encompassed more than m i l i t a r y

exploits. A t an e a r l y age he developed a deep i n t e r e s t i n p o e t r y ,

much to the c h a g r i n o f h i s f a t h e r , Katsushige, who, a t one stage


when h i s son was s t i l l young, even burned h i s c o l l e c t i o n o f
98

p o e t r y books. N e v e r t h e l e s s , M i t s u s h i g e maintained h i s a c t i v e

involvement i n p o e t r y and Tsunetomo, through c o n t a c t with h i s


20

l o r d , developed an i n t e r e s t i n poetry. H i s t a l e n t was soon r e c -

ognized, and he was o f f e r e d the o p p o r t u n i t y to become a p u p i l o f

Kuranaga R i h e i ^.»\<.V}^^\ ,the o f f i c i a l i n charge o f poetry under

Mitsushige. Tsunetomo d e c l i n e d t h i s o f f e r on the grounds t h a t

i t would i n t e r f e r e w i t h the c a r r y i n g o u t o f h i s primary duty as


99
a companion t o Tsunashige.

When he was i n h i s t w e l f t h o r t h i r t e e n t h • y e a r - ^ 0 T f S u n e tomo

was allowed t o withdraw temporarily from s e r v i c e i n order to l e t

h i s h a i r grow out o f the p a r t i a l l y shaved s t y l e o f a c h i l d . This

p e r i o d o f i n a c t i v i t y was expected to be about one y e a r b u t i t

grew l o n g e r . During t h i s time Tsunetomo was c o n s t a n t l y filled

w i t h the d e s i r e t o serve h i s l o r d and h i s determination t o do so

i s demonstrated by h i s a c t i o n s . Having been t o l d t h a t h i s face

e x h i b i t e d i n t e l l i g e n c e , and that the l o r d d i s l i k e d such f a c e s ,

Tsunetomo s t u d i e d h i s f a c i a l e x p r e s s i o n i n a m i r r o r w i t h the

i n t e n t i o n of a l t e r i n g i t s appearance. He was s u c c e s s f u l i n t h i s

regard, f o r at the end o f the p e r i o d h i s countenance had changed,

it i s s a i d , from one o f i n t e l l i g e n c e t o one o f s l e e p i n e s s , which,

apparently, was p r e f e r a b l e . 1 0 1
He r e l a t e s the i n t e n s i t y o f h i s

f e e l i n g s by s a y i n g t h a t during t h i s p e r i o d he had seen the pro-

c e s s i o n o f h i s l o r d s pass by and was so d r i v e n by h i s anxiety to

serve t h a t he went to a c e r t a i n s h r i n e and made a p e t i t i o n to the

gods. Because h i s true f e e l i n g s were thus known t o the gods, h i s

prayers were not denied and w i t h i n a s h o r t time he was once again


, . , , 102
serving his lord.

In 1672 h i s name was changed t o I c h i j u r o ^t£j!> and seven

years l a t e r , a t the age o f twenty, he e x p e r i e n c e d the ceremony

of manhood, genpuku /L ^JL' At t h i s time he assumed the name


21

Gonnosuke tlx . During these teen-age years another major

f o r c e e n t e r e d Tsunetomo's life and helped t o mold h i s c h a r a c t e r .


104
He met the Zen monk Tannen Ryoju Osho i&fZL'fctfc^ (died 1680)

whom he p r a i s e d as the most l e a r n e d and understanding o f a l l the


105
monks i n Japan. A man of f i r m moral c o n v i c t i o n s , Tannen had
r e s i g n e d h i s p o s t as the head monk o f Kodenji v£) i n pro-
. . . 107

t e s t o f a d e c i s i o n t o punish a f e l l o w monk. He r e t i r e d t o

the s m a l l v i l l a g e o f Matsuze4&&l[in Saga Gun and i t was: ihere

t h a t Tsunetomo came to him f o r i n s t r u c t i o n i n Zen Buddhism. At

the age o f twenty-one Tsunetomo had the Buddhist name Kyokuzan

Jocho c o n f e r r e d upon him."*"^ The compassion and s e n s i -

tivity f o r human emotion which may be found i n Hagakure no doubt

r e f l e c t s the t r a i n i n g which Tsunetomo r e c e i v e d under Tannen. One

prominent example o f the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f Tannen's benevolence


i n t o Tsunetomo's thought i s i t s appearance as one o f the Four
109

Vows which Tsunetomo e s t a b l i s h e d as the foundation upon which

a good b u s h i s h o u l d base h i s l i f e . Other examples o f ideas which

o b v i o u s l y d e r i v e from h i s Buddhist background are found i n var-

ious passages throughout Hagakure. ^ These i n j u n c t i o n s to l o v e ,

e s p e c i a l l y as expressed i n the f o u r t h vow, are apparently i n

d i r e c t c o n t r a s t t o the Sun Tzu which s t a t e s e x p l i c i t l y that com-

p a s s i o n i s a f a u l t i f found i n a general."^"'"

The f o u r t h g r e a t i n f l u e n c e , one which permeated a l l aspects

of h i s u p b r i n g i n g and l a t e r l i f e , was Neo-Confucianism. This

m o d i f i e d form o f Confucianism had the support o f the Tokugawa

bakufu because i t s p r e c e p t s upheld t h e , c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the s o c i a l

o r d e r i n s t i t u t e d by Tokugawa Ieyasu. I t i s u n c l e a r as t o whether

Tsunetomo had d i r e c t access t o the w r i t i n g s o f such noted Con-


22

z a k i Ansai (1618-1682) , o r I t o J i n s a i {f%- f=.|j-(1627-1705) .

As much of h i s t r a i n i n g had been i n l i t e r a t u r e , i t i s not i n c o n -

c e i v a b l e t h a t he had read at l e a s t some of t h e i r works. The

f a c t t h a t no mention i s made o f them i n Hagakure may indicate

nothing more than h i s devotion to h i s own teacher of Confucian

ethics.

T h i s was Ishida I t t e i ^ W — (1628-1693)^ who had once

occupied the p o s i t i o n of top Confucian s c h o l a r i n the Nabeshima


112

han. He had been a c l o s e and r e s p e c t e d a d v i s o r to Katsushige

but found, upon Katsushige's death, t h a t h i s views c l a s h e d w i t h

those o f the new han c h i e f , Mitsushige. His b e l i e f t h a t n o t h i n g

i s more important than working d i l i g e n t l y to f u l f i l l one's s t a -

t i o n i n l i f e was not f a v o u r a b l y accepted by M i t s u s h i g e , who had,

from an e a r l y date, showed h i s p r e f e r e n c e f o r p o e t r y . Remaining

s t e a d f a s t to h i s c o n v i c t i o n s , I t t e i r e f u s e d to compromise h i s

views and consequently was banished from the l o r d ' s c a s t l e .

A f t e r e i g h t years of e x i l e i n YamashirogoJ^^V^k i n Matsuura Gun

r e s p e c t of the s e n i o r r e t a i n e r s o f the han and, even d u r i n g t h i s

s o j o u r n , he was o f t e n i n v i t e d to t h e i r homes, where he gave


113
l e c t u r e s and advice. Among those who v i s i t e d h i s p l a c e of

r e t i r e m e n t was Tsunetomo, who not only l e a r n e d from him the b a s i c

tenets of Neo-Confucianism but a l s o developed a determination to

faithfully f o l l o w these p r e c e p t s . Such phrases as, "No matter

what, i f one concentrates one's mind, there i s n o t h i n g which


cannot be done," were to remain i n t e n s e i n Tsunetomo's con-

s c i o u s n e s s f o r the r e s t of h i s l i f e . Another recorded thought

i l l u s t r a t e s I t t e i ' s d a i l y r e s o l u t i o n to s e r v i c e . To Naoshige's

maxim, "Important thoughts must be taken l i g h t l y , " he added,


115

"Unimportant thoughts must be taken s e r i o u s l y . " By t h i s he

meant t h a t as there are only a few thoughts which are very s e r i o u s ,

they can be c o n s i d e r e d i n advance and one w i l l be prepared to

deal w i t h them as the o c c a s i o n demands. On the o t h e r hand, be-

cause there are so many unimportant thoughts, one has the tend-

ency to overlook them and t h e r e f o r e does not a d m i n i s t e r to them

competently. For t h a t reason one must be p a r t i c u l a r l y careful

to g i v e a p p r o p r i a t e a t t e n t i o n to a l l t h i n g s , no matter how trivial

they may appear.

Yamamoto's c h a r a c t e r , then, was b u i l t upon the s t r o n g

foundation o f Confucian e t h i c s which had been i n s t i l l e d by h i s

f a t h e r and nephew. When added to t h i s b a s i s , the Neo-Confucian

teachings of I s h i d a I t t e i formed an extremely s o l i d understanding

of the p r e c e p t s o f moral and s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s of h i s c l a s s ,

the samurai. The harshness o f these c o n v i c t i o n s was, at certain

times and i n p a r t i c u l a r areas, s o f t e n e d by the more humanitarian

and compassionate tones o f Buddhism. A t h i r d element o f h i s

p e r s o n a l d i s p o s i t i o n , t h a t centered around h i s t r a i n i n g i n l i t -

e r a t u r e , p r o v i d e d the t o o l s and perhaps p a r t o f the i n c e n t i v e

f o r the composition o f the book, Hagakure.

Hagakure p r i m a r i l y expresses views demonstrative o f the

Confucian p r i n c i p l e s harboured n a t i o n a l l y , and as c l e a r l y ex-


— — 116
p r e s s e d by Yamaga Soko, Kumazawa Banzan, and Ogyu S o r a i . The
i n f l u e n c e o f Zen Buddhism tends, however, to moderate the c o l d -
24

ness o f Confucianism with the warmth o f Buddhism. Thus there

i s a sharp c o n t r a s t between the harsh and r a d i c a l words used to

emphasize the d u t i e s o f the w a r r i o r and the almost g e n t l e effect

o f the passages advocating love. The combination of these con-

t r a s t i n g s t y l e s i n t o a u n i t y shows the l i t e r a r y aspect of Tsune-

tomo' s t r a i n i n g . But the a b i l i t y to combine Confucianism and

Buddhism was not merely i n d i c a t i v e o f l i t e r a r y t a l e n t , f o r the

two were i n s e p a r a b l e i n h i s mind. For him to b e l i e v e t h a t e i t h e r

of the two was d i f f e r e n t from the way which the w a r r i o r must


117

f o l l o w was wrong, f o r they were one and the same. In what

appears to be a conscious e f f o r t to show t h a t the two were, i n

f a c t , i d e n t i c a l , Tsunetomo quotes I t t e i as s a y i n g t h a t he had

f e l t at an e a r l y age t h a t he must devote h i s l i f e to study and

d i d not f i r s t accumulate knowledge and then become a sage. Im-

mediately f o l l o w i n g t h i s , Tsunetomo repeats the same concept

i n a Buddhist sense by s t a t i n g t h a t at the time of r e l i g i o u s


118

awakening one already has r e l i g i o n i n one's h e a r t .

L i t e r a r y a b i l i t y , although vital f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e

d u t i e s o f the samurai, was not a p a r t i c u l a r l y commendable skill,

a c c o r d i n g to Tsunetomo, f o r a devoted b u s h i . Indeed, i t w i l l be

seen t h a t there are numerous p l a c e s i n Hagakure where such ac-

complishments are b e r a t e d as b e i n g o b s t a c l e s to the t r u e duty

of a b u s h i , namely s e r v i c e to the l o r d . Nevertheless, Tsunetomo's

l i t e r a r y i n t e r e s t s were i n s t r u m e n t a l i n the w r i t i n g of Hagakure.

Furthermore, i t was h i s c a p a b i l i t y i n l i t e r a t u r e which p r o v i d e d

him w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t y to serve h i s l o r d . In 16 82 he was given


ithe
n 16d u86t i he
e s was appointed Yakut*)'-}
of Okakimono to the p<f$
o s tULro f " Shoshamono
O f f i c e r of Books," and
25

If} /"Copier of Books/' i n Edo. Twice he served Kyoto Zume

%%tyt& /"Duty a t Kyoto," f i r s t i n 1687 and again i n 1696.

From t h i s d i v e r s e background of t r a i n i n g and service,

Tsunetomo e v o l v e d what he c o n s i d e r e d to be the key to the con-

t i n u a t i o n o f an ardent d e s i r e to s e r v e . Each bushi should i n -


120

tone the Four Vows every morning so t h a t he w i l l come to

possess the s t r e n g t h o f two men and the w i l l to apply t h i s power

i n the p r e s c r i b e d way. Here, he b e l i e v e d , was the magic formula

which, i f pursued s e r i o u s l y , would make even a weak person into

a commendable b u s h i . The Four Vows a r e :

Bushido n i o i t e okure t o r i mosu m a j i k i koto.

One must not be behind i n t a k i n g up the way of the

warrior.

2' i S f l Iffffll< i L ^ A* 3 ^
Shukun no goyo n i t a t s u b e k i koto.

One must be of s e r v i c e to the lord.

3. Jfr-

Oya n i koko tsukamatsuru b e k i koto.

One must serve one's parents w i t h f i l i a l piety.

D a i j i h i o okoshi h i to no tame n i naru b e k i koto.

One must give r i s e to g r e a t good w i l l and compassion

and thus serve o t h e r s .

As the f i r s t three vows are o b v i o u s l y founded on Confucian prin-

c i p l e s , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to d i s c o v e r t h a t they, together

w i t h the i d e a o f p r e s e n t i n g one's c e n t r a l b e l i e f s i n the form of

an o a t h , were d e r i v e d from the works o f h i s Confucian teacher,


26

Ishida I t t e i . In 1672 I t t e i had w r i t t e n a document e n t i t l e d

Bushido yokansho i n which he d e l i n e a t e d the f o l -


, . 121
lowing three vows:

Bushido n i o i t e miren o t o r u bekarazu.

One must n o t be u n s k i l l f u l i n the way o f the w a r r i o r .

Senzo no myoji o danzetsu subekarazu.

One must not d i s c o n t i n u e the f a m i l y name o f one's

ancestors.

Hikkyo, shukun no goyo n i t a t s u b e s h i .

U l t i m a t e l y , one must stand i n the l o r d ' s service.

The f o u r t h and l a s t vow d i f f e r s from the o t h e r three i n t h a t i t

i s imbued w i t h Buddhist thought r a t h e r than C o n f u c i a n i s t . That

i t s content was e x t r a c t e d from the teachings o f Tsunetomo's Zen

teacher i s c l e a r l y expressed w i t h i n Hagakure i t s e l f . Tsunetomo


- 122
a t t r i b u t e s the f o l l o w i n g statement t o Tannen Osho:

Bushi wa y u k i o omote n i s h i t e n a i s h i n n i wa hara no

waruru hodo d a i j i h i s h i n o motazareba, kagyo wa t a t a z a r u

mono n a r i .

Unless a bushi does not have w i t h i n him deep compassion

w h i l e e x h i b i t i n g outward courage, he w i l l n o t be s u c c e s s -

f u l i n h i s occupation.

4. Compilation and T e x t u a l Information

In 1694 M i t s u s h i g e t r a n s f e r r e d the headship o f the Nabeshima


27

123

House t o h i s son, Tsunashige. Although Tsunetomo had been

a c l o s e companion t o Tsunashige s i n c e c h i l d h o o d and may have

had a chance to a t t a i n a p o s i t i o n o f h i g h e r p r e s t i g e under the

new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , he b e l i e v e d t h a t h i s l o y a l t y must remain

with his l o r d , Mitsushige. In speaking o f t h i s d e c i s i o n he ex-

h i b i t s a c e r t a i n amount o f p r i d e and shows h i s d i s d a i n f o r o t h e r

r e t a i n e r s who had been very l o y a l i n t h e i r words but who q u i c k l y

changed t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e t o the new l e a d e r when the time was


124

most advantageous to themselves. In order to serve M i t s u s h i g e ,

Tsunetomo had h i m s e l f appointed to a minor p o s t i n Kyoto and

devoted h i m s e l f to the procurement o f a book o f p o e t r y , the Kokin

denju {i>J$sL^~^ which M i t s u s h i g e had d e s i r e d f o r many y e a r s .

F i n a l l y , w i t h t h i s book on h i s back, he r e t u r n e d to Saga on the


f i r s t day of the f i f t h month o f the t h i r t e e n t h year o f Genroku
126

(1700). On the s i x t e e n t h day o f t h a t month M i t s u s h i g e d i e d ,

l e a v i n g Tsunetomo w i t h a sense o f g r a t i t u d e t h a t he had been

able to complete h i s task i n time. Y e t , he a l s o f e l t a s t r o n g

c o n v i c t i o n t h a t h i s duty t o h i s l o r d remained u n f u l f i l l e d . He

says t h a t i n o r d e r to be able to accomplish h i s l o n g - c h e r i s h e d

ambition o f s e r v i c e he would have to be born i n t o the House o f


127

Nabeshima seven times over.

M i t s u s h i g e ' s demise and the f e e l i n g o f u n f u l f i l l e d obliga-

t i o n s l e d Tsunetomo t o the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the most a p p r o p r i a t e

course o f a c t i o n would be to commit j u h s h i so t h a t he might con-

t i n u e t o serve h i s l o r d i n the next world. T h i s was rendered

i n f e a s i b l e , however, by the ban on such a c t i o n . He lamented

t h i s s i t u a t i o n w i t h the statement, " I t i s t r u l y a lonesome t h i n g

t h a t n o t even one person accompanies a daimyo a t the time of h i s


28

128
death." Because o f f i c i a l s who had been important men under
129

M i t s u s h i g e merely turned t h e i r backs upon t h e i r l o r d ' s death,

Tsunetomo c o n s i d e r e d h i m s e l f to be the o n l y honourable retainer. 1

Such honour had been a c q u i r e d through h i s d e c i s i o n t h a t the next

b e s t t h i n g to j u n s h i was r e t i r e m e n t from t h i s mundane world and

assumption o f the l i f e o f a monk so t h a t he would be b e t t e r able

to devote h i s l i f e to prayers f o r h i s departed l o r d .


131 . . 132
At the age of f o r t y two he took h i s w i f e and s e t t l e d
i n a s e c l u d e d spot c a l l e d K u r o t s u c h i b a r a ^ i n a f o r e s t e d
- A. -* 133
area near Kinryu/f^JL mountain i n the n o r t h e r n p a r t o f Saga.

Here he passed h i s remaining y e a r s , although he o f t e n l e f t f o r


134 135
memorial s e r v i c e s and p e r s o n a l v i s i t s . Nor was h i s spot

of r e t i r e m e n t so i s o l a t e d t h a t he had no v i s i t o r s . In f a c t , he

f e l t somewhat g u i l t y about the many f r i e n d s who came to c a l l on

him and about the kindness they showed him. He s a i d , "The kind

treatment given to me by v a r i o u s people i s more than I deserve


136

and s u r e l y I w i l l be punished f o r i t . "

One o f those v i s i t o r s , T a s h i r o Matazaemon Tsuramoto )31

(1678-1748), came to K u r o t s u c h i b a r a on the f i f t h day


v.

of the t h i r d month i n the seventh year o f H5ei*f?-fj^ (1710). On

the o c c a s i o n o f h i s f i r s t meeting w i t h Tsunetomo, they exchanged

the f o l l o w i n g h a i k u fy>Q . 1 3 7

Ukiyo k a r a i k u r i aro ka yamazakura.

From the mundane world, how many m i l e s might i t be?

— mountain c h e r r y blossoms.

Kogan tfcTtft, (Tsunetomo)


Shirakumo ya tadaima hana n i tazune a i .

Among the s i l v e r clouds — now t o g e t h e r we ask the

cherry blossoms.

Kizui (Tsuramoto)

The q u e s t i o n b e i n g asked by Kogan, the name Tsunetomo used when

w r i t i n g p o e t r y , i n the f i r s t h a i k u i s n o t the p h y s i c a l d i s t a n c e

t r a v e l l e d b u t r a t h e r the degree t o which Tsuramoto has made the

t r a n s i t i o n from the s e c u l a r d i v e r s i o n s o f the mundane world t o

an awareness of a more s p i r i t u a l e x i s t e n c e . That i s , i n a d d i -

t i o n t o s e t t i n g the season and the mood, the c h e r r y blossoms

m e t a p h o r i c a l l y s i g n i f y the p u r i t y o f a mental o r s p i r i t u a l en-

lightenment. Thus, behind the obvious, there appears a query of

deeper s i g n i f i c a n c e . In response to the q u e s t i o n o f whether he

knows h i s d i r e c t i o n and d e s t i n a t i o n , Tsuramoto, under h i s pen

name, K i z u i , admits h i s u n c e r t a i n t y . F o r the word s h i r a ity ,

"white," because o f i t s o r a l s i m i l a r i t y t o s h i r a n a i %p ^/"jTn , "not

knowing," i s a kakekotoba^|- Y] , a p l a y on words. As such, the

s i l v e r o r white clouds p r o v i d e not only a metaphor f o r c o n f u s i o n

or u n c e r t a i n t y but a l s o a n e g a t i v e answer t o Tsunetomo's ques-

tion. Yet he expresses h i s d e s i r e t o search, t o g e t h e r w i t h

Tsunetomo, f o r an e n l i g h t e n i n g escape fromvthe.:perplexity o f

the mundane world.

Tsuramoto took up r e s i d e n c e nearby and c a l l e d r e g u l a r l y on

Tsunetomo, making c o n v e r s a t i o n and l i s t e n i n g t o a d v i c e . A l l this

he recorded and compiled i n t o a c o l l e c t i o n which came t o be known

as Hagakure. Tsuramoto was w e l l q u a l i f i e d f o r t h i s task o f p r e -

s e r v i n g Tsunetomo's ideas f o r , u n t i l b e i n g r e l i e v e d of "his d u t i e s


30

i n 1709, he had spent t h i r t e e n years as amanuensis t o the t h i r d


13 8

and f o u r t h l o r d s o f the Nabeshima han.

Tsunetomo and Tsuramoto c o n t i n u e d to work t o g e t h e r u n t i l

1716 when they completed Hagakure. I t had come t o c o n s i s t o f

eleven volumes c o n t a i n i n g about 1,350 s e c t i o n s o r a r t i c l e s , each

of which d e l i n e a t e d a s p e c i f i c thought o r i n j u n c t i o n . Of vary-

i n g l e n g t h s , from one sentence to s e v e r a l paragraphs, and d i v e r s e

s t y l e , these passages were more o r l e s s verbatim accounts o f

Tsunetomo's d i s c o u r s e s . In a d d i t i o n , e x t e n s i v e use was made of

documents which had been w r i t t e n by Tsunetomo h i m s e l f i n e a r l i e r

years. Those known to have been used are Gukenshu ^ ^ (1708),

Tsunetomo k a k i o k i *npffij^(1714) , Juryoan Chuza no n i k k i j^^jk-*

vffe-*) '0i't> ( 1 7 1 1
) ' Sembetsu o r Tsunetomo sembetsu sho tfjp ^

^L^l^t ( 1 7 1 5 )
' Yamamoto Jinuemon K i y o a k i nempu ^ %ffl%$T\f \ e
'^^h
J^$fc i and Yamamoto Jinuemon Shigezumi nempu
ht 139

• Works o f former han l e a d e r s , such as Naoshige's Nao-

shigedono goheki sho ffiffi^ffiffi^,"*" ^4


were a l s o c a r e f u l l y studied.

Furthermore, almost constant r e f e r e n c e i s made throughout Hagakure

to t h i n g s s a i d by o t h e r han l e a d e r s , by famous persons i n Jap-

anese h i s t o r y , and by the t e a c h e r s , r e l a t i v e s , and acquaintances

of Tsunetomo h i m s e l f . I t was h i s s t y l e t o use such phrases as

"a c e r t a i n person" o r "a certain., r e t a i n e r " without mentioning

names. He a l s o had a penchant f o r o l d e x p r e s s i o n s the sources

of which cannot be i d e n t i f i e d , and these appear a t v a r i o u s p l a c e s

i n the t e x t . Consequently, w h i l e Hagakure i s outwardly a com-

p i l a t i o n m i r r o r i n g the i d e a s o f Tsunetomo, i t more r e a l i s t i c a l l y

reflects the thoughts and concepts which he b e l i e v e d to be the

most important elements i n the l i t e r a t u r e w i t h which he was


31

f a m i l i a r and the s o c i e t y i n which he lived.

U n l i k e the authors of most o f the o t h e r books o f moral

i n s t r u c t i o n s mentioned e a r l i e r , Tsunetomo s p e r s o n a l
1
qualifica-

t i o n s are unimpressive. At the time o f h i s r e t i r e m e n t from a c t i v e

s e r v i c e , he was but a lowly-ranked samurai w i t h i n the Nabeshima

House. He r e c e i v e d a modest r i c e allowance o f about one hundred


141

twenty f i v e koku. Although he had shown i n t e l l i g e n c e and lit-

e r a r y t a l e n t d u r i n g h i s youth, much o f h i s a d u l t l i f e was spent

i n performing r e l a t i v e l y minor c l e r i c a l d u t i e s , and he never ful-

f i l l e d h i s dream o f a c h i e v i n g a p o s i t i o n o f importance i n the

han. He h i m s e l f r e g r e t f u l l y admits t h a t , due to c e r t a i n o b s t a -

c l e s which he was unable to overcome, he could not succeed as w e l l


142
as he had hoped.
Because I have been the i n s i g n i f i c a n t f e l l o w you
see b e f o r e you s i n c e I was young, I have not done
any e x c e p t i o n a l s e r v i c e . Whenever I saw persons who
a s s e r t e d themselves, I f e l t envious. But I knew
i n my h e a r t t h a t probably there was no one who
compared with me i n t e n d e r i n g concern f o r the
lord. This one t h i n g i s enough to soothe my f e e l i n g s .
I served i n t o t a l d i s r e g a r d o f my low s t a t u s and
lack of t a l e n t .
Tsunetomo's purpose i n w r i t i n g Hagakure may be t r a c e d to

the d e s i r e to implant such an a t t i t u d e i n other r e t a i n e r s o f the

han. He d i d not, however, favour a program of mass i n d o c t r i n a -


143

t i o n as the method f o r a c h i e v i n g h i s aim. Some e d i t i o n s of

Hagakure i n c l u d e a p r e f a c e which i n d i c a t e s t h a t Tsunetomo c e r -

t a i n l y d i d not i n t e n d t h i s document to be read w i d e l y , even

w i t h i n Saga han. He doubtlessly r e a l i z e d that i t s preoccupation

w i t h han a f f a i r s and the repeated demands f o r undivided loyalty

to the Nabeshima House, r a t h e r than to the Tokugawa bakufu, would

have p l a c e d i t and the han i n an unfavourable p o s i t i o n with re-


32

144
gard t o the Edo regime. He i n s t r u c t e d Tsuramoto t h a t , as

Hagakure was w r i t t e n f o r the p e r s o n a l use o f s e l e c t e d samurai o f


145

Saga, i t was meant t o be burned a f t e r having been read.

Throughout the remaining century and a h a l f o f Tokugawa r u l e ,

Hagakure r e t a i n e d i t s s t a t u s as a s h i e l d e d book, p a s s i n g only

i n t o t r u s t e d hands to be copied clandestinely. No doubt t h i s

secrecy was due a t l e a s t i n p a r t to f e a r o f bakufu r e t r i b u t i o n ,

but there can a l s o be sensed an aspect o f the e s o t e r i c element

found i n many areas o f Japanese l i f e , i n c l u d i n g r e l i g i o n and the

m i l i t a r y sciences. Y e t , although Hagakure was not p u b l i s h e d and

widely read, i t was f a m i l i a r enough t h a t a commentary entitled

Hagakure k i k i g a k i koho ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ / ^ i w a s w r i t t e n near the end o f

the Edo period."'" ^ 4

Perhaps because o f Tsunetomo's e x p l i c i t l y stated desire,

the o r i g i n a l manuscript, gempon j^jf^ t i s no longer in.'existence .

T h i s regrettable d e f i c i e n c y i s , i n p a r t , compensated f o r by a

number o f copied manuscripts, shahon Those which are known

to be e x t a n t are the Kohaku hon -fa ^ , the Nakano hon \J3

the Yamamoto hon )L\Jf jfc*., the Furukawa hon $C > }jf> , the Go jo hon {

J2L v^p'jfc i and the Matsumoto hon yfej^fc. 47


As the p o s s i b i l i t y no

longer e x i s t s t o make a comparison between these copies and the

o r i g i n a l manuscript, there i s no way o f a s c e r t a i n i n g which o f

them f o l l o w the r e c o r d o f Tsuramoto most c l o s e l y . During t r a n -

s c r i p t i o n , the c o p i e r o f any shahon was bound to commit c e r t a i n

e r r o r s o f omission and e d i t i o n , w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t no two

copies are i d e n t i c a l . A c a r e f u l study o f the e x t a n t manuscripts

has l e d the foremost s c h o l a r o f Hagakure t o s e l e c t the Kohaku


148
hon as the most accurate and r e l i a b l e , p a r t l y because i t was
copied by a contemporary o f Tsuramoto, Kabahara Kohakuiffl

The e x t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h and r e v i t a l i z a t i o n which l e d to the

p u b l i c a t i o n o f Hagakure i n the t w e n t i e t h century was carried out

almost e x c l u s i v e l y by one man, K u r i h a r a Arano (or Koya) ^J^L


149

who devoted almost h i s e n t i r e a d u l t l i f e t o the study o f Hagakure.

His c a r e f u l l y o r g a n i z e d , f u l l y researched, and complete work,

Kochu hagakure !^ tl.^^fehas p r o v i d e d the b a s i c t e x t , sokuhon Jjj^fc ,


for most modern p u b l i c a t i o n s , as i t has for this p a p e r . 1 5 0
Through

his e f f o r t s of arrangement, Hagakure has taken i t s p r e s e n t form.

The general i n f o r m a t i o n presented i n the i n t r o d u c t o r y s e c t i o n ,

which i s c a l l e d Yain no kandan f o l l o w e d by eleven

chapters. In g e n e r a l , the f i r s t two chapters l i s t moral i n s t r u c -

tions. Chapter three deals w i t h the deeds o f Naoshige, the

founder o f the Nabeshima l i n e of han leaders. The feats of the

f i r s t head o f the House, Katsushige, are d e p i c t e d i n the f o u r t h

s e c t i o n , and the f i f t h depicts Mitsushige and h i s son Tsunashige.

Chapters s i x through eleven give concrete examples of the his-

t o r i c a l i n c i d e n t s and t r a d i t i o n s o f Saga han, and r e c o r d the

outstanding a c t i o n s of the samurai o f t h a t p r o v i n c e .


34

Chapter I I .

1. I n t e r n a l Aspects

As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, Hagakure was not w r i t t e n as a

manual f o r generals to guide t h e i r armies to v i c t o r y as were

Sun Tzu and M a c h i a v e l l i ' s The A r t of War. As a book o f conduct,

i t s d e s i g n i s c l e a r l y to i n s t r u c t the w a r r i o r s , who i n the Japan

of the Edo p e r i o d were v i r t u a l l y a l l members o f the samurai class,

i n the proper a t t i t u d e b e f i t t i n g men of t h e i r p o s i t i o n . There

i s almost no mention of the a c t u a l p h y s i c a l techniques o f b a t t l e ,

and m i l i t a r y s t r a t e g y , i f r e f e r r e d to a t a l l , i s d e a l t w i t h only

i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h some o t h e r matter."'" ''"


5
In p l a c e o f the e l e -

ment o f p h y s i c a l prowess, Hagakure concerns i t s e l f more w i t h the

mental d i s c i p l i n e which a samurai must undergo i n o r d e r to become

a man worthy of the d e s i g n a t i o n b u s h i .

A l l people are human and t h e r e f o r e i t i s o n l y n a t u r a l that

they have shortcomings. The emotions of greed, s e l f i s h n e s s ,

p r i d e , l u s t , cowardice, and h a t r e d , however n a t u r a l they may be,

are a l l i n d i c a t i v e of the worst aspects o f human n a t u r e . They

are a l s o most commonly manifested among people who think of

t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l b e i n g as the most v i t a l element i n the world.

T h e r e f o r e , the e x i s t e n c e of i n d i v i d u a l i t y among members of the

samurai c l a s s o f the Edo p e r i o d was not a r e s p e c t e d v i r t u e . The

i n d i v i d u a l was consequently expected, indeed r e q u i r e d , to f o r f e i t

h i s p e r s o n a l goals and adopt those which would b e n e f i t the group."'"

Such conformation ensured t h a t he would have no enemies among


153

his associates. From the viewpoint of the p r e s e n t day western

w o r l d , which p l a c e s so much emphasis on the r i g h t s o f the indi-


35

v i d u a l , t h i s appears to be an extremely c o n f i n i n g f a t e , but to

the samurai, who had never experienced anything s i m i l a r to the

freedom of our age, i t was a t r a d i t i o n a l aspect of the s o c i e t y

and had proven i t s e l f a most e f f e c t i v e f o r c e f o r m a i n t a i n i n g the

system. I t was, a c t u a l l y , w i t h i n t h i s framework t h a t the samurai

found h i s reason f o r e x i s t e n c e .

The statements, "Nothing should p l e a s e one more than to

pass on to others t h a t which ones possesses, i f i t i s i n the b e s t


154
i n t e r e s t s of the l o r d , " and, " A l l people must a c t f o r the
155

benefit of others," are s i m p l i s t i c i n t h e i r meaning but are

not e a s i l y c a r r i e d i n t o p r a c t i s e . Human nature d i c t a t e s that

when a person i s d e v e l o p i n g a course o f a c t i o n , he may think that

he i s b e i n g i m p a r t i a l , but i n r e a l i t y h i s plans a l l r e v o l v e around

himself. The end r e s u l t of any s e l f i s h a c t i o n cannot be anything

but f a i l u r e . "People who aim a t c e r t a i n d u t i e s , which they fancy

to be b e t t e r , and who work f o r the sake o f p e r s o n a l g a i n and

s e l f i s h n e s s by gauging the moods of t h e i r l o r d and group l e a d e r s ,

may be s u c c e s s f u l i n ten cases but when they f a i l i n one every-


156

t h i n g i s r u i n e d , and they are d i s g r a c e d . " To become completely

unselfish i s a d i f f i c u l t task. The Buddhist b e l i e f t h a t the

hard road to Nirvana c o u l d be covered only i n many l i v e s o f v i r -


157
tue and s e l f s a c r i f i c e can be seen here i n a d a p t a t i o n to the
system of f e u d a l l o y a l t i e s . Tsunetomo b e l i e v e d t h a t o n l y through
u t t e r d e v o t i o n to the l o r d and continuous d e d i c a t i o n t o the Four
15 8

Vows c o u l d such s e l f l e s s n e s s be achieved.

Accounts o f deeds which were c o n s i d e r e d to be s e l f i s h and

u n s e l f i s h abound i n Hagakure. The two f o l l o w i n g examples indi-

cate a s u b t l e awareness of the s l i g h t shades of d i f f e r e n c e b e t -


159
ween the acceptable and the unacceptable. The f i r s t of these

deals w i t h a man who had been promoted to a p o s i t i o n of promi-

nence and i n t h a t p o s t was sent g i f t s by a number of people.

He d e c l i n e d these g i f t s , •ostensibly - ' because he was neither

greedy nor p a r t i a l , but, to Tsunetomo, t h i s r e f u s a l was done i n

a manner so as to a t t r a c t n o t i c e to the righteousness of the

man himself, and so was not t r u l y w i t h o u t s e l f i s h motive. He

says, "To remove s e l f i s h n e s s from the bottom of your h e a r t with-


160

out drawing a t t e n t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t . " There i s a l s o an account

of a man who had been i n s e r v i c e f o r many years and was expect-

i n g a s u b s t a n t i a l reward f o r h i s e f f o r t s . He became angry when

i n s t e a d he r e c e i v e d only a small i n c r e a s e i n h i s s t i p e n d and

threatened to r e t i r e from s e r v i c e . His conduct i s r i d i c u l e d by

Tsunetomo f o r , "...the r e s o l u t i o n to s e r v i c e i s f o r g o t t e n com-

p l e t e l y , because he i s t h i n k i n g only o f p e r s o n a l pride."

S e l f - s a c r i f i c e underwent a q u a l i t a t i v e change d u r i n g the


16

years o f peace. The decreasing need f o r men with m i l i t a r y s k i l l s

and the i n c r e a s i n g t r e n d toward a c t i v i t i e s o f p l e a s u r e near the

end of the seventeenth century weakened s t r i c t observance . of the

p r a c t i s e of o f f e r i n g o n e s e l f f o r the sake o f o t h e r s . There was

l e s s o f a n e c e s s i t y and little d e s i r e to f o l l o w the example of

men l i k e Yamasaki K u r a n d o h ^ r f j ^ w h o disdained material goods. 1 6 2

I t had become f a r more enjoyable to spend time l o o k i n g a t the


163

goods d i s p l a y e d on the shelves of the shops.

I t i s impossible f o r any e t h i c such as l o y a l t y or courage

to e x i s t w i t h i n the mind o f one person. Mores are recognizable

only when they are the accepted norm. Because o r i e n t a t i o n i s

w i t h the i d e a l o f group u n i t y , the presence o f such e t h i c s can


37

be v a l i d only w i t h i n the l a r g e r c i r c l e o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n .

Nevertheless, values must be i n t e r n a l i z e d by each i n d i v i d u a l f o r

i t i s from w i t h i n the mind o f each person t h a t the u n d e r l y i n g

s t r e n g t h o f the concept i s created. In t h i s r e s p e c t moral p r i n -

c i p l e s may be regarded as i n t e r n a l e n t i t i e s which must be sup-

p o r t e d by a g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f the members o f s o c i e t y before they

become v i a b l e mores. F o r t h i s reason, Tsunetomo, although he

r e a l i z e d t h a t i t was the s o c i e t y which was degenerating, appealed

to the i n d i v i d u a l s to i n t e n s i f y t h e i r i n n e r d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Each

man must, w i t h i n h i m s e l f , come t o recognize the proper way.

To shun unrighteousness and p e r s i s t i n r i g h t e o u s -


ness i s a d i f f i c u l t t h i n g . . . . Over and above
l o y a l t y to p r i n c i p l e there i_s a Way. But to f i n d
it is difficult. Those who can do i t are the pos-
s e s s o r s o f s u p e r i o r wisdom. When one t h i n k s about
i t from t h i s s t a n d p o i n t , even p r i n c i p l e and t h i n g s
of t h a t s o r t are r a t h e r s m a l l matters. Unless one
has experienced t h i s by h i m s e l f , he probably cannot
understand. But even i f one cannot experience t h i s
alone, there i s a method by which he can achieve
the Way. That i s to have dialogue with o t h e r s . ^ 4 x

The Tokugawa bakufu i n s t i t u t e d v a r i o u s l e g a l c o n t r o l s such

as the Buke shohatto ^ , the Shoshi h a t t o |p§-JT and

the Tokugawa seiken hy akk a j o fe^x 165


i n an attempt t o

s u s t a i n the r i g o r o u s mental d i s c i p l i n e o f the samurai c l a s s and

to d i r e c t t h a t d i s c i p l i n e toward the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the regime


166

i n Edo. A d d i t i o n a l l y there were numerous methods o f s o c i a l

c o n t r o l , both formal and i n f o r m a l , by which the samurai were

c o n s t a n t l y o b s e r v i n g each other to m a i n t a i n , through v a r i o u s


167
degrees of s o c i a l p r e s s u r e , i n c l u d i n g systems o f i n s p e c t o r s
16 8

and s p i e s , r i d i c u l e , and o s t r a c i s m , a s t a t e o f a f f a i r s favour-

able to the bakufu. In the l a s t a n a l y s i s , however, i t , too, was

dependent upon the determination o f each i n d i v i d u a l to r e i n f o r c e


38

moral standards through i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n .

Tsunetomo o b v i o u s l y b e l i e v e d t h a t the moral p r e s s u r e b e i n g

a p p l i e d by the samurai as a group upon i t s wayward members had

become, i n r e a l i t y , i n e f f e c t i v e because o f the g e n e r a l l y wide-

spread divergence from s t r i c t observance o f proper morals. In-

d i c a t i n g t h a t men no l o n g e r had the courage nor d e s i r e to make

use o f t h e i r weapons, the symbol o f the samurai c l a s s , he says,

"Proof t h a t manly courage has f a i l e d i s shown i n the f a c t that

there are few persons who have even cut o f f the heads o f con-

demned c r i m i n a l s , l e t alone any who have a s s i s t e d a t seppuku.

I t has become an age i n which people who skillfully d e c l i n e are


169
c o n s i d e r e d c l e v e r persons or accomplished people."
Phrases such as "be r e s o l v e d , " "be determined," "make up
170

one's mind," " s e t one's h e a r t , " " s e t t l e one's b e l l y , " and

"decide," p r e v a i l i n almost every p o r t i o n o f Hagakure. Tsunetomo

i s e v i d e n t l y aware o f the n e c e s s i t y to support the mental deter-

mination o f the i n d i v i d u a l and throughout the book d i r e c t s a rep-


171
etxtous campaign toward t h a t end. In doing so he demands,
172 173 174
cajols, teases, reasons, appeals to emotions and i n -
175 176
stinct, c a l l s on the r e p u t a t i o n s o f a n c e s t o r s , and t h r e a t e n s
177

w i t h the 'curse o f the gods. He d e l i n e a t e s the proper a t t i -

tude and the b e s t way o f a t t a i n i n g the d e t e r m i n a t i o n to achieve

t h a t a t t i t u d e by d e s c r i b i n g improper conduct o f c e r t a i n people

and e x p l a i n i n g why i t i s c o n s i d e r e d to be improper. In o t h e r

i l l u m i n a t i n g s t o r i e s and i n c i d e n t s he p r a i s e s the proper elements

of behaviour. He s t a t e s r e p e a t e d l y such t h i n g s as,


Upon l o o k i n g a t the r e t a i n e r s o f the p r e s e n t time,
one n o t i c e s t h a t t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s are low. The
way they use t h e i r eyes reminds one o f p i c k p o c k e t s .
39

G e n e r a l l y t h i s may be a t t r i b u t e d t o p e r s o n a l
selfishness. By g i v i n g a i r s of c l e v e r n e s s ,
they appear t o be at ease w i t h themselves, but
t h i s i s n o t h i n g more than a b l u f f i n f r o n t o f
people. When one does not f a s t e n one's eyes
upon the s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f the foundations of
the p r o v i n c e , attend to one's d u t i e s and r e -
p o r t to the l o r d , c o n s i d e r the l o r d ' s w e l f a r e
s e r i o u s l y a l l day and n i g h t , and o f f e r o n e s e l f
to the l o r d , w h i l e b e i n g r e s i g n e d t o death, one
cannot be s a i d to be a r e a l r e t a i n e r . 8 x 7

Mistakes are to be expected and are not condemned. "When one

knows h i s mistakes and c o r r e c t s them, they are i n s t a n t l y erased.

When one t r i e s to g l o s s over those e r r o r s , they become a l l the


179

more d i s g r a c e f u l and one comes t o s u f f e r f o r i t . "

Perhaps the most e s s e n t i a l r e q u i s i t e i n a bushi i s a com-

p l e t e d e v o t i o n to s e r v i c e i n which he advances b l i n d l y w i t h no

thought o f anything but the e x e c u t i o n of what he knows to be h i s

duty. In bushido, forward p r o g r e s s i o n with a r e c k l e s s n e s s border-


u
i n g on rashness i•s i' n dJ i' s p e n s a b l e . 180
I f s e r v i c e i s s t r i v e n f o r without regard to reason
or substance, and i f e v e r y t h i n g i s f o r g o t t e n and
only the l o r d i s thought to be important, t h a t i s
a l l t h a t i s needed. Such i s a good r e t a i n e r . By
b e i n g too fond o f s e r v i n g and being too concerned
about the l o r d , i t i s p o s s i b l e to f a l l i n t o e r r o r ,
but t h a t i s what a r e t a i n e r ' s b a s i c wish should be."

T h e r e f o r e , w h i l e i t may sometimes be b e t t e r to advance c a u t i o u s l y ,


182
i n many cases i t i s b e s t to proceed wholeheartedly. Tsunetomo
183

reinforces t h i s concept by r e i t e r a t i n g the a n c i e n t e x p r e s s i o n ,

"Seven breaths make a p l a n , " by q u o t i n g R y u z o j i Takanobu, "Even

a good p l a n becomes r o t t e n i f l e f t too l o n g , " and Naoshige, " I f

one takes too much time i n e v e r y t h i n g , seven times out of ten

i t w i l l t u r n out bad. In any s i t u a t i o n a b u s h i must be quick

to a c t . " The space of seven breaths g i v e s s u f f i c i e n t time f o r

a b u s h i to g a i n composure and determine to do what must be done.


40

This i s t r u e o f a l l aspects o f l i f e , even the w r i t i n g of Chinese

characters. "A w a r r i o r need only w r i t e from h i s h e a r t and not

c o n s i d e r the q u a l i t y of h i s work. D e c i d i n g good or bad i s the

job o f a p r o f e s s i o n a l . A bushi does things i n an unwavering


,,184

manner.

Advocacy.! of impetuous a c t i o n i s one p o i n t i n which the

thought o f Hagakure stands d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to the classic

m i l i t a r y manual of China, the Sun Tzu. Granting t h a t the words

of the Sun Tzu were meant d i r e c t l y f o r the commander o f the army

and c o n c e d i n g t h a t he must be more c o n s e r v a t i v e i n h i s a c t i o n s

than the average s o l d i e r , nowhere i s there an e x p r e s s i o n to the

e f f e c t t h a t the w a r r i o r must forsake l o g i c . Instead, one o f the


most dangerous q u a l i t i e s t h a t a g e n e r a l might possess i s s a i d
to be r e c k l e s s n e s s , f o r a commander who i s courageous but s t u p i d
185
i s a calamity. " I t i s the business o f a g e n e r a l to be serene
186

and i n s c r u t a b l e , i m p a r t i a l and s e l f c o n t r o l l e d . " This view

of e x p e c t a t i o n s was v a l i d a l s o f o r the lower ranks o f the Chinese

armies. In a d i s c u s s i o n between Confucius'- and one of h i s d i s -

c i p l e s , the f o l l o w i n g exchange i s s a i d to have taken p l a c e .


T z u - l u s a i d , Supposing you had command of the
Three Hosts, whom would you take to h e l p you?
The Master s a i d , The man who was ready to beard
a t i g e r or rush a r i v e r without c a r i n g whether
he l i v e d or d i e d - t h a t s o r t of man I should not
take. I should c e r t a i n l y take someone who
approaches d i f f i c u l t i e s with due c a u t i o n and who
p r e f e r r e d to succeed by s t r a t e g y . ^ 7 x

When i t i s r e c a l l e d t h a t Hagakure was w r i t t e n during a period

of peace and t h a t the emphasis was upon the upgrading of mental

d i s c i p l i n e , the o b s e s s i o n with r e c k l e s s n e s s and rashness can be

brought more c l e a r l y i n t o focus. By means of such a d o c t r i n e


41

Tsunetomo i s attempting to reduce the i n d e c i s i o n and p r o c r a s t i -

n a t i o n which he observed i n the young samurai around him. In

t h i s Hagakure i s weakened, i n comparison w i t h Sun Tzu, as a t e x t

to be f o l l o w e d i n winning wars. Yet i t i s strengthened i n i t s

purpose o f a l l e v i a t i n g the e v i l s of s o c i e t y as seen by Tsunetomo.

A s t r o n g l y s t a t e d d i s r e g a r d f o r i n t e l l i g e n c e and logic,

an o f t e n repeated theme i n Hagakure, may be a t t r i b u t e d to the


188
Zen p r e f e r e n c e f o r i n t u i t i o n over i n t e l l e c t . Utter devotion
to one's duty r e q u i r e s t h a t one " . . . r e l i n q u i s h one's mind and
189
body and come t o t h i n k only of the l o r d . " I f , i n addition
to t h i s frame of mind, one a l s o has i n t e l l i g e n c e and talent,
190
one i s able to g i v e even b e t t e r s e r v i c e . But there i s a l s o
a very r e a l danger t h a t mistakes may be committed because of
191
an e x c e s s i v e d e v o t i o n t o l e a r n i n g . That i s , d u t i e s may be
n e g l e c t e d i f a person comes t o value h i s accomplishments more
192

than h i s reason f o r a t t a i n i n g them. I f he develops a f e e l i n g

of immoderate p r i d e , he becomes u s e l e s s i n h i s work. "No matter

how s u p e r i o r one's t a l e n t s , a person w i t h a d i s p o s i t i o n which

i s not l i k e d by people i s u s e l e s s . A person who humbles h i m s e l f

and who f e e l s happy a t b e i n g i n a lower p o s i t i o n than h i s com-


19 3

panions cannot be disliked."

T h e r e f o r e , people who are o u t s t a n d i n g i n t h e i r accomplish-

ments may be regarded as f o o l s , because i n o r d e r to achieve such

outstanding s k i l l s , they have exhausted much time and e f f o r t . If


what they have l e a r n e d i s not u s e f u l , i t has been a complete
194
waste of time. A samurai who has a r t i s t i c accomplishments,
then, has h i s s t a t u s as a bushi r u i n e d . He begins to serve as
. 195
an e n t e r t a i n e r , and t h i s i s not the o c c u p a t i o n o f a b u s h i .
42

While, as mentioned e a r l i e r , Tsunetomo h e l d the b e l i e f t h a t a

bushi must pay careful a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l s o f conduct i n h i s

daily l i f e , he d i d not f e e l t h a t such i s s u e s should become the

end i n themselves. He says, "People who are b r i g h t i n l o g i c

are, i n most cases, o v e r l y p a r t i c u l a r about minute d e t a i l s , and


196
spend t h e i r whole l i v e s w a s t e f u l l y . This i s regrettable."
His view on t h i s p o i n t appears to be i n d i r e c t c o n t r a s t to K a i b a r a
197

Ekken's b e l i e f t h a t the study o f the c l a s s i c s i s a u n i v e r s a l duty.

Yet i t was not l e a r n i n g i t s e l f which Tsunetomo frowned upon, f o r

he h i m s e l f had a r e l a t i v e l y sound background i n the Chinese clas-

s i c s and i n Buddhist d o c t r i n e s . His concern was t h a t an over-

emphasis on knowledge t o r knowledge's sake had begun to obliterate

the bushi's c o n c e p t i o n of h i s true duty, s e r v i c e t o the lord.

A number of m i l i t a r y men are remembered f o r t h e i r l i t e r a r y abil-

i n the composition o f wakafa^fcJt ^p o e t r y ,


9
ity, particularly and

indeed Tsunetomo h i m s e l f was accomplished in this field. But

s u r e l y t h i s t r e n d away from m i l i t a r y matters and toward l i t e r a r y

skill i s the very reason why d i s d a i n f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l and a r -

t i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s was not l i m i t e d to Hagakure alone, but was a


. - 199

common element i n bushido throughout the country.

Because the main o c c u p a t i o n of the samurai was to serve,

l o g i c was unnecessary. "In whatever l o g i c i s a p p l i e d , r e a l reason

is lost." 2 0 0
"To become confused w i t h excess ideas cannot be
201
s a i d to be the Way." A bushi i s able to serve much b e t t e r ,
t h e r e f o r e , i f he avoids t h i n k i n g about too many i r r e l e v a n t
things. " I t i s not good to be confused over one t h i n g and another.
It i s b e s t i f one d i s c a r d s e v e r y t h i n g and s e t s h i s mind only on
20 2
service." T h i s i s a p p l i c a b l e whether one i s a b u s h i o f a
low o r a high rank. When one i s a country b u s h i , f o r example,

he imagines t h a t the o f f i c i a l s who are i n high p l a c e s must neces-

s a r i l y have s p e c i a l a b i l i t i e s , but t h i s , a c c o r d i n g t o Tsunetomo,

is not true. "When one becomes i n t i m a t e w i t h the House e l d e r s

and s e n i o r a d v i s o r s and exchanges c a s u a l c o n v e r s a t i o n , one sees

t h a t they never f o r g e t t h a t they are i n s e r v i c e and worry about

v a r i o u s things i n p o l i t i c s , but apart from t h a t , are no d i f f e r e n t

from o n e s e l f . " 2 0 4
The head monk o f S o r y u j i ^ C ^ 2
-
0 5
temple,

Konan Osho ^ )>j


c
e x p l a i n s why knowledge may be a d e t r i -

ment t o proper s e r v i c e by s a y i n g , "The more one knows about con-

c r e t e t h i n g s , the f a r t h e r one i s removed from the Way. The

reason i s t h a t by having read o r heard about the words and ac-

t i o n s of o t h e r people, one acquires knowledge, comes t o b e l i e v e

h i m s e l f equal t o the Sages, and t h e r e f o r e looks down upon the


207
common people as though they were i n s e c t s . " Furthermore,
Tsunetomo says,

A c a l c u l a t i n g person i s a cowardly person. Be-


cause he always t h i n k s about the c a l c u l a t i o n o f
l o s s and g a i n , the i d e a o f p r o f i t and l o s s i s
c o n s t a n t l y on h i s mind. Because death i s a l o s s
and l i f e i s a g a i n , he w i l l not l i k e death.
That i s why he i s a coward. Again, a l e a r n e d
person hides c o n g e n i t a l cowardice and greed with
c l e v e r n e s s and eloquence. This i s something by
which people are f o o l e d . ^

Of course, without a c e r t a i n degree o f i n t e l l i g e n c e a bushi will

be unable t o c a r r y out even the most b a s i c d u t i e s . I f i t can

be s a i d t h a t a cunning man does n o t succeed i n l i f e , i t can a l s o


209

be s a i d t h a t a f o o l i s h man does n o t succeed e i t h e r .

It i s particularly important t o have s t r e n g t h o f s e l f will

and to a c t without o b t r u s i v e l y using one's i n t e l l i g e n c e and d i s -

cernment u n t i l the age o f f o r t y . After that, i f i n a p o s i t i o n


44

of l e a d i n g o t h e r s , i n t e l l i g e n c e and discernment p l a y a more

v i t a l r o l e i n prompting response from one's charges. Slightly

p a r a p h r a s i n g the words of Confucius-",^ Tsunetomo s t a t e s , "In the

f i r s t f o r t y years of one's l i f e i t i s b e s t to be b o l d i n every-

thing. From the age of f i f t y i t i s more s u i t a b l e to be r e s e r v e d . "

A t a l a t e r p o i n t i n the t e x t he adds, "Whether one i s wise or

f o o l i s h , when one reaches the age of f o r t y he achieves the degree

of m a t u r i t y a p p r o p r i a t e to h i m s e l f , and i s no l o n g e r i n doubt
211

as to h i s course o f a c t i o n . " Tsunetomo's view t h a t a bushi

must forsake l e a r n i n g and the a r t s only to rush b l i n d l y forward

i n s e r v i c e takes on a much more f l e x i b l e appearance w i t h these

statements. Devotion to s e r v i c e must evolve from experience

and experience can be gained only by f o l l o w i n g the way o f the

true bushi w i t h a l l one's h e a r t . The use o f l o g i c and intellect

to q u e s t i o n the v a l i d i t y of commands forms a d i v e r s i o n from the

way i n the same manner as the s a t i s f a c t i o n of s e l f i s h desires.

In e i t h e r case, the y o u t h f u l bushi would be d i r e c t e d away from

the path o f bushido. To ensure t h a t , upon r e a c h i n g middle age,

he would have gained s u f f i c i e n t experience to q u a l i f y as a

l e a d e r o f men, Tsunetomo f e l t , samurai should undergo a s t r i c t

regime o f t r a i n i n g .

2. Training

Even though there were no wars a f t e r 1638, the p h y s i c a l

t r a i n i n g o f the Japanese bushi c o u l d not be separated from the

values o f the samurai class. The combination of s c h o l a r l y learn-

ing, bun on one hand and m i l i t a r y s k i l l , b u ^ , on the o t h e r


212
had a t r a d i t i o n o f some l e n g t h i n Japan. The placement of
45

the concept o f bun-bu i n the f i r s t a r t i c l e o f the Buke shohatto

i n d i c a t e s the importance i n i t i a l l y accorded i t by the Tokugawa

authorities. Yet each time the code was reissued, the emphasis

s h i f t e d s l i g h t l y i n the d i r e c t i o n o f the c i v i l and away from the


213

martial. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t r a i n i n g i n the p h y s i c a l use o f weapons

continued to be an important aspect o f samurai e d u c a t i o n until

the end o f the Edo period.

K a i b a r a Ekken once expressed the b e l i e f t h a t a bushi needed


214

only moral t r a i n i n g and military skills. When the need f o r

the l a t t e r decreased d u r i n g the p e r i o d of peace, more a t t e n t i o n

was given the former. Thus the d i s t i n c t i o n between b u j u t s u ^ f o ' ^ ,

military skills used i n combat, and budo ffi^jf martial arts

p r a c t i s e d as a means o f s e l f c u l t i v a t i o n and moral d i s c i p l i n e ,

215 . .
is a v a l i d one. Furthermore, as success i n m i l i t a r y opera-
t i o n s had come, to jdspehd.almost s o l e l y on firearms and group t a c -
tics, the o l d e r a r t s of archery, swordsmanship, and r i d i n g be-
came p r i m a r i l y methods o f s p i r i t u a l t r a i n i n g . Teachers o f the
m a r t i a l a r t s were expected not only to i n s t r u c t the students i n
the p h y s i c a l aspects o f a technique, but a l s o to guide them i n
the proper mental a t t i t u d e and instill i n them the w i l l for
perpetual s e l f improvement. The e t h i c s of r e c t i t u d e , l o y a l t y ,
courage, honour, e t i q u e t t e , r e s p e c t f o r s u p e r i o r s , compassion,
and r e s o l u t i o n to s e r v i c e , were c o n s t a n t l y being s u b s t a n t i a t e d
216
w i t h i n the framework o f the t r a i n i n g s e s s i o n . Because Yamaga
Soko recorded h i s thoughts on the r o l e o f moral s e l f - c u l t i v a t i o n
217

through p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g , he i s perhaps the best-known e a r l y

proponent o f the u n i t y o f mental and p h y s i c a l d i s c i p l i n e i n the

martial arts. Yet most of the concepts which he taught were


— o 218

a l s o being d r i l l e d i n one form or another i n v a r i o u s do j o jji T%

throughout the country. The p h y s i c a l techniques became a form

of s e l f c u l t i v a t i o n s i m i l a r t o Zen-oriented p r a c t i s e s such as

the tea c e r e m o n y . 2x9


In Hagakure the a r t s of y a r i ^ ^ , yumi Zj ,

and j u j u t s u ^ f f i j " , as w e l l as the p r a c t i s e of r e n g a o e t r y


219

are i n t r o d u c e d , not i n the d e t a i l of t h e i r p h y s i c a l appearance,

but i n r e l a t i o n to how they may be employed to improve one's

a b i l i t y to serve one's l o r d .

While i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n o f the mores o f the s o c i e t y rested

within the i n d i v i d u a l , methods o f t e a c h i n g them r e l i e d more

h e a v i l y upon group t r a i n i n g . Instruction generally took place

w i t h a number of students a t the same time and, as was the case

even i n p r i v a t e l e s s o n s , there was bound to be a c e r t a i n amount

of' i n t e r c o u r s e , spoken or unspoken, between teacher and student.

Because o f t h i s human element, the l e a r n i n g process o f the phys-

ical a r t s occurred i n a s e t t i n g s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by the ac-

cepted m o r a l i t y o f the l o c a l i t y and the i n s t r u c t o r . Tsunetomo

says t h a t , f o r him, t r a i n i n g was a f u l l - t i m e a f f a i r which never


221

gave him a chance to bend h i s knees and rest. He felt that

such extended e f f o r t s were r e q u i r e d so the d i s c i p l i n e attained

through guided p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g would provide the samurai with

the r e s o l u t i o n t h a t , i f , on a b a t t l e f i e d ,
...one leads the charge and i s determined to
destroy the enemy ranks, he w i l l not f a l l be-
h i n d o t h e r s , h i s h e a r t w i l l become brave, and
he w i l l be able to make a g l o r i o u s d i s p l a y o f
m a r t i a l courage. One must have, as a usual
p r a c t i s e , the r e s o l u t i o n t h a t when he d i e s
i n a b a t t l e , he w i l l f a l l f a c i n g i n the d i r e c -
t i o n of the e n e m y . 222

Furthermore, he must not regard s u p e r i o r people as b e i n g i n v i n -


47

cible, f o r they, t o o , are human. " I f one makes up h i s mind t h a t


22

he i s i n f e r i o r t o no one, e v e r y t h i n g w i l l soon t u r n o u t f i n e . "

Of c o u r s e , t h i s does n o t mean t h a t a samurai should be content

w i t h what he has.
E x e r t your mind t o the utmost. F i r s t of a l l ,
grasp the seeds f i r m l y and c u l t i v a t e your conduct,
a l l your l i f e , i n such a way t h a t these seeds
r i p e n . Whatever you may have found, do not t h i n k
i t i s sufficient. Think only t h a t i t i s wrong
and t h a t i t i s n o t enough. In a l i f e l o n g quest
one must s e a r c h f o r the way i n which the t r u t h
can be f o l l o w e d . Herein l i e s the r e a l W a y . 224

N a t u r a l l y , d u r i n g the g r e a t peace, s k i l l i n combat was o f

l e s s importance to the samurai than i t had been i n time o f war.

N e v e r t h e l e s s , t r a i n i n g i n the c l a s s i c a l methods o f combat was

c a r r i e d on t o impart to the practitioners -.the mental discipline


which was r e q u i r e d o f them i n t h e i r r o l e s as samurai and as ad-
. . 225

ministrators. The s i g n i f i c a n c e o f p h y s i c a l t r a i n i n g was r e c -

ognized c l e a r l y by the samurai o f the Edo p e r i o d . Kumazawa Ban-

zan and Yamaga Soko are b u t two men who expressed t h e i r o p i n i o n s

on t h i s matter. 2 2 6
Yagyu Munenori <#p£,£££-.(1571-1646) , the

founder o f the o f f i c i a l f e n c i n g s c h o o l o f the bakufu, i s quoted

in Hagakure as having s a i d , "I don't know how to win a g a i n s t


227

o t h e r s ; I only know how t o c o n t r o l myself." Although he was

a master swordsman and could handle the weapon extremely w e l l ,

he c o n s i d e r e d i t s main f u n c t i o n t o be an instrument of t r a i n i n g .

The f a c t t h a t Tsunetomo quotes Yagyu shows t h a t he, t o o ,

was aware o f the importance o f p r o f i c i e n c y i n the m a r t i a l arts

as a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o mental c o n t r o l , and hence t o c o n f i d e n c e .

He a l s o r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h i s t r a i n i n g was n o t an easy nor a

s u p e r f i c i a l task. He e x p l o i t s the words o f an u n i d e n t i f i e d o l d


48

master o f swordsmanship who says t h a t people i n the lower levels

of the samurai c l a s s are n o t u s e f u l even i f they t r a i n . Those

in the middle l e v e l s a l s o f a i l to serve but a t l e a s t are aware

of t h e i r shortcomings. People i n the upper ranks are capable

of being b e n e f i c i a l because they have a f u l l e r understanding.

But w i t h t h i s understanding comes a f e e l i n g o f p r i d e , and they

begin t o b e l i e v e t h a t they are s u p e r i o r t o o t h e r s . Such an a t -

titude i s detrimental. Men o f r e a l s e r v i c e are found only above

t h i s l e v e l , b u t i t i s n o t easy t o a t t a i n such h e i g h t s . When one

becomes deeply i n v o l v e d i n such advanced t r a i n i n g , "...one final-

ly d i s c o v e r s t h a t there i s no l i m i t . One never t h i n k s t h a t he

has completed it. R e a l i z i n g t h a t he has shortcomings, a l l o f

his life he never f a n c i e s h i m s e l f t o have succeeded, he doesn't

preen h i m s e l f , and he doesn't b e l i t t l e o t h e r s . He improves day

by day and there i s no l i m i t t o h i s improvement. This i s the


228

way one advances." I t i s t r u l y lamentable, says Tsunetomo,

t h a t t h e r e are so few such persons. "There are no g r e a t men.

There are n o t even any who w i l l l i s t e n to advice which would


229

b e n e f i t them, l e t alone t r a i n to become g r e a t men."

Attainment o f the proper a t t i t u d e o f d e t e r m i n a t i o n to

serve w i t h o u t f l i n c h i n g i s something which must be accomplished


230
through many years o f p r a c t i s e . A c c o r d i n g to the o l d s a y i n g ,
231

"Great genius comes s l o w l y , " proficiency i n service cannot

be gained r a p i d l y . I f a young person t r i e s to p r o g r e s s too

q u i c k l y , he becomes rude and o v e r c o n f i d e n t , and develops an a i r

of insincerity. He i s then scorned by o t h e r s and may be c o n s i d -

ered a f a i l u r e . To p r e v e n t t h i s one must s u f f e r h a r d s h i p s i n

t r a i n i n g and adopt the a t t i t u d e t h a t , "...nothing i s i m p o s s i b l e . . .


49

moving the u n i v e r s e without u s i n g any s t r e n g t h i s but a q u e s t i o n


232
of d e t e r m i n a t i o n . " The d o c t r i n e o f Zen Buddhism pervades
t h i s statement, f o r Zen, w i t h i t s emphasis on s i m p l i c i t y , direct-
ness, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e , may be regarded as a r e l i g i o n of w i l l
233
power.

Shitsuke J j ^ , "proper u p b r i n g i n g , " 2 3 4


should begin a t a

very e a r l y age. A c c o r d i n g to Tsunetomo, a boy must be taught

to f e a r n o t h i n g , f o r i f he i s a coward as a baby, i t w i l l become

a lifetime habit. He should not, t h e r e f o r e , be s c o l d e d s t r o n g l y

l e s t he come to have a t i m i d nature. G r a d u a l l y he should be

made to pay a t t e n t i o n to the ways of speaking and to c o u r t e s y .

S e l f i s h n e s s must not be p e r m i t t e d . I f he i s normal he will

develop w e l l . I f the parents do not get along there can be no

f i l i a l p i e t y because c h i l d r e n i m i t a t e t h e i r p a r e n t s . "Even

b i r d s and animals, a f t e r they are born, always do what they see

and hear and thus determine their characters." The mother should

not always defend the c h i l d from the f a t h e r because i f she does,


235

d i s c o r d w i l l develop between f a t h e r and son.

From about the age of f i f t e e n , a youth must s t a r t train-

i n g i n e a r n e s t to make a s o l i d foundation so t h a t he may be p r e -

pared t o d e a l w i t h any contingency.


I f he has a s t r o n g base he
2 36
may persevere through any setbacks caused by e r r o r s . People
who have served as pages d u r i n g t h e i r youth are e s p e c i a l l y use-
237

f u l , because they are f a m i l i a r w i t h performing v a r i o u s d u t i e s .

T r a i n i n g was a l s o c a r r i e d out through admonitions by

seniors. Tsunetomo c i t e s one l e c t u r e which he h i m s e l f d e l i v e r e d

to a young man who was having a problem p l e a s i n g a very difficult

father-in-law.
50

To begin w i t h , i t must be r e a l i z e d t h a t b e i n g born


as a human b e i n g i s a t o t a l l y unexpected s t r o k e o f
good f o r t u n e . Besides t h a t , b e i n g able to serve
as one of the r e t a i n e r s of t h i s Nabeshima House i s
a l i f e l o n g d e s i r e . I f one looks a t the peasants
or townsmen one w i l l understand t h i s . Being born
the e l d e s t son and i n h e r i t i n g the e s t a t e of one's
true f a t h e r i s indeed a very b l e s s e d t h i n g but
a l l the more so f o r you, born the youngest c h i l d ,
to i n h e r i t another household and c l e a r l y become
one of the r e t a i n e r s of our l o r d i s a r a r e b l e s s -
ing. To f a i l i n t h i s and become a bushi who has
no s t i p e n d i s d i s l o y a l t y and d i s p l e a s i n g one's
father i s u n f i l i a l . A person who has s t r a y e d
from the way o f l o y a l t y and f i l i a l p i e t y has no
p l a c e i n t h i s world. Return to the proper path
and c o n s i d e r t h i s very c a r e f u l l y .
Now, the l o y a l t y and f i l i a l p i e t y which concern you
i s only to p l e a s e your f a t h e r - i n - l a w . You have to
take i n t o account the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t , no matter
how hard you t r y to p l e a s e him, he might not accept
you. So I w i l l teach you a way to a l t e r h i s mood.
You should pray to the f a m i l y god, c r y i n g t e a r s
of b l o o d , t h a t your f a c i a l e x p r e s s i o n , i n whatever
you do, may p l e a s e him. This i s not f o r p r i v a t e
i n t e r e s t , but a matter o f p r i n c i p l e . The mere
thought w i l l s t r i k e a responsive chord i n your
father-in-law's heart. Go home and t r y i t . Before
you know i t your f a t h e r - i n - l a w ' s mind w i l l be
changed. This phenomenon of heaven, e a r t h , and
man on the same wave l e n g t h i s an e x p r e s s i o n o f
the mysterious incomprehensible t r u t h . What I've
j u s t s a i d to you i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true i n t h i s case
because your f a t h e r has long been i l l . He can't
l a s t l o n g . Being f i l i a l f o r a s h o r t time i s easy,
even s t a n d i n g on your head.238

Advice o f t h i s type was e s s e n t i a l f o r a young samurai to develop

the s t r e n g t h o f c h a r a c t e r which would be r e q u i r e d a t a l a t e r

time. He must l e a r n to honour h i s d u t i e s and r e s p e c t h i s supe-

riors. For example, upon h i s f i r s t audience before the lord,

a c e r t a i n young samurai was i n s t r u c t e d , "At the time t h a t you

bow and lower your head, swear to y o u r s e l f , 'This i s a f o r t u n a t e

t h i n g indeed! Not having r e c e i v e d an i n t e r v i e w u n t i l now, I

have l i v e d i n o b s c u r i t y . I am as happy as one can p o s s i b l y be.

From now on I must d i s c a r d my own life and serve my lord. 1


This
51

thought w i l l be t r a n s m i t t e d to the l o r d and you w i l l be able


..239

to s e r v e .

Rewards were given f o r work w e l l done and punishments f o r

behaviour o t h e r than the expected norm. But o f more consequence

was the f a c t t h a t a b u s h i was t r a i n e d to respect p r o p r i e t y . He

was taught to be c a r e f u l i n e v e r y t h i n g he d i d and to do i t w e l l .

Even when w r i t i n g , f o r example, each l e t t e r was to be w r i t t e n


240

as though i t were f o r a p i c t u r e s c r o l l . Through l i f e l o n g i n -

d o c t r i n a t i o n , the b u s h i was taught to be s e l f c o n f i d e n t y e t hum-

b l e , compatible y e t r e s e r v e d , brave y e t cautious,'compassionate

y e t s t e r n , p o l i t e y e t prudent, and above a l l , loyal.


3. Loyalty

L o y a l and devoted s e r v i c e to one's l o r d i s c e n t r a l , to the

maintenance o f any f e u d a l s o c i e t y . Tokugawa Japan was no excep-

t i o n , and bushido, which developed as the code o f the samurai

d i d , i n f a c t , c o n s i s t e s s e n t i a l l y o f d i l i g e n c e i n the duty o f

s e r v i c e , even to the e x t e n t t h a t i t may have had r e l i g i o u s over-

tones. Adherence to the p r i n c i p l e s o f bushido r e q u i r e d a l o y a l t y


241

which would o v e r r i d e o t h e r r e l i g i o u s commitments and by doing

t h i s , bushido became what might be c a l l e d a r e l i g i o n of l o y a l t y .

A c c o r d i n g to Tsunetomo, the bushi must preoccupy h i m s e l f w i t h

bushido, and the:.ma;jor duty of bushido b e i n g devotion to the

l o r d , he must dwell on l o y a l t y . These bare f a c t s , he says, de-


242

s c r i b e the ambitions o f a p e r f e c t r e t a i n e r . Support f o r the

l o r d was i n r e a l i t y support f o r the group o f which the l o r d was

but a f i g u r e h e a d , but t h i s f a c t i s e i t h e r d e l i b e r a t e l y n e g l e c t e d

by Tsunetomo or not comprehended. The d u t i e s performed f o r the


52

l o r d and the r e t u r n o f c e r t a i n b e n e f i t s p r o v i d e d the group with

s o l i d a r i t y which allowed i t to overcome o b s t a c l e s and t o r e t a i n

i t s p o s i t i o n o f power. The p a t e r n a l i s t i c form o f t h i s arrange-

ment, i n which the l o r d may be seen as a f a t h e r f i g u r e to h i s

r e t a i n e r s , i s common to Japanese s o c i e t y , even i n the p r e s e n t

day. W i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n s under v a r i o u s daimyo, such forms

were a l s o p r e s e n t , n o t a b l y i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the


243
groups and t h e i r l e a d e r s . On a broader s c a l e , the bakufu may
244

be seen as an e x t e n s i o n o f the p a t e r n a l i s t i c phenomenon. Nor

i s such a concept l i m i t e d t o Japan. The Sun Tzu says, "Because

...a g e n e r a l regards h i s men as i n f a n t s they w i l l march w i t h him

i n t o the deepest v a l l e y s . He t r e a t s them as h i s own beloved


245
sons and they w i l l d i e w i t h him."
The o b l i g a t i o n o f l o y a l t y to a s u p e r i o r i s a b a s i c t e n e t
246
i n the teachings o f Confucius- and i s p a r t i c u l a r l y obvious
i n Japanese f e u d a l i s m . The e t h i c . o f d e v o t i o n t o a s o v e r e i g n
247
may be found throughout Japanese h i s t o r y . Nitobe says t h a t "
the v i r t u e s o f homage and f e a l t y to a s u p e r i o r i s a d i s t i n c t i v e
2 48
feature of feudal morality. The duty o f l o y a l t y stood a t the
a x i s o f bushido, and such sentences as, "We bushi know n o t h i n g
249

but to t h i n k o f our l o r d , " are found i n abundance i n Hagakure.

By a c t u a l count one hundred twenty s i x o f the two hundred three

a r t i c l e s comprising the f i r s t chapter mention a t l e a s t some

aspect o f l o y a l t y , and o f these, s i x t y f i v e are p r i m a r i l y con-

cerned w i t h d e v o t i o n t o s e r v i c e .

Because l o y a l t y c o u l d n o t be ensured by a w r i t t e n c o n t r a c t

alone, s t r e s s was p l a c e d , i n a manner d i s t i n c t i v e o f Japanese

bushido, upon i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n o f the concept o f l o y a l t y w i t h i n


53

the minds o f i n d i v i d u a l b u s h i . While there were innumerable

i n s t a n c e s o f d i s l o y a l t y throughout the h i s t o r y o f Japan, most

n o t a b l y i n the Sengoku p e r i o d but a l s o i n the b a t t l e o f Sekigahara,

the concept o f l o y a l t y remained a v i a b l e e t h i c i n the code o f

bushido. I n d i c a t i o n s are t h a t t h i s was n o t the case i n the armies

of China and Europe. There the p r a c t i s e s o f corvee and c o n s c r i p -

t i o n p l a c e d a l i m i t on the amount o f l o y a l t y which might be ex-

250

pected. Although the samurai r e c e i v e d s t i p e n d s f o r t h e i r

s e r v i c e s , and so may be c o n s i d e r e d , i n a sense, mercenaries, i n

a c t u a l p r a c t i s e by the Edo p e r i o d t h e i r e f f o r t s were almost s o l e l y

administrative. Furthermore, from about the middle of t h i s period

onward, when the economic s i t u a t i o n o f the bakufu was becoming

p r o g r e s s i v e l y worse, the s t i p e n d s o f many r e t a i n e r s were c u r t a i l e d


251

f o r i n d e f i n i t e p e r i o d s of time. In s p i t e o f t h i s , outward

symptoms o f d i s l o y a l t y d i d not appear u n t i l near the end of the

Edo p e r i o d . A d d i t i o n a l l y , the r e c e i p t o f an allowance and the

r e l a t i o n o f the s o l d i e r s to the commanders was not o f the same

nature as t h a t i n China. In Japan, a f t e r a l l , the s o l d i e r s and

the o f f i c e r s were, i n the Tokugawa p e r i o d o f peace, drawn s o l e l y

from the samurai c l a s s , and thus the "...payment o f a l a r g e


252

bounty to assure the l o y a l t y o f the army..." was n o t as nec-

essary as i t was w i t h the c o n s c r i p t armies o f China.

Of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l o y a l t y and punishment, Sun

Tzu s t a t e s , " I f troops are punished b e f o r e t h e i r l o y a l t y i s

secured they w i l l Be:~disdbedient. I f not o b e d i e n t , i t i s d i f -

f i c u l t to employ them. I f troops are l o y a l , but punishments are


253

not e n f o r c e d , you cannot employ them." Of course, punishment

f o r l a c k o f d e d i c a t i o n and f o r d i s o b e d i e n c e f u n c t i o n e d i n Japan
54

254
also, and there i s no doubt t h a t i t had a g r e a t deal o f i n -

fluence i n preserving l o y a l i n c l i n a t i o n s . There remain, however,

many cases, such as the r e t i r e m e n t o f Tsunetomo h i m s e l f , i n which

u n c a l l e d - f o r acts o f l o y a l t y were e x h i b i t e d . Tsunetomo would

undoubtedly have been i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n had he continued to

serve i n the Nabeshima House under Tsunashige a f t e r the death o f

M i t s u s h i g e , b u t he f e l t t h a t to turn h i s back on the l o r d was


255

not i n keeping w i t h h i s b e l i e f s .

It was Tsunetomo's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t persons who make a fuss

of s e r v i n g , and outwardly appear to be very l o y a l i n t h e i r ac-

t i o n s , may i n r e a l i t y n o t have the same depth o f c h a r a c t e r as

lowly-ranked persons who are devoted i n t h e i r h e a r t s . Natu-

r a l l y i t i s hard t o m a i n t a i n an i n t e n s e degree o f l o y a l t y . Still,

i f one remembers t h a t the oaths between r e t a i n e r and l o r d are n o t

something remote from r e a l i t y , but r a t h e r are something very near

at hand, and i f one. r e i n f o r c e s h i s r e s o l u t i o n to them d a i l y by

r e p e a t i n g the Four Oaths over and over, one w i l l f u l f i l l the

requirements o f a r e t a i n e r admirably.

The l o y a l t y so o f t e n mentioned by Tsunetomo i s l i m i t e d a l -

most e x c l u s i v e l y t o t h a t o f a r e t a i n e r f o r h i s l o r d and does n o t

c a r r y w i t h i t the seeds o f g r e a t e r l o y a l t y , to the emperor, as i t d i d


257

i i v . the w r i t i n g s o f Yamaga Soko and Motoori Norinaga. On the

o t h e r hand, he gives some f l e x i b i l i t y to h i s concept o f l o y a l t y

by s t a t i n g t h a t s i n c e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a l o r d and h i s

r e t a i n e r resembles t h a t between f a t h e r and son, the l o y a l t y which

a samurai has f o r h i s master i s n o t d i f f e r e n t i n essence from

the p i e t y he has f o r h i s p a r e n t s . Some authors, Chikamatsu i n

his Tamba Yosaku P^y&Jfrtff,^^ f o r example, c e n t e r e d t h e i r stories


around a c o n f l i c t between l o y a l t y to the l o r d and f a m i l i a l l o v e .

While r e c o g n i z i n g l o y a l t y as an extremely important virtue,

Takizawa Bakin was i n c l i n e d t o p l a c e f i l i a l p i e t y i n an even


259

more .exalted p o s i t i o n . Tsunetomo's approach d i f f e r e d some-

what i n t h a t he b e l i e v e d t h a t no such c o n f l i c t c o u l d e x i s t , be-

cause l o y a l t y and f i l i a l p i e t y c o n s t i t u t e d the same b a s i c e l e -

ment. Both show i n t r i n s i c involvement w i t h h e l p i n g others by


260

giving of oneself unselfishly. In the morning, when one

addresses the gods, the l o r d should r e c e i v e a t t e n t i o n first,

then one's p a r e n t s , and f i n a l l y the gods and buddhas. I f prayers

are c a r r i e d o u t i n t h i s manner a l l w i l l be w e l l because, " I f the

l o r d i s served s e r i o u s l y , parents w i l l a l s o r e j o i c e , and the gods


261
and buddhas w i l l be s a t i s f i e d . " F o l l o w i n g t h i s Confucian
l i n e o f reasoning Tsunetomo repeats the o l d s a y i n g , "Look f o r a
26 2
l o y a l r e t a i n e r , i n the home o f a f i l i a l son." For i t i s only
a f t e r one has l e a r n e d how to serve one's parents t h a t one can
26 3

fulfill one's duty t o the s o v e r e i g n . Under normal circum-

stances t h i s devotion e i t h e r to the l o r d o r to the parents i s

not r e a d i l y observed; the s t r e n g t h o f f a i t h f u l n e s s i s e x h i b i t e d

most c l e a r l y when there i s an emergency o r h a r d s h i p . Yet a

samurai must be s i n g l e m i n d e d l y devoted every minute f o r , " T h i s ,

in r e l a t i o n to one's l o r d i s l o y a l t y , t o one's p a r e n t s , filial

p i e t y , to m i l i t a r y matters, b r a v e r y , and i s something which can

be used i n a l l t h i n g s . " 2 6 4

4. A t t i t u d e Toward Death

S o l d i e r s who r e a l i z e t h a t there i s no escape from the

battlefield will f i g h t much more i n t e n s e l y . T h i s f a c t has l o n g


56

been r e c o g n i z e d as the n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t o f any man or animal

who i s cornered. Use of t h i s d e s i r e to f i g h t to the death was

recorded as p a r t o f the s t r a t e g y o f the Sun Tzu. To d e f e a t a

surrounded enemy more e a s i l y , a commander must always leave


j. 265 o . , , J_ , 266
an avenue o f escape, and he must not press an enemy a t bay.

Thorough comprehension o f t h i s f a c t w i l l a l s o allow i t t o be

a p p l i e d i n a r e v e r s e f a s h i o n , t h a t i s , toward the management

of one's own army. Make i t " . . . e v i d e n t t h a t there i s no chance

of s u r v i v a l . For i t i s the nature o f s o l d i e r s to r e s i s t when

surrounded; to f i g h t to the death when there i s no alternative,


26 7

and when desperate to f o l l o w commands i m p l i c i t l y . " "Throw

the troops i n t o a p o s i t i o n from which there i s no escape and

even when faced w i t h death they w i l l not f l e e . For i f they

are prepared to d i e , what can they not achieve? Then o f f i c e r s

and men t o g e t h e r put f o r t h t h e i r b e s t e f f o r t s . In a desperate

s i t u a t i o n they f e a r n o t h i n g ; when there i s no way out they

stand firm." 2 6 8

C e r t a i n l y Hagakure was g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the thought

o f Sun Tzu, which had been f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d i n t o Japan as


269
e a r l y as the eigii.th century. Many l e a d i n g w r i t e r s o f the
270
Edo p e r i o d wrote commentaries on the Sun Tzu i n Japanese.
Hayashi Razan, f o r i n s t a n c e , wrote Sonshi genkai }%^t%'ffi^~
i n 1626. Yamaga Soko wrote a t l e a s t three e s s a y s , Sonshi gengi

Sonshi kuto V$ a n d
Sonshi k o g i 3$ }- B-|^ •

Both Sonshi k o k u j i k a i } )|] $?$jp and Sonshi k a i were

produced by Ogyu S o r a i , and Muro Kyuso was responsible for

Sonshi kibun ffiWhether o r not Tsunetomo had direct

access to a l l or any of these secondary works i s u n c e r t a i n ,


57

but i t i s h i g h l y l i k e l y t h a t , due to h i s i n t e r e s t i n l i t e r a -

t u r e , he was f a m i l i a r w i t h the ideas c o n t a i n e d i n Sun Tzu.

However, because Hagakure i s not d i r e c t e d toward m i l i -

t a r y commanders, Tsunetomo views the f i g h t i n g a t t i t u d e o f

cornered men from a d e c i d e d l y d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e than Sun

Tzu. He f e e l s t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l bushi must t r a i n to be loyal

even i n .his d a i l y a c t i o n s and devotion as though he were i n

a p o s i t i o n of having no escape. The extreme e x p r e s s i o n of

l o y a l t y i s manifested i n the w i l l i n g n e s s to s a c r i f i c e everything,

even one's l i f e , f o r the sake of the l o r d and the good of the

House. The g e n e r a l e s t i m a t i o n i n which Hagakure i s h e l d by

the p u b l i c i n p r e s e n t day Japan r e s t s mainly upon i t s views

concerning the expressed n e c e s s i t y f o r a r e t a i n e r to g i v e up

his life in service. The most famous words i n Hagakure, and

those most o f t e n quoted, appear very e a r l y i n the book. They

are,
58

Bus h i do t o i u via, s h i n u koto t o mitsuke t a r i .


F u t a t s u f u t a t s u no ba n i te > havaku s h i n u ho
n i katazuku b a k a r i n a r i . Betsu n i s h i s a i
n a s h i . Mune suwatte susumu n a r i . Zu_ni ataranu
wa i n u j i n i riado i u koto wa, kamigatafu no u c h i -
a g a r i t a r u budo riaru b e s h i . F u t a t s u f u t a t s u no
ba n i te., zu n l a t a r u yo n i suru wa oyobanu koto
nari. Warehito, i k u r u ho ga s u k i n a r i . Tabun
s u k i no ho n i r i g_a tsuku b e s h i , moshi z u r h i
hazurete i k i taraba k o s h i nuke n a r i . Kono s a k a i
ayauki n a r i . H a j i n i wa narazu. Kore ga budo
n i jobu n a r i . Mai asa mai yu, aratamete wa
s h i n i shi'ni, j o j u s h i n i m i n i marite o r u t o k i wa,
:

budo n i j i y u o e_, i s s h o ochido naku, kashoku o


;

shios u beki n a r i .

The way o f the w a r r i o r amounts to b e i n g r e s i g n e d


to death. In a s i t u a t i o n o f two c h o i c e s , l i f e o r
death, there i s nothing but t o decide upon death
immediately. I t i s as simple as t h a t . I t i s t o
make up one's mind and proceed. The statement,
'To d i e without a t t a i n i n g one's goal i s a u s e l e s s
deaths' must s u r e l y be the c o n c e i t e d Kyoto v e r s i o n
of bushido. In a s i t u a t i o n o f two choices i t i s
not necessary t o a c t so as t o always achieve one's
g o a l . We a l l p r e f e r t o l i v e . Our p r e f e r e n c e would
seem t o p r e v a i l . I t i s cowardice i f one l i v e s
without a t t a i n i n g one's g o a l . This p o i n t i s c r i t i -
cal. I f one misses the g o a l and d i e s , i t simply
proves t h a t he was f a n a t i c a l l y determined to d i e
i n v a i n . But t h i s i s no d i s g r a c e . On the c o n t r a r y ,
t h i s i s h e r o i c behaviour. Every morning and every
evening, when one r e p e a t e d l y t h i n k s o f dying and
dying, and i s always as a dead body, he should be
able to a c q u i r e mastery i n the m a r t i a l way, l i v e
a l i f e f r e e o f f a u l t s , and f u l f i l l h i s occupation
in life.271

At f i r s t glance these words can be, and o f t e n are, mistaken

to mean t h a t a w a r r i o r must d e s i r e death. This i s d e f i n i t e l y

not the i n f e r e n c e here. On the c o n t r a r y , t h i s paragraph means

t h a t the bushi' must recognize the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f death, and

upon having done so, must be determined t h a t when the time

comes t o d i e , he w i l l be prepared to g i v e h i s l i f e i n a way

b e f i t t i n g one o f h i s c l a s s . Sun Tzu s t a t e s , i n a s i m i l a r vein,

t h a t good o f f i c e r s have no e x p e c t a t i o n o f long l i f e , but t h i s


272
is n o t because they have d i s d a i n f o r l i f e .
If a bushi c o n f r o n t s a predicament i n which there are
59

but two c h o i c e s , l i f e o r death, he should without hesitation


273

choose death. That i s , he must be r e s o l v e d beforehand that,

i f a l i f e - o r - d e a t h s i t u a t i o n arose, he would not waver. For i n

his mind, as a l o y a l r e t a i n e r , there would be but one thought:

s e r v i c e to h i s l o r d . Even though p a r t o f t h a t s e r v i c e be death,

there i s no c h o i c e . P e s s i m i s t i c as t h i s may initially appear,

in a c t u a l i t y , f o r a m i l i t a r y man t h i s p r a c t i c a l form of reason-

ing was perhaps even a somewhat o p t i m i s t i c way of r e g a r d i n g

the s i t u a t i o n . "When as a usual p r a c t i s e one has carefully

accustomed one's mind to the f a c t o f death, i t i s p o s s i b l e to


274

die w i t h peace of mind." A d m i t t i n g the i n s t i n c t i v e human

d e s i r e to remain a l i v e , and f u r t h e r g r a n t i n g t h a t a l l people

n a t u r a l l y f e a r death, Tsunetomo reasons that i n this desire

to stay a l i v e a w a r r i o r may h e s i t a t e i n the e x e c u t i o n of h i s

duty by attempting to f i n d a way i n which to a v o i d death. Al-

though one may f a i l i n the endeavour, he must not c o n s i d e r


275

t a k i n g a roundabout route but must advance d i r e c t l y . A se-

cond of i n d e c i s i o n c o u l d prove f a t a l , i n t h a t i t might allow

the enemy to s t r i k e a l e t h a l blow. Thus by predetermining

t h a t he may d i e , and p r e p a r i n g h i m s e l f mentally f o r t h a t death,

the b u s h i demarcated the path which he was o b l i g e d to f o l l o w

while e l i m i n a t i n g a l l o t h e r courses. A Chinese commentator on

the Sun Tzu says t h a t the g e n e r a l who esteems l i f e above a l l


e l s e w i l l be overcome w i t h h e s i t a n c y , and t h i s , i n a commander
276

is a calamity. Hagakure, too, s t a t e s r e p e a t e d l y t h a t i n

o r d e r to serve h i s l o r d and avoid shame, there i s only one path

for a b u s h i to f o l l o w . The r e q u i r e d r e s o l u t i o n to accept real-

ity i s i l l u s t r a t e d a l s o i n the f o l l o w i n g account. At the time


60

of a c e r t a i n - f e s t i v a l , " . . . t h e r e was a sudden shower. In o r d e r

not to get wet some people ran q u i c k l y down the road and o t h e r s

walked along under the eaves, y e t t h i s d i d n o t stop them from

g e t t i n g wet. Had they been r e s o l v e d to get wet from the be-

g i n n i n g , they would n o t have had unpleasant thoughts. F o r they

would have gotten wet no matter what they d i d . This i s an


277

understanding which permeates everything."

The fundamental statement b e i n g made here, then, i s simply

t h a t death i s l i f e , a concept very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Zen thought.

For by r e c o g n i z i n g death as the only v i a b l e choice,, a b u s h i ,

when c o n f r o n t e d by the enemy, i s n o t a t a l l encumbered by any

i n d e c i s i o n as to the course o f a c t i o n which he must take. Free-

dom from d i v e r s i o n a r y n o t i o n s allows him t o c o n c e n t r a t e f u l l y

upon the immediate problem a t hand, namely, the d i s p a t c h i n g o f

the enemy, o r , i n the time o f the Edo peace, the f u l f i l l m e n t

of duty. Thus, h i s chances o f l e a d i n g a commendable l i f e are

improved. Here the s i m p l i s t i c appeal o f Zen, w i t h i t s b e l i e f


2 78

t h a t d e s t i n y i s determined by f a t e , tended to h e l p erase

the f e a r o f death. Suzuki D a i s e t z expresses the Zen a t t i t u d e

toward death i n the f o l l o w i n g way, "When one i s r e s o l v e d t o

die, t h a t i s , when the thought o f death i s wiped o f f the f i e l d

of c o n s c i o u s n e s s , there a r i s e s something i n i t , o r , r a t h e r ,

apparently from the o u t s i d e , the presence o f which one has

never been aware o f , and when t h i s strange presence begins to

d i r e c t one's a c t i v i t i e s i n an i n s t i n c t u a l manner wonders are

achieved.

In emphasizing the extreme form o f s e r v i c e , the s a c r i f i c e


2 80
of one's l i f e , Tsunetomo attempts to shock the young samurai
61

out o f t h e i r l a c k a d a i s i c a l a t t i t u d e toward s e r v i c e . He r e a l -

i z e d , o f course, t h a t i n a time o f peace there would be very

little call f o r a bushi to s a c r i f i c e h i s l i f e i n battle. Still

he was t r y i n g t o i l l u s t r a t e t h a t the same a t t i t u d e was a p p l i -

c a b l e , n o t only on the b a t t l e f i e d , b u t to any o f a samurai's

various duties. Making r e f e r e n c e to the a n c i e n t example o f

Sato Tsugunobu (1158-1185), who gave h i s l i f e i n the


2 81
service of h i s l o r d , Yoshitsune, Tsunetomo says, "More than
the k i l l i n g o f an enemy, the d i s t i n c t i o n o f a w a r r i o r i s dying
282
for the sake o f the l o r d . " T h i s s u p e r i o r q u a l i t y should be
c a r r i e d over i n t o one's d a i l y l i f e . R e f l e c t i n g an a t t i t u d e
28 3

toward l i f e and death s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f Taoism, Tsunetomo

a s s e r t s t h a t one must go about h i s d u t i e s w i t h the thought

t h a t the p h y s i c a l body i s not h i s own b u t i s r a t h e r t h a t o f a

g h o s t l y being a c t i n g i n s e r v i c e to the l o r d . When he says


2 84

that one should always be as a dead body, he means t h a t

one's body i s n o t one's own but, i n f a c t , belongs to the l o r d .

Nitobe c l a r i f i e s such t h i n k i n g even f u r t h e r w i t h the statement,

"Him who has once d i e d i n the bottom o f h i s b r e a s t , no spears


285

of Sanada nor a l l the arrows o f Tametomo can p i e r c e . "

P l a c i n g one's own b e s t i n t e r e s t s foremost and t h i n k i n g that

because one may make a mistake i n an important p o s i t i o n , i t

is b e t t e r to r e t i r e from t h a t p o s i t i o n i s the same as showing

one's back t o the enemy on the b a t t l e f i e l d . I t i s cowardly


286

and unworthy o f a b u s h i .

While the Tokugawa bakufu had banned the t r a d i t i o n o f

j u n s h i , the i n s t i t u t i o n o f seppuku came t o be e s t a b l i s h e d on

a formal basis. Although there are i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t i t was


62

used l e s s as the years passed, there i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t i t

was an e v e r - p r e s e n t f e a t u r e of the samurai c l a s s d u r i n g the

Edo p e r i o d . The a c t of s e l f disembodiment as a form of honour-

able death f o r a samurai developed from a spontaneous commit-


2 87
ment i n the l a t e Heian p e r i o d i n t o a r e g u l a t e d and very
288

s t y l i z e d ceremony i n the Edo p e r i o d . B a s i c a l l y there were

but a few accepted and s a n c t i o n e d reasons f o r performing seppuku,

and i l l u s t r a t i o n s of each are found i n Hagakure. The three


289
mam motives were t o atone f o r a crime o r f a u l t , to demon-
290 291
s t r a t e one's s i n c e r i t y , and to draw a t t e n t i o n t o one's cause.
A d e c i s i o n t o commit s u i c i d e was not i r r e v o c a b l e , whether

t h a t d e c i s i o n was the r e s u l t of the p r i n c i p a l ' s own resolution

or of a d i r e c t i v e from the l o r d . One account i n Hagakure deals

w i t h an o f f i c i a l who used the t h r e a t o f s u i c i d e as a l e v e r to

manipulate the l o r d . Tsunetomo condemns such a c t i o n as a de-

p r e c i a t i o n o f the true meaning o f the i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the


292

reason that i t was not behaviour r o o t e d i n s e r v i c e . On the

o t h e r hand, a request by Nakano Kazumaf I^J^(1627-1699) , 2 9 3

repeated seven times, f o r the pardon o f f i v e c o n v i c t e d men,


gains h i s s y m p a t h y . 294
The case of Sagara KyubaJJ!Q %fyS-1619-
29 5

1670) i s somewhat of an o d d i t y i n t h a t he was once sentenced

and f o r g i v e n , but l a t e r committed seppuku to save h i s l o r d from

embarassment. Tsunetomo a l s o r e l a t e s advice put f o r t h when a

c e r t a i n person was c o n f r o n t e d w i t h the p o s s i b i l i t y o f b e i n g

charged w i t h an e r r o r of s e r i o u s consequences. In the f i r s t

p l a c e , even though the i n c i d e n t has o c c u r r e d , i t i s p o s s i b l e

t h a t i t w i l l be o v e r l o o k e d . I f there i s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n ,

l i e s must not be t o l d . R e l y i n g on the good r e p u t a t i o n of your


63

a n c e s t o r s , p l e a d your case, and i f you are not f o r g i v e n even


296
a f t e r t h i s , be r e s o l v e d t o d i e .
The duty of kaishaku, a s s i s t i n g a t seppuku, i s c l e a r l y

c o n s i d e r e d by Tsunetomo to be an appointment of honour, and

proper e x e c u t i o n o f t h i s task i n d i c a t e d a b i l i t y and integrity


. 297

in a bushi. Many o f the young samurai felt a definite aver-

s i o n to the work of beheading, and thereby became the o b j e c t s

of Tsunetomo's s c o r n .

5. P e r s o n a l Appearance

The degree t o which each b u s h i accepted and internalized

the values o f the s o c i e t y as a p a r t o f h i s own e x i s t e n c e was

g e n e r a l l y v i s i b l e o n l y through the manner i n which he carried

out h i s d a i l y d u t i e s . His conduct i n emergencies, or i n the

e x e c u t i o n o f matters o f g r e a t importance, clearly indicated

his degree of i n n e r c o n v i c t i o n . The most p e r c e p t i b l e mani-

f e s t a t i o n of the i n t e r n a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n , as expressed on a

d a i l y b a s i s , was the meticulous care a samurai p a i d to h i s

personal appearance.

The b u s h i o f u n t i l about f i f t y o r s i x t y year ago


took baths, shaved t h e i r heads, scented t h e i r
h a i r , cut the n a i l s of t h e i r hands and f e e t ,
f i l e d them w i t h pumice and p o l i s h e d them beau-
t i f u l l y w i t h golden g r a s s , and without f a i l ,
arranged t h e i r appearance every morning. Of
course, no t a r n i s h became a t t a c h e d to t h e i r
weapons, dust was wiped away, and they were
p o l i s h e d and s t o r e d away. The g r e a t a t t e n t i o n
p a i d to appearance, although i t was somewhat
gaudy, was not f o r f a l s e elegance. Every day
they r e s i g n e d themselves to i n e v i t a b l e death.
In the event t h a t they d i e d i n b a t t l e w i t h an
u n s l i g h t l y p h y s i c a l appearance, the degree o f
t h e i r p r e v i o u s l a c k of d e t e r m i n a t i o n would be
r e v e a l e d , they would be scorned by t h e i r enemies,
and would be d i s g r a c e d . Therefore both o l d and
64

young men d i d t h e i r grooming c a r e f u l l y . Although


it is troublesome and takes a l o t of time, a
bushi has no o t h e r b u s i n e s s . Nor i s there any-
thing e l s e which can i n t r u d e on h i s t i m e . ^ 2

A secondary c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n the matter o f a t t e n t i o n to

p h y s i c a l appearance i s the f a c t t h a t the h a b i t s i n s t i l l e d i n

the i n d i v i d u a l through the custom o f p e r s o n a l c l e a n l i n e s s c o u l d

be extended to o t h e r segments o f l i f e . A samurai who, by h a b i t

o r design, was s o l i c i t o u s i n the care o f h i s weapons, h i s c l o t h -

ing, and h i s body, would be f a r more l i k e l y to develop commend-

able customs r e g a r d i n g the manners, l e a r n i n g , and behaviour,

expected o f a man in his position. One must have a "modest

and s t e r n l y handsome" countenance and "be calm i n deportment

and behaviour." " I f a man has no s u b s t a n t i a l d i g n i t y and

majesty, h i s appearance, p o s t u r e , and b e a r i n g w i l l not look

good." 3 0 0
As i n w r i t i n g Chinese logographs, one must be d i s -
301

t i n c t i v e i n h i s a c t i o n s and y e t true to the accepted form.

Speech, too, i s very e s s e n t i a l to the p r e s e n t a t i o n o f

a proper impression f o r , as K a i b a r a Ekken says, words are the


c l o t h i n g of one's body and show the f e e l i n g o f a person on
302
the i n s i d e . One must always be c a r e f u l i n choosing one's
303

words as they i n d i c a t e one's mental d e t e r m i n a t i o n . A bushi

must pay a t t e n t i o n not to say anything l i g h t l y i n d a i l y life,

even as a joke, because t h i s exposes h i s true h e a r t . Tsunetomo

h i m s e l f determined when he was young t h a t he would use o n l y


304
one word i n the p l a c e o f t e n . " I t i s b e s t to appear q u i e t
305
on the s u r f a c e but to c o n t a i n s t r e n g t h underneath." But
to remain completely s i l e n t shows c o n f u s i o n and t h i s too i s
, . ,- 306
undesirable.
65

Because the e x t e r n a l appearance i s b u t a r e f l e c t i o n o f

internal thoughts, a bushi must s t r i v e t o p u r i f y h i s mind.

When given a post, be g l a d of the assignment.


When there i s a f e e l i n g o f e x c e s s i v e p r i d e , i t
appears on one's f a c e . I have seen s e v e r a l such
people and they are d i s g r a c e f u l . 'As a u s e l e s s
person assigned to t h i s p o s t , how can I c a r r y
i t out. T h i s i s r e a l l y an anxious and d i s t r e s s -
i n g t h i n g . ' People who t h i n k i n t h i s way are
aware o f t h e i r own weakness and, even i f they
do n o t express i t i n words, show t h i s h u m i l i t y
on t h e i r f a c e s , and appear modest. "7 3u
66

Chapter III

1. Conduct i n S o c i e t y

While c o n c e n t r a t i n g on the importance o f s e l f d i s c i p l i n e , .

Tsunetomo does not l o s e s i g h t o f the f a c t t h a t the whole must

be considered along w i t h the p a r t s . The development of •'•properly

t r a i n e d and l o y a l r e t a i n e r s was, he b e l i e v e d , f o r the purpose

of g e n e r a t i n g a harmonious s o c i e t y w i t h i n Saga han. The ideal

of harmony can, as has been mentioned, be t r a c e d back to the

d u a l i t y of the a n c i e n t yin-yang p h i l o s o p h y of China. Supple-

mentary to t h i s , Buddhist, Confucian, and Neo-Confucian ideas


30 8

s t r e s s e d the maintenance o f an o r d e r l y s o c i e t y . Through

the adherence of each person to h i s p a r t i c u l a r s t a t i o n i n life,

harmony c o u l d be achieved and continued i n d e f i n i t e l y . To

Tsunetomo, harmony a l s o meant c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h one's f e l l o w

bushi i n s e r v i n g the l o r d . He says, " I f a l l people are i n

harmony and t r u s t i n the way o f the gods, they w i l l have peace

of mind." Acknowledgment t h a t the e s s e n t i a l nature of mutual

endeavour had c o n s i d e r a b l e importance i s apparent i n Tsunetomo's

work. In a n c i e n t times, he s t a t e s , the i n t i m a c y between group


l e a d e r and the members o f h i s group l e f t no room f o r o t h e r
309
matters. "Bad f e e l i n g s between the r e t i r e d and the present
heads of the f a m i l y , between f a t h e r and son, and between e l d e r
310

and younger b r o t h e r s a r i s e from base s e l f i s h n e s s . " When

r e l a t i o n s d e t e r i o r a t e to the p o i n t where attendance a t meetings

and d i s c u s s i o n s begins to f a i l , consequences of a s e r i o u s nature

may occur. For i f peopleare not used to working t o g e t h e r they


311
w i l l be u s e l e s s i n a time of emergency. I t i s imperative,
then, f o r samurai n o t only t o maintain c o r d i a l friendships

but to t r y t o develop these i n t o i n t i m a t e and meaningful r e -

lationships. Lord Naoshige b e l i e v e d t h a t a determined samurai


312

was one who a s s o c i a t e d w i t h many f r i e n d s . In o r d e r to be-

come and remain f r i e n d l y w i t h many people, each must be ad-

dressed i n the proper way.

So the c o r r e c t use o f words i s e s s e n t i a l . Many are the

people who t a l k b o a s t f u l l y as a h a b i t but who, i n a c r i s i s ,


313
are g e n e r a l l y s p e e c h l e s s . "People who are d i s c r e e t w i t h
t h e i r mouths are w e l l employed i n p e r i o d s o f good government
314

and i n times o f bad government are n o t punished." A bushi

should n o t open up h i s h e a r t completely t o s t r a n g e r s but r a t h e r

should express h i s f e e l i n g s through h i s d a i l y conduct and


315 . . . .
speech. When t a l k i n g to f r i e n d s i n d a i l y c o n v e r s a t i o n , care
must be taken n o t to lose c o n c e n t r a t i o n on what they are s a y i n g .

I f one agrees w i t h them on every matter, duty i s b e i n g n e g l e c t e d .

Pay a t t e n t i o n and d i s c u s s anything which does not c o i n c i d e w i t h


one's own o p i n i o n , because s m a l l o v e r s i g h t s may grow i n t o large
316

errors. When t h i n g s are going w e l l , one must be doubly c a r e -

f u l to guard a g a i n s t p r i d e and extravagance, f o r a person who


317

becomes happy e a s i l y can j u s t as e a s i l y become discouraged.

A w e l l - t r a i n e d bushi uses h i s f r i e n d s and a s s o c i a t e s i n

the proper way. F r i e n d s who are c l o s e to the l o r d are o f

s p e c i a l value when a samurai needs to communicate an i d e a to

the l o r d . But unless they are completely l o y a l to the l o r d ,


they may m i s r e p r e s e n t one's i n t e n t i o n s to promote t h e i r own
318

cause. In any case, although i t may be necessary a t times

to r e q u e s t a i d from o t h e r s , t h i s should be avoided as f a r as


68

319
p o s s i b l e l e s t i t appear to be begging. Furthermore, the

use o f f r i e n d s can only be condoned i f the e f f o r t i s made, not


320

f o r a s e l f i s h purpose, but f o r the sake o f the lord.

Another element which Tsunetomo c o n s i d e r e d c r i t i c a l r e -

garding f r i e n d s must be presented. In the course o f doing

t h i n g s one e a s i l y makes mistakes and, even more s e r i o u s l y ,

there i s a tendency to become s e l f i s h . Through c o n s u l t a t i o n

with o t h e r s , one's a c t i o n s can be tempered and solidified,

and one can become as s t a b l e as a g r e a t t r e e w i t h many r o o t s


321

r a t h e r than l i k e a twig which j u s t has been stuck i n the ground.

There i s no one from a lowly f o o t s o l d i e r to a l o r d who would

not b e n e f i t from the advice o f o t h e r s . "A person who contem-

p l a t e s h i s own mistakes as a usual r o u t i n e and searches for


322

the Way d u r i n g h i s whole l i f e , i s a t r e a s u r e to the han."

Various methods o f o b t a i n i n g knowledge are open to those who

search. The maxims o f p r e v i o u s generations can be good models


323
f o r the men o f the p r e s e n t but may be hard to understand.
In f a c t , t h a t which i s understood may be only superficial
324
knowledge. T h e r e f o r e , do not be a f r a i d t h a t by seeking
advice from others you w i l l be showing ignorance f o r , " . . . t o
325
request the advice o f others i s to surpass them." The way
of righteousness i s very d i f f i c u l t to understand by o n e s e l f
326

and may be f o l l o w e d more e a s i l y by c o n s u l t i n g o t h e r s . On

the o t h e r hand, i n c e r t a i n circumstances c o n s u l t a t i o n may be

disadvantageous, and a t those times one must be prepared to


327
use one's own judgment. In such i n s t a n c e s , " . . . i n o r d e r
to make a proper d e c i s i o n , study the Four Oaths and the s o l u -
32 8
t i o n w i l l appear n a t u r a l l y . " In a l l cases i t i s b e s t to
69

accept any advice g l a d l y and l a t e r decide whether o r n o t to

adopt i t . F o r i f one r e f u s e s advice i t may be t h a t t h a t person


329

w i l l never again o f f e r i t .

I t i s a l s o the duty o f a bushi to advise o t h e r s . In t h i s

there must be no i n t e n t i o n o f r i d i c u l i n g o r shaming the o t h e r


party. The s o l e purpose l i e s i n b e t t e r p r e p a r i n g him f o r s e r v -
330
ice. "In the world there are many people who give moral
instructions. However, there are few people who l i s t e n g l a d l y
331

to instructions. And people who obey them are even fewer."

I t i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e t h a t the person whom one wishes to advise

be brought to the proper frame of mind so t h a t he i s l i k e "a

t h i r s t y man d r i n k i n g water." T h i s may be done by c a r e f u l l y

s t u d y i n g the r e c e p t i v e c a p a c i t y o f the person and becoming i n t i -

mate w i t h him. Use words i n a way so as to g i v e them c r e d i -

bility. Talk f i r s t about t h i n g s which he l i k e s and t h i n k about

how t o speak. Choosing the proper o p p o r t u n i t y , t a l k about one's

own f a u l t s i n such a way as to make him understand. Be sure


332

to p r a i s e h i s good p o i n t s and speak t o him from your h e a r t .

Only i n t h i s way w i l l your advice be b e l i e v e d and t r u s t e d . A l -

though i t i s g e n e r a l l y thought to be kindness only t o p o i n t o u t

the f a u l t s i n o t h e r people, t h i s does no good unless suggestions


are thoroughly d i s c u s s e d i n a p e a c e f u l manner so t h a t they will
333

be accepted. Once good advice i s adopted by the other p a r t y ,

he w i l l be b e t t e r equipped t o serve h i s l o r d .

An even more d i f f i c u l t task i s the admonishment o f one's

superiors. I f one's p o s i t i o n i s n o t o f s u f f i c i e n t s t a t u s to

advise t h a t s e n i o r d i r e c t l y , i t i s b e s t t o do so through the


334
medium o f a f r i e n d who i s c l o s e to him. I f one's a c t i o n s
70

are motivated by l o y a l t y , i t i s not necessary t h a t the r e c i p i -


335

ent know the source o f the a d v i c e . A serious f a u l t that

o b v i o u s l y r e q u i r e s c o r r e c t i o n must be p o i n t e d o u t immediately,

f o r i f one waits f o r a b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t y , there i s the chance


336

t h a t f u r t h e r damage w i l l accrue. Fear t h a t the l o r d might

r e t a l i a t e i f given advice when he i s i n an unfavourable mood

should n o t d e t e r your d e c i s i o n t o c o r r e c t him. I f one i s

s i n c e r e i n h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o s t a t e h i s p o i n t o f view, the
337
lord w i l l listen. On the o t h e r hand, i f he i s a l o r d who
i s e x c e l l e n t i n a l l t h i n g s , advice on very p e t t y matters can
33 8
do naught b u t harm. A l l advice and admonition must be meted
out f o r the s o l e end o f l o y a l t y . When t h i s i s n o t the case,
and i t i s done only t o e x h i b i t one's own power, i t i s s e l f i s h
339

and shameful.

One f u r t h e r type o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s d e a l t w i t h

i n Hagakure. Although few i n number, t h e r e a r e some a l l u s i o n s

to homosexuality. This i s n o t a p a r t i c u l a r l y s u r p r i s i n g r e -

v e l a t i o n when one r e a l i z e s the low s o c i a l p o s i t i o n o f women

and the d i s d a i n which samurai had f o r p a s s i o n a t e love between

man and woman. In f a c t , homosexuality had a long t r a d i t i o n

i n Japan, being recorded i n l i t e r a t u r e as e a r l y as the e i g h t h


century i n the Manyoshu 7^"^.%^' The p r o h i b i t i o n o f women
340
from monasteries resulted i n close p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s bet-

ween the monks. The t r a d i t i o n o f homosexuality thus e s t a b l i s h e d

i n the Buddhist orders continued t o t h r i v e through subsequent


341

centuries. A s i m i l a r s e t o f circumstances i n the armies

of the samurai l e d t o a corresponding p o p u l a r i t y o f homosexu-

a l i t y among b u s h i . Tsunetomo, t h e r e f o r e , does not i n t r o d u c e


any new elements, but r a t h e r tenders advice on how to s e l e c t
342

male companions p r o p e r l y . He s t r e s s e s the f a c t t h a t a f r i e n d -

s h i p must be a l a s t i n g one i n order to be a c c e p t a b l e . 3 4 3


The

s t o r y of a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between two men gives the details

of t h e i r f i r s t meeting and t e l l s of the deep s i n c e r i t y o f their


344

mutual a f f e c t i o n . Information i s a l s o r e l a t e d on how the

man Tsunetomo c o n s i d e r s to be the founder of homosexuality i n

Saga han, Hoshino Ryotetsu Iff 7$ (1607-1680), e s o t e r i c a l l y


345

passed s e c r e t i n s t r u c t i o n in' the p r a c t i s e to o t h e r s . Thus

Tsunetomo deals w i t h the matter of homosexuality w i t h no hint

of sensationalism. Instead he i n d i c a t e s only t h a t , as i n a l l

other conduct, a bushi must behave as r e q u i r e d by p r o p r i e t y .

2. Rectitude

The teachings o f the Sung s c h o l a r , Chu H s i , p r o v i d e d the

foundations f o r orthodox Neo-Confucianism which, under the

auspices o f Hayashi Razan, became the o f f i c i a l philosophy of


346

the Edo regime. Chu H s i h e l d t h a t the "great u l t i m a t e "

(t'ai-chi ^ , taikyoku i n Japanese) c o n s i s t s of p r i n c i p l e

i n i t s t o t a l i t y but takes no p h y s i c a l form. The manifestation

of the great u l t i m a t e i n v o l v e s both "principle" ( l ifff, r i _ i n

Japanese) and " m a t e r i a l f o r c e " ( c h ' i % . , k i i n Japanese). Prin-

c i p l e e x p l a i n s the r e a l i t y and u n i v e r s a l i t y o f t h i n g s w h i l e

m a t e r i a l f o r c e epitomizes the p h y s i c a l form. The apparently

d u a l i s t i c nature i s counteracted..'by the f a c t t h a t n e i t h e r l i

nor c h ' i can e x i s t without the o t h e r . The p r i n c i p l e , l i , o f

a t h i n g o r a man i s h i s very nature and, in i t s original state,

it i s p e r f e c t goodness. P h y s i c a l nature i s p r i n c i p l e mixed


72

w i t h m a t e r i a l f o r c e and i n v o l v e s both good and e v i l . The

r e s u l t of t h i s mixture i s expressed i n f e e l i n g s . I t i s the

mind which u n i t e s human nature and human f e e l i n g s , and so i t

i s the mind which must be c u l t i v a t e d i n m o r a l i t y . This culti-

v a t i o n simply serves to b r i n g human f e e l i n g s back i n t o harmony

with l i . Combined w i t h the concept of jen^= ( j i n i n Japanese),

"humanity," the r a t i o n a l i s m of Chu H s i ' s p h i l o s o p h y dominated

all official s c h o l a r s h i p d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d i n Japan.

To Tsunetomo such s c h o l a r l y debate was, as has been

mentioned, not the concern of the b u s h i . In the p o r t i o n of

Hagakure s t u d i e d f o r t h i s paper, Tsunetomo makes no d i r e c t r e -

ference to Neo-Confuciah theory. On the o t h e r hand, most of

the f i r s t chapter of Hagakure i s devoted to the p r a c t i c a l ap-

p l i c a t i o n of Neo-Confucian p r e c e p t s to the l i f e s t y l e o f the

samurai. Tsunetomo f e l t t h a t a l l the e f f o r t o f a b u s h i , i f

not put f o r t h i n the way o f the w a r r i o r , bushido, was meritless.

A c t i o n s of samurai, i f they do not f o l l o w reason and moral


34 7

r i g h t e o u s n e s s , were regarded as shallow and u s e l e s s . The

bushi's concept o f righteousness centered around r e s p o n s i b i l i t y

to one's p o s i t i o n i n l i f e , t h a t i s , t o duty performed f o r the


r. ,. , , 348
cause o f h i s l o r d .
The term g i r i ^ f f j , i n t r o d u c e d p r e v i o u s l y as o b l i g a t i o n ,

at t h i s p o i n t needs to be e x p l a i n e d i n terms o f i t s r e l a t i o n -

ship with r e c t i t u d e . In i t s o r i g i n a l sense g i r i meant duty,

duty performed only because to do so was the way of r i , "right

reason" or " p r i n c i p l e . " The meaning changed, as time passed,

to encompass o b l i g a t o r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i a l classes,

parents and c h i l d r e n , and master and f o l l o w e r . I t became the


a u t h o r i t y used t o compel the performance o f d u t i e s which were

then done as moral requirements and not n e c e s s a r i l y spontaneous


349

acts o f l o v e . In t h i s c o n t e x t the o b l i g a t i o n s of g i n may

be seen as the e n f o r c e r of the t r u e p r i n c i p l e , r i . The samurai

was kept on the path o f r i g h t e o u s n e s s by the more c l e a r l y r e -

c o g n i z a b l e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of g i r i .

Adherence to the way o f r i g h t e o u s n e s s , o r proper conduct,

was expected of a l l bushi' r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e i r rank o r age.

Tsunetomo commands them to conduct themselves i n accordance


350
with t h e i r s t a t u s at a l l times. N a t u r a l l y , the h i g h e r one's
p o s i t i o n and the c l o s e r one becomes to the l o r d , the more c a r e -
351
f u l l y one must abide by reason and j u s t i c e . In a d d i t i o n t o
reprimanding those under him, a s e n i o r statesman must a d m i n i s t e r
352

the p r o v i n c e j u s t l y . He must be f i r m , but i f he i s too

strict t h i n g s cannot p r o s p e r . J u s t as f i s h grow b e t t e r i n the

shade of duckweed than they do i n c l e a r water, the people


353
f l o u r i s h when c o n t r o l s are loosened s l i g h t l y . "By p u n i s h i n g
w i t h a h e a r t o f benevolence and working w i t h a h e a r t o f com-
354
p a s s i o n , there i s no l i m i t to s t r e n g t h and r i g h t e o u s n e s s . "
Furthermore, compassion d i c t a t e s that reason may sometimes be
355
found o u t s i d e o f j u s t i c e .T h e r e f o r e , i f the proper way o f
356
government i s pursued, there w i l l be peace and harmony.
I f the people are l i v i n g i n t r a n q u i l i t y and the r e t a i n e r s f e e l

happy i n g i v i n g s e r v i c e , the government of the p r o v i n c e goes


357
well. However, i f the way o f r e c t i t u d e i s not f o l l o w e d ,
358

the r u l e r s may expect d i v i n e retribution.

Revenge, too, had long been a t r a d i t i o n a l method of

r i g h t i n g an i n j u s t i c e . The case o f the r o n i n of Ako, which


74

has a l r e a d y been i n t r o d u c e d , i l l u s t r a t e s the degree to which

revenge, c a r r i e d out i n the name of r i g h t e o u s n e s s , was accepted


359

and praxsed. In Hagakure, Tsunetomo, w h i l e condoning and

a c t u a l l y a d v o c a t i n g the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f revenge f o r any obvious

i n j u s t i c e , expresses some r e s e r v a t i o n s as to the manner i n which

it should be achieved. A t t e n t i o n to the c r i t e r i a o f honour

and r e c t i t u d e i s e s s e n t i a l . In keeping w i t h the element o f

l o y a l t y , he i n d i c a t e s that a vendetta should be undertaken o n l y

as a p a r t o f the duty to one's l o r d .

In a d d i t i o n , revenge i s not something which should be

c a r e f u l l y planned. By c a u t i o u s l y d e l i b e r a t i n g the methods to

be used, the odds may appear overwhelming, and l o g i c may dic-

t a t e that the whole a f f a i r be f o r g o t t e n . Such a r e s u l t would

be disgraceful.
The way o f revenge i s to f l y i n t o a c t i o n immediately,
u n t i l one i s cut and k i l l e d . I f one does t h i s there
w i l l be no shame. When one t h i n k s t h a t he must de-
f e a t the enemy, he misses h i s chance.... Even i f
the enemy i s s e v e r a l thousand, i f one proceeds w i t h
the enthusiasm t h a t he w i l l k i l l many w i t h each
sweep o f h i s sword, a l l he has to do to succeed i s
stand up and face them.... N e i t h e r wisdom nor a r t
i s necessary. Those people who are s t r o n g men do
not t h i n k about v i c t o r y o r d e f e a t ; without second
thoughts they are madly i n t e n t upon death.^60
While r e c o g n i z i n g the p o p u l a r i t y o f the two most famous cases

of revenge, Tsunetomo c r i t i c i z e s the vendettas o f the r o n i n o f

Ako and of the S o g a ^ ^ b r o t h e r s .


- 3 6 1

That the men o f Ako d i d not disembowel themselves


a t Sengakuji Ik-fc^ must be regarded as a f a u l t .
In a d d i t i o n , the time from the death o f t h e i r
l o r d u n t i l the k i l l i n g o f the enemy was too l o n g .
I f d u r i n g t h a t time Lord K i r a had d i e d o f
s i c k n e s s , i t would have been most d e p l o r a b l e . . . .
The v e n d e t t a o f the Soga b r o t h e r s , too, took a
very l o n g time.... I do not, i n g e n e r a l , make
c r i t i c i s m of t h i s s o r t , but s i n c e t h i s i s a c l o s e
75

_ 3 62
examination o f budo, I am mentioning i t .

Many years o f experience and t r a i n i n g were r e q u i r e d be-

fore the average samurai was able to d i s c e r n c l e a r l y the dif-

ference between good and e v i l . Some f a c t o r s , such as the ab-


363

horence o f "underhanded d e a l i n g s and crooked undertakings,"

were obvious, but i n more s u b t l e i n s t a n c e s problems o c c u r r e d .

I t t e i p r o v i d e d a r u l e of thumb f o r samurai to f o l l o w when i n

doubt. He s a i d t h a t any behaviour was good i f i t was accom-


364

panied by s u f f e r i n g , and e v i l i f there was no such s u f f e r i n g .

In t h i s statement he appears to be formulating a p r a c t i c a l guide

which he has d e r i v e d from the Neo-Confucian view of human nature.

The r e s o l v i n g of the c o n f l i c t between p r i n c i p l e , r i , and selfish

human d e s i r e s i s a matter only o f c l e a r i n g away these d e s i r e s so


36 5

that the i n h e r e n t goodness o f human nature w i l l prevail.

I t t e i seems to be s a y i n g t h a t a samurai must s u f f e r i n the a t -

tempt to p u r i f y h i m s e l f of s e l f i s h n e s s and f o l l o w the way of

righteousness. He must not succumb to the temptation to l e a d

an u n d i s c i p l i n e d l i f e . A b u s h i , furthermore, should maintain

unslackening e f f o r t s to serve w i t h utmost r e c t i t u d e . To break

one's c o n c e n t r a t i o n at any time r e v e a l s one's weakness, but

t h i s i s even more a p p l i c a b l e to a person s e r v i n g i n an official

post. By a c t i n g i n a r e l a x e d manner when not performing of-

ficial f u n c t i o n s , he r e v e a l s the exact amount of e f f o r t which


366

he expends on h i s d u t i e s .

Leadership gave a samurai an o p p o r t u n i t y to i n c o r p o r a t e


36 7
observe
the p r e c espitgsn s o f
o f righteousness
any s e c r e t s i in n tthe
o h ifaces
s d u t of
i e s h. i s Years
s u b o rof
d i n aex-
tes.

p e r i e n c e p l u s a c o n s c i e n t i o u s e f f o r t gave him the a b i l i t y to


Of the many examples o f l e a d e r s h i p q u a l i t i e s d e s c r i b e d i n

Hagakure, two are t y p i c a l . One, i n which a c e r t a i n official

o f f e r s to sponsor a bushi' who has once been c o n v i c t e d o f drunken

d i s o r d e r l y conduct, i l l u s t r a t e s i n s i g h t and understanding. In

t h i s instance the o f f i c i a l had s a i d , "To abandon a person who

has e r r e d o n l y once does n o t educate o t h e r s . A person who has

committed an i n d i s c r e t i o n only once i s one who has repented


368

that e r r o r . He behaves h i m s e l f w e l l , and i s u s e f u l . " The

second s t o r y d e p i c t s the o p p o s i t e q u a l i t i e s i n a l e a d e r . While

t r a v e l l i n g on a boat, a young page became rowdy and began an

argument w i t h the s h i p ' s c a p t a i n . He took out h i s sword, and

the c a p t a i n h i t him on the head with a p o l e . The l e a d e r o f

the group o f samurai t r a v e l l e r s d i d n o t h i n g , n o t even a p o l o g i z e .

Tsunetomo f e e l s t h a t the proper a c t i o n f o r the l e a d e r i n t h i s

i n s t a n c e would have been to c u t down both the c a p t a i n and the


• , . .• , 369
page w i t h h i s sword.

3. Compassion

The a l r e a d y mentioned v i r t u e o f jen /^=. ( j i n i n Japanese) ,

"humanity" o r "benevolence," was a key concept to the Confu-


. 370

c i a n i s m o f Confucius h i m s e l f , o f Mencius, and o f Chu H s i .

The scope o f i t s meaning was extremely wide, ranging from the

b a s i c goodness o f man t o the s u g g e s t i o n o f a cosmic f o r c e , de-

pending on the context and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . However, as

w i t h the t h e o r i e s o f r i _ and ki_, Tsunetomo does not concern him-

s e l f w i t h e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the meaning o f the term j i n . Instead

he amalgamates i t w i t h the somewhat s i m i l a r term j i h i ffiffi* / a

concept o f Buddhism. In h i s mind the two s c h o o l s o f thought,


77

Confucianism and Buddhism, d i d not d i f f e r on the p o i n t o f love

f o r one's f e l l o w man. T h e r e f o r e , he uses both the word j i n and

the word j i h i , often interchangeably. In emphasizing benevo-

lence and compassion f o r o t h e r s , Tsunetomo f o l l o w s a tendency


371

which was apparent throughout Japan. He says, "We must t h i n k

and a c t i n a l l t h i n g s f o r the sake o f our l o r d and p a r e n t s , f o r

the sake o f o t h e r people, and f o r the sake o f our descendants.

This i s g r e a t compassion. The wisdom and courage which come


372

from compassion are fundamental elements."

When i n a p o s i t i o n o f s u p e r i o r i t y , a person must conduct

himself c a r e f u l l y f o r his. a c t i o n s are e a s i l y seen by o t h e r s .

Yet people i n h i g h posts o f t e n f o r g e t t o c a r r y out t h e i r duties

w i t h compassion. Tsunetomo s t a t e s r e p e a t e d l y t h a t f o r a supe-

r i o r t o be k i n d t o an i n f e r i o r i s an a c t worthy o f p r a i s e .

Nakano Kazuma, even though very busy, always found time to s t o p ,

on h i s way home from s e r v i c e a t the c a s t l e , at the homes o f

those of h i s group who were s i c k or who had a problem. He was


373

g r e a t l y loved f o r t h i s . Tsunetomo's f a t h e r , Shigezumi, once

s a i d , "Where h o l d i n g men i s concerned, one cannot e a t by one-

s e l f alone. I f one shares h i s meal w i t h h i s men, they can be

held." ^ 3 4
A group l e a d e r who p r a i s e s h i s men l a v i s h l y whenever

they do something commendable w i l l f i n d t h a t they w i l l there-


375

a f t e r commit t h e i r l i v e s to him w i t h o u t r e g r e t . In s p i t e

of the need f o r t h i s s o r t o f kindness, i t i s dangerous to be

l e s s than f i r m i n managing men. Even though Shigezumi was a

compassionate group l e a d e r , on one o c c a s i o n one o f h i s men made

a mistake. Shigezumi d i d not mention anything about i t u n t i l


376
the end o f the y e a r , and then he d i s c h a r g e d the man.
78

Compassion should be h e l d f o r a l l o t h e r people regardless

of rank. One should convey sympathy to a bushi who i s having

hardships o r misfortunes and thus h e l p him i n becoming coura-

geous enough to overcome h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s . Once he does t h i s ,


377

he w i l l be able to serve the han. In t h i s way, one a l s o serves

the l o r d . I f , f o r the sake o f one's own p r i d e , one embarrasses

others i n s t e a d o f h e l p i n g them, i t i s not only unkind but a l s o


37 8

does not serve to h e l p the l o r d . When f i v e men were sentenced

to punishment, Nakano Ka.'zuma,at the r i s k o f i n c u r r i n g anger

upon h i m s e l f , begged seven times f o r t h e i r pardon u n t i l i t was


379
f i n a l l y granted. He a l s o had the r e p u t a t i o n of a man who
380

gave l i g h t e r sentences than o f f e n s e s c a l l e d f o r . He exem-

plifies the f a c t t h a t there i s no l i m i t to the amount o f l o v e


381
and a f f e c t i o n which can be d i s t r i b u t e d . I t i s therefore
not good to speak badly o f anyone, even a c r i m i n a l . Instead,
382
h e l p people who are i n d i r e s t r a i t s . To r e c e i v e help when
one i s having t r o u b l e i s wonderful, but one must not n e g l e c t
3 83
to be compassionate when times are good.

4. Courage and Honour

In c o n t r a s t to the g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e toward m i l i t a r y ac-

t i o n i n China, where there was a tendency " . . . t o disesteem


384

heroism and v i o l e n c e , not t o g l o r i f y i t , " v a l o u r was de-

finitely a c h e r i s h e d v i r t u e i n Japan. Bravery f o r the s o l e

sake of p e r s o n a l g a i n , however, was c o n s i d e r e d m e r i t l e s s and

disgraceful. Courageous s p i r i t must be c u l t i v a t e d f o r the


385

purpose of s e r v i n g the l o r d or the House. Naturally, l i f e

or death s t r u g g l e s on the b a t t l e f i e d p r o v i d e d the b e s t opportu-


nity f o r r e t a i n e r s to demonstrate p h y s i c a l courage. "An o l d

b u s h i once s a i d words t o the f o l l o w i n g e f f e c t . I f a t the time

of a r e a l b a t t l e , determined t h a t he w i l l outdo even famous

b u s h i , a man c o n t i n u o u s l y t h i n k s , morning and n i g h t , t h a t he

wants to somehow k i l l a s t r o n g enemy, h i s h e a r t w i l l become

brave, he w i l l n o t become t i r e d , and he w i l l be able to d i s p l a y


3 86

courage." Bravery on the b a t t l e f i e l d may be regarded as

c o n t r o l o f the f e a r o f death and d i s i n t e r e s t i n w o r l d l y con-

cerns. For t h a t purpose Zen Buddhism was p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l


387

as a g u i d i n g d o c t r i n e .

But the Edo p e r i o d was a time o f peace, and courage had

to be e x h i b i t e d i n ways o t h e r than b a t t l e .
"In a p e r i o d o f
3 88
peace the way to d i s p l a y bravery i s by words." "This i s
the way one wants to be, n o t only a t the time o f a r e a l b a t t l e ,
389 . .
but a l s o i n normal times." Sentences such as these i n d i c a t e
t h a t Tsunetomo was attempting t o t r a n s f e r the courage r e q u i r e d

i n b a t t l e to the d a i l y d u t i e s o f a samurai. Yet, while showing

a h e r o i c frame o f mind to the whole world, a bushi must n o t


390

become c o n c e i t e d . A t no time, even as a joke o r d u r i n g

one's s l e e p may a bushi say such words as, " I t i s f r i g h t e n i n g , "

o r , "Ouch," f o r these may i n d i c a t e a subconscious weakness,


391
o r may be misunderstood by o t h e r s . Instead, one should

have the d e t e r m i n a t i o n to perform as Mitsushige d i d when he

was r e q u i r e d to read a s u t r a i n f r o n t o f a monk. A t t h a t time

he s a i d , "Everybody come and l i s t e n to me f o r i t i s d i f f i c u l t


392

to read when there are o n l y a few l i s t e n e r s . "

I t i s i n n e r confidence i n one's own a b i l i t y which pro-

v i d e s a man w i t h courage. "For both s e r v i c e and courage one


80

393
must be determined to become completely singleminded."

As a d a i l y p r a c t i s e one must p o l i s h and expand confidence and

conviction. "Courage must be f o s t e r e d by always b e i n g determined

to surpass brave men and by t h i n k i n g t h a t one w i l l not be beaten


394

by o t h e r s . " I t i s important, n a t u r a l l y , t h a t d e t e r m i n a t i o n

does not become o b s t i n a t e n e s s . However, a bushi must not r e -

t r e a t from the way of righteousness. As mentioned e a r l i e r ,

a bushi must t r y to c o r r e c t the e r r o r s of o t h e r s , even the lord.

I f by doing so he i n c u r r e d the wrath o f h i s l o r d and was sen-

tenced to commit seppuku, i t was a f a t e he had to accept b r a v e l y .

A second form of c a s t i g a t i o n which ca bushi might be f o r c e d to

undergo c o n s i s t e d of b e i n g ordered to f o r f e i t h i s s t i p e n d and

become a r o n i n . Becoming a r o n i n was not n e c e s s a r i l y final,

and Tsunetomo expressed the o p i n i o n t h a t l i f e as a r o n i n was


395

not as uncomfortable as u s u a l l y p o r t r a y e d . Repeated s o j o u r n s ,

he says, are perhaps necessary to make a samurai s t r o n g and

courageous. In t h i s connection Katsushige s a i d , "Someone who

has not become a r o n i n seven times cannot be s a i d to be a r e a l


396
servant. F a l l down seven times and get up e i g h t . " In f a c t ,
a l l bushi "...must be r e s o l v e d from the b e g i n n i n g t h a t the
u l t i m a t e end o f s e r v i c e i s e i t h e r to become a r o n i n or to commit
397

seppuku." Thus a t r u e bushi shows h i s courage and determi-

n a t i o n to serve the House, and f e a r s n o t h i n g i n the e f f o r t to


do so. "One who i s a f r a i d o f f a i l u r e i n assigned d u t i e s i s
398

a coward." That i s , one must not worry about making a

mistake i n h i s duty, but must advance w i t h complete d e v o t i o n .

As there were no wars a t the time i n which Hagakure was w r i t t e n ,

mental courage i n one's d a i l y l i f e was f a r more p r a c t i c a l than


81

p h y s i c a l courage shown on the b a t t l e f i e l d .

Honour, too, c o u l d b e s t be gained i n the t r a d i t i o n a l

manner of d i s p l a y i n g bravery on the b a t t l e f i e l d , but war was

not an i n d i s p e n s a b l e requirement. To a p r o p e r l y t r a i n e d b u s h i ,

honour o r i g i n a t e d i n the judgment o f one's a c t i o n s by one's

peers and s u p e r i o r s . Accomplishments deemed honourable were

d i v e r s i f i e d , but p r a i s e normally came from others f o r a c t i o n

i n accordance w i t h the accepted conduct for specific circum-

stances, whether the s i t u a t i o n e n t a i l e d p h y s i c a l b a t t l e or the

proper g r e e t i n g o f an acquaintance. G e n e r a l l y speaking, i t

was p o s s i b l e to earn honour i n two broad ways, by doing h e r o i c

or m e r i t o r i o u s deeds and by a v o i d i n g mistakes w h i l e s e r v i n g


399

unselfishly. In keeping w i t h Confucian p r i n c i p l e s , poverty

and d i s t r e s s d i d not d e p r i v e a man o f honour. Confucius him-

s e l f i s r e p o r t e d to have s a i d , "Having only coarse food to e a t ,

p l a i n water to d r i n k , and a bent arm f o r a p i l l o w , one can still

f i n d happiness therein. Riches and honour a c q u i r e d by u n r i g h t -

eous means are to me as d r i f t i n g c l o u d s . " 4 0 0


Thus, any action

done f o r the purpose o f g a i n i n g wealth or fame, even death i n


401
b a t t l e or seppuku, was not c o n s i d e r e d proper nor honourable.
When a b u s h i has honour i n h i s h e a r t , i t w i l l c e r t a i n l y
402
appear i n a time o f emergency. Yet i t i s something which
i s a l s o expressed i n d a i l y behaviour and speech. One example

of the way i n which honour can be expressed v e r b a l l y i s by


403

not speaking i l l o f a man a f t e r h i s death. Another lies

i n adherence t o t r u t h , so t h a t a man may be t r u s t e d at a l l

times. "The word o f a samurai i s f i r m e r than metal. Because

I have d e c i d e d , not the Buddha, the gods, nor anything e l s e


82

,,404
w i l l move me.

5. Etiquette

Harmonious i n t e r a c t i o n between members o f any s o c i e t y

d i c t a t e s t h a t an accepted s e t o f r u l e s o f e t i q u e t t e be i n s t i -

t u t e d and f o l l o w e d . T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y v i t a l i n a f e u d a l

s o c i e t y , deeply i n f u s e d as i t was with a h i e r a r c h y i n which

even the s l i g h t e s t d i f f e r e n c e o f s o c i a l p o s i t i o n n e c e s s i t a t e d

f a m i l i a r i t y with the proper social response.

F o l l o w i n g the example s e t by the Chinese c l a s s i c , The

Book o f R i t e s ( L i Chi ^L.j>£)/ Japanese R a i k i ) a n ( j


s u c n early

Japanese documents as Shotoku T a i s h i ' s seventeen a r t i c l e con-

titution of 604, 4 0 6
much o f Hagakure i s devoted to i n d i c a t i n g ,

e i t h e r through d i r e c t i n s t r u c t i o n s o r by c i t i n g examples, the

proper conduct a p p l i c a b l e to a c e r t a i n circumstance. Knowledge

o f the course o f a c t i o n t o be taken on a s p e c i f i c o c c a s i o n was

not only commendable, b u t the l a c k o f such p r e p a r a t i o n was

considered d i s g r a c e f u l .

T h e r e f o r e , one must prepare i n advance what one would

do and say i n a given s i t u a t i o n . When i n v i t e d somewhere, a

b u s h i should p l a n from the p r e v i o u s n i g h t and make notes so


407
t h a t he could a c t smoothly. "Nothing i s as important as one's
f i r s t words." 4 0 8
When speaking, speak o n l y a f t e r c o n s i d e r i n g
409
who i s p r e s e n t and then do not say anything t h a t might
410
shame o t h e r s . V e r b o s i t y i n a b u s h i was d i s r e s p e c t a b l e .
411
Tsunetomo decided while young to use l e s s words than expected.
412

People i n h i g h p o s i t i o n s made a h a b i t o f n o t u s i n g many words,

and f o r a person o f lower rank to say too much when f a c i n g supe-


83

413
r i o r s was "discourteous and bad mannered." Even more care

i n one's d a i l y speech was r e q u i r e d when one was very busy i n

one's p o s t , f o r to become e x c i t e d and speak h a r s h l y was the


. 414

way o f lowly servants and was not b e f i t t i n g a samurai.

A minor c o n t r a d i c t i o n appears r e g a r d i n g the proper eti-

quette f o r bowing. Tsunetomo quotes h i s father, Shigezumi, as

s a y i n g , " I t i s b e s t to bow r e s p e c t f u l l y to everyone without

distinction. People of r e c e n t times have no courtesy and


415

have become impetuous." Shigezumi maintained t h a t no one

ever broke h i s back from bowing. But Tsunetomo a l s o p r a i s e s

the c o n v i c t i o n o f another bushi who says t h a t because h i s h i p s

h u r t at the New Year from e x c e s s i v e bowing, he has decided that


416
he w i l l not bow unless he i s the r e c i p i e n t o f a bow first.
This same person had furthermore s t a t e d t h a t d u r i n g the
New Year c e l e b r a t i o n s he would completely r e f u s e to d r i n k
417
liquor. Tsunetomo c e r t a i n l y agrees t h a t l i q u o r should not
be drunk i n g r e a t volume, because when one becomes drunk one
418
w i l l not be able to a c t without mistakes. Besides, one's
419

true mental c o n v i c t i o n s may be seen by a l l . On the other

hand he s t a t e s t h a t i t i s a l s o poor manners to r e p e a t e d l y re-


* 4- * • 1 4 2 0

fuse to d r i n k .
People who r e l y on n a t u r a l i n t e l l i g e n c e w i l l make many
421 . .
mistakes i n e t i q u e t t e . S u r e l y , a t times a quick w i t i s

very important to save a p o t e n t i a l l y d i s a s t r o u s situation,

as i n the case of a samurai who was searching f o r a c r i m i n a l .

When a palanquin passed, he thought the c r i m i n a l was inside

and prevented i t s passage, but i t turned out to be someone

completely different. He saved the s i t u a t i o n by s a y i n g t h a t


84

he thought i t was a f r i e n d whom he had l o n g been w a i t i n g f o r ,


422

and begged f o r g i v e n e s s . Tsunetomo h i m s e l f saw t h a t the

b e s t way t o c o r r e c t t h i s type o f mistake was to remember not

to r e p e a t the same e r r o r . When he was young he began to com-

p i l e a d i a r y ^ c o n t a i n i n g the mistakes t h a t he had made each

day. He soon gave i t up because there were j u s t too many.

Still, even as an a d u l t he took a few moments w h i l e he was

l y i n g i n bed every n i g h t to t h i n k over the mistakes o f the


423

day, and no day passed when there were none.

One must a l s o be c a r e f u l o f appearances. Extravagance

is to be avoided except perhaps f o r f a n s , t i s s u e paper, w r i t -

i n g paper, and bedding, which may be o f s l i g h t l y b e t t e r q u a l -


424 . . . .
lty. When r e a d i n g a l o u d , be c e r t a i n to read u s i n g the d i a -
425
phragm, and the r e s u l t s w i l l be much more e f f e c t i v e . Do
426

not yawn o r sneeze i n p u b l i c . Such g u i d e l i n e s on s m a l l

matters o f e t i q u e t t e , found throughout Hagakure, show the de-

gree o f a t t e n t i o n which any samurai must g i v e toward proper

manners. In a s t r i c t and c l o s e d f e u d a l s o c i e t y , dependent

upon obedience and r e s p e c t , adherence t o accepted norms o f

p o l i t e n e s s was essential for i t s continuation.


85

Chapter IV

1. Conclusion

Tsunetomo intended t h a t Hagakure be read only by a few

s e l e c t e d r e t a i n e r s o f Saga han. Reproductions were, however,

copied by hand and Hagakure, w h i l e not a book f o r popular con-

sumption, c e r t a i n l y was not completely i n a c c e s s i b l e . Because

t h i s book was oriented toward han a f f a i r s and l o y a l t y to the

p r o v i n c i a l l o r d , i t c o u l d not be expected t h a t the regime i n

Edo would approve of i t . T h e r e f o r e , when i n 1781 Nabeshima

Harushige/jfiA $ j? (1745-1805) b u i l t the f i e f school which


f e a r of o f f e n d i n g the Edo govern-

ment prevented Hagakure from being i n c l u d e d as p a r t of the


427
curriculum. In s p i t e of t h i s Hagakure, or at l e a s t the

essence o f the thought s t a t e d t h e r e i n , served as a constant

g u i d e l i n e i n the i n s t r u c t i o n o f the young samurai o f Saga.

In a number o f p l a c e s i n the t e x t statements, i f s t u d i e d

as i n d i v i d u a l u n i t s , appear to be contradictory to o t h e r pas-

sages. Yet when taken as i n t e r r e l a t e d elements a l l d i r e c t e d

toward the same end, the differences resolve into a unity.

For Tsunetomo, the major aim i n w r i t i n g Hagakure was to instill

i n the samurai o f Saga han an intense l o y a l t y toward t h e i r

lord. He believed t h a t the e f f o r t put f o r t h i n the pursuit

of devotion to one's l o r d and one's duty would act as a cat-

a l y s t f o r other r e v e r e d i d e a l s such as f i l i a l p i e t y , rectitude,

courage, honour and etiquette.

Apart from the purpose f o r which i t was written, namely

to a s s i s t the samurai o f Saga i n a t t a i n i n g a h i g h e r l e v e l of


86

moral e x i s t e n c e , Hagakure p r o v i d e s an a d d i t i o n a l b e n e f i t .

By c r i t i c i z i n g the a c t i o n s of the samurai o f h i s day and sug-

g e s t i n g methods o f improving behaviour, Tsunetomo i n d i c a t e s ,

and perhaps exaggerates, the moral degeneration o f the times.

C l e a r and emphatic statements c a l l f o r a r e t u r n to the Way.

P o i n t i n g out the Way through a d v i c e , examples, and admonitions,

Tsunetomo g i v e s a c e r t a i n degree o f i n s i g h t i n t o the psycho-

l o g i c a l composition of r u r a l samurai i n the e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h

century. Scorn f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l reasoning and l o g i c , as w e l l

as f o r e x c e s s i v e emphasis on a r t i s t i c p u r s u i t s , i s o f t e n v o i c e d .

The fundamental appeal of Hagakure i s to the emotions, and

there i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t Tsunetomo i s attempting t o e l i c i t

an emotional response from h i s r e a d e r s . Such an appeal r e -

f l e c t s the i n t u i t i v e elements expressed i n the Zen s e c t o f

Buddhism and the Oyomei J ! ^ ® ^ (Wang Yang-ming i n C h i n e s e ) 4 2 8

s c h o o l of Neo-Confucianism.

The concepts d e p i c t e d i n Hagakure t y p ^ i f y the p r i n c i p l e s

which the samurai of the Edo p e r i o d h e l d to be those d e s e r v i n g

of emulation. The ending of the f e u d a l age w i t h the r e t u r n

to i m p e r i a l government i n 186 8 d i d not e l i m i n a t e f e u d a l values

with one c l e a n sweep. V i r t u a l l y a l l of the a c t i v e l e a d e r s

of the R e s t o r a t i o n movement, and o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n upon

the i n i t i a t i o n of the new government, were samurai. Most be-

longed to the lower s t r a t a o f the samurai c l a s s o f the r u r a l

han of Satsuma, Choshu w^JI'j , Tosa and Hizen (Saga) itself.

A c t u a l l y , f o u r o f the primary l e a d e r s of the R e s t o r a t i o n were

from Hizen. These were Eto Shimpei^Xrfk f f f ^ (1834-1874) , Okuma

Shigenobu /\.$=Lf 11 (1838-1922), Soe jima Taneomi % 4f £ (1828-


87

1905), and 5 k i T a k a t o j C ^ f j j ^ f c (1832-1899) . 4 2 9


Abolishment o f

the f o u r - c l a s s system c l e a r e d away the o f f i c i a l s t a t u s o f the

samurai but i t d i d not change the f a c t t h a t the M e i j i leaders

had been educated i n the manner o f samurai. The i n f l u e n c e o f

Hagakure and s i m i l a r works i s apparent i n the words and deeds

of many statesmen o f the p e r i o d , but i s most v i s i b l e i n the

Satsuma g e n e r a l Saigo Takamori. F o l l o w i n g very c l o s e l y the

l i n e o f thought s t a t e d i n Hagakure he s t r e s s e d , " . . . t h a t one

must f r e e h i m s e l f from a l l f e a r o f death and be c o n s t a n t l y

prepared f o r i t s advent as an i n d i s p e n s a b l e c o n d i t i o n f o r ....

selflessness." 4 3 0
Although he uses the word makoto fifa ,

" s i n c e r i t y , " as h i s key term> i t bears many s i m i l a r i t i e s to

Tsunetomo's concept o f devout l o y a l t y . In h i s a t t i t u d e r e -

garding moral t r a i n i n g , compassion, f r u g a l i t y , and e x c e s s i v e

p r i d e , Saigo shared an almost i d e n t i c a l viewpoint w i t h Tsune-


431
tomo. To the end he remained a f o l l o w e r o f the ethos o f
the r u r a l samurai as p o r t r a y e d i n Hagakure.

As c l o s e as Saigo's b e l i e f s were to those expressed i n

Hagakure, there i s no p r o o f that he had f i r s t h a n d knowledge

of the book. That i t was a v a i l a b l e and b e i n g read by o t h e r

n a t i o n a l l e a d e r s , however, i s a f a c t . Okuma Shigenobu, who

l a t e r founded Waseda ^f"4$j V£? U n i v e r s i t y , may be taken as an

illustration. He s t r o n g l y f e l t t h a t the scope of l o y a l t y as

s t r e s s e d i n Hagakure, b e i n g s o l e l y d i r e c t e d as i t was to the

l o c a l l o r d , was f a r too r e s t r i c t e d . In h i s view, the w o r l d

extended f a r beyond Tsunetomo's r e g i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s . Yet,


432

i n s p i t e o f h i s d e p r e c i a t o r y view o f Hagakure, he had been

schooled i n i t s t r a d i t i o n . The p r o g r e s s i v e nature o f the


88

i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes wrought by the M e i j i l e a d e r s i s w e l l

documented, and the tremendous i n f l u e n c e of western i d e a s and

technology cannot be doubted. Yet the advances o f the M e i j i

p e r i o d were f a s h i o n e d upon a base of t r a d i t i o n a l e t h i c s . Ha-

gakure , and o t h e r such works, p l a y e d a d e f i n i t i v e r o l e i n p r o -

viding the f o u n d a t i o n of m o r a l i t y upon which reforms c o u l d be


moulded.
1 * * 4 3 3

The words bushido and Yamato damashii T\%o-*$ki "the Jap-

anese s p i r i t , " came i n t o widespread use as Japan asserted

h e r s e l f m i l i t a r i l y w i t h v i c t o r i e s over China and R u s s i a . The

two words were commonly employed t o s i g n i f y i d e n t i c a l meanings

although, t e c h n i c a l l y speaking, they were d i f f e r e n t . Yamato

damashii was a term which had been used a thousand years e a r l i e r


434

to designate a s p i r i t o f l o y a l t y to the emperor and country.

Bushido, on the o t h e r hand, only became more o r l e s s s t a n d a r d i z e d

d u r i n g the f e u d a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Edo p e r i o d . In i t , as

so e m p h a t i c a l l y shown i n Hagakure, l o y a l t y was directed t o the

regional lord. Such s u b t l e nuances soon l o s t t h e i r significance

as the M e i j i a d m i n i s t r a t i o n attempted t o r e d i r e c t the l o y a l t y


. - . 435

of bushido away from p r o v i n c i a l l e a d e r s and toward the emperor.

In t h i s they were s u c c e s s f u l f o r by 1907 Haga Y a i c h i

was able to say, "The s p i r i t o f bushido which has been d e v e l -

oped by the w a r r i o r c l a s s over a l o n g time now has come to be


436
d i r e c t e d s o l e l y toward the i m p e r i a l throne."
During the i n t e n s i f y i n g m i l i t a r i s m o f the p e r i o d l e a d i n g

to the P a c i f i c War, the p r e c e p t s of bushido p l a y e d an e v e r -

i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i n encouraging Japanese soldiers to maximum

437
efforts. By t h i s time no doubt remained as to the o b j e c t
89

of l o y a l t y . One study of Hagakure, t y p i c a l o f the many pub-


l i s h e d d u r i n g the decade up to and i n c l u d i n g the Second World
438
War, d e c l a r e s t h a t i f Tsunetomo had been born i n the w o r l d
o f t h a t time, the second o f h i s Four Vows would c e r t a i n l y have
439

demanded l o y a l t y to the emperor r a t h e r than to the l o r d .

The contents of t h i s book are f u r t h e r d i s t o r t e d by the s t a t e -

ment t h a t the s p i r i t o f Hagakure d i c t a t e s t h a t a l l people,

i n c l u d i n g farmers, t e a c h e r s , s t u d e n t s , workers, merchants,


officers, and s o l d i e r s should l i v e w i t h d e t e r m i n a t i o n to serve
440

the emperor. Thus moral i n s t r u c t i o n s o r i g i n a l l y meant s o l e -

l y f o r the samurai class, were extended to cover a l l segments

o f s o c i e t y , and l o y a l t y was r e d i r e c t e d to the head o f the n a t i o n ,

In t h i s converted v e r s i o n , Hagakure formed one o f the

b a s i c elements o f the bushidp o f the P a c i f i c War. Recently,

Hagakure has been c a l l e d , "...the most i n f l u e n t i a l of a l l


441

samurai t r e a t i s e s w r i t t e n . " Indeed, i t i s u n l i k e l y that

there was any Japanese s o l d i e r who d i d n o t know a t l e a s t the

t i t l e o f Hagakure, and i n f a c t most were able to quote some

l i n e s which had been l e a r n e d by h e a r t . Perhaps the s i n g l e most

important aspect of Hagakure's c o n t e n t s , w i t h r e s p e c t to World

War I I , can be s i n g l e d out i n the a t t i t u d e toward death. Mag-

n i f i e d f a r beyond Tsunetomo's i n t e n t i o n , Hagakure became almost


442

synonymous w i t h the w i l l to d i e . Toward the end o f the war

e s p e c i a l l y , as i t became apparent t h a t there were s e r i o u s de-

f i c i e n c i e s i n the supply o f war m a t e r i a l s , the Japanese be-

l i e v e d even more deeply t h a t t h e i r u l t i m a t e s t r e n g t h l i e i n


443

t h e i r moral supremacy. A t the same time, a t t i t u d e s regard-


i n g the p u r i t y and s i n c e r i t y o f death i n s e r v i c e to the emperor
90

became more e x p l i c i t l y expressed, both i n word and deed. The

kamikaze or shimpu ffi ^ s q u a d r o n s 4 4 4


were taught how to courage-

o u s l y face death. One young man, the p i l o t of a s u i c i d e torpedo,

quotes, i n a f a r e w e l l l e t t e r , the words of one of h i s i n s t r u c -

tors. "Never s h i r k f a c i n g death. I f i n doubt whether to live


445

or d i e , i t i s always b e t t e r to d i e . . . . " These words are

taken almost verbatim from Hagakure, and serve as an indica-

tion of i t s influence.

A f t e r Japan's c r u s h i n g d e f e a t , a l l m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g was

n a t u r a l l y banned. Even s p o r t s such as judo and kendo were

p r o h i b i t e d because they had developed from t r a d i t i o n a l m a r t i a l

a r t s and stressed a r i g i d d i s c i p l i n e . Hagakure, too, s u f f e r e d


446

a setback. Due to i t s f e u d a l i s t i c i d e o l o g y i t no longer

had a p l a c e i n the i n d i v i d u a l i s m and p e r s o n a l independence of

the western value system/which c h a r a c t e r i z e d postwar Japan.

But the p e r v a s i v e p a t t e r n of i n t e n s e w e s t e r n i z a t i o n which Japan

experienced d u r i n g the two decades f o l l o w i n g the P a c i f i c War

has, i n r e c e n t y e a r s , cqme to be counterbalanced somewhat by

the development o f a growing r e s p e c t f o r the t r a d i t i o n s of

Japan's own history. I n d i c a t i o n s o f t h i s are apparent i n the

i n c r e a s e d enrollment i n n a t i o n a l h i s t o r y courses at the u n i -

v e r s i t i e s and i n the p o p u l a r i t y of new books d e a l i n g w i t h the

a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and c u l t u r a l aspects o f Japan.

Thus, w h i l e the i m p o r t a t i o n o f d i v e r s e c u l t u r a l and t e c h n i c a l

elements from o u t s i d e c o u n t r i e s continues unabated, the es-

tablishment o f an as y e t s u b t l y manifested chauvinism i s be-

coming more and more v i s i b l e . Though o n l y c l e a r l y p e r c e p t i -

b l e i n a s m a l l segment of the p o p u l a t i o n , s i g n s r e v e a l t h a t
91

the number o f i n d i v i d u a l s assuming a r e a c t i o n a r y viewpoint i s

expanding. One o f the e a r l i e s t and perhaps most e a s i l y seen

d e l i n e a t o r s o f t h i s t r e n d i s the appearance and p u b l i c accept-

ance of a number o f authors whose works r e s u l t e i t h e r directly

from a study o f the h i s t o r y and customs of Japan or i n d i r e c t l y

from the b a s i c precepts and themes i n h e r e n t i n the traditional

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Japan. The depth o f r e s e a r c h and the q u a l i t y

o f the r e s u l t ranges from s u p e r f i c i a l i t y to exhaustive accuracy.

Mishima Yukio p r o v i d e s one obvious example o f a modern

n o v e l i s t who b e l i e v e d i n and expressed the o p i n i o n t h a t r e -

v e r s i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l values w i t h a minimum concession to the

requirements of the age c o n s t i t u t e s the o n l y v a l i d cure f o r

the d e s p i c a b l e c o n d i t i o n i n t o which he thought Japan had de-

generated. His book Hagakure nyumon i s e s p e c i a l l y illustrative

o f t h i s l i n e of thought. The p o p u l a r i t y of i t s r e c e n t p u b l i c a -

t i o n serves to show the degree to which such a work can find


447
a c c e p t a b i l i t y i n p r e s e n t day Japan. In many o f Mishima's
448

o t h e r works, a l s o , the reader can sense the same s o r t of

s p i r i t t h a t moved Tsunetomo to w r i t e Hagakure. Both men

attempted i n t h e i r works to d e f l e c t the s o c i e t y away from a

course of s e l f d e s t r u c t i o n and moral degeneration. The tw.o

men a l s o shared a r e s p e c t f o r the i d e a l s of the p a s t and called

f o r a study o f h i s t o r y . Mishima r e c o g n i z e s the g r e a t importance


449

of Hagakure i n the P a c i f i c War, but d i f f e r s with i t s p r e -

mises on one main p o i n t . As i l l u s t r a t e d i n " E r e i no koe," he

b e l i e v e s t h a t a l l devotion must be to the emperor as a d e i t y

and as a n a t i o n a l l e a d e r . In a s h o r t a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Hagakure

to watashi," Mishima s t a t e s t h a t s i n c e the war he kept Hagakure


92

near at hand, and each time he r e f e r r e d to i t he was emotionally


450
moved i n a way no other book c o u l d move him. He furthermore
d e c l a r e s t h a t Hagakure was not only a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e on h i s

life, i t was indeed the womb of h i s l i t e r a t u r e and the source


451

of h i s energy. Thus, through the. words o f Mishima and other

modern w r i t e r s , Hagakure has once more been r e v i v e d .

In Japanese there are a number o f e x c e l l e n t books a v a i l -

able on the s u b j e c t o f bushido i n g e n e r a l and Hagakure i n

particular. Yet almost no e x t e n s i v e work has been done i n

English. There have been only two e f f o r t s to t r a n s l a t e Hagakure,

and both of these have l i m i t e d themselves to s e l e c t e d passages

only. Beyond the b a r e s t e s s e n t i a l s n e i t h e r work provides i n -

formation regarding the h i s t o r i c a l background of the p e r i o d ,

the p e r s o n a l i t i e s o f the-men i n v o l v e d i n i t s composition, tex-

t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n , o r an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i t s c o n t e n t s . Daisetz

Suzuki, Robert B e l l a h , and more r e c e n t l y , Ivan M o r r i s have r e -

cognized and quoted Hagakure, but u n f o r t u n a t e l y have c o n f i n e d

t h e i r e x t r a c t s to Hagakure's views on death. Surely a t e x t o f

Hagakure's importance has merited more e x t e n s i v e research.


93

FOOTNOTES

1
The bakufu was the h e a d q u ^ e r s o f the m i l i t a r y govern-

ment under the sho gun-, "commander i n c h i e f . " The word o r i g i -

n a l l y designated the commander's t e n t , from which orders em-

anted d u r i n g f i e l d operations. K o j i e n j^&f'TtL, ed. Shinmura

I z u r u l ^ - r t ^ (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten % , 1969), pp. 1776-77.

Although they had e a r l i e r o r i g i n s , d u r i n g the Tokugawa

period (1600-186 8), daimyo, " r e g i o n a l l o r d s , " were d i r e c t r e -

t a i n e r s o f the shogun who c o n t r o l l e d t e r r i t o r y which produced

more than 10,000 koku ^ of r i c e . (1 koku = 4.96 bushels).

K o j i e n , p. 1831.

The general term a p p l i e d to the t e r r i t o r y , the adminis-

t r a t i o n , and the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c i a l s under the c o n t r o l of

a daimyo d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d . K o j i e n , p. 1831.

The f e u d a l p o l i t i c a l system of the Tokugawa i n which

the c e n t r a l bakufu e x i s t e d as the supreme a u t h o r i t y and de-

l e g a t e d daimyo to c o l l e c t taxes from the peasants i n r e t u r n

f o r m i l i t a r y obedience. K o j i e n , p. 1776.

The f o u r major d i v i s i o n s o f s o c i e t y under the Tokugawa

regime were samurai^^f- ( s h i -jT ) , peasants (no.Jt,) , a r t i s a n s

(ko_;£ ) , and merchants (sho ) .

G.B. Sansom, Japan: A Short C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y (London:

The Cresset Press, 1931), pp. 511-12.


94

Although the term bushi may a t times be synonymous with

samurai, the connotation of w a r r i o r or m i l i t a r y personnel re-

mained while the meaning o f samurai became broader as the

samurai expanded i n t o the f i e l d of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . See Kojien,

p. 1935.

The characters of Hagakure mean "hidden" and "leaves"

^ o r , "hidden i n the l e a v e s . " The t i t l e was most l i k e l y de-

s i g n a t e d i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f the f o r e s t e d area of Yamamoto Tsune-

tomo' s p l a c e of r e t i r e m e n t , where the book was written. It

may a l s o i n d i c a t e , as Suzuki suggests, t h a t i t was a virtue

for a samurai to be reserved i n h i s demeanor. See Suzuki

D a i s e t z , Zen and Japanese C u l t u r e (New York: Pantheon Books

Inc., 1959), p. 70. Yet again, Iwado s t a t e s t h a t the title

came from a poem by the monk Saigyo *5> i'f (1118-1190). See

Iwado Tamotsu "Hagakure Bushido," C u l t u r a l Nippon, V I I ,

3 (1939), p. 34.

An e d i t i o n i n the modern Japanese language has been

i n c l u d e d i n a s e r i e s o f the fifty g r e a t books o f Japan. Nara-

moto T a t s u y a ^ / M * J&>&, Hagakure ^ $2, Nihon no meicho B % *)

fo% , V o l . 17 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha*f 7 v £ $ ^ t , 1967).

The Nabeshima or Saga han, a l s o known as H i z e n ^ ^ j pro-

v i n c e , was l o c a t e d i n the northwest p a r t of Kyushu. During the

l a t e stages 3 o f the Sengoku p e r i o d the area was governed by

the Ryuzoji " C i ^ r f - c l a n . Nabeshima N a o s h i g e ^ f j % (1538-1618)

served under Ryuzoji T a k a n o b u ( 1 5 2 9 - 1 5 8 4 ) , and assumed

c o n t r o l of the han upon h i s l o r d ' s death. The han was formally


95

p l a c e d i n h i s charge by Tokugawa Ieyasu^») J^^^(1543-1616) i n


l

1601 w i t h a r i c e p r o d u c t i o n value of 357,000 koku. See Nara-

moto, Hagakure, p. 447.

11

The modern p r e f e c t u r e i n Kyushu occupying the same

general r e g i o n as the f e u d a l Nabeshima han.

One example d e a l s w i t h the Benzaigatake-^"border

d i s p u t e between Hizen and C h i k u z e n ^ ^ ^ j i n 16 92. See K u r i h a r a

Arano ( K o y a ) ^ ^ %^j> , Kochu hagakure ffifjjffffi^Tokyo: Naigai

Shobo J ^ k f " " ^ , 1940), p. 81 (# 99) and p. 571 (# 685). See

a l s o Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 452. Throughout t h i s paper, when-

ever d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e i s b e i n g made to the t e x t of Hagakure,

the source used w i l l be K u r i h a r a ' s Kochu hagakure. In t h i s

thorough commentary on Hagakure, K u r i h a r a has numbered the

passages c o n s e c u t i v e l y from 1 to 1353. These same numbers

are o f t e n employed by l a t e r s c h o l a r s when r e f e r r i n g to the

corresponding passages although i n some books no numbers are

used a t a l l , and i n others the passages are arranged i n s l i g h t -

ly d i f f e r e n t order. T h e r e f o r e , a l l t e x t u a l notes i n t h i s

paper w i l l c i t e the page number f o l l o w e d by the designated

passage number i n p a r e n t h e s i s f o r the sake o f convenience i n

l o c a t i n g the passage i n question. Commentaries o t h e r than

K u r i h a r a ' s work w i l l be used as sources o f secondary m a t e r i a l

only.

13

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 73-74 (# 86), f o r i n s t a n c e ,

d e s c r i b e s the proper methods f o r t r a i n i n g a c h i l d and so p r o -

v i d e s a glimpse i n t o household a c t i v i t y . The problems o f d e a l -


ing with a d i f f i c u l t f a t h e r - i n - l a w are a l s o recorded. Ibid.,

pp. 57-58 (# 59).

14
I b i d . , p. 75 (#88).

15
I b i d . , pp. 62-63 (#63).

16
I b i d . , p. 66 (#66).

17

I b i d . , p. 82 (# 100). Seppuku o r hara k i r i , suicide

through s e l f disembowlment, w i l l be d e a l t w i t h more thoroughly

l a t e r i n t h i s paper. See K o j i e n , p. 1251.

18

For example, the d u t i e s o f a metsuke jflffi / " i n s p e c t o r ,

are c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d . K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 85-86

(# 110). See a l s o i b i d . , pp. 70-71 (#78) and pp. 62-63 (# 63)

f o r o t h e r examples o f the d u t i e s o f o f f i c i a l s .

19

Bushido, "the way o f the w a r r i o r , " r e f e r s t o a code

of e t h i c s which developed w i t h i n the bushi class. I t began

to evolve d u r i n g the middle ages and was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d

by the Edo p e r i o d . Confucianism p l a y e d a strong r o l e i n i n -

fluencing i t s ideals of loyalty, s e l f s a c r i f i c e , fidelity,

i n t e g r i t y , courtesy, modesty, f r u g a l i t y , honour, and l o v e .

Yamaga Soko (1622-1685) was one of the f i r s t scholars

to expound on bushido a t l e n g t h . See "Shido i n Yamaga

Soko bunshu jL.Jt-jff'^T> e d <


Tsukamoto Tetsuzo f^Zsfa ^» =-
(Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko /*j fifj %.jjf-, 1930), pp. 45-207. Sansom

says t h a t the term bushido i s comparatively r e c e n t and was n o t

i n wide use even i n the e i g h t e e n t h century. See Sansom, Japan

A Short C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , p. 487. Most modern h i s t o r i a n s , how


97

ever, make no mention o f t h i s p o i n t a t a l l . The p r e v a l e n t

use o f the term i n Hagakure i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t was, i n f a c t ,

i n e x i s t e n c e and use i n the e a r l y p a r t of the e i g h t e e n t h century.

As y e t the b e s t work on the s u b j e c t o f bushido i n E n g l i s h i s

Nitobe Inazo ^iiLf' Bushido : The Soul o f Japan (1905;


rpt. Tokyo: K e n k y u s h a ^ , 1935). F o r two e x c e l l e n t works

i n Japanese, see Morikawa Tetsuro $%) \ x


5. , Nihon bushido s h i

(Tokyo: Nihon Bungei sha EJ Jtj&Jftj 1972), and


F u j i Naomoto $J$f , Buke j i d a i no shakai s e i s h i n ^ ^

M^t^flf (Tokyo: Sogensha^'l&jft- ' 1 9 6 7


) / PP- 3-316.
20
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 65-66 (# 65).

21
A c c o r d i n g t o the author o f Hagakure, a l l o t h e r regions

of Japan were a t that time i n f e r i o r t o the Nabeshima han i n

the s e r v i c e and a t t i t u d e o f i t s r e t a i n e r s . I b i d . , pp. 75-76

(# 89) and p. 86 (# 111).

22
I b i d . , p. 88 (# 114). See a l s o Suzuki, p. 70.
23
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 83-84 (#105).

24

I b i d . , pp. 4-5 (# 1 ) . The wish to be reborn seven

times i n order t o serve the f i e f i s very r e m i n i s c e n t o f a

statement g e n e r a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to Kusunoki Masashige jEjfy

(1294-1336), b u t a c t u a l l y made by h i s b r o t h e r , Kusunoki Masasue

^ ^ £ ? f r (died 1336) i n 1336. Ivan M o r r i s , The N o b i l i t y o f

F a i l u r e : T r a g i c Heroes i n the H i s t o r y o f Japan (New York: H o l t

Reinehart and Winston, 1975) , p. 133. The o r i g i n a l statement

can be found i n the T a i h e i k i Nihon koten bungaku t a i -


98

kei % ' e d
« G o t
° Tanji^j^fblWd Kamada K i -

saburo (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1960), I I , 159.

The phrase s h i c h i s h o hokoku -t^^_^$J%^, "to serve the Emperor

f o r seven l i v e s , " l a t e r became a famous p a t r i o t i c slogan.

See M o r r i s , p. 386.

25

Samuel B. G r i f f i t h , t r a n s . , Sun Tzu: The A r t o f War

(Oxford: Claredon P r e s s , 1963).

26

N i c c o l o M i c h i a v e l l i , The A r t o f War, trans. Ellis

Farneworth (New York: Bobbs M e r r i l l Company, 1965).

27

K a r l von C l a u s e w i t z , On War, t r a n s . J . J . Graham (London:

Routledge and K. P a u l , 1968).

28

Wm. Theodore de Bary, W i n g - t s i t Chan, and Burton Watson,

Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary (New

York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970), I , 16-17.

29
I b i d . , I , 455-57.
30
Sansom, Japan,: A Short C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , pp. 49 3-96.
31

Ryusaku Tsunoda, Wm. Theodore de Bary, and Donald

Keene, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , ed. Wm. Theodore de

Bary (New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969),

I, 342-43.

32

The Chinese p r i n c i p l e s o f the cosmic f o r c e s , y i n and

yang, are apparent even i n the e a r l i e s t Japanese r e c o r d s .

Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 56-59. The p r e -

faces o f both the K O j i k i Jb^tZj (712) and the Nihon s h o k i


99

(or Nihongi Q^£to / 720) i n t r o d u c e these p r i n c i p l e s .

See B a s i l H a l l Chamberlain, K o j i k i o r Records o f A n c i e n t Mat-

ters (Kobe: J.L. Thompson and Co., 1932), p. 37; Donald L.

Phillippi, Kojiki (Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo P r e s s , 1968),

p. 37; and W.G. Aston, Nihongi.: C h r o n i c l e s o f Japan From The

E a r l i e s t Times To A.D. 69 7 (London: George A l l e n and Unwin

L t d . , 1956), p. 1.

33
De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 26 8.
34
Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I . 135.

35
I b i d . , I , 226.

36
This aspect .is a t t e s t e d to even by the o r i g i n myths i n

which the gods have a d e f i n i t e order o f h i e r a r c h y . Ibid.,

I , 14-15.

37

For example, k n e e l i n g with both hands on the ground

was a s i g n of r e s p e c t to a s u p e r i o r even i n the t h i r d century.

Reported i n an o f f i c i a l h i s t o r y o f Han China i n 297 A.D. Ibid.,

I, 5.
38

For accounts o f t h i s r i s e to power see George Sansom,

A H i s t o r y Of Japan (19 58; r p t . Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Company,

1974), I, 234-38 and 312-18; John Whitney H a l l , Japan; From

P r e h i s t o r y to Modern Times (Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Company,

1971), pp. 78-79; and H. Paul V a r l e y , Samurai (New York: D e l l

P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1970), pp. 47-68. For a more complete account

see Takeuchi B±zo^jP\ #Cc:, Bushi no to jo "fy^/i- 0 ^ , Nihon

no r e k i s h i $ ^ $L , V o l . 6 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1965).


100

39
H. P a u l V a r l e y , The Ohin War (New York: Columbia

University P r e s s , 1967).

40

F o l l o w i n g the p a t t e r n o f expansion s e t by h i s prede-

c e s s o r s , Oda N o b u n a g a M ^ ® {T^L (1534-15 83) and Toyotomi Hide-

yoshi O (1536-1598), Ieyasu extended h i s i n f l u e n c e over

the g r e a t e r p a r t o f Japan w i t h a v i c t o r y i n the b a t t l e o f

Sekigahara^fj4YV|t xn
1600. The events l e a d i n g to t h i s decisive

b a t t l e are covered i n d e t a i l i n Hayashiya Tatsusaburo

Tenka i t t 6 ~f\^ ^"&1L> > Nihon no r e k i s h i , V o l . 12 (Tokyo: Chuo

Koronsha, 1966) .

In the Genna Embu&J$o {l^jft^, the summer and w i n t e r


campaigns a g a i n s t Osaka C a s t l e , a c o a l i t i o n o f s u p p o r t e r s o f

Hideyoshi's h e i r , H i d e y o r i ^ * , was d e c i s i v e l y beaten and

H i d e y o r i was k i l l e d . T s u j i T a t s u y a i j ^ ^ t " ^ , Edo k a i f u ; x J~f^^ ,

Nihon no r e k i s h i , V o l . 13 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1973), pp.

311-12.

42
T s u j i , Edo k a i f u , pp. 392-418.

43
Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 385-86.

44
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 41 (# "37) .

45
I b i d . , pp. 64-65 (# 64).

46
I b i d . , p. 17 (# 2)

47
I b i d . , p. 24 (# 11).

48
I b i d . , p. 40 (# 36).
101

49
"Seidan," i n Ogyu S o r a i mjL^iJUfc Nihon no s h i s o taikei

^ %&?v^XJfw e d
« T s u j i Tatsuya (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973),

pp. 444-45. This passage i s t r a n s l a t e d i n Tsunoda, Sources o f

Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 420-21.

50

"Sundai zatsuwa" i n Me Ik a z u i h i t s u shu ^ % rS' % , ed.

Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I , 109-26.

For as E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n see George Wm. Knox, "A Japanese

P h i l o s o p h e r , " T r a n s a c t i o n s o f the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f Japan,

XX (1893), 1-133. Pages 81-91 d e a l w i t h Muro s views r e g a r d i n g


1

the extravagance o f s o c i e t y . For a r e p r i n t o f p a r t o f t h i s

p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n see Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n ,

I , 431-33.

51 o > , ,

"Yamatozokukun" i n Ekken jukun ^jr Iffi *f p'L ed. Tsukamoto

Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 19 30) , or i n Ekken z e n s h u 4 f f | / ^ ^ ,

ed. Ekken K a i (Tokyo: Ekken Zenshu Kanko

1881), I I I , 44-164. For an e d i t i o n i n modern Japanese, see

Matsuda Michio./J2v &j^jfyr K a i b a r a Ekken, Nihon no meicho, V o l .

14 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1969). F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f Ekken's

works i n r e l a t i o n to bushi e t h i c s see Sakurai S h o t a r o - ^ ^ Jf-fsf,^ ,


Meiyo to c h i joku i (Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppan Kyoku
S f s ^ ^ M J l ' 1 9 7 1 )
' '
PP
-'
104 30

52

Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 377. During

the K y o h o | ! ^ e r a (1716-1736), Tokugawa Yoshimune $j^>)J (1684-

1751) i n s t i t u t e d reforms, known as the Kyoho Reforms, i n an

attempt to overcome the f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l problems o f the

country. These were o n l y p a r t i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l . See Sansom,


102

A H i s t o r y o f Japan, I I I / 15.5-66.

53

A d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s and t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s document

i s C a r l S t e e n s t r u p , "The Imagawa L e t t e r , " Monumenta N i p p o n i c a ,

XXVIII, 3 (1973), 295-316. See examples o f t h i s and o t h e r

such documents i n Yoshida Y u t a k a ^ l S ^ / Buke no kakun "if\ ^


(Tokyo: Tokuma S h o t e n f ^ ^ ^ / l - , 1972).
54,

Ishikawa Ken, "On Kaibara's Thought and Reasoning as

Expressed i n His Yamatozokukun," C u l t u r a l Nippon, V I I , 1 (1939) ,

24.

55
Steenstrup, p. 296.

E n t i t l e d Giko m e i r e i £\ . See E r n e s t W. Clement,

" I n s t r u c t i o n s of a Mito P r i n c e t o His R e t a i n e r s , " T r a n s a c t i o n s

o f the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y of Japan, XXVI (1898) , 115-53.

57

D a i d o j i Yuzan, Budo shoshin shu i n Yamaga Soko shu -

D a i d o j i Yuzan shu, Dai Nihon s h i s o zenshu j\ 6 j& J l ^ T ^ ^ J j ^ / ed.

Uemura K a t s u y a j l ^ r ^ $ ^ (Tokyo: Senshinsha 1932) , pp.

2 31-334. For a modern commentary on t h i s book see D a i d o j i

Yuzan, Budo shoshin shu, ed. Yoshida Yutaka (Tokyo: Tokuma

Shoten, 1971).

58

A comparison o f the a t t i t u d e toward death i n these two

books i s summarized i n Suzuki, pp. 71-72.

59

The death or d i s i n h e r i t a n c e o f a l o r d , punishment, or

p e r s o n a l c h o i c e c o u l d l e a v e a samurai i n a p o s i t i o n i n which

he owed a l l e g i a n c e to no p a r t i c u l a r l o r d . In such a case he


103

was a r o n i n o r masterless samurai. See K o j i e n , p-. 2355. The

account o f the vendetta o f the f o r t y seven r o n i n o f Ako i s

w e l l known, and may be found i n a number of E n g l i s h versions.

See, f o r example, Shioya Sakae, Chushingura: An E x p o s i t i o n

(Tokyo: The Hokuseido P r e s s , 1949). For a more r e c e n t trans-

l a t i o n see Donald Keene, t r a n s . , Chushingura;. Treasury of

L o y a l Retainers (New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,

1971).

"Goban t a i h e i k i , " i n Chikamatsu j o r u r l shu jjfjfex ffi^jj^ %

ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I I , 85-109.

61

A form of drama performed by puppets and accompanied

by b a l l a d music. K o j i e n , p. 1982. See Donald Keene, Bunraku,

The Puppet T h r e a t r e o f Japan (Tokyo and Palo A l t o : Kodansha

I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 1965),.

62

A dramatic performance which became p o p u l a r w i t h the

common people a t the end o f the seventeenth century. The

p l a y u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d h i s t o r i c a l events o r s o c i a l situations

which happened before or d u r i n g the Edo p e r i o d . Stage sets

are used, and performances are always accompanied by Japanese

music. There i s a l s o an element o f dancing. See K o j i e n , p.

445. See a l s o T o i t a Y a s u j i , Kabuki: The Popular T h e a t e r ,

t r a n s . , Don Kenny (New York and Tokyo: W a l k e r / W e a t h e r h i l l ,

1970), and Zoe K i n c a i d , Kabuki: The Popular Stage o f Japan

(New York: Benjamin Blom, 1965).

63

Donald Keene, t r a n s . , Major P l a y s o f Chikamatsu (New

York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961), pp. 33-35.


104

See a l s o Sansom, J a p a n : A Short C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , pp. 476-80,

and Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 436. For a

d i s c u s s i o n on h i s c o n f l i c t between g i r i - and n i h j o see Minamoto

Ryoen £ ^ f , G i r l to nih j o ^ ^ ) t A'i^"


v
(Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha,

1969), pp. 98-153.

64

H. Paul V a r l e y , Japanese C u l t u r e : A Short H i s t o r y

(New York and Washington: Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 1973), pp. 123-26.

65

Ihara Saikaku, "Buke g i r i monogatari, 11


i n Saikaku zenshu

>&5tfc/fe4\ ' ed. Ohashi Taro Tv^jS (Tokyo: Teikoku Bunko np7)£)

J\ffi, 1894), pp. 361-454. See Minamoto, pp. 70-97 f o r a d i s -

c u s s i o n o f the- g i r i i n t h i s s t o r y , and f o r a s h o r t comparison

to Hagakure see Iwado, p. 91.

66

I h a r a Saikaku, "Budo d e n r a i k i , " i n Saikaku zenshu, ed.

Ohashi Taro (Tokyo: Teikoku Bunko, 1894), pp. 729-910. For a

d i s c u s s i o n o f b u s h i p r o p r i e t y i n S a i k a k u s works see S a k u r a i ,
1

Meiyo t o c h i j o k u , pp. 333-36.

67

An emphasis on h i s t o r y i s a mark o f orthodox Neo-Con-

fucianism. Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese H i s t o r y , I , 384. I t

is a l s o a common element i n o t h e r Chinese p h i l o s o p h i e s . See

Hajime Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n P e o p l e s : I n d i a ,

China, T i b e t , Japan, ed. P h i l i p P. Wiener (Honolulu: E a s t West

Center P r e s s , 1964), pp. 204-16.

68

For
I b i d .examples see
, p. 2 (# 1)Ku
.r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 1 (# 1 ) ,
p. 39 (# 35), p. 51 (# 52), and pp. 65-66 (# 65).

69
105

70

Thomas C. Smith, The A g r a r i a n O r i g i n s o f Modern Japan

( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959), p. 204 and Sansom,

Japan ; A S h o r t C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , p. 505.

71

L i t e r a l l y the " f l o a t i n g world," t h i s s t y l e o f a r t de-

p i c t e d the mundane o r genre aspects o f l i f e . The b e s t known

medium f o r e x p r e s s i o n was the woodblock print. See K o j i e n ,

p. 178; Frank A. Turk, The P r i n t s o f Japan (Worcester and London

Arco P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1966); and Takahashi S e i i c h i r o , Traditional

Woodblock P r i n t s o f Japan, t r a n s . Richard Stanley-Baker (New

York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l / H e i b o n s h a , 1972).

72

Sankin k o t a i was the bakufu r e g u l a t i o n which required

t h a t each daimyo spend p a r t o f each y e a r s e r v i n g the shogun i n

Edo. I t was e n f o r c e d by the r e t e n t i o n o f hostages i n Edo.

K o j i e n , p. 916. See Toshio George T s u k a h i r a , "The Sankin K o t a i

System o f Tokugawa Japan, 1600-1868," D i s s . Harvard 1951, o r

Toshio G. T s u k a h i r a , Feudal C o n t r o l i n Tokugawa Japan, The

Sankin K o t a i System (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966).

73
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 50 (# 50).
74
I b i d . , p. 125 (#' 198) .
75
I b i d . , p. 3 (# 1)
76

Leon M. Zolbrod, Takizawa Bakin (New York: Twayne Pub-

l i s h e r s , 1967), p. 120.

77

J u n s h i , a l s o known as o i b a r a jjj_ff%or t s u i f uku ^ flffi^

was the custom o f f o l l o w i n g one's l o r d i n death by committing


106

suicide. Kojien-, p. 10 75. As i t was w a s t e f u l o f t r a i n e d men

and d i s t r u p t i v e t o the c o n t i n u i t y o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i t was

f o r b i d d e n by an e d i c t o f the bakufu i n 166 3. I t had been p r o -

h i b i t e d even e a r l i e r i n Saga han by Nabeshima M i t s u s h i g e ^iffj J*-j

(1632-1700) i n 1661. See Sagara Toru jflj ^ , KOyo

gunk an : g o r l n s h o : hagakure shu ^f^/^'jffgL' 3 L $ ^ £ • ^fj^-jj^


(Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo ^H.J^'^M ' 1 9 6 9
) > P« 2 8 6
« F o r
more de-

t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n on j u n s h i , see Furukawa T e s s h i "^T^j yL^ ,

J u n s h i : H i g e k i no i s e k i ^ SJ^_ >
/
J *) (T° Y° k :
Jimbutsu

Oraisha J\fty ^JL , 1967) ; Furukawa T e s s h i , Nihon r i n r i s h i s o


no de-flto Q^ ^?t£ I^vf ^ {% iftj (Tokyo: sSgensha, 1965), pp.
86-154; and Furukawa T e s s h i , " J u n s h i , " i n Edo j i d a i b u s h i no

seikatsu j* ^ S, f) jii^ , ed. S h i n j i Yoshimoto ^ j f T i

(Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan jfe. ]^^ 1 9 6 6


) ' PP« 249-58. Jun-

shi i s a l s o the theme of Mori OgaiJ^i^^^f) Abe i c h i z o k u p£j^"p^^j^


in Mori Ogai zenshu ^ $$j4\-Jt^ , V o l . 3 (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo,
1959), pp. 111-34.

78
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 87 (# 113).
79

Tsunetomo uses the term kokugaku to i n d i c a t e a study

of the h i s t o r y o f Saga han. I t i s not to be mistaken, t h e r e -

f o r e , f o r the kokugaku fej^which was d e s c r i b e d by such n a t i o n -

alistic t h i n k e r s as Motoori Norinaga 4v^1»C'^--( 730-1801) .


y
1
The

l a t t e r c e n t e r e d around the study o f e a r l y Japanese literature

and developed i n t o a consciousness o f n a t i o n a l p o l i t y . See

Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I I , 1-35; Masaharu

A n e s a k i , H i s t o r y o f Japanese R e l i g i o n (Rutland, Vt. and Tokyo:

Charles E. T u t t l e , 196 3), p. 30 8; and Motoori Norinaga zenshu


107

•^/^T^-Sj^^ed. Ono S u s u m u A ^ ^ and Okubo Tadashi X A "ff;

(Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1968).

Kusunoki Masashige. A powerful g e n e r a l from Kawachi^J ll/sj ,

who l o y a l y supported Emperor Godaigo j j ^ ^ j | _ ^ ^ ( r . 1318-1336) i n

the Kemmu^L^^Restoration o f 1334. He d i e d i n the defense o f the

Court a g a i n s t Ashikaga T a k a u j i Jl_% }(1305-1358) {


. See M o r r i s ,

pp. 106-42.
8 1
. >.

Takeda Shingen ^ T# % \ (1521-1573). Became l o r d o f

Kai p r o v i n c e i n 1541 and through m i l i t a r y a b i l i t y expanded

his territory. Considered one of the g r e a t generals o f Japanese

h i s t o r y , he d i e d w h i l e b e s i e g i n g the f o r c e s o f Oda Nobunaga.

82
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 2 (# 1 ) .
83
May a l s o be pronounced Yamamoto Jinuemon Jocho.

84

Saga ken s h i ^ ^ 4 $ ^ ' e d


« S a
g a Ken S h i Hensan Iinkai

>fc|[i^^/||^^|-^(Saga: Saga ken, 1968), I I , 185.

85

Examples o f such s t o r i e s may be found i n K u r i h a r a ,

Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 84), pp. 80-81 (# 98), p. 106 (# 163),

and pp. 119-20 (# 189).

86

T h i s b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n was taken from Saga ken

shi, I I , 185; Naramoto, Hagakure, pp. 19-2 5; K u r i h a r a , Kochu

hagakure, pp. 3 0-33; and K u r i h a r a Arano (Koya), Hagakure no

s h i n z u i l|[ *) %f ^ (Saga: Hagakure S e i s h i n Fukyu K a i |j^^)\J5


87
K^u r i,h a1935) , pp. hagakure,
r a , Kochu 66-72 p. 93 (# 12 9).
108

88
Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 20.

89 _.. _
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 93 (# 129).

90
I b i d . , p. 95 (# 132) .

91
I b i d . , p. 541 (#.742).

92
I b i d . , pp. 59-60 (# 61) .

93
I b i d . , p. 101 (# 146) .

94

I b i d . , pp. 28-29 (# 17). The duty o f a kaishaku was

to a s s i s t i n the r i t u a l o f seppuku by beheading the samurai

committing s u i c i d e . I t demanded complete composure as w e l l

as e x c e l l e n t swordsmanship.

95

The manner i n which he handled h i m s e l f i n the i n v e s t i -

gation of a certain f i r e , f o r example. I b i d . , p. 35 (# 29).

96
Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 20.
97
Saga ken s h i , I I , 187, and Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 21.
98
I b i d . , p. 21.

99
I b i d . , p. 22 .

100

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 85 (#M08)'and p. 123

(# 195).

101
I b i d . , p. 85 (# 108) .
102
I b i d . , p. 123 (# 195).
109

103
Saga ken shi-, I I , 187.
;

104

Tannen Osho was the e l e v e n t h head p r i e s t o f the Nabe-

shima f a m i l y temple, K o d e n j i . See a more complete biography

of Tannen i n K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 36-37; K u r i h a r a ,

Hagakure no s h i n z u i , pp. 73-74; Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; and

Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 450.

105
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 107 (# 166).
106 _ J* -

Located i n H o n j o m a c h i ^ ^ l ^ y , Saga C i t y ^ , Kodenji

has been t h e f a m i l y temple ( b o d a i j i ^ t ^ ^ C ) o f the Nabeshima

House s i n c e the seventeenth century. I t was founded i n 1552

and i n 1655 was extended c o n s i d e r a b l y by Nabeshima Katsushige.

See Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; Saga gun s h i ^ ^ J t ^ j J i G f e d


« Shiritsu

Saga Gun Kyoiku K a i J$A"ft tfc^l&^ffity^ (Tokyo : Meicho Shuppan

]k% ^ty^> 1973), pp. 430-31; and H o r i Yoshizo ^ , ed.,

Dai Nihon j i i n soran T v ^ / f c ' ^ j ^ ^ ^ f t (Tokyo: Meicho Kahko K a i


?*%y)tf\^' 1 9 1 6 )
' *
PP
- '
2648 49

S p e c i f i c a l l y Sonryo Osho-^ 5-^°)^) ' w n o n a d


been chief

monk a t the s m a l l temple c a l l e d Enzoin See Naramoto,

Hagakure, p. 22. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the d e t a i l s o f the o r i g i n a l

disagreement are obscure, but Tsunetomo t e l l s h i s v e r s i o n i n

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 468-70 (# 653).

108
Saga ken s h i , I I , 187.

109

These Four Vows w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n more depth a t

a l a t e r p o i n t i n t h i s paper.
110

110
These passages w i l l be presented l a t e r i n t h i s paper.

Ill
See G r i f f i t h , p. 115.

112

More i n f o r m a t i o n on I s h i d a I t t e i may be found i n

Saga gun s h i , pp. 469-71; Dai Nihon jlmmel j i s h o T\)b%*kjb. £ f " ^ '
ed. Dai Nihon Jimmei J i s h o Kanko K a i j\0 Jfc J\fa. (Tokyo :

N a i g a i S h o s e k i , 1937), p. 195; Saga ken s h i , I I , 187; Naramoto,

Hagakure, p. 23; K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 34-36; and

K u r i h a r a , Hagakure no s h i n z u i , pp. 64-66.

113
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 108 (# 168).
114
I b i d . , p. 83 (# 103). See a l s o i b i d . , p. 100 (# 144).

115

I b i d . , p. 47 (# 47). For the o r i g i n a l statement see

i b i d . , p. 1023.

116

P a r t i a l t r a n s l a t i o n s o f the works o f these men may

be found i n Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 385-

401, 378-83, and 413-24 r e s p e c t i v e l y .

117
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 99 (# 140).
118
I b i d . , p. 89 (# 117).
119

See Saga ken s h i , I I , 187, and Naramoto, Hagakure,

p. 24.

120

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 5-6 (# 1 ) . Further ref-

erences are found i n o t h e r p l a c e s i n the t e x t . See ibid.,

p. 18 (# 5 ) , p. 31 (# 20), p. 36 (# 31), and p. 95 (# 109).


Ill

These vows are t r a n s l a t e d i n Iwado, p. 37 as:

1. We w i l l be second to none i n performance o f

our duty:

2. We w i l l make o u r s e l v e s u s e f u l to our l o r d :

3. We w i l l be d u t i f u l t o our p a r e n t s :

4. We w i l l a t t a i n greatness i n c h a r i t y .

A more r e c e n t t r a n s l a t i o n i s as f o l l o w s :

1. Never l a g behind i n t h e i p r a c t i s e o f Bushido.

2. Always be l o y a l and devoted i n the s e r v i c e to

your l o r d .

3. Do your duty to your p a r e n t s .

4. S t i r up your compassion f o r a l l s e n t i e n t beings

i n o r d e r to devote y o u r s e l f to the s e r v i c e o f

others.

See Tanaka Minoru, Bushido, Way o f the Samurai (Albuquerque,

New Mexico: Sun Books, 19 75), p. 21.

121

See K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 1034-35., and Saga

ken s h i , I I , 188. T h i s book has a l s o been known as Bushido

yokansho r f ] % y , o r simply as Yokansho. I t provides

p r o o f t h a t the word bushido was i n use even i n the seventeenth

century. A complete e d i t i o n o f t h i s t e x t may be found i n

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 1033-57.

122
I b i d . , p. 474 (# 654).
12 3
Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24.

124
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 26 (# 13).
112

125
This book, one o f many o f the same t i t l e , had been

passed down i n the S a n j o n i s h i family of Kyoto. See

Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24. Tsunetomo's request f o r the Kyoto

appointment may be found i n K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 84

(# 107).

126
Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 24.

127
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure , p. 93 (# 129) .

128
I b i d . , p. 24 (# 13). See a l s o i b i d . , p. 87 (# 113).

129
I b i d . , p. 23 (# 10).

130
I b i d . , p. 24 (# 13), and p. 123 (# 195).

131
I b i d . , p. 41 (# 38).

132

S t r i c t l y speaking, the term shukke ^applies t o the

practise o f c u t t i n g o f f t i e s with the common world and assum-

i n g a l i f e o f t r a i n i n g i n Buddhism. Technically t h i s meant

t h a t a man s h o u l d leave h i s w i f e behind. However, the e x i s t -

ence o f a s p e c i a l tax, shukke s a i t a i yaku ^ ^ " ^ ^ f ^ / levied

a g a i n s t c e r t a i n married monks i n the s i x t e e n t h century, shows

that the p r a c t i s e o f t a k i n g one's w i f e was not unknown. See

Nihon kokugo d a i j i t e n # ^ )|]^r j\ , ed. Nihon D a i j i t e n

Kanko K a i ^£f$ N (Tokyo: Shogakkan J o f ^ , 1974),

X, 371. Furthermore, i t i s not completely c l e a r whether Tsune-

tomo a c t u a l l y took the tonsure or whether he merely assumed

the r o l e o f a l a y monk. The l a t t e r case seems more p r o b a b l e .


113

133
A d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h i s area, as i t i s today, i s given

i n Naramoto Tatsuya, Nihoh r e k i s h i no s u i g e n c h i ^h]^.%S) J^j^&l

(Tokyo: Bungei Shunj u , 1972), pp. 9-29.

134
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 108
:
(# 168) .

135
I b i d . , p. 122 (# 195) .

136
I b i d . , p. 41 (# 38).

137

I b i d . , p. 1. O r i g i n a l l y a haiku ^ ^ w a s the f i r s t

p o r t i o n of l i n k e d v e r s e , renga ^ j f f i , but l a t e r , through pop-

u l a r i z a t i o n by the poet Basho Matsuo 4-1694), i t

came to stand as a type o f poetry by i t s e l f . I t consists of

a t o t a l o f seventeen s y l l a b l e s which are c l e a r l y d i v i d e d into

three s e c t i o n s o f f i v e , seven, and f i v e s y l l a b l e s each. A

word which s i g n i f i e s the season o f the year i s r e q u i r e d .

138

F o r b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n see K u r i h a r a , Kochu ha-

gakure , pp. 33-34; K u r i h a r a , Hagakure no s h i n z u i , pp. 72-73;

and Kamiko Tadashi ^$?T ' ed. , Hagakure (Tokyo: Tokuma

Shoten, 1973), p. 23.

139

See K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 1059-1108 f o r trans-

c r i p t s o f Gukenshu, Sembetsu, Tsunetomo k a k i o k i , and Juryoan

Chuza no n i k k i . See a l s o Saga ken s h i , I I , p. 180.

140

See K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 1009-31; Kamiko Tadashi,

Busho goroku, ^ $ f jfcl&fc (Tokyo: Hyakusen Shobo 13 fk > 1969) ,

pp. 121-26; and Yoshida, Buke ho kakun, pp. 261-72.


114

141

Naramoto/ Hagakure, p. 29. T h i s compares w i t h amounts

of from three to s i x thousand koku which were p a i d to the karo

r "house e l d e r s , " o f about the same p e r i o d . See Saga ken

shi, I I , 110. T o s h i y o r i ^^if , " C o u n c i l l o r s , " such as Sagara

K y u b a ^ %J[i ,^(1618-1696) , r e c e i v e d one thousand two hundred

koku. See Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 449. In 1767 a c e r t a i n karo,

Nabeshima K o j i r o / ^ i r e c e i v e d 6,262 koku, which he

d i v i d e d among 237 r e t a i n e r s . T h e i r allowances ranged from one

koku f o r t h e lowest f o o t s o l d i e r t o f i f t y four koku f o r the

senior advisor. See Kimura Motoi ^s^^j" /^jlL ' K a k


Y u
bushi ron
^&3jKl-%fifj (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo , 1967) , pp. 165-66.
142
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 123 (# 195).

See Wa t s u j i Tetsuro and Furukawa T e s s h i , ed.,

Hagakure (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965), I , 16; and K u r i h a r a ,

Kochu hagakure, p. 3.

144
Furukawa, K i n s e i Nihon s h i s 5 no kenkyu, pp. 255-57.

145
Saga ken s h i , I I , 190-91.

146

I b i d . , I I , 191. This may be the same p r e f a c e which

was w r i t t e n i n 1852. See Samura H a c h i r o

Kokusho k a i d a i Hflj^ f% IS>( Tokyo : Rokugokan A j ^ t f f 1926), p. 1625,

147

These shahon are mentioned i n Saga ken s h i , I I , 181;

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 19-24; W a t s u j i and Furukawa,

Hagakure, I, 12; Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 51; Kamiko, Hagakure,

p. 8;'..and Sagara, Koyo gunkan: go r i n sho: hagakure shu, p, 206.


115

148
The reasons f o r t h i s s e l e c t i o n may be found i n K u r i h a r a ,

Kochu hagakure, pp. 19-24. For another d i s c u s s i o n o f the shahon

see W a t s u j i and Furukawa, Hagakure, pp. 12-14.

149

Naramoto, Nihon r e k i s h i no s u i g e n c h i , pp. 19-21; and

Saga keh s h i , I I , 180-81.

150

The f o l l o w i n g books a l l use K u r i h a r a s Kochu hagakure


1

as t h e i r s o u r c e : Kamiko, Hagakure; Naramoto, Hagakure; Mishima

Yukio ^jf] Hagakure nyumon l^ft^^y (Tokyo : Kobunsha

iC* JL^tf 1967); and Shiroshima Seisho "$J$^ Hagakure

(Tokyo: Jimbutsu O r a i s h a , 196 8).

151

For example, the r e c e i p t o f i n s t r u c t i o n s by Minamoto

Yoshitsune jf^feh (1159-1189) from T e n g u ^ ^ w a s only f o r the

purpose o f e s t a b l i s h i n g a d i f f e r e n t s t y l e of m i l i t a r y tactics.

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 84 (# 106). The s t o r y regarding

Yoshitsune and the Tengu i s recounted i n E n g l i s h . See Helen

C r a i g McCullough, Y o s h i t s u n e : A F i f t e e n t h Century Japanese

Chronicle (Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo P r e s s , 1966), pp. 37-38.

152
Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n Peoples, p. 409.
153
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 34 (# 27).
154
I b i d . , p. 92 (# 125) .
155
I b i d . , p. 31 (# 20).
156 '
I b i d . , pp. 105-06 (# 161).

157
De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 271.
116

158
I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d t h a t three o f the Four Vows con-

t a i n the i d e a o f unselfishness.

159 _
Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, pp. 121-22 (# 193).

160
I b i d . , p. 75 (# 88).

161

P r e v i o u s l y , m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e i n the han had been from

the age of t h i r t e e n to s i x t y , and the o l d e r men had lied about

t h e i r age to stay i n longer. See Sagara, Koyo gunkan: gorinsho:

hagakure shu, p. 320.

162

Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 25 (# 12). Yamasaki

Kurando, mentioned a number of times i n the t e x t , served as a

s e n i o r r e t a i n e r under Nabeshima M i t s u s h i g e . Except f o r informa-

tion provided i n Hagakure, l i t t l e i s known about t h i s man.

163
I b i d . , p. 25 (# 12).
164

I b i d . , pp. 45-46 (# 45). The Way r e f e r r e d to i n t h i s

passage i s the way of bushido.

165

These laws were r e i s s u e d p e r i o d i c a l l y d u r i n g the Edo

period. T r a n s c r i p t s o f the e d i t i o n s of v a r i o u s years may be

found i n I s h i i S h i r o ^ , K i n s e i buke s h i s o i ^ - t ^ f ^ ^ Kr^V

Nihon s h i s o t a i k e i , V o l . 2 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,

1974), pp. 454-75. A d i s c u s s i o n may be found i n T s u j i , Edo

k a i f u , pp. 313-16. E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s o f the Buke shohatto

may be found i n Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I,

326-29; and Sansom, A H i s t o r y of Japan, I I I , 7-8.


117

166 _ . .

For example through the system o f sankin k o t a i which

has already been defined.

167 _ _
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 85-86 (# 110) mentions
the metsuke system of i n s p e c t i o n w i t h r e f e r e n c e to i t s opera-

t i o n i n Saga.

168

Each daimyo, as w e l l as the bakufu i t s e l f , retained

a number o f s p i e s c a l l e d n i n j a K ^ ^ J o r shinobimono iX"^ to

f o l l o w the a c t i o n s of neighbours.

169
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 40-41 (# 37).
170
" S e t t l e one's b e l l y , " i s only an approximate transla-

t i o n o f the phrases hara o o c h i ts uke ru t" 3 and hara o

shizumeru ffi.'fc^ffi'ff? <3 • Both phrases mean to gather composure

o r get c o n t r o l of o n e s e l f . The haraijjj^, " b e l l y , " o r , "abdomen,"

i n d i c a t e s , to the Japanese, the seat o f the human s o u l and the

source o f human energy. See K a r l f r i e d Graf von Durckheim,

Hara: The V i t a l Center o f Man (London: George A l l e n and Unwin,

1962) .

171

As i n d e l i n e a t i n g d r i n k i n g h a b i t s . See K u r i h a r a ,

Kochu hagakure, p. 33 (# 24).

172

By s a y i n g not to i m i t a t e the poor example of people

from o t h e r p r o v i n c e s . See i b i d . , p. 105 (# 158).

173

He s a y s , f o r example, t h a t men have become s i m i l a r to

women. See i b i d . , p. 40 (# 37).


118

174
He gives medical p r o o f t h a t the bodies of men have

declined physically. I b i d . , p. 40 (# 37).

175

He calls for a return o f the t r a d i t i o n of b r a v e r y .

I b i d . , p. 72 (# 84).

176
I b i d . , p. 125 (# 197).
177

He t e l l s how the poor p l a n n i n g of a f e s t i v a l caused

heavenly r e t r i b u t i o n . I b i d . , p. 37 (# 34). He a l s o says that

persons w i t h e x c e s s i v e p r i d e w i l l be s t r u c k down. See ibid.,

p. 91 (# 133) .

178

I b i d . , pp. 39-40 (# 36). The phrase t r a n s l a t e d in

t h i s pas&age as, "their aspirations are low," i s iko h i k u i me

no tsuke tokoro n a r i o ? -j {{^ <?) ^ fl] H j . . i t may be more

literally translated as, " t h e i r eyes are f i x e d on a very low

place." The word r i h a t s u iftjffi^, which appears l a t e r i n the

passage, i s a c o n t r a c t i o n of r i k o hatsumei ^T'j t3,ffi^fl)jand has

been rendered i n t o E n g l i s h as "cleverness."

179
I b i d . , p. 78 (# 91) .
180
I b i d . , p. 120 (# 190).
181
I b i d . , pp. 124-25 (# 196).

182
I b i d . , p. 67 (# 68) .

183

I b i d . , p. 91 C# 122). The e x p r e s s i o n , s h i c h i s o k u shian

i o r
undetermined o r i g i n , may be understood to mean

e i t h e r t h a t one s h o u l d take one's time i n r e a c h i n g a decision


119

or t h a t one should not w a i t too long t o make a d e c i s i o n . It

i s obvious i n the p r e s e n t passage t h a t Tsunetomo took i t to

mean the l a t t e r . The t e x t o f R y u z o j i Takanobu's statement may

be found i n Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 123; Yoshida, Buke no kakun,


:

p. 272; and K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 1027.

184
I b i d . , p. 36 (# 30).

185
G r i f f i t h , p. 114.

186
I b i d . , p. 136.

187
I b i d . , p. 41.

188
Suzuki, p. 61.

189
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 4) .

190
I b i d . , p. 18 (# 4% t

191
I b i d . , p. 69 (# 73).

192
I b i d . , p. 71 (# 81).

193
I b i d . , pp. 91-92 (# 123).

194
I b i d . , pp. 124-25 (# 196).

195
I b i d . , pp. 75-76 (# 89).

196
I b i d . , p. 125 (# 196).

197
See Tsukamoto, ed., Ekken jukun, I , 67. These ideas

are summarized i n R.P. Dore, E d u c a t i o n i n Tokugawa Japan

(Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s ,


120

1969) , p.. 35.

198

Waka i s the g e n e r i c term used to d e s i g n a t e Japanese

forms o f p o e t r y as opposed to Chinese. I n c l u d e d among waka,

t h e r e f o r e , are choka ^Jeffij long poems w i t h a r e p e t i t i o n o f

5-7 s y l l a b l e s and u s u a l l y ending w i t h 7 - 7; tank a

s h o r t poems c o n s i s t i n g o f 5 - 7 - 5 - 7 - 7 s y l l a b l e s ; sedoka

poetry i n which the f i r s t h a l f and the l a s t h a l f con-

t a i n the same number o f s y l l a b l e s such as 5 - 7 - 5 — 5 - 7

- 5; and k a t a u t a tf^fi^ poetry o f 5 - 7 - 7 or 5 - 7 - 5 syl-

l a b l e s and used mainly i n the form o f a q u e s t i o n d u r i n g the

Nara p e r i o d . See K o j i e n , p. 2368.

199

N i t o b e , pp. 17-18. Takeda Shingen, a l s o , s a i d that

those r e t a i n e r s who were only s l i g h t l y i n t e l l i g e n t were n o t

useful. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 29.

200
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 125 (# 198).
201
I b i d . , p. 99 (# 140) .
202
l b i d . , p. 125 (# 196) .

203
I b i d . , p. 40 (# 36) .

204
I b i d . , p. 201 (# 200).

205

A temple i n Saga C i t y , b u i l t i n 1588 by Nabeshima

Naoshige t o honour the memory o f R y u z o j i Takenobu. See i b i d . ,

p. 48.

206
Almost n o t h i n g i s known about t h i s monk o t h e r than
121

what i s found i n t h i s passage. I b i d . , p. 48.

207
I b i d . , p. 47 (# 48).

208
I b i d . , p. 87 (# 112).

209
I b i d . , p. 113 (# 180).

210

I b i d . , p. 102 (#149). The words o f Confucius were,

"At f i f t e e n , I s e t my h e a r t on l e a r n i n g . At t h i r t y , I was

firmly established. At f o r t y , I had no more doubts. At fifty,

I knew the w i l l of Heaven. At s i x t y , I was ready to l i s t e n

to i t . At seventy, I could f o l l o w my h e a r t ' s d e s i r e w i t h o u t

transgressing what was right." This English translation i s

found i n De Bary, Sources of Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I, 22. See

a l s o Kimura E i i c h i ^ v . ^ " a n d Suzuki K i i c h i / ^ ^ ^ ^ - , ed. ,

Rongo Chugoku kotan bungaku t a i k e i ^ I f c H f - ^ i Vol.

3 (Tokyo: Heibonsha ^ f f * l ^ i l , 1970), p. 9. A slight variation

of t h i s theme, and one which more c l o s e l y f i t s Tsunetomo's

statement, may be found i n Takeuchi Teruo TH. $L>^\, Raiki ^[.jf u

Chugoku koten bungaku t a i k e i , V o l . 3 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19 70),

p. 435. Takeda Shingen a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e d t h i s concept i n t o h i s

writings. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 32.

211
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 109-110 (# 171).
212
See Dore, pp. 16-17.

213

See I s h i i , pp. 454-62; Dore, p. 151; H e r b e r t P a s s i n ,

Society 1
and E d u c a t i o n i n Japan (New York: Teacher's C o l l e g e ,

Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1965) , p. 13; and Donn F. Draeger,


122

C l a s s i c a l Budo.; The M a r t i a l A r t s and Ways o f Japan, V o l . I I

(New York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l , 1973), pp. 20-21.

214 _ . .
Tsukamoto, ed., Ekkeh jukun, I , 8-12.

215 _ .
Draeger, C l a s s i c a l Budo/ pp. 33-36.

216
I b i d . , pp. 24-30, and 41-65.

217
His d i s c o u r s e e n t i t l e d Shindo has been p r e v i o u s l y noted.

218

Although a dojo may be a s c h o o l o r a p l a c e where Bud-

d h i s t s e r v i c e s are h e l d , i n t h i s context i t r e f e r s to a p l a c e

where m a r t i a l a r t s are taught and p r a c t i s e d . A f u r t h e r mean-

i n g designates a p l a c e where a group o f people t r a i n and l i v e

f o r the achievement o f a common o b j e c t i v e such as s e l f dis-

cipline. See K o j i e n , p. 1570.

219

For d i s c u s s i o n s o f the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between budo,

Zen, and chado " t e a ceremony," see F u j i , pp. 317-516;

and Suzuki, pp. 269-314. D o g e n ^ ^(1200-1253) , a Zen monk,

had e a r l i e r advocated Zen enlightenment through d i s c i p l i n e o f

the body. See Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E as t e r n Peoples,

pp. 366-67.

220

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 83). Yari designates

a form o f m a r t i a l a r t which uses the spear as a weapon. It

came i n t o p o p u l a r i t y from the end of the Kamakura p e r i o d . See

K o j i e n , p. 2154; Donn F. Draeger, C l a s s i c a l Bujutsu,- The M a r t i a l

A r t s and Ways of Japan, V o l . I (New York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l ,

1973), pp. 71-72; and Imamura Yoshio/^ft , ed. , Nihon budo


zenshu iz] - ^ A i ^ E ^ (Tokyo: Jimbutsu O r a i s h a , 1967) , V I I , 193-

25 2, and VI, 11-372. Yunti i s the m a r t i a l a r t o f a r c h e r y . See

Kojienp. 2178; Draeger, C l a s s i c a l B u j u t s u , pp. 81-83; and

Inamura, I I I , 13-27, and 43-458. An empty handed form of com-

bat, j u j u t s u i s an o l d e r form o f judo. I t uses the opponent's

s t r e n g t h and motion to overcome him. See Draeger, Classical

Budo, pp. 106-22. During the Edo p e r i o d a l l o f these forms

l o s t much o f t h e i r combat e f f e c t i v e n e s s and became i n s t e a d

methods of achieving a h i g h l e v e l o f mental d i s c i p l i n e . Renga

designates a form of Japanese p o e t r y i n which poems are l i n k e d

together. One person reads the f i r s t stanza and a second caps

t h i s w i t h a stanza o f h i s own. I t i s p o s s i b l e f o r such p o e t r y

to become very l o n g . See K o j i e n , p. 2261.

221
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 90 (# 120).
222
I b i d . , p. 106 (# 163).

223
I b i d . , p. 89 (# 117).

224
I b i d . , p. 59 (# 60).

225

Dore says, "The samurai's v o c a t i o n was government and .

good government was l a r g e l y a matter o f c o r r e c t moral d i s p o s i -

t i o n s on the p a r t o f the governors. Hence moral t r a i n i n g was

the fundamental element o f the samurai's v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n

See Dore, pp. 41-42.


226

Yamaga Soko b e l i e v e d t h a t a major o b l i g a t i o n o f the

samurai was the proper p r e p a r a t i o n to serve as good examples

o f conduct f o r the lower c l a s s e s . See "Shido" i n Yamaga Soko


124

bunshu, pp. 45-48. For a v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n o f how at l e a s t one

b u s h i t r a i n e d , see the account o f Kumazawa Banzan. The English

t r a n s l a t i o n i s found i n Galen F i s h e r , "Kumazawa Banzan, His

L i f e and I d e a l s , " Trans a c t i o n s o f the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f Japan,


:

second s e r i e s , XVI (1938), 230-31. T h i s passage has been r e -

produced i n Tsunoda, Sources Of Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 378-79.


1

227

P a r t o f t h i s t e x t has a p p a r e n t l y been o m i t t e d i n K u r i -

hara, Kochu hagakure, p. 46 (# 46). The phrase i s complete,

however, i n two o t h e r t e x t s . See W a t s u j i and Furukawa, Hagakure,

I, 41; and Sagara, Koyo gunkan: g o r i n s h o ; hagakure shu, p. 295.

For a comprehensive account o f the Yagyu s c h o o l of swordsman-

s h i p see Murayama Tomoyoshi ^ X\ , Muto no den: Yagyu s h i n -

kage r y u gokui fa 73 t) ^^^^^ikJ^%^°^°'- s h i n


Nihon

Shuppansha 2). E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s o f many

o f Yagyu's i d e a s may be found i n S u z u k i , pp. 95-113, and 147-68.

228
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 46 (# 46).
229
I b i d . , pp. 107-08 (# 167) .

230
I b i d . , p. 75 (# 87).

231

I b i d . , p. 104 (# 156). This s a y i n g was originally

used i n the f o r t y f i r s t chapter o f the Chinese c l a s s i c , Lao

Tzu See Morohashi T e t s u j i Dai kanwa j i t e n

fis'&fri^ ^ (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten T\A$?A*% ^ [ , 1955), I I I ,

384.
232
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 144).
125

233
Suzuki, pp. 62-63.

234

The term: s h i t s u k e designates both i n s t r u c t i o n i n the

accepted decorum and the manners possessed by a person. Kojien,

p. 989. One of the-most famous d i s c o u r s e s on t r a i n i n g was

K a i b a r a Ekken's Shogakukun ;]\ ^ f 1 1


. See Ekken zenshu, I I I , 1-43.

Regarding t r a i n i n g , P a s s i n says, "Samurai c h i l d r e n took t h e i r

f i r s t steps i n education i n t h e i r own homes, a c q u i r i n g not only

some rudimentary, r i t u a l m i l i t a r y s k i l l s but, more i m p o r t a n t l y ,

the elements of a s e l f - i m a g e proper to t h e i r c l a s s and family

status. The u p b r i n g i n g was severe, emphasizing the develop-

ment of c h a r a c t e r t r a i t s considered appropriate to potential

r u l e r ' s proper manners, proper language to s u p e r i o r s and i n -

f e r i o r s , s e l f r e s p e c t , f r u g a l i t y , toughness, and moderation

in food and d r i n k . " P a s s i n , p. 22. The g r e a t N £ master, Zeami

-^tfft^ffi (1363-1443) , wrote a t r e a t i s e on t r a i n i n g f o r No perform-

ance. While the t e c h n i c a l aspects o f h i s t r a i n i n g have no sim-

ilarity to the t r a i n i n g of a b u s h i , the emphasis on improving

mental d i s c i p l i n e i s q u i t e s i m i l a r . See Zeami, Kadensho *

t r a n s . Sakurai C h u i c h i ^ ^ p ^ (Tokyo: Sumiya-Shinobe Shuppan

Kaife>£- 1968), pp. 17-24.

235
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 74 (# 86) .
2 36
I b i d . , p. 93 (# 127) .

237
I b i d . , p. 87 (# 113) .

238

I b i d . , pp. 57-58 (# 59). The phrase udonge ho shiawase

f^^^O fc^^has been t r a n s l a t e d as, "a r a r e b l e s s i n g . " The


126

udonge was a f l o w e r o f I n d i a s a c r e d to Buddhism, and was s a i d

to bloom only once i n three thousand y e a r s . Thus I have r e n -

dered i t s meaning i n t h i s context as " r a r e . " See H o j i e n , p. 203.

239
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 96 (# 135).

240
I b i d . , p. 76 (# 90) .

241
B e l l a h , p. 81.

242
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 4 ) .

243
See, f o r example, i b i d . , p. 119 (# 187).

244

Tsunetomo quotes Tokugawa Ieyasu as s a y i n g , " I f a l l

people thought l i k e c h i l d r e n , they would t h i n k o f me as t h e i r

father." I b i d . , p. 113 (# 179).

245
G r i f f i t h , p. 12 8.
246
De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 25.

247
Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n Peoples, p. 429.

248
Nitobe, p. 86.

249
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 36 (# 32) .

250

The s i t u a t i o n i n China i s d e s c r i b e d i n H e r b e r t Franke,

"Siege and Defence o f Towns i n Medieval China," Chinese Ways

i n Warfare, ed. Frank A. Keirman, J r . and John K. Fairbank

(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974), p. 156.

For the European e x p e r i e n c e see M a c h i a v e l l i , p. 26.


127

251 _ ._

See K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 122-2 3 (# 195).

Tsunetomo c a l l s t h i s c u r t a i l m e n t denial k y u s o k u ^ ^ l b f c f ^ • • T n e

exact meaning i s not c l e a r , however. In Osaka d u r i n g the Edo

p e r i o d , demai was r i c e r e c e i v e d i n exchange for special rice

coupons. See Nihon kokugo d a i j i t e n , XIV, 275. A c c o r d i n g to

K u r i h a r a , d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f demai kyusoku a samurai was given

a temporary leave o f absence from h i s d u t i e s . He continued

to r e c e i v e a s t i p e n d but t h i s was reduced i n s i z e . See K u r i h a r a ,

Kochu hagakure, p. 124. See a l s o Naramoto, Hagakure, p. 454.


252

Charles P e t e r s o n , "Regional Defense A g a i n s t the C e n t r a l

Power, The H u a i - h s i Campaign 815-817," Chinese Ways i n Warfare,

ed. Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.:

Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 19 74), p. 12 9. Peterson a l s o mentions

r e c u r r i n g schemes to p r e v e n t the army from t a k i n g over more

c o n t r o l than the c e n t r a l government wanted t o g i v e it.

253
G r i f f i t h , p. 122.
254

Most n o t a b l y b e i n g ordered to become a r o n i n o r to

commit seppuku. Both o f these punishments w i l l be d i s c u s s e d

at a l a t e r p o i n t . I f demoted to r o n i n s t a t u s o r f o r c e d to

commit seppuku, a good r e t a i n e r was expected to e x h i b i t great

courage, even when g u i l t y of no crime. See K u r i h a r a , Kochu

hagakure, p. 75 (# 88) .

255

Tsunetomo does not see any c o n f l i c t between t h i s ac-

t i o n and h i s statement t h a t those who r e f u s e d an appointment

o r r e s i g n e d from a p o s t because o f something they d i d not l i k e


12 8

were a c t i n g i n treason. See ibid p. 105 (# 158).

256
Ibid pp. 23-24 (# 10) .

257
A discussion o f Yamaga's views on l o y a l t y may be found

i n Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 38 8. A sample

of Motoori's works i n t r a n s l a t i o n are found i n i b i d . , I I , 1-35.

258
II
Tamba Yosaku," i n Chikamatsu joruri shu

ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo (Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko, 1930), I I , 223-62.

An E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n may be found i n Donald Keene, trans.,

Major P l a y s o f Chikamatsu (New York and London: Columbia Uni-

v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961).

259
See Z o l b r o d , p. 65.

260

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 31 (# 20). See also

Bellah, p. 93.

261
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 36 (# 32).
262

I b i d . , p. I l l (# 176). Although there are numerous

idioms o f a s i m i l a r n a t u r e , t h i s phrase i s almost i d e n t i c a l

to one found i n the l a t t e r Han dynasty document, the GOkanjo

f&^Uf • Morohashi, IV, 971.


S e e

263
De Bary, Sources i n Chinese T r a d i t i o n , p. 169.

264
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 61 (# 62).

265
G r i f f i t h , p. 109.

266
I b i d . , p. 110.
129

267
I b i d . , p. 133.

268

I b i d . , p. 134. F o r a very s i m i l a r p o i n t o f view see

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 17-18 (# 3 ) .

269
G r i f f i t h , p. 169.
270

The Kokusho somokuroku l i s t s n i n e t y one commentaries

on the Sun Tzu, a l l of which begin w i t h the word Sonshi. See

Kokusho s o m o k u r o k u T o k y o : Iwanami Shoten, 1970),

V, 349-51. A f o u r t h essay by Yamaga, e n t i t l e d Sonshi Kyokai

If/ftkj^ ' k e f o u n d i n
Tsukamoto, ed. , Yamaga Soko bunshu,

pp. 39-43.

271

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 17-18 (# 3). The f i r s t

sentence o f t h i s passage has been t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h by

four authors. These are as f o l l o w s :

"I have seen i t eye to eye: Bushido, the way o f the

w a r r i o r , means death." Iwado, p. 38.

"I have found the essence o f Bushido: to d i e ! "

Tanaka, p. 22.

"Bushido means the determined w i l l to die." Suzuki,

pp. 72-73.

"The way o f the w a r r i o r i s [ f i n a l l y ] r e v e a l e d i n the

act o f dying." M o r r i s , p. 15.

272
G r i f f i t h , p. 135.
273

Tsunetomo r e i t e r a t e s t h i s statement i n other p l a c e s

also. See K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 49 (# 49), and p. 88


130

(# 115). Muro Kyuso, i n Sundai zatsuwa, says almost the same

thing.

Nothing i s more important to the samurai than duty.


Second i n importance comes l i f e , and then money.
Since both money and l i f e are a l s o o f v a l u e , a man
i s l i k e l y when c o n f r o n t e d by a l i f e - o r - d e a t h s i t u a -
t i o n o r when faced w i t h money matters to d e p r e c i a t e
the p r e c i o u s t h i n g c a l l e d duty. Hence, o n l y i f the
samurai i s c a r e f u l n o t to speak o f greed f o r l i f e
or greed f o r money can he remove h i m s e l f e n t i r e l y
from a v a r i c i o u s d e s i r e s . What I c a l l a v a r i c i o u s
d e s i r e s i s n o t l i m i t e d to l o v e o f money, f o r con-
cern w i t h one's own l i f e i s a l s o a v a r i c e . Is one's
l i f e n o t more p r e c i o u s than money? When faced w i t h
however unpleasant a duty, the way o f the samurai
c o n s i s t s i n r e g a r d i n g h i s own wishes - even l i f e
i t s e l f - as o f l e s s value than r u b b i s h . "

Tsukamoto, ed., Meika z u i h i t s u shu, I , 293. This English

t r a n s l a t i o n was taken from Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese Tradi-

t i o n , I , 428.

274

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 79 (# 93). T h i s a t t i t u d e

was a l s o observed i n Mito and r e p o r t e d i n Clement, p. 153.

See a l s o Furukawa, Nihon r i n r i s h i s o no dento, p. 79.

275
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 120 (# 190).
276
Griffith, p. 114.

277
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 71 (# 80).

278
Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n Peoples, p. 49 4.

279
S u z u k i , p. 197.

280

As w e l l as to encourage, f o r he a l s o says, "In a g r e a t

emergency one must advance w i t h j o y and be i n h i g h spirits."

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 89 (# 116).


131

281
I b i d . , p. 110 .(# 172). See a l s o McCullough, p. 20.

282

K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p.'110 (# 172). He a l s o says

that s e r v i c e can be performed even a f t e r one's head has been

cut o f f . See I b i d . , p. 90 (# 121).

283
De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 246.
284
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 18 (# 3) .

285

N i t o b e , p. 132. Nitobe a l s o says, "Talk as he may,

a samurai who ne'er has d i e d i s apt i n d e c i s i v e moments t o

flee or hide." I b i d . , pp. 131-32.

286
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 105
(# 160).
287 _ ,
The account o f the s u i c i d e o f Sato Tadanobu ^ jffe. flj.

(1161-1186) i s given i n McCullough, pp. 201-06.

288

The term seppuku has been d e f i n e d e a r l i e r . The c l a s -

s i c a l western account of seppuku i s by M i t f o r d . See A.B. Mitford,

T a l e s o f O l d Japan (London: Macmillan and Co., 1883), pp. 329-

63. See a l s o N i t o b e , pp. 117-33. A l e s s s c h o l a r l y but more

r e c e n t work i s Jack Seward, H a r a k i r i : Japanese R i t u a l Suicide

(Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Company, 1968).

289
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 82 (# 101).
290
I b i d . , p. 84 (# 107).

291
I b i d . , p. 86 (# 111).

292
I b i d . , p. 86 (# 111).
132

293
Kazuma was a house e l d e r d u r i n g the time t h a t Nabeshima

Mitsushige was chord. See a s h o r t biography i n i b i d . , p. 29.

294
I b i d . , pp. 97-98 (# 137).

295

Kyuba was the c h i l d h o o d playmate of Mitsushige and

l a t e r became a House e l d e r . See a biography i n i b i d . , p. 21.

For r e f e r e n c e s to h i s s u i c i d e see i b i d . , p. 20 (# 8), pp. 22-

23 (# 9 ) , and pp. 97-98 (# 137).

296
I b i d . , pp. 80-81 (# 98).
297
I b i d . , pp. 28-29 (# 17).

298

M i t f o r d a l s o makes the p o i n t t h a t people who could do

a commendable job as kaishaku were so r a r e t h a t c e r t a i n daimyo

were o f t e n f o r c e d to borrow someone to perform the task when

they were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the f u l f i l l m e n t o f a sentence. See

M i t f o r d , p. 330.

299

Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 64 (# 64). During the Edo

p e r i o d i t was the custom f o r a d u l t men to shave the top front

p a r t o f t h e i r heads. This custom and the h a i r s t y l e i t s e l f

were r e f e r r e d to as sakayaki Js-jf^. See Nihon kokugo d a i jiten,

VIII, 646.

300
Kurihara, Kochu hagakure, p. 85 (# 108).
301
I b i d . , p. 79 (# 92) .
302
See Tsukamoto, ed., Ekken jukun, I, 178.

303
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 142).
304
I b i d . , p. 90 (# 120).

305
I b i d . , p. 76 (# 90).

306
I b i d . , p. 68 (# 72).

307
I b i d . , p. 68 (# 72).

308

The f i v e human r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f Confucianism (between

father and son, r u l e r and subjiect, husband and w i f e , older

and younger b r o t h e r , and between friends) emphasize rules

which are c o n g e n i a l t o f e u d a l society as i t e x i s t e d during

the Edo p e r i o d . See Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese Tradition,

I, 342. The c o n s t i t u t i o n o f Shotoku T a i s h i ^JtzJk J ~ (573-621),

a l s o , had the concept o f harmony as i t s f i r s t a r t i c l e . See

I b i d . , I , 48 f o r an E n g l i s h translation. See a l s o Shotoku T a i -

shi j u s h i c h i j o kempo ^j? j\ "j"*t. iv^ / ed. , Mombusho Shakai

Kyoiku Kyoku^||>^ ^^/5^|j /|j (Tokyo: Shakai Kyoiku Kyokai


/
,
^i.^

Mm%> ' -
i936) p 24

309
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 62 (# 63).
310
I b i d . , p. 92 (# 126).

311
I b i d . , pp. 106-07 (# 164).

312
I b i d . , p. 94 (# 130).

313

Tsunetomo r e l a t e s the s t o r y o f a person i n China who

l i k e d dragons very much. He had p i c t u r e s and images o f dragons

throughout h i s house, and t a l k e d o f dragons c o n t i n u a l l y . One


134

day a r e a l dragon appeared i n h i s garden. This s u r p r i s e d him

so much that he f a i n t e d . I b i d . , p. 72 (# 82). The phrase

Yeh Gong hao l u n g "jj^ 4A ^ - ^ ^ r e f e r s to Yeh Gong, a man who loved

dragons. I t was o r i g i n a l l y used i n the Chuang Tzu ^JT. See

Huang Yen-kai, A D i c t i o n a r y of Chinese I d l o m a t i c Phrases (Hong

Kong: The Eton P r e s s , 1964), p. 1176. The complete s t o r y i s

found i n Ch'iu T ' i n g jsj^ , L i - s h i h ch'eng-yu ku-shih J% ^fc ^ jfe

(Hong Kong: Ch'iao Kuang S h u - c h u , 1968), pp. 106

-07.

314
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 96 (# 135).

315
I b i d . , p. 90 (# 119).

316
I b i d . , pp. 73-74 (# 86).

317
I b i d . , p. I l l (# 175).

318
I b i d . , p. 102 (# 151).

319
I b i d . , p. 71 (# 79).

320

I b i d . , p. 92 (# 124). Naoshige had once s a i d t h a t a

bushi must a s s o c i a t e even w i t h d i s t a s t e f u l persons i n the

course o f duty. See Kamiko, Busho goroku, p. 126.

321
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 19 (# 6 ) .
322
I b i d . , p. 102 (# 148).

323
I b i d . , pp. 19-20 (# 7 ) .

324
I b i d . , pp. 129-30 (# 203).
135

325
I b i d . , p. 99 (# 138) .

326
I b i d . , pp. 45-46. Naoshige s a i d t h a t a s u p e r i o r man

l e a r n s from watching and l i s t e n i n g to o t h e r s , and t h a t even the

most lowly ranked person may have a good i d e a . See Kamiko,

Busho goroku, p. 126.

327
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 122 (# 194).

328
I b i d . , p. 85 (# 109) .

329
I b i d . , p. 103 (# 152) .

330
I b i d . , p. 27 (# 15).

331
I b i d . , p. 103 (# 154).

332
I b i d . , p. 27 (# 15).

333
I b i d . , p. 103 (# 154).

334
I b i d . , p. 92 (# 124).

335
I b i d . , pp. 44-45 (# 44).

336
I b i d . , pp. 44-45 (# 44), and p. 92 (# 124).

337
Ibid. pp. 97-98 (# 137). Tsunetomo h i m s e l f turned

down a post i n Nagasaki so t h a t he c o u l d remain with h i s l o r d .

His request was granted. See i b i d . , p. 84 (# 107).

338
I b i d . , p. 103 (# 153).

339
I b i d . , p. 86 (# 111)
136

340 .

The Manyoshu i s the o l d e s t and perhaps the g r e a t e s t

c o l l e c t i o n s o f Japanese p o e t r y . I n d i c a t i o n s of i t s r e f e r e n c e

to homosexuality i s given i n I c h i k o T e i j i ^7 %. , Chusei

shosetsu no kenkyu *jpt£ ;)fJL<9 ffijffi (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan


N

Kai f t f \ f ^ ^ K ^ , 1962), p. 131,


341 .
See "Chigo m o n o g a t a r i ^ ^ " i f f r " i n I c h i k o , pp. 130-42.
342
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, pp. 113-14 (# 181).

343
I b i d . , p. 114 (# 181) .

344
I b i d . , pp. 116-17 (# 183).

345
I b i d . , p. 115 (# 182).

346

A summary o f the philosophy o f Chu H s i may be found i n

W i n g - t s i t Chan, A Source Book i n Chinese Philosophy (Princeton,

New J e r s e y : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969), pp. 588-93; and

i n Maruyama Masao, S t u d i e s i n the I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y o f

Tokugawa Japan, M i k i s o Hane, t r a n s . (Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo

P r e s s , 1974), pp. 20-24.

347
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 19 (# 6 ) .
348
I b i d . , p. 18 (# 4 ) .

349

See N i t o b e , pp. 25-26; Nihon kokugo d a i j i t e n , VI, 26 8;

and K o j i e n , p. 589.

350
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 68 (# 70).
351
I b i d . , p. 121 (# 192).
352
I b i d . , p. 31 (# 20). The i d e a t h a t a statesman was bound

to r u l e j u s t l y a l s o d e r i v e s from Confucism thought. The views

of Mencius on t h i s s u b j e c t may be found i n De Bary, Sources o f

Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 92-9 3.

353
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 33 (# 25).

354
I b i d . , pp. 112-13 (# 179).

355
I b i d . , pp. 112-13 (# 179).

356

For example, the head monk o f a c e r t a i n temple was

a very able a d m i n i s t r a t o r because he r e a l i z e d t h a t he c o u l d

not do e v e r y t h i n g h i m s e l f and employed deputies effectively.

See i b i d . , p. 39 (# 35).

357
I b i d . , p. 103 (# 153) .
358

This statement s t r o n g l y r e f l e c t s the i n f l u e n c e o f the

a n c i e n t Chinese concept o f the mandate o f heaven. See Chan,

pp. 6-8. One concrete example given i n Hagakure r e l a t e s the

events which o c c u r r e d a t the annual f e s t i v a l o f K i n r y u Shrine

-01 ^ i n 1713. Preparations f o r the f e s t i v i t i e s had n o t

been c a r r i e d o u t p r o p e r l y w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t a d i s t u r b a n c e

broke out over the proper way to beat the drums. A fight

ensued and some people were k i l l e d . I t was s a i d t h a t due to

d i v i n e r e t r i b u t i o n , many o f the e l d e r s who had p a r t i c i p a t e d

i n the p l a n n i n g o f the event f e l l upon bad times, and some

d i e d by a c c i d e n t o r by e x e c u t i o n . See i b i d . , p. 37 (# 34).

359
Although the f o r t y seven r o n i n were ordered t o commit
138

seppuku, t h i s was n o t because of t h e i r a c t of revenge but r a t h e r

i t was because they had broken a bakufu law by d i s t u r b i n g the

peace and b r e a k i n g i n t o a nobleman's house. Before they were

sentenced, there was a g r e a t d e a l o f debate as to whether they

should be pardoned. See Naramoto Tatsuya, Bushido no k e i f u

jk^^Ly (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1971), p. 92.

360
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 54 (# 56).

361 >j.

Soga Sukenari Juro *$.|jfc^'t'tf (1172-1193) and h i s

b r o t h e r , Soga Tokimune Goro ^ fy^ l ^ l ^ & f f (1174-1193) suceeded

i n avenging t h e i r f a t h e r ' s death by k i l l i n g Kudo Suketsune

only a f t e r a p e r i o d of eighteen y e a r s . See Soga

monogatari ^ ifc , ed. Sshima T a t e h i k o %Jfa*S$L.ff and I c h i k o

Teiji (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966).


362
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 54 (# 56).

363
N i t o b e , p. 23.

364
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 118 (# 184).

365
See Maruyama, pp. 35-36.

366
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 66 (# 67).

367
I b i d . , p. 83 (# 104).

368
I b i d . , p. 51 (# 51).

369
I b i d . , p. 120 (# 190).

370
E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s of the views o f Confucius r e g a r d -
i n g j e n are found i n De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I ,

26-2 7. See a l s o Chan, pp. 16-17. Comments on the a t t i t u d e o f

Mencius toward j e n are g i v e n i n Chan, p. 50, and pp. 788-89;

and i n De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 86-92. Chu

H s i ' s i d e a s are r e c o r d e d i n i b i d . , I , 501-02; and Chan, pp.

593-97.

371
Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n Peoples, pp.

381-83.

372
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 112 (# 179) .

373
I b i d . , p. 119 (# 187) .

374
I b i d . , p. 95 (# 132).

375
I b i d . , p. 95 (# 132).

376
I b i d . , p. 80 (# 97).

377
I b i d . , p. 69 (# 74).

378
I b i d . , pp. 31-32 (# 21).

379
I b i d . , pp. 97-98 (# 137).

380
I b i d . , p. 51 (# 52).

381
I b i d . , p. 112 (# 179).

3 82
I b i d . , p. 121 (# 192). See a l s o i b i d . , p. 112 (# 179).

383
I b i d . , p. 80 (# 95).

384
John K. F a i r b a n k , " I n t r o d u c t i o n : V a r i e t i e s of the
140

Chinese M i l i t a r y Experience," i n Chinese Ways i n Warfare, ed.

Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass:

Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974), p. 25.

385

"Courage was s c a r c e l y deemed worthy to be counted among

v i r t u e s , unless i t was e x e r c i s e d i n the cause o f Righteousness."

Nitobe, p. 29.

386 K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 72 (# 84)

387
Nakamura, Ways o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n Peoples, p. 492.

388
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 100 (# 142).

389
Ibid. p. 72 (# 84) .

390
Ibid. p. 31 (# 20).

391
Ibid. pp. 89-90 (# 118).

392
Ibid. p. 36 (# 31).

393
Ibid. p. 99 (#139).

394
Ibid. p. 106 (# 162).

395
Ibid. p. 79 (# 93).

396
Ibid. p. 93 (# 12 8). A search has f a i l e d to unearth

any document i n which t h i s i s s t a t e d by Katsushige. As Tsune-

tomo s t a t e s t h a t i t was a f a v o u r i t e e x p r e s s i o n o f Katsushige,

i t may have been t r a n s m i t t e d o r a l l y .

397
I b i d . , p. 79 (# 93). T h i s a t t i t u d e i s very s i m i l a r to
141

that r e f l e c t e d by Saigo Takamori Y$)jtj£$ (1827-1877), o f

the nearby S a t s u m a ^ iff' han, when i n 1862 he was e x i l e d t o a

s m a l l i s l a n d near Okinawa. Told t h a t he need n o t remain i n the

small cage which had been b u i l t f o r him once the s h i p had l e f t

port, he answered, "Thank you, b u t whatever happens I must

obey the l o r d [of Satsuma], I am a c o n v i c t and must be where

a convict should be...." M o r r i s , p. 362 q u o t i n g the t r a n s l a t i o n

of Sakamoto M o r i a k i , The Great Saigo: The L i f e o f Takamori

Saigo (Tokyo: 1942).

398
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 79 (# 94).

399
I b i d . , pp. 18-19 (# 5 ) .

400

De Bary, Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n , I , 20. See

a l s o i b i d . , I , 16-17, and 27.

401

See Morikawa, pp. 82-83; N i t o b e , pp. 102-04; and K u r i -

hara, Kochu hagakure, p. 56 (# 57).

402
I b i d . , p. 90 (# 119) .
403
I b i d . , p. 126 (# 199) .
404
I b i d . , p. 81 (# 99).

405

A Japanese e d i t i o n o f t h i s book i s e d i t e d by Takeuchi.

I t has been noted e a r l i e r . An E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n has been

made by James Legge, L l C h i B o o k o f Ri tes


:
(18 85; r p t . New

York: New Hyde Park, 1967).

406
A r t i c l e Four o f t h i s document i n c i t e s o f f i c i a l s t o
142

behave w i t h decorum. An E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n may be found i n

Tsunoda, Sources of Japanese- T r a d i t i o n , I , 48. See also

Shotoku T a i s h i j u s h i c h i j o kempo, pp. 25-26.

407
K u r i h a r a , Kochu hagakure, p. 30 (# 19).

408
I b i d . , p. 42 (# 39).

409
I b i d . , p. 78 (# 91).

410
I b i d . , p. 32 (# 21), and p. 34 (# 26).

411
I b i d . , p. 90 (# 120).

412
I b i d . , p. 118 (# 185).

413
I b i d . , p. 34 (# 27).

414
I b i d . , pp. 70-71 (# 78).

415
I b i d . , p. 100 (# 145).

416
I b i d . , p. 42 (# 38).

417
I b i d . , p. 42 (# 38).

418
I b i d . , p. 67 (# 69).

419
I b i d . , p. 33 (# 24).

420
I b i d . , p. 30 (# 19).

421
I b i d . , p. 110 (# 173).

422
I b i d . , p. 70 (# 76).

423
I b i d . , p. 110 (# 173).
143

424
I b i d . , p. 57 (# 58) .

425
I b i d . , p. I l l (# 174) .

426
I b i d . , pp. 29-30 (# 18) .

427 . . .
Saga ken s h i , I I , 191.
; :

428
See Tsunoda, Sources o f Japanese T r a d i t i o n , I , 369-83;

Maruyaraa, pp. 31-32; and M o r r i s , pp. 181-83.

429
H a l l , p. 268.

430
M o r r i s , p. 235.

431
I b i d . , pp. 243-47.

432

433
See Sagara Toru, N i h o n j i n no d e n t o t e k i r i n r i kan $

^fcKtL^j <f) ^ ^ j ^ (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1972), p. 102

435
F u j i , p. 246-47.

436

o f T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n P e o p l e s , p. 467.

437
F u j i , p. 221.
144

438
Some o f the books p u b l i s h e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were:

Ogasawara A k i r a J\ fifc B)?J , "Hagakure" h i miru j i n s e i no kangae-


s

k a t a ^frs<4lj (Tokyo: S h i n s e i Shuppansha ^ ^

!t\%ftJt'i-' 1 9 3 4
) Nakamura Y u i c h i /^}>-—, Nabeshima rohgo

hagakure zehshu Jj j ^ 1 ^ ^ ^ y f c - | r (Tokyo: 1 9 3 6 ) ; Oki Yodo

fUj^t' H a
g a k u r e
zensho - ^ ^ ^ " ( T o k y o : Kyozaisha /$^$t^>
1936) ; O k i Yodo/ Hagakure kowa: Nabeshima rongo '^^^^•^ >

^ ^ ( T o k y o : Mikasa Shobo Z.$l%fj$, 1938); Hamano S u j i r o

f >ti}> H a
g a k u r e
^ i s h i n t o kyoiku % fa \
(Tokyo: D a i i c h i Shuppan Kyokai £\^j#r>^ , 1939); Nakamura

Tsuneichiro ^^tf> / Hagakure bushido s e i g i ^ f^J.^

(Tokyo: Takunansha ^ 1 9 4 2 ) ; O k i Shunkuro 7\^Fv $ W £|\

Hagakure no s e i s u i °) (Fukuoka: Junshindo f f f| ^ ,

1942) ; Yamagami Sogen ^ £ If ' Hagakure bushi no s e i s h i n

^FJ^r^V^ ^$j#f (Tokyo: Sanyusha 1942); and Oki Yodo,

Chushaku hagakure Z^^fJjfffyj.Tokyo: Kyozaisha, 1943).

439
Yamagami, p. 6 .
440
I b i d . , p. 8.

441
M o r r i s , p. 3 1 5 .

442
See, f o r example, F u j i , p. 2 4 6 ; and M o r r i s , pp. 315-16

443
Morris, p. 285.

444

An e x c e l l e n t account o f these s u i c i d e squadrons may

be found i n M o r r i s , pp. 2 7 6 - 3 3 4 .

445
M o r r i s , p. 320. The o r i g i n a l t e x t o f these words may
145

found on pages 57 and 58 o f t h i s paper.

446 _ _

Furukawa T e s s h i , K i n s e i Nihon s h i s o ho kenkyu j^_iJhi

)|^ft-fd^£(Tokyo: Koyama Shoten >V)l^^ , 1 9 4 8 ) , p. 2 5 5 .

447
By October, 1 9 7 5 , Hagakure riyumon had been reprinted

62 times.

448 Some o f these are " E i r e i no koe " ^ ^ . 0 ^ ," i n M i s h iima


i

Yukio zenshu ^ $$.Zj.f-\ ' V o 1


- 1 7
(Tokyo: Shinchosha

H> 1 9 7 3 ) , pp. 5 1 1 - 6 5 ; "'Hagakure' to watashi ^ j^-j f


"

i n Mishima Yukio bungakuron shu ^ j^j $1fotj'fcX . ^ i f ^ ' ^ (Tokyo:

Kodansha, 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 4 3 5 - 3 9 ; Ken/^)(Tokyo: Kodansha, 1 9 7 1 ) ; and

"Yukoku^l^J ," i n Mishima Yukio zenshu, V o l . 1 3 , pp. 2 2 1 - 2 4 1 .

This last s t o r y has been t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h . See G e o f f r e y

W. Sargent, " P a t r i o t i s m , " i n Death i n Midsummer and Other

Stories (New York: New D i r e c t i o n s , 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 93-118.

449

In " E i r e i no koe" the ghosts o f the kamikaze f i g h t e r s

t e l l o f t h e i r f a v o u r i t e passages from Hagakure. See Mishima,

" E i r e i no koe," pp. 551-52.

450
Mishima "'Hagakure' to w a t a s h i , " p. 4 36.
451
I b i d . , p. 4 3 9 .
452
by Iwado i n 1939 and Tanaka i n 1 9 7 5 .
146

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

E d i t i o n s and Commentaries on Hagakure


;

1. In Japanese

Kamiko Tadashi ^ }" f/vj. Hagakure ^/^j- Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten

ffeffi-r£l973.

K u r i h a r a Koya (Arano) ^^f" • Hagakure no s h i n z u i : bunrui

chushaku ^ fffe <0%f$^'^$^f£,$J^ • Saga: Hagakure S e i s h i n

Fukyu K a i $^^f4A^ 1935.

. Kochu hagakure ^ ) ^ - Tokyo: N a i g a i Shobo $ ^Hf*J- ,

1940.

Mishima Yukio ^$Z^f\ . Hagakure nyumon^^$>j\f^. Tokyo:

Kobunsha %j X7rK 196 7.

Morikawa Tetsuro ^.^\ $t^>. Hagakure nyumon ' ^ T ^ X l ^ Tokyo:

Nihon Bungeisha 0 Jf. , 1975.

Nakamura T s u n e i c h i r o Hagakure bushido seigi

^ l ^ ^ i O f ^ - Tokyo: Takunanshaf^ l ^ ^ i , 1 9 4 2 .

Naramoto T a t s u y a ^ $,2J>> . H a g a k u r e . Nihon no meicho

°) fo% t V o l . 1 7 . Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha f

1967.

Oki Yodo X ^ j ^ ^ - 1
Hagakure jj^j^;• 2 vols. Tokyo: Kyozaisha
147

Sagara T o r u ^ ^ . Koyo gunkan: go g i n sho: hagakure shu

f PI % ' 2- # j l P % f&Jk T o k Y
° : c h i k u i n a S h o b
° % ,
1969.

Shiroshima Seisho jHl/^ . Hagakure -J^T^. Tokyo: Jimbutsu

Oraisha A^fl&ft* 1 9 6 8

Watsuji Tetsuro ^^and Furiikawa T e t s u j i % "| ^ . Hagakure

^jfffe-
3
vols. Tokyo: Iwanami S h o t e n ^ jfe, , 1965 .

Yamagami Sogen ht-^tffi • Hagakure b u s h i no s e i s h i n •jj^'p&y •j^-jc <


9
. Tokyo: Sanyusha Z${frt- , 1942.

2. In E n g l i s h

Iwado, Tamotsu "'Haaakure B u s h i d o 1


o r the Book o f

the W a r r i o r . " C u l t u r a l Nippon, V I I (1939), 3, 33-55,

4, 57-78.

Tanaka, Minoru. Bushido: Way of the Samurai. Albuquerque, New

Mexico: Sun Books, 1975.

Secondary Works

1. I n Japanese

Chikamatsu Monzaemon "Goban t a i h e i k i

Chikamatsu j o r u r i s h u j f e j j f c » Ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo

Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko ^ ^ $ ^ / | . , 1930. II,

85-109.
148

D a i d o j i Yuzan . Budo shoshin' shu •f\jjLj 7)Kl^ i


. . Ed.

Y o s h i d a Yutaka ~& & $k . Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten, 1971.

Enjoji Kiyoshi fl*M" ft, ed . Okuma- haku s e k l j i t s u d a n 9

Tokyo: Rikken K a i s h i n t o Toho Kyoku t%ZK£-t>4 Hj§ , 1895.

F u j i Naomoto ^ )«-ff . Buke j i d a i ho shakai t o s e i s h i n ^ tf^ 9

fefyk^}^' Tokyo: Sogensha, 1967.

Furukawa T e s s h i ^ ^ " ^ j ^ s * J u n s h i : H i g e k i no i s e k i ^ g ^ j • tfj

^jfy. . Tokyo: Jimbutsu O r a i s h a , 196 7.

' . "Kinsho to s h i t e no 'Hagakure* [ 2 ^l^ffcy " Kinsei

Nihon s h i s o no kenkyu 3^[_1j£ 9 ^ ^ i 1


$t * T o k
y° :
Koyama

Shoten WM't'lt , 1948. pp. 255-72.

. Nihon r i n r i s h i s o no dento $ "fjpj ?jfl ^ f f )


1
Tokyo:

Sogensha, 1965.

Hayashiya Tatsusaburo X%^. Tenka i t to ^ " f •

Nihon no R e k i s h i # j$> *)$L£^ , V o l . 12. Tokyo: Chuo Koron-

sha, 1966.

Ichiko Tei j i • Chusei shosetsu no kenkyu \fj? u\ ^

^. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan K a i ,

1962.

I h a r a Saikaku if ^ "Buke g i r i monogatari f\%$i$%$7)%$r."

Saikaku zenshu ^^/^Jj^. Ed. Ohashi Taro j\^> Tokyo:

Teikoku Bunko )$] , 1894. pp. 361-454.

"Budo d e n r a i k i f\^Jrk%iti-" Saikaku zenshu, Ed.


149

Ohashi Taro. Tokyo: Teikoku Bunko, 1 8 9 4 . pp. 729-910.

Imamura Yoshio , ed. Nihon budo :


zehshu 0 ^ "^Jj^/^Jj^.
7 vols. Tokyo: Jimbutsu O r a i s h a , 1 9 6 7 .

I s h i i S h i r o /£ . K i n s e i buke' s h i s o j f i j l L % Nihon

s h i s o t a i k e i Q jf> 7\ ?\\, V o l . 2 7 . Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,

1974.

K a i b a r a Ekken fj ^ • "Yamatozokukun ^ J") • " Ekken

jukun » Ed. Tsukamoto Tetsuzo. Tokyo: Yuhodo

Bunko, 1 9 3 0 . I , 67-265.

Kamiko Tadashi. Busho goroku X^__f^i^<. Tokyo: Hyakusen Shobo

• ^fc-if' i 9 6 9
-
Katsube Mitake f$;f j>%Jfr^ • Bushido: Bunbu ryodo no s h i s o ^\-ti^_l
^f\^Af)\V% • Tokyo: Kadokawa Sensho i t f , 1971.

Kawazoe H i r o s h i )'j §/} . Ryuzo j 1 Takanobu W&Jzf {\_ . Nihon

no busho £ ; £ > , Vol. 45. Tokyo: Jimbutsu O r a i s h a ,

1967.

Kimura M o t o i j ^ ^ J - ^ ^ . Kakyu bushi ron t Tokyo:

Hanawa Shobo ^ ' f y ^ / 1967.

Kori Junshi-^* ^ . Hagakure mono gat a r i ^fys-StyPfc* Tokyo:

N i c h i b o Shuppansha 0 %%^sj%1-> 1973 .

Hagakure shikon ^ " ^ r < ? ^ Tokyo: S e i j u s h a i | ^ i - >

1975.

Matsuda Michioj}& £ . K a i b a r a Ekken ^J^^J^ - Nihon no


150

Meicho, V o l . 14. Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1969.

Minamoto Ryoen '/fg ^ P] % . G i r l to n i n j o -f^$1Li J\j^ . Tokyo: Chuo

Koronsha, 1969.

Tokugawa s h i s o shoshi ffillj Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha,

1973.

Mishima Yukio ^ $fej% . " E i r e i no koe^%0 ." Mishima

Yukio zenshu $&lL%JtJ^. V o l . 17. Tokyo: Shinchosha

fy'Mft* 1 9 7 3
* PP' 5 1 1
" 6 5
-

______ "'Hagakure' to watashi %$rjt h ^ (, ." Mishima Yukio


bungakuron shu ^ |tj & &L>f %Jfi$l^ s ' T o k
Y 0:
Kodansha, 1970.

Ken/jfy . Tokyo: Kodansha, 1971.

______ "Yukoku "f-f )^| ." Mishima Yukio zenshu. V o l . 13.

pp. 221-241.

Morikawa Tetsuro. "'Hagakure' n i arawareta bushido ^ j^j

- f t ^ j j L ." Nihon bushido s h i Q ^ A ^ i - ^ - Tokyo: Nihon


Bungeisha, 1972. pp. 67-86.

Motoori N o r i n a g a ^ ^ - Motoori Norinaga zenshu l^/^jj^ •

Ed. Ono S h i n ^ l ^ ^ and Okubo Tadashi \% j j ^ . Tokyo:

Chikuma Shobo, 196 8.

Muro K y u s o ^ / t | f | L "Sundai zatsuwajjjf^ $ | # . f | ." Me Ik a zuihitsu

shu ffi ^fj^' E d


" T s u k a m o t o
Tetsuzo. Tokyo: Yuhodo
Bunko, 1930. I , 1-313.

Naramoto Tatsuya. Bushido no k e i f u ^\^i^J\ Tokyo: Chuo


151

Koronsha, 1973.

'"Hagakure : H i t o to fudo ?f\^A


1
t I^L^- ." Nihon

r e k i s h i no s u i g e n c h i ^ vf^~$li Tokyo: Bungei

S h u n j u l ^ 4 * 4 ^ • 1972.

Naramoto Tetsuya and Kinugasa Yasuki "Hagak ure.-^r7f- "

Edo j i d a i no s h i s o ?1 f f) j f ^ i ^ . K i n d a i Nihon no meicho

0 ^ *) ' v
° l * !• Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten, 1966.

pp. 183-92.

Odamura T o r a g i r o c A V?) . "'Hagakure': Yamamoto Tsunetomo

no goroku ^ t f e j i ^ ^ ^ ^ •" Nihon s h i s o no k e i f u :

bunken s h l r y a shufl^ f . f t /> f -* fr'ffifjfc • I , 789-93.

R a i k i /j^fg^. 2 vols. Ed. Takeuchi T e r u o ^ $ f £ f v Tokyo: M e i j i

Shoin B f f i - f f f o , 1971.

Rongo: Mo s h i : Junshi : R a i k i if^fifl?' $L.~}- ' ^\' ^L»^t>* Chugoku

koten bungaku t a i k e i *j* "fjjfe ^ ^ ^ . V o l . 3. Ed.

Kimura E i i c h i j ^ ^ J ^ •— , e t a l . Tokyo: H e i b o n s h a ,

1970.

Saga gun s h i ^ ffi^j^fc. Ed. S h i r i t s u Saga Gun Kyoiku Kai ^

• S a
g a :
Meicho Shuppan #j )f$, 1943.

Saga ken s h i kft%^ ft • 3 vols. Ed. Saga Ken S h i Hensan I i n K a i

fef #££|*>MM^ • S a g a : S a g aK e n
fe'SMft-' 1967

Saga ken s h i r y o s h u s e i komonjo hen {jj.1jf jjjJL ^ ^ f t ^ lT Ajjt ^• 1

15 v o l s . Ed. Senju Take j i r o ' f f ' i - S a g a : Saga K e n r i t s u

ToshokantetRjft^'SHWf • 1 9 5 5

Sagara Toru. "'Hagakure 1
t o Bukkyo ift^j ." Bushido

Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo, 1972. pp. 108-16.

Nihon j i n no d e n t o t e k i r i n r i kan fl^/sO fa&h^ l^Zf.fcfLl'


Tokyo: Risosha ^ ^ ^ b 1964 .

S a i t o S h o j i ^ipK . "Yamato damashii" no bunk a s h i ^ f t f ^ l ^ J

^ < J ^ - Tokyo: Kodansha f j ^ f ^ l , 1972.

Sakurai Shotaro Jfi£~$f /t^\f?j3. Meiyo t o c h l joku T o k


y° :

Hosei Daigaku Shuppan Kyoku % ^ ^ )f^^j , 1971.

S h i n j i Yoshimoto j J C j ^ y ^ ! ^ • Edo j i d a i bushi no s e i k a t s u J3- ^

l^T'KK'* 9 £i£ * T o k y o :
Yuzankaku Shuppan ^ j L l ^ ^ ^ , 1966.

Shotoku T a i s h i j u s h i c h i jo kempo "7N» Ed. Mom-

busho Shakai Kyoiku Kyoku % • Tokyo:

Shakai Kyoiku Kaikan fa/h^Xf!^^' 1 9 3 6


Soga monogatari jj$jJ$Vt%'. Ed. Oshima Tatehiko ?\ SJt/f and


Ichiko T e i j i . Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966.

Taiheiki • 3
vols. Nihon koten bungaku t a i k e i 0^^^

^L^^s^** ' E d
" G o t o
Tanji T ^ ^ a n d Kamada Kisaburo

^ 2 . ^ • Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1961.

Takeuchi Riso YXj • Bushi no to jo ^^t^ ^f§j • Nihon no

rekishi. V o l . 6. Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1965.

T s u j i Tatsuya xt_^JtL> Edo K a i f u '^f^\^> Nihon no r e k i s h i .

Vol. 13. Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 196 6.

Yamaga Soko / i \ $ L ~ f t l ^ . "Shido "£"jJL~ " Yamaga Soko bunshu


153

-^"HN* E d
* T s u k a m o t o
Tetsuzo. Tokyo: Yuhodo Bunko,

1930. pp. 45-207.

Yamaga Soko shu: DaidO j i Yuzan shu: Miyamoto Musashi J_ N jpLJj^i^-^ '
'KM^' ^-$-<K$i' E d
- D a i N i h o n
Shiso Zenshu

Kanko K a i %W&%^T\if^ • Tokyo: Senshinsha XJLfa*

1932.

Yoshida Yutaka. Buke no kakun Tokyo: Tokuma

Shoten, 1972.

2. In E n g l i s h

Anesaki, Masuharu. H i s t o r y of Japanese R e l i g i o n . 1930; r p t .

Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Co., 1963.

Aston, W.G. N i h o n g i : C h r o n i c l e s o f Japan From the E a r l i e s t

Times to A.D. 697. 1896; r p t . London: George A l l e n and

Unwin L t d . , 1956.

B e l l a h , Robert N. Tokugawa R e l i g i o n : The Values o f P r e -

I n d u s t r i a l Japan. 1957; r p t . Boston: Beacon P r e s s , 1970.

Chamberlain, B a s i l H a l l . K o j i k i or Records of A n c i e n t M a t t e r s.

Kobe: J.L. Thompson and Co., 1932.

Chan, W i n g - t s i t . A Source Book i n Chinese P h i l o s o p h y . Princeton,

N.J.: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969.

Clement, E r n e s t W. " I n s t r u c t i o n s o f a Mito P r i n c e t o His Re-

tainers." T r a n s a c t i o n s of the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f Japan,

XXVI (1898), 115-53.


154

De Bary, Wm. Theodore, W i n g - t s i t Chan, and Burton Watson, comp.

Sources o f Chinese T r a d i t i o n . 2 vols. Ed. Wm. Theodore

de Bary. 1960; r p t . New York and London: Columbia U n i -

v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1964.

Dore, R.P. E d u c a t i o n i n Tokugawa Japan. Berkeley and Los

A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1965.

Draeger, Donn F. C l a s s i c a l Budo. The M a r t i a l A r t s and Ways o f Japan

V o l . 2. New York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l , 1973.

_______ C l a s s i c a l Bujutsu. The M a r t i a l A r t s and Ways o f Japan.

V o l . 1. New York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l , 1973.

Duus, P e t e r . Feudalism i n Japan. New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf,

1969.

Fairbank, John K. " I n t r o d u c t i o n : V a r i e t i e s o f the Chinese

M i l i t a r y Experience." Chinese Ways i n Warfare. Ed.

Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. Fairbank. Cambridge,

Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974. pp. 1-26.

F i s h e r , Galen. "Kumazawa Banzan: H i s L i f e and Ideas." Trans-

a c t i o n s o f the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f Japan, 2nd s e r . XVI

(1938) , 221-58.

Franke, H e r b e r t . "Siege and Defense o f Towns i n Medieval China."

Chinese Ways i n Warfare.- Ed. Frank A. Kierman, J r . and

John K. F a i r b a n k . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y

P r e s s , 1974. pp. 151-202.

Griffith, Samuel B. t r a n s . Sun Tzu: The A r t o f War. Oxford:


155

Claredon P r e s s , 1963.

H a l l , John Whitney. Japan: From P r e h i s t o r y to Modern Times.

1968; r p t . Tokyo: C h a r l e s E. T u t t l e Company, 1971.

Ishikawa, Ken. "On K a i b a r a Ekiken's Thought and Reasoning as

Expressed i n His Yamatozokukun." C u l t u r a l Nippon, VII

(1939), 1, 23-35.

Keene, Donald. Bunraku: The Puppet Theatre o f Japan. Tokyo

and P a l o A l t o : Kod'ansha I n t e r n a t i o n a l L t d . , 1965.

______r trans. Chushingura: The Treasury o f L o y a l R e t a i n e r s .

New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1971.

, trans. Major P l a y s o f Chikamatsu. New York and London:

Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961.

K i n c a i d , Zoe. Kabuki: The Popular Stage o f Japan. New York:

Benjamin Blom Inc., 1965.

Knox, George Wm. "A Japanese P h i l o s o p h e r . " T r a n s a c t i o n s o f the

A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f Japan, XX (1893) , 1-133.

Legge, James, t r a n s . L i C h i : Book o f R i t e s . 2 vols. 1885;

r p t . New York: New Hyde Park, 1967.

Machiavelli, Niccolo. The A r t o f War. Trans. E l l i s Farneworth.

I n d i a n a p o l i s : B o b b s - M e r r i l l Company, 1965.

Maruyama, Masao. S t u d i e s i n the I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y o f Toku-

gawa Japan. t r a n s . M i k i s o Hane. Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y of Tokyo

Press and P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974.


156

McCullough, Helen C r a i g , t r a n s . Yoshltsune: A F i f t e e n t h

Century Japanese C h r o n i c l e . Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo

P r e s s , 1966.

Mishima, Yukio. "Patriotism." t r a n s . Geoffrey W. Sargent.

Death i n Midsummer And Other S t o r i e s . New York: New

D i r e c t i o n s , 1966. pp. 93-118.

M i t f o r d , A.B. Tales o f O l d Japan. London: Macmillan and Co.,

1883.

M o r r i s , Ivan. The N o b i l i t y o f F a i l u r e : T r a g i c Heroes i n the

H i s t o r y o f Japan. New York: H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Winston,

1975 .

Nakamura, Hajime. Ways of T h i n k i n g o f E a s t e r n P e o p l e s : I n d i a ,

China, T i b e t , Japan. Ed. P h i l i p P. Wiener. Honolulu:

East-West Center P r e s s , 1964.

N i t o b e , Inazo. Bushido: The Soul o f Japan. 2nd ed., 1905; r p t

Tokyo: Kenkyusha, 1935.

Passin, Herbert. S o c i e t y and E d u c a t i o n i n Japan. New York:

Teacher's C o l l e g e , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1965.

Peterson, Charles A. "Regional Defense A g a i n s t the C e n t r a l

Power: The H u a i - h s i Campaign 815-817." Chinese Ways i n

Warfare. Ed. Frank A. Kierman, J r . and John K. F a i r b a n k .

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974. pp. 123

P h i l i p p i , Donald L. Kojiki. Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo Press,

1968.
157

Sansom, George. A H i s t o r y o f Japan. 3 vols. 1958; r p t . Tokyo:

Charles E. T u t t l e Company, 1974.

Japan: A S h o r t C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y . London: The C r e s s e t

P r e s s , 19 31.

Seward, Jack. H a r a - k i r i : Japanese Ritual- S u i c i d e .


1
Rutland V t .

and Tokyo: Charles E. T u t t l e Company, 196 8.

Shioya, Sakae. Chushingura: An Expos i t i o n . 2nd ed. Tokyo:

The Hokuseido P r e s s , 19 56.

Smith, Thomas C. The A g r a r i a n O r i g i n s o f Modern Japan. Stanford:

Stanford University Press, 1959.

Suzuki, D a i s e t z T. Zen and Japanese C u l t u r e . New York:

Pantheon Books, 1959.

Takahashi, S e i i c h i r o . T r a d i t i o n a l Woodblock P r i n t s o f Japan.

t r a n s . R i c h a r d Stanley-Baker. New York and Tokyo: W e a t h e r h i l l /

Heibonsha, 1972.

Toita, Yasuji. Kabuki: The Popular Theater, t r a n s . Don Kenny.

New York and Tokyo: Walker/Weatherhi11, 1970.

T s u k a h i r a , Toshio George. Feudal C o n t r o l i n Tokugawa Japan:

The Sankin K o t a i System. Harvard E a s t A s i a n Monographs,

20. Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966.

______ The S a n k i n K o t a i System o f Tokugawa Japan: 16 00-186 8.

Diss. Harvard, 1951.

Tsunoda, Ryusaku, Wm. Theodore-de Bary, and Donald Keene, comp.


158

Sources- o f Japanese- T r a d i t i o n . 2 vols. Ed. Wm. Theodore

de Bary. 1958; r p t . New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y

P r e s s , 1964.

Turk, Frank A. The P r i n t s o f Jap an. Worcester and London:

Arco P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1966.

V a r l e y , H. P a u l . Japanese C u l t u r e : A Short Hi s t o r y . New York

and Washington: Praeger P u b l i s h e r s , 1973.

'' ' . Samurai. 1970; r p t . New York: L a u r e l , 1972 .

' The Onin War. New York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y

P r e s s , 1967.

von C l a u s e w i t z , Karl. On War. t r a n s . J . J . Graham. London:

Routledge and K. P a u l , 196 8.

Zeami. Kadensho. t r a n s . Sakurai Chuichi e t a l . Tokyo: Sumiya-

P u b l i s h i n g I n s t i t u t e , 196 8.

Zolbrod, Leon M. Takizawa Bakin. New York: Twayne P u b l i s h e r s ,

1967.

Reference and Other General Sources

1. In Japanese

Chugoku koten meigen j i t e n v£\f\ $Z fa ^k^h^ ' E d


* M o r
°hashi

Tokyo: Kodansha, 19 73.

20 v o l s .
159

Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1934-1935.

Dai kanwa j i t e n T\^$^^^^. 13 v o l s . Ed. Morohashi Tetsuji.

Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten ' 1955-1960.

Dai Nihon j i l n soran ^ -ft 3ff^t$$^j(j 2


vols. Ed. H o r i Yoshizo

tfh Y°
Tok : M
e i c h o
Kanko K a i fa % f'Jfjpl^, 1966.

Dai Nihoh jimmei j i s h o ^ $ A/tt^g* 5 vols. Ed. Dai Nihon

Jimmei J i s h o Kanko K a i X 8
^ K^o- ^ f i f f K*J/i\ • 1886; r p t .

Tokyo: N a i g a i S h o s e k i ) ^ ^ ^ ^ , 19 37.

Kojien Ed. Shinmura I z u r u Y Tokyo: Iwanami

Shoten, 1969.

K o j i jukugo d a i j i t e n 1$jjr^jfcEd. Ikeda S h i r o j i r o

l&®Y!p%^%$^ Tokyo: Tokyo Hobunkan jj(f^* 1925


'
Kokusho k a i d a i $f$$y 2
vols. Ed. Samura Hachiro'fcM^li A , t j i

Tokyo: Rokugokan 1926 .

Kokusho somokuroku )|[| If* li?'ffipL. 8 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami

Shoten, 1969.

Nihon kokugo d a i j i t e n $ 3{ \Q$>f\P^$\* 21 v o l s . Ed. Nihon

dai j i t e n kanko k a i # js^pj-J^?jffV^' Tokyo: Shogakkan

A\%4B* 1974-1976 .

Nihon r e k i s h i d a i j i t e n SyjT/KJs^**'' 1 2 v
°l *
s E d
- Nihon

R e k i s h i Dai J i t e n Henshu I i n k a i ' ^ S ^ X f f " ' ^ \ ^ ^ f * 5 ^ s •


/ (
/

Tokyo: Kawade Shobo ?»f$^t/J , 1968-1969.


160

Sengoku bushi' j i t e n J j ^ f ^ ^ - * jj^jjfe . Ed. Sasama Y o s h i h i k o

Tokyo: Y u z a n k a k u l f ^ ,s 1969.

Shin Nihon bunken c h i z u usai Chigaku

Kyokai S l t ^ l ^ ' 1970.

Shuppan nenkan jj> ^^L.j^_> Tokyo: Shuppan Nenkan Henshubu

Zosho mokuroku )6\ 'if'$$3-) 4 vols. Tokyo: K o k u r i t s u Kokkai


Toshokan )|| , 1962.

2. In E n g l i s h

Barzun, Jacques and Henry F. G r a f f . The Modern Researcher.

2nd ed. New York: H a r c o u r t , Erace and World, Inc. 1970.

B i b l i o g r a p h y o f Japanese E n c y c l o p e d i a s and D i c t i o n a r i e s . Comp.

Joseph K. Yamagiwa. Ann Arbor: U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1968.

A Classified L i s t o f Books i n Western Language R e l a t i n g to

Japan. Tokyo: U n i v e r s i t y o f Tokyo P r e s s , 1965.

A D i c t i o n a r y of Chinese I d i o m a t i c Phrases. Ed. Huang Yen-kai.

Hong Kong: The Eton P r e s s .

Far E a s t e r n Languages C a t a l o g . Washington D.C.: Library of

Congress, 1972.

Guide to Japanese Reference- Books. Chicago: American Library

Association, 1966.
161

Japan and Korea: A C r i t i c a l B i b l i o g r a p h y . Comp. Bernard S.

Silberman. Tucson: U n i v e r s i t y o f A r i z o n a P r e s s , 1962.

Japan and Korea: An Annotated B i b l i o g r a p h y o f D o c t o r a l Disserta-

t i o n s i n Western Languages. Ed. Frank J . Shulman. Chicago:

American L i b r a r y A s s o c i a t i o n , 1970.

A S e l e c t e d L i s t o f Books and A r t i c l e s on Japan i n E n g l i s h ,

French And German. Comp. Hugh Borton e t a l . Cambridge,

Mass.: The Harvard-Yenching I n s t i t u t e , 1954.

Webb, Hersche-1. Research i n Japanese Sources: A Guide. New

York and London: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s , 196 5.

3. I n Chinese

Ch'iu T * i n g j _ _ ^ . L l - s h i h Ch' eng-yu k u - s h i h

Hong Kong: Ch'iao Kuang Shu-chu jjj^ JQ^jfc / 196 8.

Primary E d i t i o n s and Secondary Sources Not C o n s u l t e d

Hamano

Tokyo: D a i i c h i Shuppan Kyokai 1939.

Kamiko Tadashi. Hagakure Tokyo: K e i e i Shicho Kenkyu K a i

fattt^H^, 1964 .
K u r i h a r a Koya (Arano). Hagakure ho kokoro S) C I J . Tokyo :

1966.
162

1956 .

Matsunami J i r o Hagakure bushido ~J|?&fVi ilL . Tokyo:

Ichiro Shoen~-$i>^" ^ / , 1942.

Nakamura Y u i c h i ^ ^ j i ^j^"" • H a g a k u r e • Saga: Saga Goyusha

feX^w-* 1 9 0 6

_______ Hagakure djjrj^. Tokyo: Hagakure Kinen Shuppan Kai^^^y

fc,&jy»& 1 9 1 6

_______ Nabeshima rongo hagakure zenshu^fjj|jfj$j*^ ^^$~£1^' J


1936 .

Naramoto Tetsuya. H,agakurei|r|*^. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten

#>'|-f/| , 1973.

Ogasawara A k i r a ^\ ^ • T e t t e i t e k i i k i k a t a - "Hagakure" n i

miru j i n s e i no kangae k a t a . _L 2 F
^ ^-<ILJ (z ^ \

A 1 ^ 1 ^ *" T o k
y° :
S h i n s e i Shuppansha fjj4*
1964.

Oki Shunkuro f\%\%/fl^ • Hagakure no s e i s u i $"^<9^^


Fukuoka: Junshindo

Oki Yodo. Chushaku hagakure jf^Jff^^^j^ Tokyo: Kyozaisha, 1943.

_______ Gukenshu: Yokansho J | '^fflkVj . Tokyo: Kyozaisha, 1937.

^p^J"^.^^
» Hagakure kowa: Nabeshima rongo

Tokyo: Mikasa Shobo , 1938.


mm-
R i k i t o m i Senzo j) % $f${^ • Hagakure ho s e k a i ^ f $ - • Tokyo:

Toyo S h i s o Kenkyu jo jj> ^ ^ ^ pj*, 1968.

You might also like