27/9/2017 AS/SA No 25, SEPT.

, SEPT. 2010 : Ana SILVA, " A Decade of Political Photography & Political Communication in Argentina (1999-2010)"

Opacity in transparency: A
decade of photography and
Political communication in Argentina
(1999-2010)

Ana SILVA
Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de
Buenos Aires

asilva@arte.unicen.edu.ar

Abstract

The purpose of this work has been the analysis of the

relationship between different types of graphical political
discourse and the political scenario over the last ten years
in Argentina, while attempting to make a contribution to
the study of political discourse in context. The sample of
pictures analyzed include several photographs used in
campaign advertising (the electoral struggle for the
presidency in 1999 and 2007, and that for legislative seats
in 2005) and in the political news sections of two of the
largest newspapers in Argentina, Clarín and La Nación
(1999-2001, 2005 and 2007).

Introduction

When used together, the words communication and

politics have multiple meanings, all of them related
to different ideas of what communication and politics
are, and what they imply when used together. As
Sergio Caletti (2001) argues, the usual approach to
the field in mass communication research gives an
idea of politics as apparatus and communication as
technology. Such an approach supports the more
instrumental notion of communication, conceived as
strategy, and leads to two extreme positions (but
based on the same premises) about their incidence in
the political field. On the one hand, some researchers
emphasize the ‘spectacularization’ of politics, which
thus loses its rationality. On the other hand, there are
some authors who believe in the potential of realizing
the Internet permanent assembly utopia.

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Adopting a different position, this work advocates

the idea of communication as condition of possibility
for politics, in two ways: firstly, because politics
entails a kind of social relationship essentially based
on the sharing of socially recognizable meanings, by
means of the word and the action -namely, on
communication. Secondly, because it is
communication that allows “the common” as a
constitutive attribute of politics (see Caletti, Op.
Cit.).

The public sphere articulates par excellence politics

and communication. Although not everything in
politics nor all in communication occur in public
space, communication is embedded within politics
just as much as politics is embedded in
communication. This implies also that any society
becomes visible for itself –namely, public- by the
dominant technical media that the social relationships
produced for its own representation. Based on these
premises, the general aim of this work was to analyze
the relationships between the use of pictures in
graphic political discourse and their contexts of
meaning in the last ten years in Argentina.

The categories of analysis employed belong to the

Socio-semiotics theoretical and methodological
frame. The empirical referent is constituted by a
sample of different sorts of pictures used in graphic
political discourse:

· A selection of posters of the electoral

campaigns of the period (for President in
1999 and 2007, and for legislative positions
in 2005). The pictures used there are
usually designed and chosen by campaign
teams of each candidate as part of his/her
electoral strategy.
· A selection of photographs published in the
political news section of two largest
circulated Argentinean newspapers (1999-
2001, 2005 and 2007). In this case, pictures
are a significant part of the informative
discourse of that media.

The ‘Illfare’ State

Trying to give a synthesis of Argentinean political

life in the last ten years is not easy. Maybe a fact is
enough to show its complexity: there were seven
Presidents of the Republic between 1999-2005, even
though the Constitution establishes a four year term
length. In other words, seven presidents where there
should have been only three.

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The general background of the decade was a

widespread disappointment with democracy
presumably caused by the critical consequences of
neoliberal politics and subsequent State retraction led
by the government of Carlos Menem and followed
also by his successor Fernando de la Rúa. An
increasing discredit about politicians ended in the
December 2001 riots, a period of civil uprising
known as “cacerolazo” (pot banding), and was
synthesized by the slogan “politicians go home”. The
institutional crisis caused the dismission of De la Rúa
and a vertiginous succession of presidents until the
transitional period conducted by Eduardo Duhalde
between 2002-2003. After the 2003 elections, Néstor
Kirchner assumed the Presidency of the Country,
followed by his wife Cristina Fernández (since 2007
and continues).
It is necessary to mention that the general
disappointment with both politics and politicians
grown during the decade of the nineties clearly
contrasted with previous moments of political life in
Argentina. After the end of the last dictatorial
government in 1983, the return to democracy in 1983
was accompanied by a generalized euphoria and
hope expressed in a famous statement of president
Raúl Alfonsín: “with democracy, you can cure, you
can feed and you can educate.”

Concurrently with these changes in the political life

of the country, there were significant transformations
in the relationship between politics, mass media and
citizens-electors. A number of authors have drawn
attention to a series of items that influence political
publicity (in the double sense of public domain and
attention-getting devises through advertising). In his
book Memorias de la Comunicación (1997), Héctor
Schmucler notes that there is a misconception that
assimilates democracy and market. We live in a time
when the making of politics seems to be an
engineering operation that involves increasing
mercantilization of political activity conducted by
“market-like” specialists. Choosing a candidate
seems thus to be selling rather than voting.

As Verón (2001) suggested, in postindustrial

societies there was a process of mediatization, by
which social practices as institutional work, decision
making, more or less ritualized behaviors, and
particularly, State apparatus are transformed because
of the media, rather than merely be reflected by them.
Therefore, the media field cannot be disregarded as a
condition of possibility for political discourse.

A Rhetoric of the “Boring”

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An analysis of the candidates graphic advertising in

times of electoral struggle gives evidence of the
mercantilization of public life.

As mentioned above, 1999 presidential election took

place in a context of a generalized disillusion with
the consequences of Carlos Menem’s neo-liberal
politics. Over that background, two of the main
opposition parties (Unión Cívica Radical and
[i]
FREPASO ) formed a coalition named “Alianza”
(Alliance), proposing Fernando De la Rúa for
president and Carlos Alvarez for vice-president.
Menawhile, the Peronist party went with the Eduardo
Duhalde and Ramón Ortega presidential ticket.

Both parties tried to differentiate themselves from the

semantic field associated with the discredited
Menem. The Alianza campaign team was led by a
couple of publicists, Ramiro Agulla and Carlos
Baccetti. With a remarkable creativity, they pointed
to turn some “weaknesses” of De la Rúa into possible
“strengths”.

In one of the posters there could be seen a three

quarter profile portrait of the candidate looking out
off-screen. Below, the words “President De la Rúa”
(fig. 1). Comparing to a more traditional picture
composition (the candidate in a frontal close up,
looking at the camera), this posters implied an
innovation. The glance looking out off-screen goes
with the “third person” picture composition
(Péninou, 1982).

As the picture cannot say “I”, the place of the

speaker is occupied by the person/subject who looks
towards the camera, claiming for the observer’s
attention.
In the poster considered, the eyes of De la Rúa were
looking to the “non-pictured”, maybe the future, his
plans or, in words of R. Barthes (1994), “a beautiful
dream”. Instead of being looking for the voter’s
agreement, his aim seemed to be beyond the electoral
process. Barthes considered the pose as a way to
focus connotative meaning upon a photograph.
Whereas De la Rúa was popularly known as a
[ii]
“boring” , insipid man, that pose tried to attach
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some positive connotative meanings to his person,

such as seriousness, calmness, faith in the future,
being a dreamer. In addition, the “boringness” of De
la Rúa appeared as value in comparison to Carlos
Menem’s high media profile, the continuous scandals
about his private life and his relationship with local
star-system.

Moreover, the reversion of the usual formula –e.g.

“De la Rúa for President”- has a significant meaning
effect. By saying “President De la Rúa”, the
President’s investiture is discursively taken for
granted. The assertive nature, rather than potential of
the slogan reinforces connotative meanings of
seriousness, firmness, resoluteness, anticipation of
future.

Other poster belonging to Alianza’s graphic

campaign showed in a close up part of the arms and
hands of a man and a woman (fig. 2). The appeal to
the observer’s knowledge allowed to complete the
visual synecdoche: those where the arms and hands
of Fernando De la Rúa and Graciela Fernández
Meijide (Alianza´s candidates for President and
Governor of Buenos Aires Province). Both hands
together formed the shape of an “A”, in a
conventional triumphal gesture, over the Alianza’s
logotype, an A formed with two Argentinian flag
ribbons. The slogan stated: “Alianza. There are more
of us”, where “us” is a case of inclusive “we”. The
superimposed metonymic representation of the arms
and the A reinforced both semantic and
morphological features –political coalition,
consensus, joint.

The hands came into a suggesting rhetoric

reinforcement with the linguistic anchorage (Barthes,
1972): “There are more of us” (men and women,
UCR and FREPASO). And, again, the appeal to the
observer’s knowledge, in a overlapped reference to
the characteristic gesture of Raúl Alfonsín, the great
UCR leader. The equalizing effect of the inclusive
“we” (“us” in the slogan) attempts to make potential
destinataires –workers, business people, academics,
youngster and the aged- feel they are all in the same
boat (see Arfuch, 1987).

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Also in the Peronist Party of Menem some

differentiation strategies were performed. A poster
showed the candidates Eduardo Duhalde and Ramón
Ortega, together, looking at the camera/observer,
smiling. By means of the pose and other composition
elements, common features of the candidates were
stressed.

An analysis of the slogan (“The best change”) shows

how presuppositions and assumptions (Ducrot, 1986)
operate: on the one hand, the “change” presupposes a
previous status quo which is precisely going to be
changed. On the other hand, by qualifying that
change as “the best” it is assumed the existence of
other possible changes.

During the electoral campaign for legislative

positions of 2005, posters in the public space
evidence the changes such as the continuities with
the previous contends.
Firstly, it is necessary to say that together with the
resignation of De la Rúa came the dismissal of the
Alianza. The FREPASO practically disappeared and
the UCR only reached a 7% of the votes in 2005
legislative election.

President Néstor Kirchner, belonging initially to the

Peronist Party, formed his own coalition, named
“Frente para la Victoria” and contended with
Eduardo Duhalde. Both Kirchner and Duhalde wives
took a relevant role on that struggle, feeding the myth
of the Peronist Couple: Juan Domingo and Eva
Perón, although it wasn’t a central campaign strategy.
Posters and graphic advertisings of Kirchner couple
gave a great leadership to the wife, Cristina
Fernández. In a poster displayed in the fifth electoral
section of Buenos Aires Province Cristina appeared
in a middle close up, wearing a soft colored suit,
looking at the camera and outlining a slight smile.
Beside her, one on each side, the first candidate for
senator of that electoral section and the first
candidate for city counselor. Slightly advanced,
Cristina seemed to be introducing the other
candidates. Slightly behind, the other candidates
seemed to be upholding Cristina. The formula was
repeated in all the electoral sections, looking for give
a strong association of the local candidates with
Cristina Fernández and his husband, President
Kirchner. One of the more used slogans was “Let’s
go with Kirchner”. The analysis of inclusive “we”
above mentioned is useful again here. In addition,
there is an appeal to give impulse, to keep on
working.

Whereas the Chiche Duhalde campaign strategy was

characterized almost by a complete absence of her
face. Posters showed a plain colored background
with a large font inscription: “Chiche is from here”,
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giving an evident assumption because of the

“foreignness” of the Kirchners (who were from the
Patagonian Province of Santa Cruz); or “We want
Chiche”, use of inclusive “we”. The reference to a
shared space and a central figure was present in both
campaigns.

The assumed reference to Kirchner’s figure was also

evident in the UCR campaign. “Equilibrim in the
Senate” was the slogan that accompanied the portrait
of Luis Brandoni, candidate for senator contending
with Cristina Fernández and Chiche Duhalde,
proposing a power balance in the occupation of
legislative positions. None of the discursive
strategies resorted to a political program or platform
exposure, but suggested an agreement based merely
on going “with” or “against” somebody.

Snapshots of Power

Another important field for using pictures in political

discourse is the newspaper’s pages. Photographs
published in the political news section of two of the
largest circulated Argentinean newspapers were
specially considered.

Established in 1870, La Nación is one of the oldest

Argentinean newspapers. Since its beginnings it had
a traditional conservative profile. Addressed to
political and economic elites of the country and an
upper middle class reader, its discourse have always
had an “illuminated” and impartial style, as a neutral
observer of facts. (Brenca y Lacroix, 1982; Sidicaro,
1993). Clarín appeared for the first time in 1945,
and found its main public within middle class
readers, and reached some popular sectors by means
of the “classified ads”. It was consolidated during the
decades of 1950 and 1960, linked with
developmentalist political groups (Verbitsky, 2002).
Its editorial line moved behind the unstable
Argentinean middle class, in a clearly pragmatic way
focused in the national political life. In the
beginnings of Néstor Kirchner’s presidency, the
Journal supported him clearly, but in the present he
and his wife maintain a heated confrontation
involving legal struggle and criminal charges.

A corpus of more than fifty pictures was analyzed in

order to recognize the recurring features of
photographs usage in the Journals’ politics news
section. They can be synthesized as follows:
§ Published photographs frequently showed a lack of
enunciation control by portrayed politicians. This
feature is mainly based on: 1) the preponderance of
“third person” rather than “first person” picture
composition; and 2) an apparently unintentional

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gestuality as a trigger of photograph connotative

meanings.
§ The “third person” picture composition caused an
“erasing” of visual enunciative marks and an
apparent concealment of photographic device. This
feature, associated with a connotation of movement
and camera high/low angles, produced a “spy-ship
effect”.
· Combination of mentioned features reinforced
the following meanings: 1) the Journal satirizes and
ridicules about politicians in complicity with the
reader; 2) politicians are equalized as members of the
same “class” or “brotherhood” (not precisely a well-
intentioned one).
· Relationship between photographs and other
elements of journalistic message resembled comic
genre. Clarín used ironic and comic epigraphs. La
Nación assimilated photographs, vignettes and comic
strips by juxtaposition in the same page.
Whereas dynamic televised or digital images show
the continuous real-like appearance of public life,
photographs symbolize them by discontinuation.
Photographs explicate, elucidate, “read” the selected
events.

Conclusion

As Silvia Sigal and Eliseo Verón (1986) argued,

politics is not intelligible outside the symbolic order
that generates itself. Political representation
conceived as the action of making visible and
valuable the interest of a social group (Bourdieu,
1993) was the predominant institutional form of the
Modern States governments. Later decades of the
Twentieth century have shown the crisis of a
traditional concept of re-presenting politics from its
basis on political parties, State and social class.

The over-imposition of politics, economics, public

and media spheres, in addition to the subordinate
position of Latin American governments, the effects
of neo-liberal political programs and the failure in the
realization of collective utopias of ‘70s and ‘80s
decades, eroded the basis of the traditional
representative political system. Pot banding or Blank
protest votes are only one expression of this
widespread disappointment. “Punishment votes” or
“Voting for the lesser evil” are part of a complex
dialogue between social meanings and practices that
influence both each other. Choosing a candidate as a
commodity belongs to a semantic field simultaneosly
reinforced by electors and politicians themselves.
Campaign strategies don´t seem to be suggesting
something different.

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During the current presidency of Cristina Fernández

de Kirchner, something seems to be changed in the
Argentinean political arena. A renewed interest in
political discussion, in parliamentary activities and
ideological struggle appears. Shall it be part of a new
political practice or merely be a creative turn of the
mercantilization of public life? It is a question that
only the photographs of the future shall answer.

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[i]
Sigla of “Frente País Solidario”.
[ii]
By the same period there was a TV spot on which De la Rúa
appeared saying firmly “They call me boring...”.

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