LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

"YEAR OF THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION

AND IMPUNITY"

Private University San Juan Bautista.

NURSING SCHOOL

 TOPIC:
LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

 TEACHER:
Soldevilla Alonso, Luz Mirian

 MEMBERS:
Condori Huamani , Mireya
Cuadros chuquihuaccha, Anthony
Diaz
Dominguez
Ferreyra Ramirez , Lesly
Flores Orellana, Monica
Franco Peña, Alejandra
Gallegos Landeo ,Yulianna
Gonzales Abanto, Caroline
Guitierrez Arela , Katherine

 CYCLE: I

 TURN: Morning

2019

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 LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

ALEJANDRO TOLEDO
MANRIQUE

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LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

WE DEDICATE THIS WORK TO OUR

PARENTS AS THEY PROVIDE US WITH
THEIR UNCONDITIONAL SUPPORT, AND
ALWAYS ARE WITH US AT ALL TIMES,
GIVING ANIMO BREATH TO ACHIEVE
OUR GOALS AND OBJECTIVES.

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INDEX

 Counter-chart………………………………………………………………………………….…2

 Dedication………………………………………………………………………………………..3

 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………5

 Chapter I…………………………………………………………………………………………8

1.1 General Data

1.2 First Years

1.3 Education and professional experience

1.4 General elections of 1995

1.5 General elections of 2000

1.6 General elections of 2001

1.7 General elections of 2011

 Chapter II……………………………………………………………………………………….14

1.1 GOVERNMENT (2001-2006)

1.2 CONTROVERSIES AND ODEBRECHT CASE

1.3 Pot Presidency

 Chapter III……………………………………………………………………………………....21

1.1 What did Alejandro Toledo do?

1.2 Proposals by Alejandro Toledo

1.3 Works by Alejandro Toledo

1.4 Alejandro Toledo and his Political Party

1.5 Alejandro Toledo and Harvard

1.6 Alejandro Toledo and Israel

1.7 Alejandro Toledo and Alan García

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INTRODUCTION

When Alejandro Toledo took office, Peru had recovered the fundamental
equilibrium of the economy. In effect, inflation, the old ghost of the eighties, was
totally controlled, was 3.7% in the year 2000; the growth of the Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) lost in 1998 as a consequence of the external crisis and the El
Niño Phenomenon had recovered, ending the year 2000 with a growth rate of
3.0%; Net International Reserves (NIR) were more than 8 billion dollars; the fiscal
deficit and the external deficit were totally manageable, 3.3% and 2.9% of the
Gross Domestic Product respectively. [1] In addition, Peru was reinserted into the
international financial system, interventionist and statist practices had been
dismantled, free markets in most sectors, prices were the main mechanism for
allocating our economy's resources, the private sector had been consolidated as
a leader in the growth process, and the country was practically pacified
In other words, there was a good performance of the economy as a whole
(macroeconomic stability, recovery of economic growth, external strength due to
the existence of international reserves, better performance of markets, etc.).
However, the social indicators were not in line with the macroeconomic
achievements. The levels of employment and underemployment, poverty rates,
distribution and social exclusion, etc., did not show significant improvements; in
some cases, they showed some degree of deterioration. Consequently, the main
positive macroeconomic indicators and most of the negative social indicators
were the inheritance that Alejandro Toledo received when his administration
began.
Despite the negative results in social terms, at the beginning of Alejandro
Toledo's government, Peru had all the necessary conditions to start a process of
high and sustained economic growth. In that sense, the challenge of its
government administration was, first of all, to resume, complete and deepen the
first-generation structural reforms of the Washington Consensus applied in Peru
in the first five-year period of the 1990s (distinguishing the causes of its partial
success and making the necessary corrections) that you would have allowed to
grow quietly, given the exceptionally favorable international context, at rates
higher than 7.0% or 8.0%, and not the mediocre growth that was 4.5% in average
during its administration, and initiate the structural reforms of second generation
that were left aside [2] that are what should have allowed economic growth to be
translated into greater welfare for the population; secondly, efficiently manage the
inheritance received in terms of macroeconomic stability and pacification of the
country
However, Alejandro Toledo Manrique did not understand the great challenge,
simply because he did not have the remotest idea of how to lead the country
towards solving his problems. That is, he was not prepared to govern the country

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(giving part of the power to such an insignificant and unpresentable ally also
shows that Toledo did not have the capacity to be president) lacked a solid
professional and technical training, ethical and moral principles, a strategy of
integral development, of a vision of statistics and leadership, etc., indispensable
requisites to start a process of this magnitude.

However, in spite of significant structural reforms and a poor administration of the

received inheritance, the main macroeconomic indicators have been positive,
even some of them have improved relatively during the five years of Alejandro
Toledo's government. That's why team members and Toledista officials
proclaimed and continue to proclaim economic success based on the main
macroeconomic indicators (of microeconomics, which is felt in the pockets of the
people, they said nothing because it was a calamity) and in the reduction of
poverty, which is true, as indicated by the information provided by the National
Institute of Statistics and Informatics INEI, then, Peruvians ask: the positive
macroeconomic indicators and the slight reduction of poverty obtained in the last
five years are the result of what the management of Alejandro Toledo has done
?. The answer is very simple and convincing: No, in any way, that is to say, the
toledistas attribute "achievements" in the macroeconomic part and in the scarce
reduction of poverty that does not correspond totally to what their administration
has done and that rather they are attributable to other factors.

In that sense, the main objective of this work is to try to demonstrate, with a direct
style and a simple language, that the improvement of the main macroeconomic
indicators and the low reduction of poverty achieved in the last five years, does
not depend on what has been done the government of Alejandro Toledo, but of
the macroeconomic stability achieved in the nineties and the extraordinary
favorable international environment, among the other factors, which although
they were made in his administration, today the bill is paid and will continue to
pay all Peruvians Also, propose the general guidelines of a development strategy
aimed at transforming our economy to make it more productive and competitive
in order to achieve high and sustained economic growth, with social equity and
human development, which will allow us to achieve once and for all a integral,
inclusive, sustained and sustainable long-term development. To fulfill the
proposed objective, this work has been developed in five chapters, which will be
summarized below: In the first chapter, succinctly describes the economic and
social situation of Peru prior to the start of the government of Alejandro Toledo
(ie, the year 2000 and not 2001, because part of that year is already his
administration) according to the main objectives that every society pursues, they
are: macroeconomic stability, economic growth, and reduction of poverty and
social inequality. In a way that allows us to have a more complete economic and
social vision of the circumstances in which the Toledista administration began.

The second chapter analyzes the economic and social performance of Peru

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during the government of Alejandro Toledo. The analysis is carried out according
to the main objectives pursued by the economic policy applied by the countries,
namely: price stability, economic growth, employment improvement, poverty
reduction, income distribution and external balance. The third chapter is entirely
intended to demonstrate why the main macroeconomic and social indicators
(poverty reduction) have been positive in the government of Alejandro Toledo. It
is attributed to the following factors: the macroeconomic stability achieved in the
past decade, the boost from the private sector, the extraordinarily favorable
international environment, the increase in taxes, the increase in public debt, the
increase in remittances and the absence of of external problems.
The fourth chapter presents the general guidelines of development strategies that
serve as a guiding framework to undertake a set of structural reforms necessary
to improve the productivity and competitiveness of the national economy, to
initiate a new phase of sustained growth that contributes to combating poverty,
exclusion and social inequality in its deepest roots and integrate all Peruvians
into a dynamic process of integral, inclusive and sustainable development.
The necessary conditions to implement the proposed development strategy are
also presented in this chapter. The first is to use strategic planning to build a
shared vision of the country and a sense of integral development for the long term
and also to transform the structural reforms, which are the expression of the
development strategy proposed in a strategic development plan and in its
execution in the medium and long term; Secondly, honest, innovative, proactive
people or reformers with managerial capacity, leadership and vision of the future
are required to efficiently implement and administer the strategic development
plan.
In the fifth chapter, which closes the present work, a summary of the main
conclusions and some reflections on the economic policy applied in Peru since
the nineties and on the need for a development strategy that serves as a general
framework is presented. to implement structural reforms that the country needs
to achieve, once and for all, sustainable development with justice and equity that
ends poverty, exclusion and social inequality.
Finally, I want to clarify that this modest work is not a job with academic
pretensions. In no way, is a work directed in a special way to the non-academic
world and, specifically, to all the people interested in the economic issues of the
Country and especially to the frustrated and disappointed Peruvians of the
government of Alejandro Toledo. Because he was not able to undertake reform
or public policies aimed at radically changing the daily lives of the poorest and
most excluded who believed in their promises.

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I CHAPTER

1. GENERAL DATA

Alejandro Celestino Toledo Manrique (Cabana, Áncash, Peru, March 28, 1946)
is a Peruvian economist and politician. He held the Presidency of the Republic of
Peru between July 28, 2001 and July 28, 2006.
He studied at the University of San Francisco and then at Stanford University. He
was originally linked to the technical and academic field, from where he
participated as an analyst on politics and economics in some opportunities. He
joined the active policy when founding the party Possible Country (now Peru
Possible), participating in the presidential elections of 1995. In 2000 , managed
to become the leader of the opposition to Alberto Fujimori's government;
However, Toledo lost in the second round of elections in a difficult process. After
the uncovering of corruption scandals inside the government and the dismissal
of Fujimori by the National Congress, Toledo participated in the 2001 elections
along with Lourdes Flores (UN) and Alan García (PAP); He competed with the
latter in the second round, where he won with 53.08% of valid votes. Then, he
also participated in the 2011 Presidential Elections to return to power, along with
Ollanta Humala, Keiko Fujimori and Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, where he finished
fourth.
His government was characterized by the beginning of the macroeconomic
breakdown of the country, encouraging foreign investment and the signing of free
trade agreements; and for the implementation of several investment projects in
infrastructure and human development. During his tenure, Toledo suffered a
crisis of governance, which was reflected in public opinion polls that indicated a
level of popularity of 8% .
Between 2006 and 2008 he worked as a Resident Professor at the Center for
Studies in Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University. He was a distinguished
visiting professor at the School for International Advanced Studies at Johns
Hopkins University and a professor at Stanford University; also offers
conferences in different countries on democracy; He also chairs his party and
also the Global Center for Development and Democracy, with which he promotes
sustainable democracies and also organizes annual summits of former
presidents.

2. FIRST YEARS

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Alejandro Toledo was born in the Centro Poblado de Ferrer in the district of
Bolognesi, but was registered in the neighboring district of Cabana, in the
province of Pallasca, in the Ancash Region, on March 28, 1946. His parents were
Anatolio Toledo Campos (a native of of Nazca, of ancestry from Ayacucho and
Arequipa) and Margarita Manrique, a family of peasants of low economic status.
He was the eighth of sixteen children, of whom only nine survived due to the
precarious conditions in which his family lived. In 1950, his family moved to
Chimbote in search of a better future through anchovy fishing.

3. EDUCATION AND PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE

He worked as a businessman to contribute to the family economy, which was

very precarious. These activities followed them in parallel with their primary
studies.
He attended secondary school in the Great School Unit San Pedro de Chimbote,
where he stood out for his mathematical skills; in his last year of studies he got a
scholarship to the University of San Francisco comedied by volunteers from the
Peace Corps of the United States.
He studied Economics and Business Administration at the University of San
Francisco, where he graduated in 1970; after that he obtained a master's degree
in Economics and Human Resources (1971) and another in Economics (1972),
both from Stanford University. It is in this university where he met Eliane Karp,
with whom he got married on January 20, 1979, in Sunnyvale, California, USA,
they divorced in 1992 and they remarried in 1997.
In 1974 he worked as a consultant at the Stanford Research Institute (SRI). The
following year (1975) he moved to Paris, where he was Principal Investigator of
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). He
returned to Peru in 1976 to be part of the Committee of Economic Advisers of the
Central Reserve Bank of Peru and the Ministry of Labor.

In 1978 he was a consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank in

Washington D.C. and associate professor of Economics at American University.
The following year, he worked as Chief Economist of Human Resources at the
World Bank.
From 1983 to 1985 he was professor of economics and principal investigator of
the Universidad del Pacífico in Lima; at the same time, he provided technical
advice to the executive branch and taught at the School of Business
Administration for Graduates (ESAN), where he remains a licensed teacher.
In 1989, he traveled to New York and was the leader of the UNDP and ILO
mission to evaluate the "Impact of Macroeconomic Policies on Growth,
Employment and Wages" in six Central American countries.
From 1991 to 1994 he was a member of the Institute for International
Development at Harvard University, and also served as visiting professor at

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Waseda University in Tokyo. In 1993 he returned to Stanford University to

complete a PhD in Human Resource Economics.
In 2017, Toledo is accused of money laundering when allegedly involved in the
Odebrecht Case. On February 3 of this year, at the request of the Public Ministry,
PNP agents raid the Residence in Camacho by Alejandro Toledo after Jorge
Barata (former Odebrecht representative in Peru) reveals having given him 20
million dollars in exchange for favoring to the Odebrecht Company in the
concession of sections II and III of the Interoceanic Route Brazil-Peru, whose
amounts would have been deposited in the accounts of Israeli billionaire Josef
Maiman. On February 9, Judge Richard Concepción orders 18 months of
preventive detention for the former president and on February 10, the government
includes him in Peru's most wanted list issuing an international arrest warrant for
which a reward is offered. of S / 100 000 for his whereabouts.

4. General elections of 1995

In December 1994, he announced his candidacy for the 1995 presidential

elections, heading the electoral group Peru Posible that established an alliance
with the Democratic Coordinator, called CODE - Possible Country.
Toledo was designated candidate of the alliance and despite reaching, in the
previous surveys, a growing 11% (fact that led him to be qualified as the "Toledo
phenomenon") in the official results only reached 3.5% of the votes validly issued.
Those elections were won by more than 62% of the preferences of then President
Fujimori.

5. General elections of 2000

For the electoral process of 2000, Toledo presented himself heading his own
group called Peru Posible Political Party. This process was involved in
controversy due to the decision of then President Alberto Fujimori to apply for a
second constitutional mandate according to the new Constitution that has been
in effect since 1993.
In the interests of unity against the Fujimorist regime, Toledo urged the opposition
political parties to present a single candidate, holding talks with Luis Castañeda
Lossio and Alberto Andrade Carmona to achieve it. Failing this attempt, the
opposition leaders urge to vote for Toledo to prevent Fujimori from winning in the
first round. For Parliament, many of its candidates were selected from the ranks
of the Popular Christian Party.
His presidential slate was integrated by Carlos Ferrero Costa (First Vice
President), lawyer and former ally of President Fujimori; and by David Waisman
(Second Vice President), businessman and leader of Peru Posible.

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5.1 First round

In an election process plagued by criticism by national and international

observers, Toledo was in a disputed second place with 40.3% of
preferences compared to 49.8% of Alberto Fujimori.

 Results of the first round: (valid votes)

 Electoral Alliance Peru 2000: 5,528,394 (49.87%)

 Peru Possible Party: 4,460,812 (40.24%)
 Others: 1 095 311 (9.89%)

5.2 Second round

Due to allegations of alleged "fraud" that existed after the election, Toledo
announced on May 18, 2000, that he would not appear in the second round
if it was not postponed for two weeks and all the observations made were
corrected. . Given the lack of response, on May 26 of that year, Toledo
desisted (but did not formalize his resignation before the JNE) to
participate in the second round, asking voters to vote blank or flawed.
On the day of the elections (May 28), in the traditional "flash electoral",
there was a 25.6% of validly cast votes in favor of Toledo while blank and
flawed votes reached 31%. This awarded the victory to Alberto Fujimori.

 Results of the second round: (valid votes)

 Electoral Alliance Peru 2000: 6 041 685 (74.33%)

 Peru Possible Match: 2 086 215 (25.66%)

5.3 Opposition to Alberto Fujimori's regime

From that date, Toledo led what he called a "peaceful resistance" against
the third term of Fujimori's government. On July 28, 2000 there was a day
of national protest called The March of the Four Suyos, in which there were
national figures as well (elected congressmen, journalists, ordinary people
who walked great distances to reach the march) as well as international
characters to show their support, as was the case of former Argentine
President Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989).
Unfortunately, the march would become a tragedy, as there was the
infiltration of criminals sent by Vladimiro Montesinos, head of the National

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Intelligence Service and right-hand man until then President Alberto

Fujimori, who caused damage to public property and set fire to one of the
most important premises of the state-owned Banco de la Nación, also
caused the death of six security guards who were there. These incidents
placed greater political pressure on President Alberto Fujimori. Months
after the march the "Vladivideos" would be revealed that would mark the
end of Fujimori's regime, who a few months later would flee the country
and take refuge in Japan, from where he would fax his resignation to the
Presidency of the Republic.

6. General elections of 2001

Main article: General elections of Peru of 2001

After Fujimori's resignation and self-exile in Japan, on November 22, 2000,
Congress President Valentín Paniagua Corazao assumed the presidency of the
Republic temporarily and in his term called for elections in May 2001.
The presidential slate of Toledo Manrique was integrated by businessman Raúl
Díez-Canseco (First Vice President) and David Waisman (Second Vice
President), congressman and leader of Peru Posible.

6.1 First round

As indicated by the pollsters weeks before the elections, no candidate

exceeded 50% plus 1 required vote, so the two participants who obtained
the most votes (Alejandro Toledo and Alan García), went to a second
round, which was held on June 3, 2001.

 Results of the first round: (valid votes)

 Or Peru Possible: 3 871 167 (36.51%)

 Or Peruvian Aprista Party: 2 732 857 (25.77%)
 Or National Unity: 2 576 653 (24.30%)
 Others: 1 421 043 (13.42%)

6.2 Second round

With agreements between the negotiators of the parties that passed to the second round
and the help of the Civil Association "Transparency", resulted in the programming of the
presidential debate. This was held on May 19, at 8:00 pm between the presidential
candidates of each party: Alejandro Toledo (Peru Posible) and Alan García (APRA), at
the "Marriott Hotel". The journalist Güido Lombardi was moderator.9 The day of the
elections (June 3), in the traditional "electoral flash" the difference between both

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candidates, although it decreased considerably after the debate, awarded the victory to
Peru Posible and the defeat of Alan García with more than 5% of difference.

 Results of the second round: (valid votes)

 or Peru Possible: 5 548 209 (53.08%)
 Peruvian Aprista Party: 4 904 813 (46.92%)

7. General elections of 2011

Main article: General elections of Peru of 2011
On November 10, 2010, he announced on his official Twitter account his
candidacy for the presidency, then through a press conference, announced that
he would be a candidate in the general elections of Peru in 2011; He also did it
through commercials in the most tuned programs in the country.

7.1 First round

Toledo was in fourth place, thus remaining outside the second round that
entered Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori

 Results of the first round: (valid votes)

 Alliance Win Peru 31.69%
 Force 2011 23.68%
 Alliance for the Great Change 18.56%
 Peru Possible Alliance 15.60%

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II CHAPTER

1. GOVERNMENT (2001-2006)

A. INTERNATIONAL SCOPE
Toledo, already as President, proceeded to normalize diplomatic relations with
the government of Venezuela, after being damaged during the interim
government of his predecessor Valentín Paniagua, in the case of Vladimiro
Montesinos. These, however, would not be lasting.
Relations with the government of Japan deteriorated from the first moment after
his refusal to extradite former President Fujimori, for the charge of various crimes
and where Toledo insisted on his delivery.
In the Toledo integrationist aspect, it established economic agreements with
Brazil, where joint projects stand out to improve communications between both
countries and with Bolivia. With the United States, it promoted and accelerated
the negotiations for the Trade Promotion Agreement Peru - E.U.A., together with
Ecuador and Colombia
The South American Community of Nations was his proposal to realize Simón
Bolívar's dream of South American integration. This was the result of relations
with their South American counterparts.
Toledo, along with Presidents Tabaré Vázquez de Uruguay and Sebastián Piñera
de Chile, have been the only Latin American Heads of State to officially visit
Israel. On this trip, he met with Israeli President Moshe Katsav (who provided
military honors upon his arrival in the country) and then Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon, followed by his presence in a special session of the Knesset. The reason
for this trip was to promote in Israel the Peruvian export sector and the Israeli
investment in agriculture and technology in Peru.
In the same way, he proceeded to Jordan, where he talked about the economic
exchange between the two countries and visited the Peruvian colony in that Arab
nation. He did not meet, on the other hand, the Palestinian President, Mahmud
Abbas.
On October 28, 2005, a bill was presented in the Congress of the Republic of
Peru that indicated the establishment of baselines for the definition of the
maritime domain over the Pacific Ocean. Once this project was approved on
November 3, 2005, it was promulgated by President Toledo on the same day.
The promulgation of this law generated a strong rejection by the government of
then Chilean President Ricardo Lagos, who won the support of the government
of Ecuador to strengthen its position. This fact marked a distancing in the

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relationship between Peru and Chile, contrasting with the warm diplomatic
relations that existed at the beginning of his government.
Despite the controversy that was generated with these countries, several political
personalities expressed their support for the government's position, which
ensured that this was an internal issue of Peru. Immediately, the government
began a campaign to subscribe the nation to the "Convention of the Sea".
The surprise arrival of former President Alberto Fujimori to Chile, a few months
after the General Elections, generated a political earthquake in his government
due to the charges that were being pursued against Fujimori. Immediately,
Fujimori's extradition to Peru was sought, achieving a victory solved by the
Chilean left, ensuring his arrest and subsequent prosecution in Chile.18 After a
lengthy trial, Chile granted Fujimori's extradition based on a series of crimes
between they are against humanity for which the exmandatario has been
prosecuted and convicted
In 2006, diplomatic relations with Venezuela again deteriorated due to
discrepancies with respect to the AlCA, the Andean Community and accusing
President Hugo Chávez of meddling in Peruvian internal affairs (specifically when
expressing his unconditional support for presidential candidate Ollanta Humala
in the 2006 elections).
His government has had as milestones the Free Trade Agreements with
Mercosur, the Andean Community and Thailand and the very important Trade
Promotion Agreement (APC) with the United States that was approved by the
Peruvian Congress on June 26, 2006

B. LOCAL SCOPE
Alejandro Toledo started his government with approximately 55% approval.
Some scandals, skilfully exploited by the opposition, would soon make a dent in
its approval; thus, during a good part of its mandate it had a single percentage
digit of acceptance, with peaks of up to only 7%. In June and July 2002, there
were strong demonstrations against the privatization of "Egasa" and "Egesur"
(acquired by the Belgian company "Tractebel") with great intensity of
disturbances, especially in Arequipa. The event had an even greater political
impact due to the promise made by Toledo during his electoral campaign not to
sell energy companies. The protests led to the fall of Toledo's first cabinet and
the establishment of a "State of Emergency" in said Region
That same year, the Association for Human Rights (APRODEH) and relatives of
the insurgents killed by the government during the crisis of the Japanese
Embassy began legal actions against the State. These were based primarily on
the testimony of some exrehenes, who claimed to have seen at least one of the
emerretists alive after the assault, which was subsequently denied. Alejandro
Toledo, committed to investigate the excesses committed by Alberto Fujimori's
administration and respect for human rights, offered his full support to the Armed

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Forces, approving that the "Chavín de Huantar" Command lead the 2002 Military
Parade.
In 2003, there was a general strike of state teachers between June and July,
along with other doctors and nurses from the public sector, the judiciary and
farmers and cocaleros, which gave a climate of misgovernment that culminated
with the declaration of the State of emergency or exception is to cut the
guarantees and constitutional liberties for a month. The events again led to the
resignation of several ministers.

In 2004, there were strong rumors of a possible presidential vacancy, with a

national strike called by the General Confederation of Workers (CGTP) and by
the opposition, led by APRA with Alan García on July 14 of that year. Although
the strike failed and the waters calmed down and the vacancy was not formally
raised, it was used as an element of pressure from the political forces. On
January 1, 2005, the retired Peruvian Army major Antauro Humala (brother of ex-
military and former president Ollanta Humala) led together with a group of
followers called ethnocacerists (indigenous nationalists) the assault and seizure
of the Andahuaylas police station. The events immediately led to the resignation
of the then Minister of the Interior, César Reátegui, leader of Peru Possible. The
subversive action was unveiled on January 3 with a total of 4 police and 2
ethnocacerists killed, and Antauro Humala was arrested
On the last day of his government, President Toledo inaugurated the so-called
Plaza de la Democracia, located in the place where the "Banco de la Nación" fire
occurred and the death of six security guards. The next day; minutes before
arriving at the Parliament for delivery of power; He said that despite the ups and
downs of his administration, "I entered [the Presidency] through the big door and
out the big door."
In the last six months of his term, there was an increase in the approval of his
administration from 10% to 30% at the national level. Toledo ended his term with
a 47.1% approval in the capital, according to the pollster CPI.

C. National balance
Several analysts and politicians - such as Rafael Rey, Martha Hildebrandt,
sociologist Julio Cotler and psychoanalyst Jorge Bruce - consider that the
government of Alejandro Toledo was a period of relative political and economic
stability. His government undertook neoliberal measures, where the
macroeconomic statistics indicate a sustained growth in the Peruvian economy
and a majority approval of the same. Among the engines of growth that began
with the mining companies installed mainly in the past decade, can be named
large-scale projects, such as the Camisea Gas or the Interoceanic Highway; as
well as the growing expansion of various sectors such as construction, mining
and agro-industry.

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D. Regional balance

Many decentralists valued calling for regional and municipal elections in 2003.
Toledo always said "effective decentralization is worth more than delaying
political regionalization", paraphrasing the criteria taken from the book "Regional
Governments" by the political scientist Andrés Tinoco Rondán.

2. CONTROVERSIES AND ODEBRECHT CASE

 Toledo was criticized for many years for not recognizing a daughter out of
wedlock (Zaraí Toledo). After 14 years of denying his daughter, an extrajudicial
agreement was finally reached and the paternity of Zaraí was recognized
(October 17, 2002).

 He has been accused of excessive spending on fine liquors during his tenure.
In August 2011 a Wikileaks came to light in which the controversial former US
ambassador to Peru, John Randle Hamilton, cited comments on alleged family
violence against his wife, Eliane Karp.

 He has been criticized for the numerous trips to the Peruvian resort of Punta Sal
and the expenses it represents.

 An investigative commission of the Peruvian Congress investigated Toledo for

falsifying signatures in the inscription of its political party "Possible Country"
(later "Peru Posible").

 Toledo has also been questioned due to his close relationship with César
Almeyda (lawyer of the president who served as head of the "National
Intelligence Council") in some cases of embezzlement, influence peddling and
corruption.

 In 2017, Toledo is accused of money laundering when he is allegedly involved

in the Odebrecht case On February 3 of this year, at the request of the Public
Ministry, PNP agents raid the Residence in Camacho de Alejandro Toledo after
Jorge Barata (Former representative of Odebrecht in Peru) will reveal having
given him 20 million dollars in exchange for favoring the Odebrecht Company in
the concession of sections II and III of the Interoceanic Route Brazil-Peru,
whose amounts would have been deposited in the accounts of the billionaire
Israeli Josef Maiman. On February 9, Judge Richard Concepción orders 18
months of preventive detention for the former president and on February 10, the
government includes him in the list of the most wanted in Peru issuing an
international arrest warrant (extradition prior to Peru). which offers a reward of

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S / 100 000 for his whereabouts. This means that Toledo could pass as
happened with Alberto Fujimori (After the extradition, he would be sentenced
with this sentence).

 Toledo is investigated for the following crimes; Odebrecht acknowledged that it

paid former President Toledo US $ 20 million in exchange for winning the tender
for sections 2 and 3 of the Interoceanica Sur highway through the Conirsa
consortium. The contract was signed on June 23, 2005. According to Jorge
Barata, between 2004 and 2005, his consortiums Graña y Montero SA, JJ Camet
and ICCGSA were informed about the bribe that would be given to the former
agent and it was agreed that they they would take part of the illicit payment.
According to Sergio Nogueira, former Secretary General of Conirsa, the total
bribe for the work was US $ 45 million and that 30% was assumed by the
Odebrecht consortiums. The construction of the highway, as is known, was
continued in the government of Alan Garcia until December 2010, in addition
Jorge Barata declared in March 2018 to the prosecution that Odebrecht
contributed US $ 700,000 to the presidential campaign of 2011 of Alejandro
Toledo. The payment would have been made through Avraham Dan On, former
head of security of the former president, also is investigating an alleged corrupt
agreement between former President Toledo and Marcos de Moura Wanderley
(general manager of the construction Camargo and Correa), with the purpose
that the construction company wins the good pro of section IV the South
Interoceanic highway. The bribe would have been channeled through the
'offshores' Trailbridge Ltd and Barbury & Co that were under the control of Josef
Maiman, friend of the former president.

3. Pot Presidency

3.1 Professor and researcher

After his presidential term, Toledo went to the United States, where he was a
distinguished visiting professor in residence at the Center for Advanced Studies
in Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University during the 2006-2008 academic
year. He was also Visiting Professor at the Hoover Institution, also from Stanford
University. From 2007 to 2008 he was Distinguished Visiting Professor of the
Freeman Spogli Institute and Visiting Professor of the Center for Democracy,
Development and the Rule of Law, at Stanford University. In 2009 he joined the
Brookings Institution, where he is a Distinguished Senior Member (Non-Resident)
in Foreign Policy, Global Economy and Development. That same year he was
named Distinguished Visiting Professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced
International Studies (Johns Hopkins University), based in Washington D.C. In
2012 he returned to Stanford University as Professor at the Center for

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Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law. At Stanford University he is a

researcher at the Center for Studies in Behavioral Sciences.

3.2 Labor for democracy

Since October 2006, he is part of the Carter Center, of the former president of
the United States. Jimmy Carter (1977-1981); participating as co-leader in the
observation of Nicaragua's general elections on November 5, 2006.
At the same time, Alejandro Toledo founded the Global Center for Development
and Democracy, with offices in Latin America, the United States and the
European Union. Along with nineteen other Latin American presidents, Alejandro
Toledo worked from 2007 to 2009 in the preparation of the Social Agenda for
Democracy in Latin America for the Next 20 Years, which was presented in
November 2009 within the framework of the Ibero-American Summit in Estoril,
Portugal. Toledo is also a member of the Human Development Committee of the
United Nations Organization for Latin America, as well as the Club de Madrid. In
2007, after the controversial closing of RCTV in Venezuela, Toledo wrote the
article Silence = Despotism (Silence = Despotism) in the New York Times in
which he strongly criticized Hugo Chávez for violating freedom of expression; He
also called on international organizations such as the OAS to intervene in the
closure of the media.

In July 2010, the United States Senate honored Toledo for its policies that
contributed greatly to the improvement of the Peruvian economy and helped to
take major steps in the areas of education, health and poverty reduction.49 Over
the years, he has received more than 65 doctorates from different universities
around the world, including the University of Winnipeg, Peking University, Tbilisi
State University50 and the National University of San Marcos. Toledo was
presented again to the general elections of Peru in 2011, where he was in fourth
place. Since then he has maintained a tight international agenda, which has led
him, among other things, to meet with the Secretary of State of the United States,
Hillary Rodham Clinton, for a rethinking of US relations with Latin American
countries.51 Likewise, he has participated in international events in Guatemala,
where he advocated integration, and social development and the strengthening
of democracy, 52 and in Israel, within the framework of the Third Israeli
Presidential Conference.

At the Oslo Freedom Forum in 2011, Toledo made it clear that he would not
support either Ollanta Humala or Keiko Fujimori in the presidential elections in
Peru, "We will remain vigilant and defend democracy in Peru." He also affirmed
his role in the future by adding: "We will fight those who, being democratically
elected, then change the Constitution and use the mask of democracy to govern

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autocratically." However, days later he openly supported the nationalist candidate

in these terms:

After the victory of Humala, speculations began about a possible co-government,

due to the meetings that the former president had with Humala; However, Toledo
denied the rumors and announced his support for the country's governability.
In September 2011, Toledo met 13 ex-presidents of Ibero-America and Europe
in Lima to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, within the framework of the VI Summit of former presidents.
In October 2011, he participated as Head of the Observer Mission of the National
Democratic Institute for International Affairs in the elections of the General
Assembly in Tunis. In November of the same year he was invited by King
Mohamed VI of Morocco to speak about the effects of the Arab Spring and
democracy; On this visit he was handed the keys to the city of Rabat; After that
he criticized before the international press the forms of government in Venezuela
and Nicaragua.
In September 2012, he was named among the 20 Heroes of the Inclusion of the
World by the Quarterly Americas magazine of the Council of the Americas, for his
achievements as president in reducing poverty from 54.4% to 45%.
In March 2013 he participated as a keynote speaker at the XV Conference on
Latin America held by the Business School of Harvard University, where he
discussed the changes that the Latin American region and economic
development. After that he participated in the Palm Beach Strategic Forum on
economic growth, given in Florida. In the same way, he was a panelist for the
forum on Latin America organized by The Annenberg - Drier Commission -
Americas Society in California; of the Ambrosetti Forum in Cernobbio, Italy and
of the Latin American World Business Forum in Mexico.
In December 2013 he participated in the annual Club of Madrid conference, held
in the city of Coolum, Queensland. In that meeting, different former leaders spoke
about the future of Latin America and the impact of global economic changes on
societies.
At the beginning of 2015, he published the book The Shared Society. A vision for
the global future of Latin America.

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III CHAPTER

1. What did Alejandro Toledo do?

The government organization of Alejandro Toledo was represented by a
procedure that encompassed the progress of the nation, when the great wave of
the macroeconomic crisis that occurs with the advance of the remote enterprise
and the consent of the commercial agreements facilitated begins; Likewise, he
highlighted the execution of good projects that would be extended in base and
human improvement. See also Pedro Aguirre Cerda.
Even so Toledo began to receive a wide range of alerts to recompose the
structure of his government, the walks and assemblies caused an expansion in
the atmosphere of bad government. At that time, Mrs. Lourdes Flores maintained
that the National Unity will be intractable until the Council of Ministers is re-
established.

In the same way what was stated by Alan García who withdrew his meeting from
the National Agreement table until there was an election on this topic. In fact,
even his Economy Minister Pedro Pablo Kuczynski proposed from New York to
hasten changes in light of the fact that vulnerability baffled financial specialists.
On July 12, Alejandro Toledo took a turn changing his ministerial dome leaving
among those changes Fernando Olivera del Ejecutivo. In any case, this meant
the departure of two ministers for the FIM. Both the president and his own
supporters urged him to move to one side.
Alan Garcia said in such a way that "the decision of the local governments puts
in the hands of the population in general and its delegates the direct way to
organize, direct and do everything that Toledo does not do from Lima.
The voting-based system has its own instruments to address what we are living.
The APRA needs to obtain a decent number of provincial governments to then
form a meeting of local presidents and from that moment press the executive
body. Be that as it may, this objective will put them in a course of immediate
impact with Peru Possible that additionally strives to control the territorial
governments.

2. Proposals by Alejandro Toledo

Within his proposals, he kept in mind the development of the economy, but with
a higher propagation. Schools with access to the web are better positioned. In
the same way put resources in training to strengthen the establishments of
society and combat pollution. He said everyone will appreciate the improvement.

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 LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

 Declares that he would seek to guarantee development, said he needed

to redraw the face of the nation with more and better instruction. He says
he knows the need since he left and now he increases his jobs with better
payment rates.
 Regarding health, he said that it would strengthen social projects despite
the resolution to reduce the health of the sick by giving more work to
parents. It will extend the Juntos program and in a short time it will send to
the Banco de la Esperanza.
 It focuses on combating frailty, drug treatment and degradation through
institutional changes. The live identification of the police and the army that
would complete a restoration of the legal framework will be taken into
account.
 It attracts attention because he feels love for Peru and returns because he
has a pending motivation. In addition, it offers that it will take an opportunity
for the natural and social perspectives, which are pending of diligences
and in view of the fact that it needs this opportunity to be a development
for all.
 He says he does not need the government administration in light of the
power requirement, but he needs to do everything he did well and address
what he committed. It needs the nation to negotiate more and improve the
compensation of educators in the nation.

3. Works by Alejandro Toledo

Here are the most extraordinary realities of the agenda of Alejandro Toledo,
leader of Peru during the years of 2001 and 2006. The established standards
were considered as the autonomy of the state forces and the opportunity of
articulation; despite the cases of contamination and political outrage, including
some individuals from his party line or from his family.
 It advanced with neoliberal measures in which macroeconomic knowledge
showed a supported development in the Peruvian economy, despite the
fact that the need and poverty were not greatly reduced. He made
considerable progress in mining interests and kept the organizations
introduced in the previous decade.
 The Camisea gas pipeline was started.
 The development of the Peru-Brazil Interoceanic Highway began.
 Political and monetary network incorporated by twelve free nations of
South America. It was established on December 8 of the year of 2004 in
the Inca sanctuary of Coricancha, Cusco, Peru.
 It sought new markets for agroindustrial and material tariffs, allowing vital
exchange agreements with MERCOSUR, the Andean Community and
Thailand.
 The protected standards of the autonomy of the state powers and the
opportunity of articulation were considered; in spite of the degradation and

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the political abuses and by his family, that included the Presidential circle
and the precursory imperatives of the partisan part.

4. Alejandro Toledo and his Political Party

The political line Peru Posible was established as a very important circle of
support in the year 1999, as an approach to supplant the previous line called
Possible Country that was constituted by Congressman José Barba and
Alejandro Toledo in the year of 1994.
It is noteworthy that for the electoral process scheduled for the year 2000 Peru
Posible is unprecedented for the first time for the general comical events with
Alejandro Toledo as a contender for the administration of the government of
Peru.
Anyway, in these elections, grunting began to increase, for example, reported
by the newspaper "El Tiempo", which stated that they had found 3,000 records
of discretionary acts and also managed to capture 11 people who were
engaged to falsify the electoral booklets already fixed.

What precisely included on the left side the photograph of the 14 contenders
who aspired to the government administration and on the right side, the logo
and the name of the 20 political lines whose people needed to acquire one of
the 120 seats authorized for legislation.
Given this, the ideological group chose not to be interested in the second round
and rather considered a monstrous walk as a type of challenge to the
candidacy and the political circumstance that was being encountered, the walk
known as La Marcha de los Cuatro Suyos. Peru Possible in its belief system,
demonstrates its line with a different interest and with a key objective that is to
achieve a social advance more and more just and with a superior personal
satisfaction for all the natives.
Peru Possible is a political party line composed of individuals from diverse
social and financial classes who are not experts in government affairs. It is
made of effective experts in their particular controls as well as specialists,
students and legitimate nationals.
For those who militancy of another ideological group involve taking the test of
being heroes in the development of a nation with an alternative face Doctrine
- Peru Possible political party line
With this line the verification of its left internal position could be made allowing
the cooperation of all the subjects for the great advance of the nation. In
addition Peru Posible is characterized by being a system of liberal beliefs, non-
conformists and ecologists based on popularity and charisma.
In the government administration plan exhibited by Peru Posible for the
presidential vote of the year 2001, they confirmed that they need the new
development to reach everyone as well as giving quality instruction to the
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 LIFE OF ALEJANDRO TOLEDO

nationals; Advances worthy of praise and generously compensated jobs, as

well as ensuring resident safety
The main objective was to improve the economy by eliminating the indignation
and the imbalance among the residents. Then, again to ensure nature and to
change together with the financial change, Peru becomes a decentralized and
focused nation.
The standards that appeared in the midst of their struggle consisted in the
improvement in economic matters as well as the reduction of poverty and
inequalities among individuals as well as taking care of the environmental
space, greatly helping the economy with the management plan to transform it.
in a prospero country. See also Emiliano Figueroa
Its system was based on voting, viability, simplicity, development,
incorporation, security, decentralization, equity and human rights. Including,
most importantly, those rules that they considered had been avoided in the
middle of the Fujimorist government, and for which they mutinied to walk in the
Expedition of the 4 of theirs as a type of protest.

5. Alejandro Toledo and Harvard

The only relationship that existed between Alejandro Toledo and the Harvard
School said by its administrative body of studies that the previous president
was only an individual of the Institute for International Development of Harvard
University in the season that dates from the year of 1991 until 1994. They
expressed that Alejandro Toledo was never a student at Harvard University.
For all the clarity is to connote that he visited his classrooms in his work that
he carried out in his spaces and for that he gives him so much boast. See José
Manuel Balmaceda

6. Alejandro Toledo and Israel

The great nation of Israel does not allow under any circumstances the entry
of Alejandro Toledo into their spaces, because he is an individual who is
wanted for crimes that the Peruvian judicial authorities adjudge him,
everything happened a few hours before the arrival of the planned one of
San Francisco who had wanted to go to Israel just with his wife Eliane Karp
who has the Belgian and Israeli nationality, but Israel as a nation to have
knowledge of his trip made it clear that they could not enter the nation.

The nation of Israel argues that Toledo can only enter an Israeli area after
putting his affairs in order in Peru, he must pay what he owes to the justice of
his country in reference to the arrest warrant requested by a Peruvian court
that demands a year and a half of preventive detention for alleged irregularities
alluding to bribery, corruption and exchange of influence. Toledo directly
denies the accusations while his legal advisers Paolo Aldea and Heriberto

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Benítez, urged him not to go to the base in Peru until the case was clarified
and criticized the demand for preventive conviction for not having completed
the investigation followed his person.

The Peruvian financial expert is a scientist from the Stanford School in the
United States. From the year of 2009 to the present, he is the responsible and
representative leader of the Global Center for Development and Democracy.
He is affectionately called El gran Cholo because of his Indian starting points
and with much charisma as a living symbolism that represented the battle
against pollution and corruption in Peru and particularly against Fujimori.
Interestingly, he could now follow the paths of his incredible opponent who has
served his sentence since 2007 and become the second Peruvian president
in prison.

Above his wife Karp and Meiman, Toledo over the years has managed to
establish numerous obligations of fellowship in Israel. On an ongoing trip to
Israel in 2013, when the investigations began to shine for alleged
contamination, Toledo denied any relationship in explanations to Channel 10:
"I am a warrior, a man who has not failed to its principles.

7. Alejandro Toledo and Alan García

It is public knowledge that the Office of the Prosecutor of Peru recently

reported the opening of a first round of investigations for tax evasion against
previous presidents, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, Alan García and Alejandro
Toledo, for alleged crusade commitments of the Brazilian development
organization Odebrecht not announced by their separate ideological groups. .
The exhaustive criteria came after the affirmation of the former Odebrecht
executive in Peru, Jorge Barata, obtained by Peruvian investigators last
February in Brazil, where he alludes to the combat commitments that the
development organization allegedly made to the political associations of the
former presidents, declared the Office of the Prosecutor through its informal
communities.
In the midst of the questioning that Barata gave investigator José Domingo
Pérez last February, the former executive said that Odebrecht committed to
the discretionary electoral campaigns of Kuczynski and Toledo in 2011 and
those of Garcia in the year of 2006.

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ANNEXES

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

 https://www.buscabiografias.com/biografia/verDetalle/5635/Alejandro
%20Toledo
 https://tiempodepolitica.com/c-peru/alejandro-
toledo/#Que_hizo_Alejandro_Toledo

 https://diariocorreo.pe/noticias/alejandro-toledo/
 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-0UCrpa9MQk

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