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As a first step into the snarl of legal and policy issues that surround ‘traditional
knowledge’ (TK) and its complex linkages with intellectual property (IP) law and
policy, it can be helpful to dwell on the distinctive characteristics of TK, before
the debate moves into legalism. Many conceptual difficulties arise in policy and
legal debate when limiting preconceptions are imposed on the notion of TK.
Knowledge is not ‘traditional’ because of its object, nor its subject matter or
content, nor its age or antiquity, nor its aesthetic qualities. What makes it
* This section builds on the approach developed by Matthias Leistner for the first edition of this
book, and the guidance, insights and scholarship in the earlier version have been indispensable
for the preparation of the current text. The views expressed here are the authors’ personal
views and should in no way be attributed to WIPO, its Secretariat or its Member States.
1 Draft Decision on Traditional Knowledge, annexed to WTO, Taking Forward the Review of
Article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement, Joint Communication from the African Group, WTO
Doc. IP/C/W/404 (26 June 2003), e.g. Art. 2(b)(iii).
2 Annex to WIPO, The Protection of Traditional Knowledge: Revised Objectives and Prin-
ciples, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/5(c) (reproducing WIPO/GRTKF/IC/9/5) (26 April 2007) (‘draft
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 61
Given the deep historical and cultural roots of TK, and its distinctive social and
intellectual characteristics, it is striking that international policy attention to the
protection of TK and TK systems has been limited until very recently. Numerous
programmes had been undertaken to document and otherwise to preserve
elements of TK, but little attention was given to the legal protection of TK, in the
interest of its originators and holders, nor to the recognition and protection of
traditional knowledge systems. Until the middle of the 1980s, international policy
discussion on the legal protection of intellectual creativity of indigenous peoples3
had focused on the protection of ‘expressions of folklore’ against illicit exploita-
tion and other prejudicial actions,4 culminating in an international soft-law
instrument5 which in turn influenced many national and some regional forms of
protection.6
Since that time, greater attention has been paid to the need for systematic
legal protection of TK, as a complementary and distinct set of policy challenges
related to protection of expressions of folklore. From the late 1980s, three
convergent trends accentuated attention to the protection of TK as such: (i)
broader recognition among policymakers, social scientists such as ethno-
biologists and anthropologists, and conservation and development agencies, of
the importance not merely of TK as utilitarian information but also of pre-
served indigenous knowledge systems (‘indigenous science’7) for attaining
sustainable development and appropriate technologies for ecological protection,
health, agriculture, land management, housing and other aspects of grass-roots
WIPO TK provisions’, first circulated in this form as WIPO, The Protection of Traditional
Knowledge: Revised Objectives and Principles, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/8/5 (8 April 2005)), Art. 3.
3 Concerning the term ‘indigenous people’, for the various definitional approaches see in
general Kingsbury, ‘Indigenous Peoples in International Law: A Constructivist Approach to
the Asian Controversy’, (1998) AJIL 92, 414–457; see discussion below on the question of
indigenous peoples (Sec. 3.I.1.3.(a)(bb).
4 The term ‘folklore’ itself has been controversial because for some indigenous peoples in
certain countries it has a pejorative connotation, see Blakeney, ‘The Protection of Traditional
Knowledge under Intellectual Property Law’, [2000] EIPR, 251; Lucas-Schloetter, III.3 in this
volume; for this reason, the term ‘traditional cultural expressions’ has become widely used as
a synonym of ‘expressions of folklore’ as it is considered more neutral and accurately
descriptive.
5 UNESCO-WIPO Model Provisions for National Laws on the Protection of Expressions of
Folklore Against Illicit Exploitation & Other Prejudicial Actions (1983).
6 WIPO, Consolidated Analysis of the Legal Protection of Traditional Cultural Expressions/
Expressions of Folklore (WIPO Publication No. 785E, 2004).
7 ‘Many indigenous people avoid the term “traditional knowledge” because “traditional”
implies that the knowledge is old, static, and passed down from generation to generation
without critical re-evaluation, change or further development. In other words, the implication
is that TK is not “science” in the formal sense of a systematic body of knowledge that is
continually subject to empirical challenges and revision. Rather the term implies something
“cultural” and antique. What) . . . (the international community needs to protect is “ indig-
enous science.” ’ Written comments from Prof. Russell Barsh, cited in Intellectual Property
Needs and Expectations of Traditional Knowledge Holders, WIPO Report on Fact-Finding
Missions on Intellectual Property and Traditional Knowledge (1998–1999) WIPO, Geneva,
2001 (‘WIPO Fact-Finding report’).
62 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
development,8 as well as forming the basis for recognition of land tenure and
forms of indigenous governance based on customary law and practices;9 (ii) the
advances in biotechnology and the changing commercial patterns – exemplified
by a growing middle-class taste for so-called ‘alternative’ or natural medicines –
that opened possibilities for deriving commercial and industrial value from the
insights of the traditional lifestyles of indigenous peoples and local communities,
particularly in those parts of the world which remained rich in biodiversity and
-rich areas of the world also by benefiting from of these areas; and (iii) perhaps
most importantly, a growing political awareness of, and concern about, their
cultural integrity on the part of indigenous peoples and other local communities,
who saw greater respect and recognition of their knowledge systems as, literally,
essential to their survival as culturally distinct communities.10 For example,
despite having been banned in some countries during colonial times as ‘witch-
craft’, traditional medicine reportedly serves the health needs of 80 per cent of the
population in developing countries, and has been consciously revived as a
deliberate policy choice as a means of sustainable public health;11 at the same
time, it serves as a valuable input to pharmaceutical research.
Early policy consultations on protection of TK took a broad sweep,
recognizing the holistic character of indigenous and other traditional cultural and
knowledge systems, with concerns that knowledge should not be commodified or
compartmentalized, in tension with its original context and full characteristics.
But policy attention also turned to specific technical fields in which TK had
significant practical and economic potential: for instance, traditional medicine
and healing knowledge,12 agricultural systems conserving the biodiversity and
protecting the environment;13 the contribution of agricultural TK to the
8 See Dutfield, ‘TRIPS-Related Aspects of Traditional Knowledge’, [2001] Case W. Res. J. Int’l
L., Vol. 33, 240; Dutfield, ‘The Public and Private Domains’, (March 2000) Science
Communication, Vol. 21, No. 3, 277.
9 See for example, Norvill & Milera v. Chapman & Ors, Tickner v. Chapman & Ors (1995) 133
ALR 226 (‘Hindmarsh Bridge’); Republic of the Philippines, Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act.
10 See fn. 24 infra.
11 E.g. South Africa, Indigenous Knowledge Systems policy, fn. 35 and fn. 39, infra.
12 See further Barsh, ‘The Epistemology of Traditional Healing Systems’, Human Organization,
Vol. 56, No. 1, (1997) 28 et seq.; Blakeney, ‘Bioprospecting and the Protection of Traditional
Medical Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: An Australian Perspective’, (1997) 6 EIPR, 298;
Wilder, ‘Protection of Traditional Medicine’, unpublished manuscript prepared for Working
Group IV World Health Organization’s Commission on Macroeconomics and Health.
13 See Barsh, ‘Fire on the Land’, (Fall 1997) Alternatives Journal, 23:4, 36 et seq.; Barsh, ‘How
Do You Patent a Landscape? The Perils of Dichotomizing Cultural and Intellectual Property’,
(1999) International Journal of Cultural Property, Vol. 8, No. 1, 14 et seq.; Coombe,
‘Intellectual Property, Human Rights & Sovereignty: New Dilemmas in International Law
Posed by the Recognition of Indigenous Knowledge and the Conservation of Biodiversity’,
(1998) Global Legal Studies Journal, Vol. 6, 59 et seq.; Verma, ‘Biodiversity and Intellectual
Property Rights’, [Spring 2000] CASRIP Newsletter, 20 et seq.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 63
development of major food crops;14 its role in reversing desertification;15 and its
role in the conservation of biodiversity.16 This growing recognition of the
economic and broader utilitarian significance of TK is not confined to the
developing world, as is illustrated by the widespread and growing use of
traditional medicine, both directly and as a feedstock for research, and the use
and trans-generational development of landraces through traditional exchange
systems that contributes to agriculture on a global scale. Traditional knowledge
of farmers about crop varieties and their characteristics has become central to the
further (sustainable) development of agricultural systems, as a means of
preserving the environment and engendering global food security.
Yet the growing interest in TK from economic, commercial, industrial and
other utilitarian perspectives has not been matched by growing respect for or
recognition for the concerns, needs and expectations of the communities that have
developed TK, nor the distinctive knowledge systems that sustain TK. This sense
of neglect and systemic bias against traditional knowledge systems has led to
demands for more effective and appropriate protection of TK, either through the
application or adaptation of the traditional IP system or by means of new sui
generis rights, which may fall within the general category of IP17 or may take the
form of broader rights such as traditional resource rights18 and community
resource rights.19
The approach followed here attempts to analyse the factual situation, initially
especially the actual needs of the TK holders, to evaluate whether and to what
extent the IP system or other systems can fulfil these needs, or whether new kinds
of rights are necessary.20
14 The recognition of farmers’ rights under the Food and Agricultural Organization, International
Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (adopted by the FAO Conference
on 3 November 2001, entry into force 29 June 2004) (‘FAO ITPGRFA’), Art. 9.2; discussed
infra in Sec. III.4(a)(bb)(2).
15 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, (adopted in Paris on 17 June 1994,
entry into force on 26 December 1996): Parties shall, inter alia, ‘exchange information on
local and traditional knowledge, ensuring adequate protection for it and providing appropriate
return from the benefits derived from it, on an equitable basis and on mutually agreed terms,
to the local populations concerned’ (Art. 16(g)) and shall, in relation to research activities,
‘protect, integrate, enhance and validate traditional and local knowledge, know-how and
practices, ensuring, subject to their respective national legislation and/or policies, that the
owners of that knowledge will directly benefit on an equitable basis and on mutually agreed
terms from any commercial utilization of it or from any technological development derived
from that knowledge’ (Art. 17(c)).
16 CBD Art. 8(j), discussed infra in Secs II.2(a) and III.1(c).
17 Cottier, ‘The Protection of Genetic Resources and Traditional Knowledge: Towards More
Specific Rights and Obligations in World Trade Law’, [1998] Journal of International
Economic Law, 555–584.
18 Posey, Darrell, Traditional Resource Rights: International Instruments for Protection and
Compensation for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN,
the World Conservation Union (1996).
19 See Gibson, Community Resources (London, 2005).
20 See for the general approach of the study, von Lewinski, Part I above.
64 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
2. Sources of Factual Information
22 WIPO Fact-Finding Report, note 7 supra; for a concise synopsis of the results, see Wendland,
‘Intellectual Property, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore: WIPO’s Exploratory Program’
(1998–2001), [2002] IIC, 485.
23 See for example the analysis of work undertaken to address these recommendations set out in
Annex II to Overview of Activities and Outcomes of the Intergovernmental Committee,
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/9 (18 May 2007).
66 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
TK holders; providing legal/technical assistance with TK documentation,
including information and advice on the IP implications of TK documen-
tation; and assistance and training for TK holders in the negotiation,
drafting, implementation and enforcement of contracts.
– Longer term structural developments: longer-term recommendations for
‘new IP tools to protect TK not protected by existing IP tools, the
elaboration of an international framework for TK protection . . . and the
development of a sui generis system of “community” or “collective” rights
to protect TK’; and the development and testing, with the close involve-
ment of indigenous peoples and local communities, of ‘best contractual
practices’, guidelines and model clauses for contracts.
– A call for the protection against misuse and misappropriation not for
simple economic arguments, but for the very preservation of the distinctive
cultural identity of communities and their survival as communities: ‘[f]rom
the indigenous perspective, misuse of TK can cause severe physical or
spiritual harm to the individual caretakers of the knowledge or their entire
tribe from their failure to ensure that the Creator’s gifts were properly used,
even if misuse was used by others outside of the tribe, or by tribal members
who were outside of the control of customary authority. For this reason
. . . misappropriation and misuse [is] not simply a violation of “moral
rights” leading to a collective offense, but a matter of cultural survival for
many indigenous peoples.’24
– A call for the recognition of the local context, including the customary law
of indigenous communities, as the legal basis of protection, thus shifting
the principle, normative endeavour from seeking to codify or to create
entirely new forms of legal protection towards instead giving effect more
broadly to the rules or norms that already govern TK in its customary
context, or what one leading voice has termed a principle of locality: ‘to
resolve any disputes over the acquisition and use of indigenous people’s
heritage according to the customary laws of the indigenous peoples
concerned’,25 akin to the principle of lex loci.
26 Notably, the recommendations received from TK holders around the world that were distilled
in the WIPO Fact Finding Report (fn. 7 supra) emphasize various avenues to promoting
greater mutual awareness of these two policy communities.
27 Kenneth Pike, Language in relation to a unified theory of the structure of human behavior,
(The Hague: Mouton, 1954).
28 Matthias Leistner, ‘Traditional Knowledge’ (first edition of volume), p. 51.
29 On the ‘emic’ – ‘etic’ distinction in anthropology and its importance in the TK field, see
further Fikentscher/Ramsauer “Traditionswissen-Tummelplatz immaterialgüterrechtlicher
Prinzipien”, in: Ganea/Health/Schricker (eds), Festschrift für Adolf Dietz (Munich, 2001)
pp. 25, 27, 30. For a more general perspective see Fikentscher, Modes of Thought – A Study
in the Anthropology of Law and Religion (Tübingen, 1995), pp. 116–149.
68 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (the ‘IGC’)30 have
been used which provide factual information (and proposals) from governments,
regional and multinational organizations. However, a key development in the
work of the IGC has been incremental steps to ensure that the voices of
indigenous and local communities, and other holders of TK, have been central to
the work of this formally intergovernmental process, with the goal of sustaining
an ‘emic’ approach to continue to guide the search for international norms and
understandings of the role of IP mechanisms in serving communities’ needs and
expectations. Among the practical and procedural steps undertaken to promote
inclusion and diversity has been accreditation of over 180 organizations as active
participants in the IGC’s work, the majority representing local and indigenous
communities; panels of indigenous representatives putting community perspec-
tives to the IGC; direct input from communities into the IGC’s working
documents; and the creation of a Voluntary Fund to provide practical support for
participation of local and indigenous communities.31
The WIPO FFMs highlighted the need for terminological clarity in defining the
subject matter ‘traditional knowledge’ ;32 subsequent policy debate has confirmed
this need, given that the boundaries around what is considered ‘traditional
knowledge’ have taken on ever greater legal and policy status.33 At the same time,
policy discussion has identified clear limits on the move towards greater precision
in defining TK.
Three distinct elements of terminology may be considered:
30 See the review of the work of the IGC in WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/9 (note 23 supra).
31 For a full account see WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/9 (note 23 supra), pp. 11–15.
32 See WIPO Fact-Finding Report (note 7 supra), p. 210 et seq.
33 As an example, a current proposal to revise the WTO TRIPS Agreement makes reference to
‘traditional knowledge’ in the form of a precise legal obligation (see Brazil, India and others,
Doha Work Programme: The Outstanding Implementation Issue on the Relationship Between
the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity: Revision, WTO IP/C/W/
474, Add. 1 and Add. 2, WT/GC/W/564/Rev. 2 and TN/C/W/41/Rev. 2 (5 July 2006)).
34 See ‘Traditional Knowledge – Operational Terms and Definitions’, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/9 (20
May 2002).
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 69
(a) Choice of Terminology
(aa) General
None of these elements can be taken for granted, and the choices taken have
profound normative and policy implications for the legal scope, policy impact,
practical effectiveness and perceived legitimacy of any legal instrument. For
example, some have called for a specific focus not on ‘traditional knowledge’, as
being too broad and diffuse, but rather on ‘indigenous knowledge’ or ‘indigenous
science’.35 Moreover, there has been considerable uncertainty over whether the
term ‘traditional knowledge’, should embrace the better-established legal concept
of ‘expressions of folklore’ (now frequently substituted by ‘traditional cultural
expressions’ in view of the pejorative associations of ‘folklore’ for many
communities.36) In the specific context of legal protection against misappropria-
tion and misuse, there is an emerging practice of distinguishing TK as a
descriptive broader concept (lato sensu) from traditional knowledge in a more
strict legal and policy sense (stricto sensu). TK stricto sensu refers to the content
or substance of knowledge – what is known – and is distinguished, for example,
from its distinctive form of expression (which may indeed be through TCEs, such
as songs and narratives) and from the genetic resources that are frequently
intertwined with TK. Recognizing the maturing and focusing of the debate, this
chapter will not address traditional creativity and cultural expressions (in the
sense of the former term ‘folklore’);37 equally, despite the close linkage between
much TK and genetic resources, the latter subject is also treated separately.38
35 See the comments of Barsh, fn. 7 supra, and South Africa’s position: ‘After much debate
within the South African policy development on IKS context the Minister of Science and
Technology ruled in favour of the use of the concept ‘Indigenous Knowledge and Indigenous
Knowledge Systems’ against ‘Traditional Knowledge and Traditional Knowledge Systems’.
The argument took cognizance of the genesis of the use of traditional as against modern. It
rejects the dichotomy that was created to diminish the significance of indigenous knowledge
system when counter-posed against modernity’, document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/5(a), The
Protection of Traditional Knowledge: Table of Written Comments on Revised Objectives and
Principles (18 May 2007).
36 See fn. 4, supra.
37 See the discussion by Lucas-Schloetter, in this volume.
38 See Part III, Section 2 in this volume.
70 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
Policy,39 and calls for distinct recognition of indigenous knowledge, entirely
consistent with broader initiatives regionally within Africa and internationally to
create distinct legal protection of TK, an intrinsically broader concept.
This means, however, that the choice of term for the subject of protection can
have significant normative implications, that go beyond the nature of the
knowledge itself to embrace the cultural and legal identity and character of the
community as such: the choice of terminology can even touch on the sensitive
issue of the very legal personality of indigenous peoples, including their
recognition under international law and self-determination, a matter which has
been the subject of considerable debate well beyond the issue of TK.40
Precisely because of the intrinsic community context of TK, the definition
and scope of TK will be inflected according to the identity and characteristics of
the community that holds the knowledge. This question – whether or not to limit,
or focus, efforts to protect TK essentially on indigenous communities and
distinctly identifiable indigenous knowledge – has been a consistent theme in
policy debate. The debate naturally touches on what distinguishes a people as
‘indigenous’. Where protectable subject matter is defined independently from the
notion of ‘indigenous groups and peoples’, it can merely beg the question of what
communities are to be set apart and determined to be specifically entitled to
benefit from protection of TK and in particular to have the potential right to
prevent certain uses of knowledge. The TK debate has, in any event, highlighted
both the distinction between indigenous people – for example, as formerly
independent and subsequently conquered and suppressed people – and other local
and distinct cultural communities. As far as the TK debate is concerned, different
emphases and approaches are apparent in more recently colonized continents such
as America and Oceania, than in areas with a longer history of various waves of
immigration (for example, the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia41). Inter-
national legal instruments specifically recognizing the rights of indigenous
included and entitled to benefit-sharing, where officially recognized and regulated TK systems
are involved’ (at 88–89)
42 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the Human
Rights Council (29 June 2006), and recommended for adoption by the United Nations General
Assembly (document A/HRC/1/L.10).
43 A central thesis in Johanna Gibson, Community Resources, (London, 2005).
44 Chapter XX, Draft Agreement, FTAA – Free Trade Area of the Americas, FTAA.TNC/w/133/
Rev. 3 (21 November 2003).
45 Chapter XX Intellectual Property Rights, SubSec. B.2.f. [Traditional Knowledge and Access
to Genetic Resources under the Intellectual Property Framework] [Relationship between the
Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Intellectual Property, as well as the Relationship
between Access to Genetic Resources and Intellectual Property] [The Protection of Traditional
Knowledge, Access to Genetic Resources, and Intellectual Property], Art. 1.1. It should be
noted that this Agreement is in draft only, and is not currently under active development; it is
cited here for illustration only.
72 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
knowledge as intrinsically intertwined with the land, with the local environment
and ecology, with a way of life and a world view, even a cosmology. Knowledge
is of a piece with the landscape, with ancestral territories, and with cultural
heritage, as inherently cultural creations in which their intellectual creations are
inseparably embedded.46 TK is typically conceived in fully holistic terms,47 while
‘western’ or conventional science and knowledge systems are argued to be
reductionist.48 Consequently, a tension is posited between the approach to
knowledge systems and cultural expressions in conventional IP law and the
perspective within indigenous cultures. This plays out in the distinction between
the domain of distinct forms of protected IP, on the one hand, and collectively held
cultural property, traditional knowledge systems and associated genetic resources,
on the other hand, which have generally been assumed in the terms of
conventional law and policy to fall into the domaine public, even though this
assumption has been forcefully argued to be perilous to the very root concepts of
the development of traditional knowledge.49 This raises a difficult dilemma, at the
heart of calls for an holistic approach to protection of TK: should intellectual
property law be broadened and diversified to recognize the full context of TK and
its linkages with the environment, culture and spiritual domain, or should it focus
on those aspects of TK that are most readily or most commonly appropriated by
third parties? Or might the holistic characteristics of TK be better dealt with by
different legal mechanisms dealing with its different facets, leaving just the
‘intellectual property’ aspect to intellectual property law?50 This dilemma is
discussed below, when the question of what aspects of TK should be protectable
through IP mechanisms is addressed.
(bb) Diversity
The diverse nature and scope of TK systems means that it is impossible to define
TK by reference to its subject matter or even its policy field. International
46 See Barsh, ‘How Do You Patent a Landscape?’, (1999) International Journal of Cultural
Property, vol. 8, nos. 1, 14–47.
47 See for references, Dutfield, ‘The Public and Private Domains’ (note 8 supra), 275 et seq; for
a decidedly critical view, see Agrawal, ‘Indigenous and scientific knowledge: Some critical
thoughts’, [1995] Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor, 3, 3–6.
48 Shiva, ‘Staying Alive: Women, ecology and development’ (1989). Others deny that there is a
fundamental difference between ‘western’ science and traditional knowledge at all, see
Hecht/Posey, ‘Preliminary results on soil management techniques of the Kayapo Indians’,
[1989] Advances in Economic Botany 7, 174–188.
49 See Antony Taubman, ‘Saving the Village: Conserving Jurisprudential Diversity in the
International Protection of Traditional Knowledge’, in International Public Goods and
Transfer of Technology Under a Globalized Intellectual Property Regime, Keith E. Maskus
and Jerome H. Reichman (eds), (2005), p. 521.
50 This is also the approach followed by the WIPO FFMs which tried to determine the
‘intellectual property’ needs of the stakeholders, limiting the resulting report to the
‘identification of those needs and expectations to which the IP system is or may be able to
respond’, though keeping in mind not to view the FFMs exclusively from an IP perspective,
see WIPO Fact-Finding Report (fn. 7 supra), p. 209.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 73
instruments that deal with TK refer to its role in agriculture,51 in the conservation
of biodiversity,52 in combating desertification,53 in promoting appropriate medi-
cine,54 and in preserving cultural diversity and the rights of indigenous peoples.55
Accordingly, a general descriptive approach would not define its subject matter
but rather describe its context – in other words, taking for granted that
‘knowledge’ is in some form the fruit or content of human intellectual activity, the
emphasis lies on defining the traditional context. Accordingly, one early working
definition referred to
However, given the greater maturity of the debate and the broadening cultural and
policy context for considering of these issues, the tendency has been towards
stronger and distinct legal recognition of TK as such,57 with complementary and
coordinated protection of TCEs/expressions of folklore.58 Equally, genetic re-
sources are already governed by a well established international legal frame-
work,59 leading to a focus more on how protection of TK that is associated with
genetic resources can and should operate congruently with these existing norms:
the CBD itself already establishes a general standard for the recognition of TK
associated with biodiversity.
63 Regarding TK protection in the context of global public goods, see Taubman, Saving the
Village, fn. 49 supra.
64 Hecht/Posey, ‘Preliminary results on soil management techniques of the Kayapo Indians’, (fn.
fn. 48, supra) 174–188; Johnson, M., ‘Research on traditional environmental knowledge: Its
development and its role’, in: Johnson, M. (ed.), Lore: Capturing traditional environmental
knowledge (Ottawa, 1992), p. 7 et seq.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 77
(ee) Linkage with Traditional Community and Dynamic,
Intergenerational Quality
Accordingly, the third step identified above is to identify those aspects or elements
of TK, as broadly defined, which would be eligible for specific forms of
protection, or which should otherwise be considered subject to the custodianship,
ownership or control of certain TK holders. Any attempt to define protectable
subject matter inherently frames the issues, and inevitably creates boundary
issues: what TK should be considered to be irreversibly in the public domain;
what public domain TK could in effect be repatriated to the source community;
what TK should be subject to exclusive rights or other constraints on its access,
use and appropriation? More broadly, the question provokes a deeper question as
to what form of legal protection is appropriate and necessary, and what aspects of
that protection can and should be achieved by IP or IP-like mechanisms. The ideal
would be protection that is at once global in reach, holistic in scope and fully
deferential to the local quality of TK and TK systems. Yet any practical protection
mechanism that reaches beyond the community is necessarily selective and cannot
faithfully replicate the full local context, and the worldview of the source
community. Remedies that are both holistic and global entail choices, choices that
should aim at the best mix of practicable measures. ‘Holism’ requires that the sum
be greater than its parts, not that one part should be the whole.
Communities rarely need external instruction on how to protect their own TK
when defining or organizing themselves as communities. But they may choose
external support to bolster their innate capacities when parties beyond the
community abuse or profit from their resources. By one perspective, to apply IP
to TK would ‘fundamentally transform the subject matter of protection in ways
that make it incompatible with the interests of community’.70 This comment
usefully focuses attention on determining the legitimate role of IP mechanisms
within a broader framework of protection and preservation of TK. Arguably, one
role of IP should be to thwart the misappropriation and misuse of intangible
knowledge. Certain facets of TK are readily appropriable by third parties, and
legal rights would protect those facets against such appropriation. ‘TK’ in its
customary context is categorically distinct from the legal rights that constrain its
misappropriation in a foreign jurisdiction. Such ‘protection’ that has external legal
effect may usefully supplement internal governance, without seeking to mimic or
Of course to build a definition of protectable TK upon its link with the community
simply begs the question of how to tell whether a community should be eligible.
This can be a sensitive legal, cultural and political question, reaching to the core
of questions of collective identity. Arguably such issues never can or should be
resolved in the context of general rules for the protection of TK, whether through
existing, adapted or new IP mechanisms, any more than existing international IP
treaties deal with questions of nationality and the legal personality of unincorpo-
rated associations.73 It is unlikely that the question of defining a community as a
legal entity can ever be fully resolved on the international plane. The nature, scope
and membership of communities are likely to legally defined by the customary
laws, protocols, practices and way of life of the communities themselves, possibly
with a more formal expression through municipal law. As a rough analogy, the
boundaries of a region recognized in a geographical indication have never been
drawn up directly through international negotiation, but rather are developed
74 See for example, Coonawarra Penola Wine Industry Association Inc & Others and
Geographical Indications Committee [2001] AATA 844 (5 October 2001); See also Geo-
graphical Indications Committee v. The Honourable Justice O’Connor [2000] FCA 1877 (20
December 2000).
75 See the distinctions between forms of holding TK that are made in WIPO/GRTKF/IC/10/7,
intervention of the Delegation of india (fn. 41, supra).
82 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
should have public domain status;76 and there is sufficient case law in conven-
tional IP law to see how this works in practice.77
Yet even taking this broader view of the role of IP systems – not
commodification, but defence against illegitimate commodification – IP could
never serve the full range of needs for protection and preservation of TK systems
nor provide forms of governance and innovation that take full account of claims
for access and custodianship of ancestral lands and recognition of the collective
cultural and even legal identity of communities: The TK issue, is situated at the
crossroads of intellectual property, cultural heritage, land rights and biodiversity
protection. Solutions, too, should ideally be ‘embedded in much broader-based
negotiations . . . in which the most fundamental concerns of these peoples and
communities, such as self-determination (for indigenous peoples), territorial
rights, and human rights, are openly and comprehensively addressed’.78 Yet such
an approach need not be prejudiced by specific international processes that focus
on one or the other aspect of an holistic, coordinated approach to this cluster of
issues. To the contrary, with appropriate coordination, this focused approach may
yield more powerful, deeply rooted outcomes than confining the full range of
issues to one forum or one process. Thus the current working draft of the
International Regime on Access and Benefit-sharing under negotiation within the
CBD COP includes a proposal that the regime ‘will take into account the work of
the WIPO/IGC on the intellectual property aspects of sui generis systems for the
protection of traditional knowledge and folklore against misappropriation and
misuse’.79 In turn, a linkage between such protection and the broader survival of
indigenous peoples as distinct peoples has been strongly argued, in view of the
dynamic linkage between protection of TK against third party activities and the
conservation of cultural, epistemological and jurisprudential diversity.80
The concerns, needs and expectations of TK holders are naturally diverse and are
nuanced by social, cultural, historical and environmental context; a single
characterization is not attempted here as it would be impertinent and inaccurate.
Nonetheless, to distil a subtle and diverse discourse, TK holders have expressed
their concerns on the relationship between IP and TK at two general levels. First,
at a broad holistic level, TK should be viewed as integral to the community’s
conception of itself and therefore its survival as a community, including
continuing traditional ways of life and maintaining customary usages of land and
genetic resources, Legally, it falls within the full context of the law of human
81 This is a generalization. Some forms of IP protection – while at core, still concerning the right
to restrain acts of appropriation and use by third parties – do of course require some form of
commercial use to remain immune from challenge, such as trademark use requirements (see
for example TRIPS Art. 19).
84 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
– other non IP legal tools to protect TK (as well as related genetic resources),
such as contracts and legislation for the protection of the environment and
the interests of indigenous communities; and
– technical tools, such as databases with security systems, to prevent third
parties from gaining unauthorized access to TK/TCEs.
The underlying interests of the TK holders clearly go well beyond the commercial
exploitation of knowledge that is the general – but not exclusive – focus of
practice of conventional IP rights. Rather than limiting remedies or entitlements
of TK holders simply to an equitable share from commercialization – an inevitable
constraint of compensatory liability schemes, for instance – the claim may be
simply to allow the TK to be maintained and to develop undisturbed within its
traditional context: even a TK protection scheme that generously allocates an
equitable share of commercial profits from external use of TK is still a form of
commodification, which may be at odds with a community’s collective interests,
values and customary law and practices.
For these reasons, the notion has developed – challenging, perhaps, to
mainstream IP law and policy but nonetheless fully consonant with the ‘emic’
perspective – of a form of ‘moral rights’ over TK. For instance, this idea is
82 See inter alia Comparative Summary of Existing National Sui Generis Measures and Laws for
the Protection of Traditional Knowledge (WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/INF/4), Consolidated Survey of
Intellectual Property Protection of Traditional Knowledge (WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/7), Composite
Study on the Protection of Traditional Knowledge (WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/8), and The Protec-
tion of Traditional Knowledge: Revised Outline of Policy Options and Legal Mechanisms
(WIPO/GRTKF/IC/9/INF/5).
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 85
captured within the draft WIPO objectives and principles which suggests as one
aspect of misappropriation –
Given that TK is typically defined in terms of its connection with the collective
identity of a community, this broader perspective suggests that the underlying
need is to consider TK protection in terms of defending the integrity of a
collective identity, the very personality – legal and cultural – of the community
that maintains and identifies with the TK system of which appropriable elements
of TK form part.84
The spiritual and cultural perspective can therefore militate against any form
of commercial exploitation, just as the right of personality under common law
can embrace the right to be let alone. In a parallel case concerning TCEs,
Fikentscher85 describes the snake dance of the Hopi Indians of New Mexico. Only
initiated members of the Hopi tribe are admitted to the dance; non-initiated Hopi
and strangers are not permitted to participate. Other groups filmed the ceremony
by helicopter, recalling the classic confidentiality cases concerning photographic
intrusion86 and breach of customary law constraints on the dissemination of sacred
knowledge.87 This helps clarify the linkage between IP protection – the right to
object when another party breaches confidentiality or undertakes fixation of
performances – and the defence of a collective right, rooted in customary law, to
be left alone.
The interest ‘to be left alone’ also finds an impression in initiatives for defensive
protection, or the endeavour to forestall or revoke third parties’ IP rights when
these are seen as misappropriating the knowledge of TK holders. Thus the WIPO
draft objectives and principles identify as one form of misappropriation ‘false
claims or assertions of ownership or control over traditional knowledge, including
acquiring, claiming or asserting intellectual property rights over traditional
knowledge related subject matter when those intellectual property rights are not
(a) General
For practical capacity building and when clarifying the legal character of TK, the
focus must be the point of actual access to TK by those who are beyond the
original community or the traditional context. The call for additional protection is
often triggered when someone – the academic researcher, the bio-prospector, the
documentary filmmaker, the emigrating community member, the commercial
partner, or the simple observer – in some way alienates TK from the original
community circle, such as through publishing a journal article, adding an entry to
a database, or recording a traditional narrative which is used to convey the TK
within the community. Crucial questions can be determined at the time of access,
and the terms, implicit or explicit, and legal circumstances under which access to
and transfer of the TK from the source community takes place. It is at this point,
for instance, that the customary law and practices of the source community begin
to interface with or conflict with the laws and practices of the external actors.
Uncertainty about legal status, or the failure to take such essential steps as
defining the terms of a confidentiality agreement, can lead to the unwitting and
undesired transfer by the TK holders of knowledge into what is considered by
external parties as being the unencumbered public domain. Thus the need for legal
clarity and practical capacity building converge on this critical point – the point
of access. Communities need to have the capacity to identify and promote their
interests exactly at that point, before they grant actual access to TK. It can
subsequently be extremely difficult retrospectively to rectify problems that arise
from inappropriate access. Pre-empting such problems requires an integrated
approach to strengthening capacity to use existing rights and defensive options
and to enhancing the practical availability of legal avenues for protection, together
with practical support for documentation.
89 Defensive Protection Measures Relating to Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources and Tradi-
tional Knowledge: An Update, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/6/8 (15 December 2003), p. 2.
88 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
initiatives vary greatly in what they seek to protect, and how they operate. Some
seek to conserve and disseminate such material for wider public access. Others
seek to protect and restrict access to it, and to reserve it strictly for the community
itself. Still others take a combined approach, reserving some knowledge for
restricted access to those community members entitled under customary law, other
knowledge to be protected as having potential commercial value and other
knowledge as being consensually committed to the public domain. Naturally, such
initiatives provoke concern about the IP implications of distinct choices, and the
legal and practical needs of the TK holders when such initiatives unfold.
These initiatives generally aim at promoting the interests of TK holders and
local and indigenous communities. But in some cases, there is apprehension that
recording TK will actually undercut the IP rights of TK holders, or override
customary law restrictions associated with the knowledge. These concerns raise
questions of how to clarify and give practical effect to the policy objectives of
such initiatives; how to ensure that TK is collected, represented and accessed
consistent with cultural and customary law norms; how to ensure full community
participation and prior informed consent of TK holders; how databases can govern
access to TK according to the wishes of TK holders, including confidentiality
requirements; how databases can work effectively to promote IP interests of TK
holders; and how to avoid problems about the legal status of information stored
in the registry or database. In order to resolve these questions, a better
understanding of the needs, objectives and priorities of the different stakeholders
is essential.
The first global, systematic study of stakeholder needs and objectives in
databases and registries was initiated through the WIPO IGC. A survey90
identified a range of IP objectives for TK databases, including defensive
protection (such as preventing the grant of patents on disclosed TK); public notice
of positive rights over TK under conventional IP systems (such as patents on
traditional medicine); registries used in sui generis protection of TK; participation
in IP information networks; and management of IPRs relating to documented TK
and genetic resources. Non-IP objectives for databases identified in the same
survey included preserving TK, promoting recognition and awareness of the value
of TK ; forging links between mainstream science with TK systems; the use of TK
for natural resource conservation and management; information exchange be-
tween indigenous peoples and local communities; sustainable development; and
dissemination of TK to the general public, for non-commercial use only or in
confidence to commercial partners, only to custodians of TK and genetic
resources, or subject to other dissemination restrictions.
While responses to this specific survey of TK holders have not yet been
published, the terms of the survey help illustrate the multiple purposes and
functions of TK documentation initiatives. Databases, for instance, may conserve
During the debate over appropriate forms of protection of TK, a consistent call of
indigenous and local communities has been for customary law to be used as the
lynchpin of protection, in particular through the recognition of customary law
beyond the original community. Relatively little attention has been given to the
question of what legal mechanisms would be used to recognize and apply
customary law.92 Understanding both the characteristics of customary law,
practice and protocols, and the means of recognizing them in a systematic way
beyond the original community, are integral to appropriate TK protection. The
options generally range across recognizing customary law, practice and protocols
as:93
– the fundamental legal basis or source of law for communities’ legal rights
over TK;
– a factual element in establishing communities’ collective rights over TK;
– an element of the definition of TK, or can otherwise establishing the
relationship to community that is central to the concept of TK;
– determining or guiding the procedures to be followed in securing a
community’s free prior informed consent for access to or certain usage of
TK;
91 See for example, the customary law element of the ‘digital repatriation’ movement described
in Ancient Traditions Preserved, AUSTRALIAN IT, 10 June 2003, available at <www.
news.com.au>: ‘the entire intellectual system of Elcho Island’s various clans is being
reconceived in digital form, and shaped into an elaborate, multi-level database’, with discrete
levels for public, private and secret knowledge; see also the Tulalip Tribes Cultural Stories
project, and the Indigenous Collections Management Project (Jane Hunter et al., Software
Tools for Indigenous Knowledge Management (Sept. 2002) and Kathryn Wells, A Model and
Pilot Options for Digital Image and Text Archive of Indigenous Arts and Knowledge: A
Progress Report (1997)).
92 See for example, Cooter/Fikentscher, ‘Indian Common Law: The Role of Custom in American
Indian Tribal Courts’, [1998] American Journal of Comparative Law 46, 314.
93 Following a taxonomy developed for the WIPO Issues paper, entitled Customary Law & the
Intellectual Property System in the Protection of Traditional Cultural Expressions and
Traditional Knowledge: Issues Paper – version 3.0 (December 2006) <www.wipo.int/tk/
resources>.
90 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
– defining specific user rights or exceptions, exempting the continuing
customary uses and practices from other legal restrictions on the use of TK;
– guiding the assessment of cultural or spiritual offence or damage caused by
inappropriate forms of use of TK;
– determining or guiding how benefits from the use of TK should be shared
equitably within a community;
– determining appropriate forms of remedies, sanctions or restitution follow-
ing the breach of rights over TK;
– serving as an avenue for resolving disputes over ownership or other forms
of custodianship over TK; or
– determining the transmission of rights over TK from one generation to a
following generation, or from one custodian to a succeeding custodian.
Non-legal measures may also promote understanding of and respect for customary
law and practices by third parties, beyond the community itself. For instance,
research guidelines or academic protocols may include information on customary
law and practices, and may encourage researchers to seek guidance from
communities on their customary law and practices, and to comply with such law
and practices as far as possible in their work.
94 See the case study in Terri Janke, Minding Culture, Geneva, 2004.
95 Reported in WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/INF/2, 25 November 2002, no. 79 et seq.
96 WIPO Fact-Finding Report, fn. 7 supra.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 91
of GIs or appellations of origin in particular, and the possibility is covered in
general terms concerning the Caribbean97 and Central American98 regions.
From a policy point of view, the law and policy of GIs and collective/
certification trademarks recalls that the IP system in general is not only concerned
about innovation – but about distinctive reputation, often, a reputation linked with
local traditions. Numerous GIs and trademarks (TMs) protect the reputation and
distinctiveness of products that embody forms of TK, and indeed the rules and
regulations governing use of GIs, certification TMs, often codify and define
traditional production methods. For example, the application for protection of
Roquefort as a GI in Europe specified that
97 Ibid.
98 Ibid.
99 Granted to the Confédération Générale des Producteurs de Lait de Brebis et des Industriels
de Roquefort under European Commission Regulation (EC) No. 2081/92; see also at the
national level, Ministère de l’agriculture et de la pêche, Décret du 22 janvier 2001 relatif à
l’appellation d’origine contrôlée (Roquefort) NOR: AGRP0001838D, J.O n° 21 du 25 janvier
2001, p. 1283 and Reglement d’application du decret relatif a l’appellation d’origine
controlee ‘Roquefort’, available at <www.roquefort.fr>, codifying production methods in
considerable detail.
100 See Antony Taubman, Geographical indications and the protection of traditional knowledge,
International Symposium on Geographical Indications, (Beijing, June 2007).
92 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
– the challenge of recognizing intrinsically local characteristics abroad, in a
distinct legal and cultural environment; and
– the uncertainty of the due legal character of protection: should it be a
distinct property right, or a bare cause of action for an aggrieved party, akin
to a cause for unfair competition? Is it protected as collective or even State
property, as a private right, or simply through ‘legal means to prevent’
certain uses?
– How should continuity of protection be squared with claims for a healthy
public domain? When is the defining link with the origin lost, and can it
ever be reinstated, in effect reversing public domain status?
Multilateral IP Conventions
The following section outlines elements and standards of the core international IP
treaties that deal with forms of protection that may be relevant to the protection
101 India, Patents Amendment Act, 2002, s. 3(p) excluding from patentable subject matter ‘an
invention which, in effect, is traditional knowledge or which is an aggregation or duplication
of known properties of traditionally known component or components’.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 93
of diverse aspects of TK. The following are the central elements that have been
most widely explored in this context:
– The Paris Convention – protection of collective and certification marks,
protection of armorial bearings, flags, other State emblems, official signs
and hallmarks (Article 6ter), the protection of industrial designs, the
protection of patents on innovation in a traditional context, and the
suppression of unfair competition under Article 10 bis, including false
indications that products are traditional or associated with an indigenous or
local community as well as a broader doctrine of unfair competition that
may provide juridical roots for a conception of misappropriation of TK;
– The WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty (WPPT) – the protection
of performances of expressions of folklore as a means of safeguarding the
transmission of TK through traditional cultural expressions;
– The Lisbon Agreement – the protection of appellations of origin related to
products that embody TK or are associated with traditional cultures;
– The Madrid Agreement Concerning the International Registration of
Marks (and the Madrid Protocol) – the protection of certification marks
relating to products of traditional origin or embodying TK;
– The Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) – the PCT system is used to facilitate
protection for legitimate innovations within a traditional context; it has
also been reformed to enhance recognition of TK, such as when the
minimum documentation specified under the PCT has been expanded to
give more explicit recognition of TK as prior art;
– The Strasbourg Convention on the International Patent Classification
(IPC): the IPC was revised to take better account of TK subject matter, and
further proposals are under development; and
– The WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
Rights (TRIPS) covers a range of IP rights that are applicable to TK-related
subject matter; apart from each of those categories noted above (including
Paris which TRIPS directly incorporates by reference), TRIPS creates fully
multilateral obligations for two specific categories of protection that have
been used for the protection of TK-related subject matter: geographical
indications (a category broader in scope than appellations of origin) and
undisclosed information (confidential information or trade secrets), again
linking both forms of protection to the suppression of unfair competition
under Article 10bis of the Paris Convention.
PCT discussion
(aa) Patents
TRIPS establishes substantive standards for the patent system in WTO Members,
especially concerning patentable subject matter, patentability criteria, exceptions
and limitations, use by third parties not authorized by the patentee, and
enforcement. TRIPS also incorporates the earlier standards established by the
94 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
Paris Convention, for instance the entitlement of the inventor to be identified as
such in a patent – a standard of direct relevance in the debate over patents that are
alleged to appropriate others’ TK (see the discussions above on inventorship). Yet
there is no accepted international standard defining such core issues at the heart
of the TK debate as (i) definition of invention; (ii) criteria for determining novelty,
inventive step and utility; and (iii) inventorship and entitlement to apply or to hold
a patent. In addition, there is considerable foment on the question of creating
enhanced patent disclosure obligations specifically applying to genetic resources
and TK, including a formal proposal to amend the TRIPS Agreement.102
For international patent applications, the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT)
establishes standards for international patent search and examination, including
non-binding standards on novelty and inventive step. The PCT system can be
useful for the practical recognition of TK as prior art at an early stage in the
processing of a typical patent application.
The debate over TK and the patent system has generally focused on defensive
protection rather than the positive protection of TK-based innovation as legitimate
inventions within the patent system. However, in some fields of TK, this pattern
is shifting as several developing countries make increasing use of their heritage of
TK as the basis for research and development, and the recognition of genuine
indigenous innovation. This trend may be seen through one simple example, the
comparative geographical distribution of PCT filings relating to the use of neem
firstly since its operational establishment in 1978, and secondly since 2001. The
proportion of indigenous innovation since 2001 has risen sharply, the most recent
statistics suggesting a trend of over 50 per cent indigenous innovation using this
key resource and the rich heritage of associated TK.
Figure Neem-related filings in the international patent system since 1978 (source:
PatentScope)
102 Doha Work Programme – The Outstanding Implementation Issue on the Relationship Between
the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity (Communication from
Brazil, China, Colombia, Cuba, India, Pakistan, Peru, Thailand and Tanzania), WT/GC/W/
564/Rev. 2, TN/C/W/41/Rev. 2, IP/C/W/474 (5 July 2006).
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 95
Figure Neem-related filings in the international patent system since 2001 (source:
PatentScope)
104 Anil K. Gupta, ‘Centres on the Periphery: Coping with Climatic and Institutional Change’, 13
HONEY BEE 1 (Sept. 2002).
105 See the discussion below (Sec. III.1.II.1.(c)(aa)(3)(i)) concerning the amendment of the Indian
Patent Act to exclude certain TK-related material from patentable subject matter.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 97
(ii) Cultural and Legal Constraints on Use of Patent System
by TK Holders
Nonetheless, the technical eligibility of tradition-based innovations for patent
protection (discussed below) does not mean that it is necessarily culturally
appropriate or even legally possible – given customary law constraints within
some communities – for individuals to make use of the patent system. As a very
rough parallel in conventional patent law, a contracted researcher, an employee or
a faculty member is not necessarily entitled to make free resort of the patent
system for their genuine inventions, because of background legal obligations and
responsibilities. Prior informed consent procedures and customary protocols may
need to be followed within the community context to determine entitlement to
exploit knowledge that is derivative from TK and is subject to customary law
constraints. Equally, drawing on the analogue of copyright law cases in which
original works making use of motifs bound by customary law constraints have
created an equitable interest on the part of the community,106 an individual
innovator working within a customary context may have a fiduciary responsibility,
expressed through customary law, to manage and defend the integrity of the
knowledge which she or he has drawn on in the innovation. This in turn may
create either an equitable or a direct ownership interest on the part of the
community that stands behind the individual innovator.
A further, more practical constraint is the relatively high cost of patent
procedures in many countries, and certainly in multiple countries. The need for
equity of access to the patent system for the benefit of legitimate innovators
working within traditional contexts is a reminder that moves towards reducing
administrative costs and practical red-tape complications within the patent system
are not regressive but may be a key component of delivering practical equity.
106 John Bulun Bulun v. R & T Textiles Pty. Ltd, [1998] AILR 39; (1998) 3 AILR 547: ‘The law
and customs of the Banalbingu people require that the use of the ritual knowledge and the
artistic work be in accordance with the requirements of law and custom, and that the author
of the artistic work do whatever is necessary to prevent any misuse. The artist is required to
act in relation to the artwork in the interests of the Ganalbingu people to preserve the integrity
of their culture, and ritual knowledge. This is not to say that the artist must act entirely in the
interests of the Ganalbingu people. The evidence shows that an artist is entitled to consider
and pursue his own interests, for example by selling the artwork, but the artist is not permitted
to shed the overriding obligation to act to preserve the integrity of the Ganalbingu culture
where action for that purpose is required. In my opinion, the nature of the relationship between
Mr Bulun Bulun and the Ganalbingu people was a fiduciary one which gives rise to fiduciary
obligations owed by Mr Bulun Bulun’ (per von Doussa J.).
107 Art. 4ter; cf PCT Art. 4(1)(v).
98 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
derive from a legitimate act of invention. Determining inventorship entails
assessing which individuals substantially contributed to the claimed invention,
and forms the basis of the legitimacy of the patent application and any patent right
granted. When a patented invention is derived from TK, and the TK holder made
an active contribution to an inventive process which was also undertaken by those
working within a conventional scientific paradigm, the question of inventorship
may be complex and entail cross-cultural judgments. The question of bridging
between distinct epistemologies was discussed by Lord Hoffman as follows:
The Amazonian Indians have known for centuries that cinchona bark can
be used to treat malarial and other fevers. They used it in the form of
powdered bark. In 1820, French scientists discovered that the active
ingredient, an alkaloid called quinine, could be extracted and used more
effectively in the form of sulphate of quinine. In 1944, the structure of
the alkaloid molecule (C20 H24 N2 O2) was discovered. This meant that
the substance could be synthesized.
“We have found that the reason why the bark is good for fevers is that
it contains an alkaloid with a rather complicated chemical structure
which reacts with the red corpuscles in the bloodstream. It is called
quinine.” The Indian replies: “That is very interesting. In my tribe, we
call it the magic spirit of the bark.” Does the Indian know about quinine?
My Lords, under the description of a quality of the bark which makes it
useful for treating fevers, he obviously does. I do not think it matters that
he chooses to label it in animistic rather than chemical terms. He knows
that the bark has a quality which makes it good for fever and that is one
description of quinine.
The quinine example shows that there are descriptions under which
something may in a relevant sense be known without anyone being
aware of its chemical composition or even that it has an identifiable
molecular structure. This proposition is unaffected by whether the
substance is natural or artificial. So far I have been considering what it
means to know about something in ordinary everyday life. Do the same
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 99
principles apply in the law of patents? Or does patent law have a
specialized epistemology of its own?108
it was held that a person (A) was a joint inventor of a new method of
securing electric cables, where it was unlikely that the main inventor (B)
would have turned his mind to the question without having been
prompted by (A) . . . [the tribunal] was influenced by the fact that the
principal inventor, who did not work in the field, was only alerted to the
possibility of the improvement by A.111
108 Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals Inc. v. H.N. Norton & Co. Ltd., [1996] RPC 76, at 88 (per Lord
Hoffmann).
109 See comments from Prof. Russell Barsh, fn. 7 supra, and the discussion on terminology in Sec.
III.1.I.3(a) supra.
110 Staeng’s Patent [1996] RPC 183.
111 L. Bently & B. Sherman, ‘Intellectual Property Law’, (Oxford, 2001) p. 476.
100 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
On the other hand, ‘the decision to pursue a particular goal is unlikely to be
treated as being sufficiently creative for it to be recognized as an inventive
contribution’.112
If a TK holder simply provides TK which is more in the manner of a lead or
a hint, and the TK is not part of the invention as such, then TK holders or TK
providers may not be considered a co-inventor as such – although difficult cases
arise when the contribution was indispensable to achieving the invention but was
not actually part of the invention. (This is distinct from one conception of
misappropriation in which one illegitimately acquires TK which is then used to
develop a distinct, objectively patentable invention.) Cases in which TK provides
a directly relevant lead or constitutes the first step of the inventive process are
likely to provide borderline cases which may be resolved very differently in
distinct national legal systems. And, indeed, the prospect of different determina-
tions under divergent national standards for determining inventorship is acknowl-
edged in the PCT. Rule 4.6 (c) of the Regulations under the PCT provides for the
possibility of a request filed with an international application to ‘indicate different
persons as inventors where, in this respect, the requirements of the national laws
of the designated States are not the same’.
The following practical scenario highlights the potential difficulties in
resolving overlapping claims of inventorship:
112 Ibid.
113 WIPO Secretariat, ‘Recognition of Traditional Knowledge within the Patent system’,
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/11/7(6 June 6 2007), at 18–19.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 101
TK-based patenting activity only increases. Where an invention is purported to be
a patentable advance on background knowledge which may include TK, assessing
patentability may require a fresh look at established criteria.
Novelty: whether the invention has been disclosed in the past, and what forms
of disclosure amount to effectively providing the public with sufficient knowledge
to put the invention into practice. In this context, the distinction between past oral
and written disclosure, recognized in some jurisdictions (for example the ‘relative
novelty’ which only counts oral disclosure as prior art if it occurred in the
jurisdiction in question, while accepting as prior art written disclosure globally),
may be controversial as it is perceived as effectively discounting or discriminating
against essentially oral knowledge traditions, notwithstanding the procedural and
evidential problems attached to oral disclosure for routine patent procedure: oral
disclosure by its very nature is only likely to emerge in inter partes proceedings
as it is difficult for a patent examiner to locate relevant oral disclosure in the
course of routine search and examination (but later documentary evidence of prior
oral disclosure may be located). The trend nonetheless is towards a universal
standard of disclosure. For instance, the work on substantive harmonization of
patent law in the WIPO Standing Committee on the Law of Patents (SCP) has
produced a draft Substantive Patent Law Treaty (SPLT) which would legally
recognize as prior art any information made available to the public anywhere in
the world in any form,114 thus removing any inherent de jure bias against oral or
traditional forms of knowledge transmission.
Prior art for the purposes of the international search required under
Article. 15(2) of the PCT is defined in rule 33(1)(a) of the PCT Regulations as
consisting of:
everything which has been made available to the public anywhere in the
world by means of written disclosure (including drawings and other illus-
trations) and which is capable of being of assistance in determining that
the claimed invention is or is not new and that it does or does not involve
an inventive step [i.e., that it is or is not obvious], provided that the making
available to the public occurred prior to the international filing date.
114 See for example, the draft text of a future Substantive Patent Law Treaty WIPO Doc. SCP/9/2,
of 3 March 2003; for the Draft Regulations and Practice Guidelines Under the Draft
Substantive Patent Law Treaty, WIPO Doc. SCP/9/3, of 3 March 2003 & SCP/9/4, of 3 March
2003. For a comparison of the prior art definition in several Member States, see WIPO Doc.
SCP/6/INF/2, of 2 November 2001.
102 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
report shall separately mention that fact and the date on which it occurred
if the making available to the public of the written disclosure occurred on
a date which is the same as, or later than, the international filing date.
Further, ‘the date on which the written disclosure was made available to the public
may have been after the filing date of the international application’.115 Hence,
there is the possibility during the international phase of earlier oral disclosures
being taken account of, provided that they are subsequently recorded in a written
disclosure. Since no binding decision is taken on patentability during the
international phase, any detailed questions of evidence and the full content of
earlier oral disclosure would need to be resolved after an application entered the
national phase. For procedural reasons, TK that is purely orally transmitted would
be difficult to identify during an international search.
Inventive step or non-obviousness: as this criterion is typically assessed with
reference to what would be obvious to the person skilled in the art, a TK-based
invention begs the question of what that person would be, for example in the case
of a medicinal product developed from a background of TK, would the notional
person skilled in the art be a practitioner of traditional medicine, a western
pharmacologist, or a hybrid of the two? Apart from the juridical question of how
this notional person is to be constructed, there is a practical challenge for patent
offices which may have a concentration of skills at one end of the continuum
between traditional medicine systems and conventional western medicine, but not
the necessary hybrid expertise.
Adequacy of disclosure: who is the notional addressee of a patent which
claims an invention derived from TK; that is to say, what standard and background
of knowledge can be assumed in the reader of a patent specification when it draws
on two distinct cultures and again two distinct epistemologies? Again, the notional
reader is typically defined to be a person skilled in the art, but which art? This
criterion raises the possibility that a patent granted on a TK-derived invention
could be argued to be invalid because, while the disclosure may be adequate and
intelligible for a western-trained technologist, it would not be sufficient for a
practitioner of the relevant TK system. TRIPS currently establishes a standard for
disclosure of an invention in conventional terms, requiring an applicant to
‘disclose the invention in a manner sufficiently clear and complete for the
invention to be carried out by a person skilled in the art’, reflecting a conventional
requirement in patent law and provides for the possibility of requiring the
applicant ‘to indicate the best mode for carrying out the invention known to the
inventor’ and ‘to provide information concerning the applicant’s corresponding
foreign applications and grants’.116
117 See the complete survey in WIPO, Technical Study on Patent Disclosure Requirements
Related to Genetic Resources and Traditional Knowledge, (2004).
118 Discussed in Taubman, ‘Genetic Resources’, in this volume (Sec. III.2.IV.1.infra).
119 A key study was Pires de Carvalho, ‘Requiring Disclosure of the Origin of Genetic Resources
and Prior Informed Consent in Patent Applications Without Infringing the TRIPS Agreement:
The Problem and The Solution’, (2000)2 Wash. UJL& Pol’y, 371. According to Pires de
Carvalho, failure to disclose could lead to the unenforceability of a patent, in line with the
equitable doctrine of ‘clean hands’.
120 See note 102 supra.
121 ‘Disclosure of Origin or Source of Genetic Resources and Associated Traditional Knowledge
in Patent Applications’ document submitted by the European Community and its Member
States, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/8/11 (17 May 2005).
122 See PCT/R/WG/4/13 and, with identical contents, PCT/R/WG/5/11 Rev; PCT/R/WG/6/11;
and PCT/R/WG/7/7. This proposal was recently transferred to the WIPO Intergovernmental
Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and
Folklore following the conclusion of the current phase of PCT reform: see document
104 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
(2) Defensive Protection in the Patent System: the PCT and IPC
But the recommendations provide that patent search and examination should not
‘accelerate or facilitate the public dissemination of TK that is not disclosed with
the consent of TK holders’.128
These draft recommendations, which remain informal in nature, do provide a
measure of the practical challenge that the increasing de facto convergence
between TK systems and patenting activity poses, not merely for developing
countries but for the developed economy patent authorities. Indeed, the strong
expertise on locally-based TK systems that is held in many developing countries
– such as on Ayurvehdic medicine in India and on Traditional Chinese Medicine
in China – suggests a future pathway for cooperation in patent examination that
would see coordination of the search and examination effort – either based on an
agreed legal framework, or through ad hoc cooperation – so that those offices in
developing countries with special expertise could in effect provide South-North
development assistance on patentability of TK-based inventions. As the draft
recommendations suggest, cooperation may include:
131 See for example, TRIPS Council documents EC, IP/C/W/254; South Africa, IP/C/M/43, para.
66; Venezuela, IP/C/M/32, para. 136.
132 See for example, document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/7.
133 Defined under the CBD, Art. 2, as ‘a geographically defined area which is designated or
regulated and managed to achieve specific conservation objectives’.
134 EC, IP/C/W/254.
135 Venezuela, IP/C/M/43, para. 50.
136 EC, IP/C/M/43, paras 42, 65.
137 See s.III.1.I.8 supra.
108 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
as ‘Roquefort’, and in a stronger version138 from even describing their cheese with
reference to Roquefort (such as ‘Roquefort-style’), but they would be free to use
the know-how and traditional methods as such, as well as the specific bacterium
Penicillium roqueforti.
International standards on GIs and collective marks provide guidance on how
collective interests may be recognized legally within the IP system, without
necessarily requiring the interested parties to have formal legal personality as such
– a potential obstacle to appropriate recognition of holdings of TK which may not
neatly be linked to one distinct legal person. Thus these standards may be relevant
in the development of sui generis rights over TK. For instance, protection of GIs
under TRIPS does not require the creation of a distinct property right vested in a
defined ‘owner’ but merely ‘legal means’ that enables ‘interested parties’ to
prevent certain proscribed acts.139 Similarly, even though collective marks must
by contrast be held by a defined owner, the Paris Convention specifically requires
flexibility in the recognition of such owners, not confining eligibility to specific
legal entities, but rather requiring protection of ‘collective marks belonging to
associations the existence of which is not contrary to the law of the country of
origin, even if such associations do not possess an industrial or commercial
establishment’.140 These forms of protection recall, also, that there are approaches
to IP protection that do not protect individual property rights, but correspond to a
collective interest, as is typically the case for TK:141 the original, French, text of
the Paris Convention refers not to ‘une association’ but ‘une collectivité’.142
The diplomatic history of the recognition of collective marks in the Paris Con-
vention also underscores the non-commercial role of some forms of IP protection.
Article 7bis was adopted at the 1911 Washington revision conference, as a compro-
mise, in view of concerns on the part of some countries such as Great Britain that
collective marks should not be held by associations with commercial interests.
Article 7bis (2) allows that ‘[e]ach country shall be the judge of the particular con-
ditions under which a collective mark shall be protected and may refuse protection
if the mark is contrary to the public interest’. The ‘public interest’ that may be
invoked in this context was declared by the British delegation to the London Con-
ference of 1934 to be the entitlement to refuse protection to an association that was
undertaking regular commercial activities.143 From this perspective, at least,
138 For instance, if Art. 23 of TRIPS were applied to such products, as some countries hope to
establishing through an amendment of TRIPS: see for example, Communication from the
European Communities, Geographical Indications, WT/GC/W/547, TN/C/W/26, TN/IP/W/11,
(14 June 2005).
139 See TRIPS, Arts 22, 23.
140 Paris Convention, Art. 7bis Marks: Collective Marks.
141 See concerns expressed on this account in TRIPS Council discussions by, e.g. Brazil,
IP/C/W/228; India, IP/C/W/198; and Venezuela, IP/C/M/25, para. 86.
142 Recalling that WIPO fact-finding missions learned that one concern of TK holders was the
‘testing of options for the collective acquisition, management and enforcement of IPRs by TK
holders’ associations’, WIPO fact-finding report, fn. 7 supra.
143 Records of the London Conference, 1934; see discussion in Stephen Ladas, ‘Patents,
Trademarks and Related Rights’, Harvard, 1975, vol. II, 1295.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 109
protection might be denied to an association if it were undertaking normal business
rather than primarily pursuing other objectives – such as cultural or spiritual144
activities; however, actual practice has tended towards the registration of collective
marks by trade associations and the like, for instance to support local agricultural
products, leading to a crossover with GI protection.
The Paris Convention provides for the suppression of unfair competition in very
general terms, as an obligation to assure ‘effective protection against unfair
competition’. (Art. 10bis(1)). In principle, the scope is very broad, as an act of
unfair competition is defined as ‘[a]ny act of competition contrary to honest
practices in industrial or commercial matters’. The standard commentary clarifies
that this includes reference to ‘honest practices in international trade’,145 in other
words an international standard of fairness and honesty, and is not limited to
practices deemed dishonest by local standards. The general focus of this provision
had in the past been on such questions as consumer protection against confusing,
misleading or deceptive statements, and derogatory references to a competitor (as
evidenced by the particular examples of unfair competition listed in Article
10bis(3)). In itself, this potentially provides a measure of protection for those
products that embody TK with the consent or involvement of the TK holders
against imitative or misleadingly presented products. Accordingly, the WIPO draft
objectives and principles provide that:
However, the general rule against unfair competition has been developed in three
further ways that are directly relevant to the protection of TK. First, it is one of
the elements of protection of GIs under TRIPS147. Second, it was used as the
doctrinal basis of the protection of undisclosed information under TRIPS.148 And,
third, it has provided a doctrinal root or a model for the expression of a distinct
norm against misappropriation of TK.
144 E.g. UK registered collective mark 2030852 (17 August 1995) in the name of the Association
of Vineyard Churches, cited in Jeffrey Belson, Certification Marks, Sweet and Maxwell,
(2002), 38.
145 G.H.C. Bodenhausen, Guide to the Application of the Paris Convention for the Protection of
Industrial Property as Revised at Stockholm in 1967, (Geneva, 1968), p. 144.
146 See draft WIPO TK provisions, fn. 2, 12–13.
147 See TRIPS Art 22(2)(b); see the discussion supra at III.1.I.8.
148 See TRIPS Art. 39.1: ‘In the course of ensuring effective protection against unfair competition
as provided in Article 10bis of the Paris Convention (1967), Members shall protect
undisclosed information in accordance with para. 2’.
110 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
On the second point, TRIPS requires protection of undisclosed information
provided it is ‘secret in the sense that it is not, as a body or in the precise
configuration and assembly of its components, generally known among or readily
accessible to persons within the circles that normally deal with the kind of
information in question; has commercial value because it is secret; and has been
subject to reasonable steps under the circumstances, by the person lawfully in
control of the information, to keep it secret’.149 On the face of it, this would not
require protection of undisclosed TK if it had no commercial value whatever;
however, it would presumably cover TK that is not of commercial value to its
holders (who may indeed actively resist and resent the suggestion that their TK,
such as sacred TK, should be valued commercially), but is of commercial value
to third parties beyond the community, in a classical bio-prospecting scenario.
And where protection of undisclosed information is based on a fiduciary
obligation, as is generally the case in common law jurisdictions, rather than on the
basis of the protection of a strictly commercial asset through dedicated trade
secret legislation, the lack of commercial value of TK would not be a bar to
protection,150 and the protection afforded would touch on privacy and protection
of collective personality.151
On the third point, the Delegation of Norway proposed ‘to provide protection
for TK . . . using Article 10bis [of the Paris Convention] as a model when consider-
ing the framework of a sui generis system for TK’ and ‘to have a general interna-
tional norm that obliged the States to offer protection against unfair exploitation of
TK . . . supplied with internationally agreed guidelines on how to apply the
norm’.152 The Committee decided to develop an amended draft of the elements of
sui generis protection, ‘taking into account the suggestion made by the Delegation
of Norway’153 and to ‘discuss whether it would be possible to provide protection for
TK along similar lines as in article 10bis of the Paris Convention concerning unfair
competition’.154 This work evolved over time into the draft WIPO TK provisions155
that spell out five broad areas of misappropriation, on the model of Article 10bis:
first, a broad normative statement;156 second, a general characterization of
misappropriation/unfair competition;157 and, third, a list of specific acts considered
to be acts of misappropriation or of unfair competition respectively.158 This ap-
proach applies the protection against unfair competition in Paris as a model or an
analogue, rather than as a formal doctrinal basis for a specific norm for protection
Despite these potential doctrinal roots in the law of suppression of unfair competi-
tion, international IP law does not currently provide for sui generis protection of TK
as such, although several current policy processes seek to develop such protection,
both within and beyond the IP framework. One potentially related doctrinal root for
sui generis protection is the increasing recognition of a principle of prior informed
consent over TK, even though this has not yet been enshrined in an international le-
gal instrument.164 While the operation of existing IP mechanisms should not be
conflated with the broader principle of prior informed consent, various IP mecha-
nisms can function as a means of giving practical effect to a right to consent to ac-
cess to knowledge. As discussed above,165 the point of access to TK is the critical
To give effect to these principles, the Decision provides that patent applications
should be accompanied ‘if applicable’ by
This provides a legal framework therefore for a strictly defensive form of protection
of TK, although expressing a positive doctrine of a right to give or withhold consent
for the use of TK sourced from within the Andean Community in products or
processes that are patented in a Member Country. The complementary regional
instrument, Decision 391, provides also for positive rights over TK in broad terms:
The Member Countries, in keeping with this Decision and their comple-
mentary national legislation, recognize and value the rights and the
authority of the native, Afro-American and local communities to decide
about their know-how, innovations and traditional practices associated
with genetic resources and their by-products.171
The EPO examination guidelines175 call attention to ‘the width of this defini-
tion . . . There are no restrictions whatever as to the geographical location where,
or the language or manner in which the relevant information was made available
to the public; also no age limit is stipulated for the documents or other sources of
information’.
The prior art teaching was that azadirachtin the principal antifungal component of
neem oil, and azadirachtin would only be extracted by a hydrophilic solvent and
not by non-polar hydrophobic solvents such as hexane. Hence, on the face of it,
it was new and unexpected that a neem extract free of azadirachtin would also
have fungicidal effect.
Three opponents sought revocation of the granted patent on the grounds of lack
of novelty (Article 54(1)(2) EPC), lack of inventive step (Article 56 EPC), insuffi-
cient disclosure (Article 83 EPC) and because it would be contrary to morality
(Article 53a EPC). The opponents asserted that the patent threatened the livelihood
of millions of custodians of the neem tree, that the neem tree had been used by the
Indian people for millennia for various practical applications. Use of this knowl-
edge was immoral. At first instance, the EPO opposition division pointed out that
the patent gave no rights over activities in India, given the territoriality of rights
granted under a patent. Traditional knowledge relevant to determining the state of
the art for assessment of novelty but the patent gave its proprietor no right to pro-
hibit any acts in India. The patent did not claim the neem tree, its seeds nor neem oil
in general, and there was no direct linkage between a claim on a method of control-
ling fungi by a specified use of a neem extract using hydrophobic solvents within a
European patent, and the use of neem in India. The opposition division did not ac-
cept the representation that the patent was invalid on the basis of the morality and
ordre public exception177 and instead assessed it on the basis of novelty and inven-
tive step. TK was potentially relevant from that perspective.
At first instance, the chief evidence was an affidavit and testimony from an
Indian agricultural scientist concerning field trials in 1985 and 1986, in
Maharashtra, prior to the priority date of the patent. These field trials used an
extract of neem from a hydrophobic solvent (hexane), combined with a
conventional emulsifying surfactant. The trials were open to local farmers who
were given samples of the extracts used as well as instructions on their
preparation. The opposition division found that the revised patent was not
inventive in the light of this prior art.
The skilled person faced with the problem defined above [viz, putting
into practice a method of controlling fungi on plants by using an
extracted neem oil] knows that she or he has to put in contact the fungi
with formulations containing neem oil in some concentration. This is an
obvious requirement of the known methods of controlling fungi on
plants . . . document (8) specifies that . . . the use of a solvent for the
extraction is compulsory. However, document (8) does not disclose
which solvent should be used. Accordingly, the skilled person would use
his or her general knowledge of the isolation of natural products from
plants. This commonly takes place by means of solvent extraction and
solvent elution. These are well-known practices used in all laboratories
of natural products and merely imply arranging the solvents to be used
according to their solvent strength. Basically, whatever the technique
chosen, it is normally started with a non-polar hydrophobic solvent (first
option) and then it is continued in increasing degree of polarity up to
hydrophilic solvents (water included).
On the basis of the disclosure in document (8) together with general laboratory
practice in the preparation of extractions from natural products, the patent was
found not to involve an inventive step ‘since it was obvious to try to use
formulations such as those defined in the claim for controlling fungi on plants’.180
Patent application WO 98/46243 (EP 98917372.9): ‘Pharmaceutical compo-
sitions having appetite suppressant activity’, refused in examination on the basis
of a written disclosure of TK, but accepted on appeal.
CSIR applied for a patent claiming use as an appetite suppressant of an
extract from a plant of the genus Trichocaulon or Hoodia, and of certain
compounds isolated from these plants, in particular a defined steroid glycoside
‘P57’. Hoodia gordonii is a South African succulent plant, and the TK of the San
people was well documented – in particular their use of the plant to ‘quench thirst
and hunger for extended periods’. The examining division rejected the application
on the basis that the claimed genera were known to contain appetite suppressing
ingredients. Preparing an extract with appetite-suppressant activity was obvious
for the person skilled in phytochemistry or phytopharmacology.
178 EPO Boards of Appeal Decision of 8 March 2005, Case: T 0416/01–3.3.2, Application
Number: 90250319.2, Publication Number: 0436257, ‘Method for controlling fungi on plants
by the aid of a hydrophobic extracted neem oil’ (Thermo Trilogy Corporation, et al.)
Opponents: Aelvoet, Magda. MEP, The Green Group in the European Parliament, et al.
179 H.B. Singh and U.P. Singh, ‘Effect of Volatiles of Some Plant Extracts and their Oils on
Conidia of Erysiphe polygoni DC’. Australian Plant Pathology, (1981) pp. 66–67.
180 Case Number: T 0416/01–3.3.2, at p. 21.
118 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
The applicants appealed, revising the main claim to read:
The Technical Board of Appeal upheld the patent with this narrower claim.181
The Board acknowledged that a skilled person would know from a prior art
document that consumption of parts of a fibrous, water-storing plant of the genus
Trichocaulon very efficiently ‘removed the pangs of hunger’. But that person
‘could not obviously derive from this disclosure that an extract from the plant
could be used for the manufacture of an appetite-suppressant, antiobesity
medicament’. The Board found that the appellants had shown that ‘a consumer
eating the stems of the plant or sucking the sap of the fresh plant is not able to
absorb a sufficient amount of the active moiety contained in an extract of the plant
which is responsible for its appetite-suppressing activity’. The effect disclosed in
the prior art ‘can be explained by the stomach-filling properties of the plants in
question, which had been used as ‘bush-food’ by the original inhabitants of the
Kalahari desert for a long time’.182 The Board concluded that on the basis of the
prior art on file, the skilled person
181 ‘Decision of the Technical Board of Appeal 3.3.4’ of 27 January 2005, Case : T 0543/04–
3.3.4, Application Number: 98917372.9, Publication Number: 0973534, Pharmaceutical
compositions having appetite suppressant activity, Applicant: CSIR.
182 At p. 12–13.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 119
Accordingly, the invention as claimed was found to involve an inventive step.
Separately from its fate in the EPO, the so-called hoodia patent has provoked
considerable controversy over the use of the TK of the San people as, at the very
least, a lead in the development of the invention as claimed. There was no
suggestion, however, that TK holders should be considered as co-inventors, as
their knowledge was dealt with strictly as part of the prior art base against which
inventiveness was assessed. A considerable controversy arose183 as to the
equitable sharing of benefits from the invention, given the undoubted technical
contribution of the San people in the development of the invention and their role
as custodians of the original hoodia plant, and an ex post facto agreement was
struck between CSIR and the San people.184 In addition, the wild hoodia was a
protected plant and the commercial interest aroused in its use both in the patented
invention and more generally as a natural product provoked concerns over its
survival in the wild. However, these widely debated issues did not come before
the EPO which was concerned with technical validity of the patent as such.
These two cases, both widely debated and both emblematic of the commer-
cialization of derivatives from TK and related genetic resources, were actually
striking for their relatively conventional resolution before the EPO. The focus
remained on the technical validity of the patent as claimed, and there was no scope
for such broader considerations as the equity of benefit-sharing arrangements
(being essentially a matter of how the patent once granted is exercised in practice)
and the morality or ordre public exception (given that to uphold this exception is
necessary to find that the actual exercise of the invention would be contrary to
morality or ordre public, and it was not considered inherently contrary to morality
to make use of TK in developing a new process).
The novelty and inventive step questions were resolved in a conventional
manner in both cases. The field trials and scientific publication successfully cited
against the Neem patent actually had the character more of conventional scientific
knowledge, rather than traditional or even local knowledge. The Hoodia case
actually deals more directly with the dilemmas associated with the use of TK as
a feedstock in ‘mainstream’ innovation. In the Hoodia case, the board explored the
territory identified by Lord Hoffman (discussed above) between the way an
indigenous community would view the chemical properties of a natural product,
and the perspective of a Western pharmacologist who had identified and extracted
a distinct chemical compound from that product, guided by the community’s TK.
The person skilled in the art as constructed by the Board in its decision was
arguably the most likely such notional person to make the linkage between the
disclosed TK and the invention as finally claimed – more so, arguably, than the
183 Rachel Wynberg, ‘Rethoric, Realism and Benefit-Sharing: Use of Traditional Knowledge of
Hoodia Species in the development of an Appetite Suppressant’, (November 2004)Journal of
World Intellectual Property, Vol. 4, No. 4, 851–876.
184 Roger Chennels, ‘Genetic Research, Ethics and Law; Indigenous Peoples, Biodiversity,
Biotechnology and the Protection of Traditional Knowledge’, (St. Louis, 4–6 April 2003); see
also Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (24 March 2003) The San and the CSIR
announce a benefit-sharing agreement for potential anti-obesity drug.
120 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
traditional holder of the knowledge. Hence debate over the case pivoted more over
the equity of benefit sharing arrangements, and the possible need for strong
codification and enforcement of such obligations, rather than the technical validity
of the patent as claimed over and above the TK base.
Both cases also illustrate the increasing capacity of developing countries to
make use of their indigenous knowledge and genetic resources: the applicant in
the Hoodia case discussed above was a public scientific research institute in a
developing country, and the majority of international patent filings on Neem-
derived inventions published since 2004 are sourced from India.
(cc) Regional Models for Protection
Two of the most significant regional models for protection are the African Model
Legislation for the Protection of the Rights of Local Communities, Farmers and
Breeders, and for the Regulation of Access to Biological Resources (2000), and the
Pacific Regional Framework for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Ex-
pressions of Culture (2002). These have been discussed in Section II(c)(ee) below,
to enable comparative analysis against the leading national sui generis laws.
(dd) Bilateral Agreements
At the level of national law, the same issues arise concerning the interaction
between TK and the patent system as are dealt with internationally: the positive
and defensive element (that is, the use of the patent system either to grant
legitimate rights over TK in the interests of TK holders or to defend against
illegitimate taking of TK through patent grant).
Protection of TK under the patent system has both legal and practical aspects:
the legal aspect concerns the rules established to determine patentability, such as
the defined prior art basis for the assessment of novelty and inventive step, and the
practical aspect concerns, for instance, the actual sources of information are
routinely searched in practice when a patent application is examined for
patentability, given that no practical examination regime could possibly check all
conceivable sources of information that accord with the legal definition of prior
art. Hence, while legal analysis naturally focuses on the need to take account of
orally disclosed TK in foreign jurisdictions as relevant prior art, to prevent its
illegitimate patenting, this distinction is unlikely to arise in any but a small
number of routine patent cases – because of the practical limitations in locating
information about purely oral disclosures in foreign jurisdiction in normal ex
parte patent prosecution. Inter partes proceedings may bring to light oral
testimony (as in the EPO Neem case discussed above), but in routine patent
procedure the main practical distinction between relative and absolute novelty
regimes, would arise when the key prior art citation is a readily accessible
documentary, dated subsequent to the priority date, which establishes oral
disclosure in a foreign jurisdiction prior to the priority date.
Accordingly, unlike the EPC, which requires absolute novelty, US patent law
differentiates between the domestic and foreign context in defining novelty,
precluding entitlement to a patent unless:185
185 35 United States Code (U.S.C.), Sec. 102 (a) and (b).
122 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
patented or described in this or a foreign country or in public use or on
sale in this country, more than one year prior to the date of the
application for patent in the United States.
Nonetheless, from a legal and policy perspective, much of the activity in TK-rich
jurisdictions relating to the patent system as such tends to be defensive in
character, in other words calculated to suppress the patenting of illegitimately
acquired TK. Two broad developments can be identified: (i) per se exclusions of
certain forms of TK; and (ii) enhanced disclosure requirements relating to TK.
186 As one example among many, see PCT application WO/2004/052382 (publishing 24 June 24
2004), for ‘A Kind of Traditional Chinese Medicine Having Efficacy of Reducing Blood-Fat’.
187 See for example, Honey Bee Network, an initiative of the Society for Research Initiatives for
Sustainable Technologies (SRISTI). Widely discussed in the literature, e.g. recently by
Graham Dutfield, Promoting Local Innovation as a Development Strategy. Innovations Case
Discussion: The Honey Bee Network (2006).
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 125
international standards discussed above.188 While the practical interpretation of
this provision is clearly a matter for the domestic authorities, it is submitted the
text should be taken to refer to TK in the sense of publicly known and widely
orally communicated knowledge transmitted in traditional contexts, rather than
excluding legitimate innovation within a traditional context. Hence, the measure
may be seen in a positive light as a statutory correction to any potential practical
bias against the recognition of oral or other informal knowledge systems,189 such
as traditions of Sruti (hearing) and Smriti (remembering),190 reflecting the
extensive codified and widely known and used knowledge systems present in the
Indian sub-continent.
The Costa Rican Biodiversity Law191 provides for protection of TK both by
conventional IP law and by sui generis community IP rights: ‘[t]he State shall
grant protection . . . by means of patents, trade secrets, plant breeders’ rights, sui
generis community intellectual rights, copyrights and farmers’ rights’,192 but this
law excludes from protection
While this provision may prima facie appear to present questions about compat-
ibility with international standards (such as TRIPS obligations for new, inventive
and useful inventions to be considered patentable without discrimination as to the
field of technology), the interpretation and application of such a provision may be
guided by established principles in patent law – the concept of inventions
194 A concept possibly drawn from the law of plant variety protection, and in that context
discussed in III.2.III.3(a)(dd).
195 TRIPS, Art. 8.1.
196 Ibid.
197 See Chapter III.2.IV.1.
198 S. 3(A).
199 III.2.IV.1.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 127
(bb) Trademarks, Public Certification Systems and Geographical
Indications
To register traditional names, indigenous names, tribe names or any other word or
pictorial element, etc., as certification or collective marks is certainly one of the
most adequate and easiest ways for TK holders to profit from the IP system as it
presently stands.200 The reason for this effect can be found in the specific features
of trademark law and the manner in which it is distinguished from all other areas
of IP law. Unlike copyright, patent or design law, trademark law does not (or at
least does not primarily) protect an achievement as such. Instead it serves to
indicate the identity and genuineness of the achievement as coming from a certain
commercial source. This means that even when the manufacturing and prolifera-
tion of a product or achievement as such cannot be prohibited as is frequently the
case with items of TK falling short of the requirements of patent or copyright law,
the registration and use of collective marks can help to maintain at least a certain
degree of exclusivity in the sense that the proprietor (e.g., an organization
representing the interests of TK stakeholders) retains the exclusive right to control
and authorize the use of the mark for those articles it deems fit. It is therefore little
wonder that the registration and use of collective and certification marks (together
with geographical indications) have been mentioned in all of the chapters
contained in this study as a possible, although somewhat limited remedy against
the deficiencies of the IPR system when it comes to protection of TK.201
As noted in the section on international instruments above,202 Article 7 bis of
the Paris Convention obliges Member States to provide for registration and
protection of collective marks, i.e., marks belonging to associations which are
lawfully established in their home countries, irrespective of the fact that they do
not possess an industrial or commercial establishment. It therefore follows that
collective marks are a practically worldwide-acknowledged category of distinc-
tive signs.203 The legal rules under which such marks are protected in the
individual countries may, of course, vary in their details. Usually, collective marks
are subject to specific provisions, the aim of which is to grant the public
authorities a certain degree of control over the use of such signs. For instance, one
typical provision that can be found in most trademark laws with respect to
collective marks, is the obligation to deposit a copy of the statutes of the
200 See Annas, ‘The Label of Authenticity: A Certification Trademark for Goods and Services of
Indigenous Origin 3190’, [1997]Aboriginal Law Bulletin 4–8.
201 See in this respect the references made to registration in the various contributions to the
advantages of collective and guarantee marks.
202 See discussion supra, at III.1.II.1.(a)(bb).
203 This does not necessarily mean that every trademark contains specific rules on collective
marks. For instance, in the discussion paper by the Maori Trademark Focus Group (Sec. 3,
fn. 59) it was pointed out at p. 31 that the New Zealand trademark law at that time did not
provide for special provisions on collective marks.
128 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
association, in particular the clauses regulating the use of the sign, in order to
allow for public inspection and supervision.
Certification marks (guarantee marks) are a special form of collective marks
which guarantee to the public that the products bearing them fulfil certain quality
standards, which are specified and controlled by the association for which the
mark has been registered. Often, but not necessarily, the trademark acts distin-
guish between both types of marks and stipulate even stronger public control
measures for certification marks than for ‘ordinary’ collective marks.
Collective and guarantee marks have played an important role in the history
of trademark legislation. Their number today as compared to ordinary, individual
marks is relatively small, which does not mean that they are insignificant in
practice. In many industrialized countries, the interest in collective marks, in
particular the so-called eco-labels, has increased in recent years in proportion to
rising ecological awareness. Therefore, it is quite plausible to assume that there
might also be a growing marketing potential for marks certifying the authenticity
of traditionally manufactured items or other products, etc.
Of course, the generally very positive options resulting from the registration
of collective marks are not without certain difficulties and drawbacks. This is also
reflected in some of the comments contained in the FFM reports, where it is
pointed out that a major disadvantage of trademark protection lies in the fact that
registration is costly. This is certainly true. The financial aspects become even
more onerous when taking into account not only the registration fees as such, but
also possible costs arising in the larger context of trademark management, such as
monitoring and litigation. A scheme for reduced fees in favour of indigenous
(collective) marks, as has been proposed in the FFM reports, would be of some
help, although it would only be effective with regard to the fees, and would not
alleviate the financial burden with respect to other costs incurred in connection
with trademark maintenance. Of course, it is also possible that those other
expenses should be borne to some extent by public sources, as will typically be
the case when the organization registering the mark is wholly or partly funded by
the state, or is entitled to claim subsidies.
One important element to be considered if collective marks are to function to
the benefit of indigenous communities or other holders of TK is the legal structure
that must be in place for handling the registration and use of the mark. Ideally, the
right holder should be an organization - private or public – representing all or at
least a substantial part of TK holders whose interests may be affected.204 Other
constructions are, of course, also possible; any lawfully founded association is
204 The authenticity label developed in Australia (see Part III. Sec.Sec. 3,I.) was intended to be
administered by the National Indigenous Arts Advocacy Association (NIAAA), with the
assistance of The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), but the initiative
has since faltered and both organizations have ceased to exist. The more recently launched
Maori Made Mark (supra, I. 8.) is a registered mark which for the time being is owned by the
Arts Council of New Zealand (Creative New Zealand). However, it is envisaged that after
establishment of the mark, ownership will be transferred to an autonomous Maori entity; see
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/INF/2, at no. 80. For the administration of the ‘igloo’ tag in Canada, a
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 129
entitled as a matter of principle, to register collective marks in its own name. It can
be assumed however, that the beneficial effects to be gained from the use of such
marks are clearly linked to the ‘moral legitimization’ of the right holder, i.e., to the
respect and confidence it receives from those indigenous groups who are the
primary producers of the goods to be designated by the sign.
Apart from the issue of organizational structure, a successful use of collective
marks depends, like any trademark use, on the marketing strategy applied. This
means, inter alia, that a marketing concept has to be developed and the
commercial aims must be clearly defined before the mark is launched. The overall
concept must further include the establishment and supervision of distribution
channels and the development of schemes for accompanying advertising cam-
paigns and further public relations measures.
The rights conferred by collective and guarantee marks are usually the same
as for ordinary trademarks, i.e., the mark is generally protected against the
likelihood of confusion resulting from the use of an identical or similar mark for
the same or similar products. In certain countries, protection may also be granted
against the use for dissimilar goods, if the mark is famous (or has a reputation),
and the use is abusive or detrimental to its reputation or distinctive character.
However, the use of the sign by others must be tolerated as long as it only occurs
outside the commercial sphere, and when it is used for descriptive purposes.
Unlike in the case of ordinary trademarks,205 it is generally accepted that
collective marks, and in particular guarantee marks, are subject to injunction and
cancellation if they do not fulfil their quality function, i.e., if the products to which
the mark is applied no longer live up to the promised standard. In order to ensure
this, guarantee marks are frequently subject to some kind of public control - for
instance, a public authority or a board established by branch organizations may be
entitled to examine, on a more-or-less regular basis, whether the specific quality
claim implied in the mark is still justified. Without such control measures being
taken out by neutral instances, the marks may easily lose their credibility.
system has been developed which is a combination between public certification stamps and
(private) guarantee marks; see below on this point.
205 The question whether ordinary trademarks own a ‘quality function’ which is protected in the
interest of the general public, i.e., independent of the will and intention of the trademark
owner, is one of the contested issues in trademark law. Usually however, this question is
answered in the negative – in contrast to guarantee marks, as is set out in the text above.
130 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
regimes proper, but the regulations on which they are founded form part of
administrative law. Often, these kinds of public certification marks are not
registered as trademarks by the public authorities, although that possibility is not
excluded as a matter of principle. Of course, this does not mean that they are
defenceless vis-à-vis unauthorized use of the same or a similar symbol; only the
legal grounds for sanctions and enforcement would be different: this aspect is
usually regulated in the framework of the administrative rules establishing the
certification stamp or hallmark.
To establish a system of public control marks in order to certify, for example,
that the authenticity of articles manufactured by Aboriginal groups using
traditional techniques has some advantages over the use of ‘private’ guarantee
marks, official stamps are usually considered by the public as being more reliable
because control and management are considered to be more unbiased and stable
than in the case of private, commercially-oriented associations. Another advan-
tage of the creation of a public stamp or hallmark would be that it could be notified
under Article 6ter of the Paris Convention to other Member States, through which
would be granted worldwide immunity against unlawful registration as a
trademark. On the other hand, the implementation of public hallmark systems is
frequently burdened with bureaucracy. Generally speaking, private collective or
guarantee marks systems have an advantage with respect to flexibility and
commercial efficiency.
There is no definite answer as to which model would be the most beneficial
from the point of view of TK stakeholders. The best solution would probably be
to provide the legal and administrative framework for a coexistence between all
possible forms of certification marks, ranging from collective marks used by
associations established on a private basis with a clearly commercial orientation
over mixed structures (guarantee marks used by associations which are party or
wholly funded by the state) to a scheme of one or several public certification
stamps.
An example taken from folklore, the ‘igloo’ tag which has been developed in
Canada in order to distinguish articles of genuine Inuit art from fake products,
shows how the different models can be combined in practice. The sign has been
registered by the Canadian government as a trademark (i.e., it was not just
established by an administrative act). Only legitimate Inuit artists and their
agencies are entitled to attach the sign to their products. In order to ensure control,
each agency is identified by a number which is printed on the label. Labels may
only be printed upon permission by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern
Development (DIAND).
The protection for geographical indications is related to the term ‘indication’. The
indication for a product is the subject matter of this protection, not the product
itself. For this reason tradition-based innovations and creations, as indicated in the
WIPO Report on Fact-Finding Missions on Intellectual Property and Traditional
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 131
Knowledge, cannot enjoy protection per se by means of geographical indications.
The protection of geographical indications may only apply to signs indicating
these innovations and creations. In order to be protected as a geographical
indication, indigenous authenticity must have a name or be designated by any
other means indicating its geographical origin. Innovations and creations as such
are covered by other intellectual property rights and only indirectly protected by
geographical indications.
206 EC Council Regulation No. 509/2006 of 20 March 2006 on agricultural products and
foodstuffs as traditional specialities guaranteed, Offıcial Journal of the European Union,
(31 March 2006), L 93/1.
207 Ibid., Art. 2.
208 Ibid., Art. 3.
209 See III.1.II.1.(a)(cc) supra.
210 Among numerous examples, see U.S. Economic Espionage Act of 1996 (18 U.S.C.
1831–1839), at § 1839 defining ‘trade secret’ with reference to information that ‘derives
independent economic value, actual or potential, from not being generally known to, and not
being readily ascertainable through proper means by, the public’.
211 Norvill & Milera v. Chapman & Ors, Tickner v. Chapman & Ors (1995) 133 ALR 226;
Margaret Simons, ‘The Meeting of the Waters’ – The Hindmarsh Island Affair, 2003.
212 See Dutfield, ‘TRIPS – Related Aspects of Traditional Knowledge’, [2001] Case W. Res. J.
Int’l L., Vol. 33, 239, 264 et seq., citing the Congressional Research Service, ‘if a shaman or
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 133
is commercialized not by the first individual accessing and alienating the
knowledge from the community213 but by downstream actors, it may be difficult
to construct a chain of liability reaching back to the originator of the knowledge.
As noted, on this last point, TRIPS standards do importantly provide a reach-
through requirement, so that a third party cannot benefit inequitably from access
to undisclosed information even when they are not bound directly by the original
obligation to maintain confidentiality. Another key development under national
law was the recognition that indigenous customary law may provide the basis for
the fiduciary relationship and bond of confidentiality when the established legal
conditions are met:214 in effect, customary law constraints on the diffusion of TK
may substitute for the more conventional construction of a duty of confidence.
The development of a right to privacy has also tilted the balance away from a
strictly commercial conception of confidentiality, so that the implementation of
Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (concerning a right of
respect for private and family life) in national law markedly influences the
doctrinal basis of confidentiality, arguably linking it more firmly to a right of
personality.215 Thus the protection of undisclosed TK may be construed as a
defence of the collective personality of an indigenous people.216
As noted, the more limited focus of most trade secret protection, in contrast
to the more general and supple protection of confidential information under
common law, may restrict protection to TK that has commercial value by virtue
of its secrecy. Some communities do elect to commercialize certain aspects of
their knowledge as trade secrets. For instance, one WIPO survey reports: ‘the
Unaaq Fisheries, owned by the Inuit people of Northern Quebec and Baffin Island
is involved in fisheries management. The company regularly transfers proprietary
technologies to other communities using its own experience in the commercial
fishing industry. The techniques it develops are protected as trade secrets’.217
Documentation of TK has at times led to the unwitting and detrimental loss
of confidentiality of TK and the entry of TK into the public domain. Accordingly,
documentation projects need to be planned and implemented so as to safeguard
and reinforce desirable confidentiality, rather than to erode or negate it. Practical
capacity building initiatives, directed to the communities themselves, have
accordingly been launched to strengthen and safeguard confidentiality even while
other individual has exclusive access to information because of his status in the group, that
individual or the indigenous group together probably has a trade secret’ ; see also Cottier, ‘The
Protection of Genetic Resources and Traditional Knowledge: Towards More Specific Rights
and Obligations’ in [1998] World Trade Law, Journal of International Economic Law, 570.
213 Russell Barsh, Pharmacogenomics and Indigenous Peoples: Real issues and actors. Cardozo
Journal of Comparative and International Law 11 (2): 365–391.
214 Foster v. Mountford and Rigby (1976) 29 FLR 233.
215 Campbell v. MGN Ltd [2004] 2 A.C. 457.
216 A construction discussed in Taubman, supra.
217 WIPO/GRTKF/IC/2/9, at 5.
134 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
documentation continues.218 Dutfield219 reports a project in Ecuador that tries to
establish trade secret protection as the basis of standardized know-how licences in
the TK field. An NGO known as Ecociencia is documenting the knowledge of
participating groups in closed-access databases. To do this, a cross-check is
performed to see whether the knowledge is already in the public domain or
whether it is co-owned by other communities. The resulting entries, which
constitute trade secrets, are used as the basis for standardized benefit-sharing
contracts with companies to which the respective knowledge is then disclosed
upon request. The Cultural Ecosystem Stories Project under development by the
Tulalip Tribes provides for preservation of TK – ‘half-a-million records related to
biodiversity conservation, indigenous rights, traditional knowledge, sustainable
livelihoods, conservation biology, community-based conservation, poverty
alleviation and related topics’ which is compiled together with distinct safeguards
for tribal traditional knowledge that is sacred or sensitive ‘and is held privately by
the Tulalip Tribes’.220 By contrast, the Tribes have decided concerning some
non-traditional knowledge ‘to make this publicly available in order to help
promote intercultural understanding and the better protection of Mother Earth’.
218 WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/5.
219 Dutfield, Graham, “Intellectual Property Rights, Trade and Biodiversity” (London, 2000).
220 <www.culturalstories.net/>.
221 Sec. III.1.I.7 supra.
222 The following analysis is draws directly on the author’s earlier analysis in Taubman, Saving
the Village, note 49 supra.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 135
– to establish legal standing223 of a collective entity (such as a tribe or
community) recognized under customary law, even on the part of an
unincorporated entity,224 or to establish other relevant legal capacity: this
may be important where an IP or other law requires recognition of a
collective or community as a ‘legal person’;
– to apply customary dispute settlement mechanisms to resolve or reconcile
competing claims of ownership, and to resolve disputes more generally
between or within traditional communities;225
– to assert an equitable interest (in rem) in IP that is nominally owned by
another, or a more general fiduciary relationship (in personam) between
traditional owners and an individual IP right holder;226
– to sustain a claim of breach of confidence relating to secret sacred
material,227 and to recognize customary law considerations as ‘substantial
concerns’ in sustaining a claim of confidentiality;228
– to confer legal identity on a community as the basis of collective ownership
of an IP right;229
– as the basis of a general right over biological resources and TK,230
including specific rights to grant access to biological resources231 and the
application of prior informed consent for access, as well as general rights
to benefit from TK;
– to enshrine a distinct right for continuing customary use in spite of or in
parallel with formally recognized rights in TK;
– as the basis for a claim against public order, cultural offence232 or
vilification, or more specifically to determine entitlement for damages
223 Onus v. Alcoa of Australia Ltd. ((1981) 149 CLR 27): ‘the members of the [Gournditichjmara]
community are the guardians of the relics according to their laws and customs and they use
the relics. I agree . . . that in these circumstances the applicants have a special interest in the
preservation of these relics, sufficient to support locus standi’, per Mason J.
224 Foster v. Mountford and Rigby (1976) 29 FLR 233, concerning the Pitjantjatjara Council.
225 See Republic of the Philippines, Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act, Sec. 65.
226 Bulun Bulun v. R&T Textiles Pty Ltd (1998) 41 IPR 513.
227 Foster v. Mountford and Rigby, fn. 87 supra.
228 Gordon Coulthard v. The State of South Australia.
229 Note the latitude accorded to the definition of ‘association’ in the Paris Convention (Art. 7bis)
for collective marks, requiring the protection of collective marks ‘belonging to associations
the existence of which is not contrary to the law of the country of origin, even if such
associations do not possess an industrial or commercial establishment’ even where ‘such
association is not established in the country where protection is sought or is not constituted
according to the law of the latter country’.
230 Art. 8, African Model Legislation, fn. 235 supra.
231 Art. 8(1)(ix), African Model Legislation, fn. 235 supra.
232 For example, New Zealand’s Trade Marks Act 2002 (Sec. 17(1)(b)) establishes absolute
grounds for refusal of a trademark that would ‘offend a significant section of the community,
including Maori.
136 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
based on ‘personal and cultural hurt’,233 including establishing the basis for
and quantum of damages; and
– to determine the status of a claimant as a member of an Indigenous or other
traditional community, to identify a community as being an eligible local
or traditional community,234 or to establish a specific Indigenous or
aboriginal right.235
(1) General
The following section reviews twelve representative sui generis and related laws
that provide an overview of the diverse approaches taken at the national level236
and at the regional level: for clarity of analysis, two regional model laws237 are
233 M*v. Indofurn Pty Ltd (1995) 30 IPR 209, discussed in Terri Janke, ‘Minding Culture’,
WIPO/GRTKF/STUDY/1, 2002.
234 The definition of local community in Brazil’s sui generis law refers to a group that
traditionally organizes itself through successive generations and through its own customs and
preserves its social and economic institutions (Art. 7(iii)).
235 For example, the definition of ‘aboriginal right’ in R. v. Van der Peet, (1996) 2 SCR 507,
subsequently elaborated in Delgammuukw v. British Columbia ([1997] 2 SCR 1010) to
incorporate both common law and aboriginal perspectives, including prior aboriginal law.
236 Brazilian Provisional Measure No. 2186–16 of 2001 Regulating Access to the Genetic Heritage,
Protection of and Access to Associated Traditional Knowledge (‘Brazilian law’); Chinese Patent
Law of 2000 (‘Chinese Patent Law’) and the Regulations on the Protection of Varieties of Chi-
nese Traditional Medicine (‘TCM Law’); Costa Rican Law No. 7788 of 1998 on Biodiversity;
Indian Biological Diversity Act of 2002 (‘Costa Rican Law’); Panama Law on The Special In-
tellectual Property Regime upon Collective Rights of Indigenous Communities, for the Protec-
tion of their Cultural Identities and Traditional Knowledge (‘Panama Law’); Peruvian Law No.
27,811 of 2002 Introducing a Protection Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous
Peoples Derived from Biological Resources (‘Peruvian Law’); the Philippines Indigenous
Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (‘Philippines Law’); the Portuguese Decree Law No.118 of 2002 Es-
tablishing a Legal Regime of Registration, Conservation, Legal Custody and Transfer of Plant
Endogenous Material (‘Portuguese Law’); Thai Act on Protection and Promotion of Traditional
Thai Medicinal Intelligence, B.E 2542 (‘Thai Law’); and the United States of America Indian
Arts and Crafts Act of 1990 (‘US Law’) as well as the Database of Official Insignia of Native-
American Tribes maintained by the US Patent and Trademark Office.
237 African Model Legislation for the Protection of the Rights of Local Communities, Farmers
and Breeders, and for the Regulation of Access to Biological Resources of 2000 (‘African
law’); and Pacific Regional Framework for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and
Expressions of Culture (2002);
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 137
also covered here rather than in a separate section. This section therefore covers
many of the laws that contributed to the work of the WIPO IGC on sui generis
protection,238 and that were therefore a key source in the formulation of the draft
objectives and principles discussed above.239 These laws are diverse in their
objective and their legal form, in their linkage with TK and in diverse ways of
‘protecting TK’. They range from
The chief common element is that they operate in some way to protect TK in the
essential IP-related sense of providing for measures to prevent certain third-party
acts of use or appropriation of TK itself or of readily appropriable aspects of TK.
Analysts and commentators often set ‘IP protection’ in opposition to sui
generis protection, generally with a view to criticizing the IP approach for being
ill-adapted to TK subject matter — in contrast, for instance, with protection based
on the customary law of the source community so as to avoid unwanted
propertization or commodification of TK. However, this form of analysis may
238 See in particular the summary of the laws in document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/INF/4, and the
many references to these laws passim in documents WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/7, WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/5/8, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/6/4, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/5, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/6, WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/8/5 and WIPO/GRTKF/IC/9/INF/5. The present review does not replicate this analysis but
draws on the text of the same laws to provide a general survey of the range of sui generis laws
and models at the national and regional level.
239 Establishment of a Database Containing the Official Insignia of Federally and State Recognized
Native American Tribes, United States Patent and Trademark Office, Number 165), Federal
Register: 24 August 2001 (Volume 66, Number 165), p. 44603–44605. See also Jeanne Holden,
‘The U.S. Approach: Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge, And Folklore, Focus on Intel-
lectual Property’, at <usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/intelprp/approach.htm> (January 2006).
138 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
entail a category error: the IP aspect of protection essentially relates to the
entitlement to determine the rights of third parties concerning access, use or
dissemination of TK or products or processes making use of TK, or connected in
some other manner; from another viewpoint, it concerns the liabilities of third
parties to respect the originators or custodians of TK: as Cornish has observed,
‘ “intellectual property” shades off into surrounding forms of civil liability’.240
Thus a comprehensive holistic approach to sui generis protection would deal with
third parties’ responsibilities, constraints and use entitlements – the general IP
aspect – whether or not through the formal institution of property rights as such,
just as the broader law of IP may equivocate on the question of whether distinct
property rights are granted (as it does in the case of the law of confidentiality,
passing off, geographical indications and other variants of the law of unfair
competition).
– The omnibus African Union model law aims ‘to ensure the conservation,
evaluation and sustainable use of the biological resources, and knowledge
and technologies in order to maintain and improve their diversity;’ and
to recognize, protect and support the inalienable rights of local commu-
nities, including farming communities, over their . . . knowledge and
technologies; to recognize and protect the rights of breeders; to provide
an appropriate system for access to . . . community knowledge and tech-
nologies; to promote mechanisms for fair and equitable sharing of ben-
efits arising from the use of . . . knowledge and technologies; to ensure
the effective participation of concerned communities in deciding on the
distribution of benefits deriving from . . . knowledge and technologies;
to encourage national and grassroots scientific and technological capac-
ity; to provide mechanisms for implementation and enforcement of
rights of local communities and conditions of access to biological re-
sources, community knowledge and technologies.
– The Brazilian law regulates
access to components of the genetic heritage . . . access to traditional
knowledge relating to the genetic heritage; the fair and equitable
sharing of the benefits deriving from exploitation of . . . associated
240 W.R. Cornish, Intellectual Property, (1999), p. 761, cited in document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/5
(20 August 2004)
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 139
traditional knowledge; and access to and transfer of technology for the
conservation and use of biological diversity.
– The Chinese Patent Law aims ‘to encourage inventors, and promote
technological innovation; and to provide an important and effective means
of intellectual property protection for traditional medicine’, and the
Regulations on the Protection of Varieties of Chinese Traditional Medicine
aim inter alia to promote ‘the equitable distribution of the environmental,
economic and social benefits to all sectors of society, paying special
attention to local communities and indigenous peoples’.
– Costa Rican Biodiversity Law aims
to regulate access and in so doing make possible the equitable
distribution of the environmental, economic and social benefits to all
sectors of society, paying special attention to local communities and
indigenous peoples; to recognize and provide compensation for the
knowledge, practices and innovations of indigenous peoples and local
communities in the conservation and sustainable use ecological of the
components of biodiversity; to recognize the rights deriving from the
contribution of scientific knowledge to the conservation and sustain-
able ecological use of the components of biodiversity.
– The Indian Law provides for conservation of biological diversity, sustain-
able use of its components and fair and equitable sharing of the benefits
arising out of the use of biological resources and knowledge.
– Peru’s sui generis TK law aims
to promote respect for and the protection, preservation, wider appli-
cation and development of the collective knowledge of indigenous
peoples; to promote the fair and equitable distribution of the benefits
derived from the use of that collective knowledge; to promote the use
of the knowledge for the benefit of the indigenous peoples and
mankind in general; to ensure that the use of the knowledge takes
place with the prior informed consent of the indigenous peoples; to
promote the strengthening and development of the potential of the
indigenous peoples and of the machinery traditionally used by them to
share and distribute collectively generated benefits under the terms of
the regime established by the law; and to avoid situations where
patents are granted for inventions made or developed on the basis of
collective knowledge of the indigenous peoples of Peru without any
account being taken of that knowledge as prior art in the examination
of the novelty and inventiveness of the said inventions.
– The Philippines Indigenous Peoples Rights Act aims
to recognize, protect, and promote the rights of Indigenous Cultural
Communities and Indigenous Peoples; to provide for a system of
140 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
community intellectual rights protection in respect of the innovative
contribution of both local and indigenous cultural communities in the
matter of development and conservation of genetic resources and
biological diversities; to recognize, preserve and maintain the knowl-
edge, innovations and practices of small farmers and local communi-
ties embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and
sustainable use of plant agrobiodiversity and to promote their wider
application with the involvement of the holders of such knowledge; to
stimulate and contribute to their conservation for coming generations
as a part of the national heritage and the heritage of mankind; to
promote the conservation, legal safeguarding and transfer of autoch-
thonous plant material of current or with potential interest to agrarian,
agroforest and landscape activity, including the local varieties and
spontaneously occurring material.
– The Thai law focuses on protection and promotion of traditional Thai
medicinal intelligence, defined as knowledge and capability concerning
medicinal procedures, traditional Thai massage, the production of tradi-
tional Thai drugs and the invention of medical devices on the basis of
knowledge or texts that are passed between generations.
– The United States measures are intended to protect and preserve cultural
heritage; and to prevent commercial interests from falsely associating their
goods or services with indigenous peoples’,241 this objective underscores
the closer linkage of these laws to the protection of TCEs as such but also
highlights the crossover between IP protection, general consumer protec-
tion and truth in marketing measures: in this connection, a recent report has
proposed that the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues ‘might be
able to advocate initiatives, such as the creation of an indigenous label
similar to the Fairtrade Certification mark, in order to identify indigenous
ownership’.242
A WIPO study on legal options for sui generis protection243 identified five main
doctrinal approaches that had been employed:
– the grant of exclusive rights for TK, including (i) use of existing IP rights;
(ii) modified, adapted or extended forms of conventional IP rights; or (iii)
sui generis measures granting newly defined exclusive property rights;
– the principle of prior informed consent applied to TK;
These doctrines are mutually exclusive, and two or more elements may be linked
together in the one legal measure: for instance, customary law may provide the
procedural framework for the grant of prior informed consent, or for determining
ownership or other entitlements such as equitable compensation. As well as this
cluster of IP-related doctrines, sui generis TK laws also commonly provide for the
complementary objectives of preservation (the documentation, registration or
other recordal of TK) and promotion (policy measures to foster the maintenance
and application of TK for social welfare in relation to health, the environment and
the protection of cultural heritage, addressing either the interests of society as a
whole or of designated communities of beneficiaries). The following analysis
concentrates on the IP aspects of protection, not to scant these other important
policy objectives, but to respect the particular focus of this chapter. These laws
promote such policy objectives by engendering a climate of respect and specific
legal means of protecting the legitimate interests of the holders of TK, and
creating incentives for the preservation intact of TK systems or for continuing
innovation within the traditional framework (for instance, both the Chinese and
Thai laws cited here explicitly recognize innovation within their respective
traditions of medical knowledge).
The nature of the aspects or manifestations of TK that are protected under these
laws differs considerably: this reflects the inevitable, natural diversity in knowl-
edge systems as much as the diverse policy contexts of these laws. Several laws,
reflecting their structure and objective as laws protecting genetic resources,
explicitly yoke protectable TK to biodiversity or similar concepts such as genetic
heritage, an implicitly limiting condition that would on the face of it exclude
forms of TK such as medical techniques or the know-how used to create certain
handicrafts (the broader term ‘biological resources’ would create a less narrow
condition, not requiring for instance the presence of functional units of heritage
that help define ‘genetic resources’244):
The African model law is the most comprehensive. It covers biological resources,
their derivatives, ‘and community knowledge and technologies’. (Article 2(1)(i)-
(iii)), and defines ‘community knowledge’ as ‘the accumulated knowledge that is
vital for conservation and sustainable use of biological resources and/or which is
of socio-economic value, and which has been developed over the years in
indigenous/local communities’. Accordingly, it is linked with but is not limited to
the CBD objectives of conservation and sustainable use of genetic resources. A
distinctive approach is found in the Thai law which, in line with its specific
purpose, is restricted to Thai medical knowledge, including forms of treatment
and massage, as well as formulations and innovations, but for the purpose of
defining the manner of IP protection the law categorizes formulas of Thai drugs
or texts on traditional Thai medicine as being national (of particular value and
significance), general (widely diffused through society), or personal (TK that is
personally-invented, improved or inherited). Similarly, the Peruvian law identifies
three forms of registration of collective knowledge of indigenous peoples: a
Public National Register, a Confidential National Register, and Local Registers.
The Portuguese Law defines TK as comprising
Corresponding to diverse legal bases and doctrines for protection, the form and
scope of protection also differs considerably between these laws, although there is
fundamental commonality at the level of principle: recognition of residual rights
and interests in TK, forms of prior informed consent, acknowledgement of the
originators of TK, and an equitable flow of benefits back to them.
In other cases, access is subject to a distinct decision-maker, who must take due
account of the traditional holders. Thus the Portuguese law provides that access to
TK for purposes of study, research, improvement or biotechnological applications
shall be subject to prior authorization by [a defined Technical Council], the owner
of the registration having been heard. (Article 7(1)). Due process and consultation
is a common emphasis in prior informed consent provisions. The Peruvian law
requires that indigenous representative organization whose PIC is sought ‘shall
inform the greatest possible number of indigenous peoples possessing the
knowledge that it is engaging in negotiations and shall take due account of their
interests and concerns, in particular those connected with their spiritual values or
religious beliefs’.
249 For instance, in relation to TK, the Pacific law provides for the right of attribution of
ownership, the right not to have ownership falsely attributed to them, and the right not to have
their TK subject to derogatory treatment. The African model law recognizes the linkage
between third party use and the erosion of cultural identity, recognizing the right of local
146 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
(for instance, they may not be freely assignable), yet illustrate the uncertainty of
the boundary between intangible property rights as such and the broader law of
civil liability.
The relationship between exclusive rights so conceived and the right to give
prior informed consent is exemplified in the Pacific model law, which provides for
a specific offence if ‘a person makes a non-customary use’ of TK (commercial or
otherwise), and ‘the traditional owners have not given their prior and informed
consent to that use’.
Reflecting its broad objectives, the Philippines Law provides for a wide range
of entitlements that extend well beyond IP-style rights as such, including rights to
practice and revitalize cultural traditions and customs; rights to restitution of
cultural, intellectual, religious and spiritual property taken without their free and
prior informed consent or in violation of their laws, traditions and customs; and
rights to special measures to control, develop and protect their sciences,
technologies and cultural manifestations. Thus even the IP aspect of protection
extends to indigenous science and technology systems conceived as such, not only
atomistic components or items of TK.
Peru’s law protects against the disclosure, acquisition or use of collective
knowledge without the consent of the indigenous peoples and in an improper
manner, and against unauthorized disclosure in conflict with a confidentiality
agreement. Portugal’s law provides for a right of objection to ‘direct or indirect
reproduction, imitation and/or use by unauthorized third parties for commercial
purposes;’ unusually, the right holder is entitled to assign or transfer their rights
in the TK.
Under the Thai law, reflecting an approach broadly analogous to patent rights,
the right holder is accorded exclusive rights over the production of the drug and
the sole right over the research, distribution, improvement or development of
formulas corresponding to the registered text. By contrast, the United States law,
reflecting its focus on truth in marketing, prohibits the offering or displaying for
sale or selling of any good, in a manner that falsely suggests it is Indian produced,
an Indian product, or the product of a particular Indian or Indian tribe or Indian
arts and crafts organization. The Chinese law, naturally reflecting its character as
a patent law, gives the entitlement to ‘prevent third parties not having the right
holders’ consent from making, using, offering for sale, selling or importing the
patented invention’.
The African model law takes a broad sweep, recognizing the rights of
communities over
communities ‘to refuse access to their TK where such access will be detrimental to the
integrity of their natural or cultural heritage’.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 147
rights to use their innovations, practices, knowledge and technologies in
the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity.
250 Convention on Biological Diversity, Conference of Parties Decision VIII/5 (‘Article 8(j) and
related provisions’).
251 An analysis elaborated in Taubman, Saving the Village, note 49 supra.
150 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
communities that hold TK,252 sui generis systems for TK protection recognize
customary law in diverse ways, such as:
– Regimes that regulate biological and genetic resources may require prior
informed consent of traditional communities for access to TK.253 This may
entail the application of customary law in the process for determining the
community’s consent, even without any explicit reference.
– The Philippines Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 establishes a
‘right of restitution of cultural, intellectual, religious and spiritual property’
taken inter alia ‘in violation of [indigenous] laws, traditions and cus-
toms’.254 Access to indigenous knowledge is subject to prior informed
consent obtained in accordance with customary laws.255 When a dispute
arises, ‘customary laws and practices shall be used to resolve the
dispute’.256
– Under Costa Rica’s Biodiversity Law257 sui generis community IP rights
and the question of ownership are determined by a participatory process
with indigenous and small farmer communities. Custom is recognized as a
source of law for establishing a sui generis community IP right, which
‘exists and is legally recognized by the mere existence of the cultural
practice or knowledge’ and does not need ‘prior declaration, explicit
recognition nor official registration’.
– The registration of collective IP and TK rights under Panamanian law258
requires the rules of use of the collective right to be determined in part with
reference to the ‘history (tradition) of the collective right’. Some laws for
protecting TK recognize customary practices as exceptions to sui generis
rights,259 so that the creation of new forms of protection does not
unwittingly create a legal barrier to continuing customary practices.
– One objective of the Peruvian Sui Generis Law is ‘to promote the fair and
equitable distribution of the benefits derived from the use of . . . collective
knowledge’.260 The Law recognizes customary laws and protocols in the
context of benefit-sharing, stating that ‘indigenous peoples . . . may have
Thus customary law is used in very diverse ways in TK laws at the national level
– as a direct source of law, as part of the factual matrix which the law draws upon,
and as a reserve right safeguarded against the operation of the law. On the one
hand, this suggests that customary law is an important, arguably inevitable,
component of a suitable, tailored means of giving legal protection to TK; on the
other hand, it suggests that no one legal mechanism for the recognition or
application of customary law is likely to be acceptable to all countries establishing
sui generis protection of TK. The international level could provide mechanisms
for mutual recognition of different bodies of customary law or could articulate
broad principles of recognition.
261 Art. 10, Peruvian Sui Generis Law. See also Art. 39 which provides that administration of
benefit-sharing through the Fund for the Development of Indigenous Peoples ‘shall to the
extent possible use the machinery traditionally used – by indigenous peoples – for allocating
and distributing collectively-generated benefits’.
262 ‘No legal barriers shall be placed on the traditional exchange system of the local communities
in the exercise of their rights’ (Art. 21(2)) and ‘The legislation does not affect ‘access, use and
exchange of knowledge and technologies by and between local communities;’ (Art.2(2)(ii).
263 Art. 4, Peruvian Sui Generis Law: excludes from this regime ’the traditional exchange
between indigenous peoples of the collective knowledge protected under this regime’.
264 On the role of cultural heritage law in traditional knowledge protection, see further Blake, ‘On
Defining Cultural Heritage’, [2000] International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 61–85.
152 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
use of its components, and the equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of
these resources: this is an environmental treaty, not an IP model law. Yet knowledge
management — the preservation and protection of TK — is recognized as having an
integral relationship with the attainment of the CBD objectives, and there are ac-
cordingly specific obligations under the CBD concerning biodiversity-related TK.
In particular, the knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities is central
to the sustainable use of the components of biodiversity,267 such as the identification
and application of the active compounds within genetic resources that are used in
the effective application of genetic resources for broader utilitarian objectives.268
The integral relationship of TK and genetic resources is recognized in the
work under the CBD on access and benefit-sharing of genetic resources. The
proposed International Regime on Access and Benefit-Sharing, under negotiation
within the CBD, is currently in the form of a heavily-bracketed set of textual
options in the Annex to CBD COP decision VIII/4 which simply ‘reflects the
range of views held by Parties’ at the relevant working group session.269 This
working text contains numerous references to TK within the overall framework of
an access and benefit-sharing regime for genetic resources, including several
references with an intellectual property element or flavour, such as the itemization
of certain acts of misappropriation concerning genetic resources and associated
TK, and proposed measures to prevent certain uses of associated TK in violation
of the international regime. While the contours of the international regime are
currently still under development and negotiation, it appears likely that it will
have elements of protection of TK associated with genetic resources, including
forms of protection that accord with broader conceptions of IP (in strengthening
the right of PIC over knowledge as such, and defining illegitimate forms of use of
TK by third parties), and some degree of practical or legal interaction with
conventional forms of IP such as the patent system.
In the general debate over TK protection, policymakers, particularly those
working within an essentially utilitarian IP policy framework, have wrestled with
the question of whether IP incentives are required or are appropriate for TK270 –
265 See Simpson, ‘Indigenous Heritage and Self-Determination – The Cultural and Intellectual
Property Rights of Indigenous Peoples,onbehalfoftheForestPeoplesProgramme’(Copenhagen,
1997).
266 On the role of human rights in traditional knowledge protection, see further Coombe,
‘Intellectual Property Human Rights and Sovereignty: New Dilemmas in International Law
Posed by the Recognition of Indigenous Knowledge and the Conservation of Biodiversity’,
[1998] Global Legal Studies Journal 6, 59 et seq.
267 Straus, AIPPI Yearbook 1998/IX, 99 et seq.; Straus, [1993] IIC, 602 et seq.
268 See Seiler & Dutfield, Regulating Access and Sharing of Benefits: Basic issues, legal
instruments, policy proposals, UNEP doc. UNEP/CBD/WG-ABS/1/INF/4, p. 38; see also
Hassemer, Sec. 2.
269 CBD COP decision VIII/4, ‘Access and benefit-sharing’, UNEP/CBD/COP/8/31.
270 This dilemma over incentives is explored further within the setting of a global public goods
policy framework, in Taubman, Saving the Village, fn. 49 supra.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 153
one argument being that almost by definition TK already exists and will continue
to be developed according to existing customary practices without any supple-
mentary incentives being required; that very characteristic is what seems to make
TK ‘traditional’. Yet this argument breaks down in two ways: first, social change
and other external pressures can lead to a loss in incentive to conserve and
maintain TK through traditional means, practices and legal structures. Much TK
is being lost together with its intellectual and juridical context as a new Dark Age
emerges, even as original cultural forms are occluded by the dazzle of mainstream
media; and second, incentives may be needed for TK to be shared beyond the
traditional circle so that the broader public can benefit from its use and
application. The CBD exemplifies how incentives for in situ conservation are
linked to promotion of sustainable ex situ use and sharing of genetic resources.
The linkage is held together, crucially, by a guarantee that benefits from this wider
use will be equitably shared, in turn reinforcing confidence that conservation
efforts will be adequately resourced and encouraged. Thus the CBD both provides
an analogy for the protection and promotion of TK through appropriate incentives,
and provides directly for the preservation of biodiversity-related TK as integral to
the conservation of biological diversity. Within the provision generally concerning
in situ conservation, Article 8(j) requires each Contracting Party,
The FAO International Treaty also places the recognition of TK in the context of
its role in the development and maintenance of genetic diversity, in this instance,
plant genetic resources for food and agriculture (‘PGRFA’). In particular, there is
recognition that farmers, and local and indigenous communities have historically
developed the major food crops. Thus the Treaty calls upon Contracting Parties to
Hence the concept of ‘farmers’ rights’ is established, based on ‘the past, present
and future contributions of farmers in all regions of the world, particularly those
in centres of origin and diversity, in conserving, improving and making available’
PGRFA.274
272 Reportedly, unlicenced harvesting of the traditional herb Tongkat Ali in Sarawak has led to its
listing as a protected plant: V. Chandrasekaran, ‘The Star’, 30 January 2001: ‘The demand for
tongkat ali, the plant reputed to have aphrodisiac properties, is causing rampant encroach-
ments into forest reserves. The raids have become so frequent that the Forestry Department is
worried that the plant species may become extinct if immediate steps are not taken to stop the
wanton uprooting’.
273 FAO ITPGRFA, Art. 9.1.
274 Ibid.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 155
The Treaty does not lay down detailed standards for the recognition of
farmers’ rights, but stipulates that ‘the responsibility for realizing Farmers’ Rights,
as they relate to plant genetic resources for food and agriculture, rests with
national governments’. Acknowledging different national needs and priorities and
the constraints of existing domestic legislation, the Treaty provides that ‘each
Contracting Party should . . . take measures to protect and promote Farmers’
Rights, including: (a) protection of traditional knowledge relevant to
[PGRFA]’.275
In this context, the protection of TK is addressed in conjunction with a right
to equitable benefit sharing and recognition of farmers’ standing in national
policymaking processes relating to conservation and sustainable use. However, no
guidance is given on the legal form of protection, or the scope of TK that is to be
protected, other than its ‘relevance’ to PGRFA. In its policy context, such
protection is likely to focus upon, if not be limited to, that TK which is concerned
with the conservation and sustainable use of diversity in food crops, especially
traditional agricultural and agronomic know-how and related environmental
management. And given the treaty objectives, the goal of protection should at
least be consistent with and preferably directive supportive of ‘the conservation
and sustainable use of [PGRFA] and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits
arising out of their use’.276
Situating the protection of TK within the broader human rights context, the 2005
General Comment on Article 15(1)(c) of the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights recognizes the collective ‘interests of indigenous
peoples relating to their productions, which are often expressions of their cultural
heritage and traditional knowledge’, and proposes ‘measures to recognize, register
and protect the individual or collective authorship of indigenous peoples under
national intellectual property rights regimes’ and the prevention of ‘the unautho-
rized use of scientific, literary and artistic productions of indigenous peoples by
third parties’,277 the latter establishing a clear doctrinal framework for the
protection of TK against misappropriation and misuse.
1. International Level
Accordingly, the key characteristics of this approach to protection are the specific
focus on misappropriation, as forming the central normative gap identified by
many countries and TK holders in the course of an extensive debate, and the
flexibility of legal forms for the suppression of misappropriation, again respond-
ing to the requirements of many TK holders who have resisted the creation of new
intangible property rights per se (while yet others have identified with more
culturally appropriate forms of collective property rights). The definition of
protectable TK refers to the intergenerational character of TK as well as its
objective and subjective linkage to the cultural identity of a community.
These objectives and principles remain at present in draft form, not attracting
the consensus of the IGC even as a working draft. Yet just as these provisions were
distilled from many national, regional and international legal instruments, they are
now drawn on in many international, regional and national policy or legislative
processes in a positive feedback loop. Hence, as noted above, the draft proposal
for an international regime on access and benefit-sharing under consideration by
the CBD refers to the possibility of taking into account the IGC’s work ‘on the
intellectual property aspects of sui generis systems for the protection of traditional
knowledge and folklore against misappropriation and misuse’.281 Draft regional
instruments in Africa and South Asia make use of these provisions as a benchmark
and as a source of textual material, and several countries are developing national
TK protection laws by adapting and applying the draft WIPO provisions to their
national circumstances; Mongolia is a recent example.
The doctrinal root of the draft provisions is the clear articulation of a norm
against misappropriation of TK as such (Article 1.1), in a form analogous to the
norm against unfair competition within the Paris Convention (Article 10bis (1)).
This essential principle is then elaborated, consciously in parallel with the Paris
Convention rules on unfair competition, firstly (cf. Article 10bis (2)) by
characterizing the nature of misappropriation (including direct illicit appropriation
and inequitable commercial gain), and secondly (cf. Article 10bis (2)) by
specifying specific acts that are considered to be acts of misappropriation. For
instance, by identifying illicit assertion of IP rights over TK as a form of
misappropriation – consistently with essential patent law principles – the draft
provisions spell out for the first time a clear doctrinal basis for enhanced
disclosure mechanisms relating to TK used in a claimed invention. The provisions
identify forms of misuse of TK beyond purely commercial misappropriation, and
address ‘willful offensive use of traditional knowledge of particular moral or
spiritual value to its holders by third parties outside the customary context, when
such use clearly constitutes a mutilation, distortion or derogatory modification of
The work of WIPO in the field of TK has several aspects, ranging across various
elements of capacity building and policy debate; the development of the draft
objectives and principles for TK protection described above is one element of a
broader programme activities. A recent review of the work of the WIPO
Intergovernmental Committee included the following outcomes relevant to TK:282
282 The following points are extracted with minor editing only from document WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/11/9, fn. 23 supra, from para. 91 et seq.
283 See document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/2/7 and WIPO/GRTKF/IC/Q.1.
284 See documents WIPO/GRTKF/IC/2/9, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/7, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/7 and
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/7.
285 See documents WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/8 and WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/8.
286 See document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/9.
287 See document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/5/8.
288 See document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/17, para. 158.
289 See document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/17, para. 160.
160 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
– based on responses to widely distributed questionnaires, collation of
inventories of relevant on-line databases290 and periodicals291 to assist in
the creation of tools for more ready access to publicly disclosed TK in
searches for relevant prior art;
– creation of a TK portal as a pilot version of a potential searching tool for
patent examiners,292 not to induce the disclosure of TK, but to ensure that
any TK already disclosed would be taken into account when potentially
relevant patent claims were being assessed. This approach led to steps to
enhance the coverage of documented TK in the minimum documentation
of the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) system293 and to expand the
International Patent Classification to provide for more accurate and
focussed searching for relevant TK during the patent examination pro-
cess;294
– analysis of the use of disclosure requirements in the patent system to
ensure disclosure of TK (and potentially also its origin and the legal
circumstances surrounding its access) that is used in the development of a
claimed invention;
– Consideration of TK protection including the wide range of potential
applications of databases, registries and other collections as both positive
and defensive protection tools: this ranged from databases or registries
which contained information about IP rights over TK subject matter
(granted under conventional or sui generis IP systems), through databases
establish to preserve TK subject to strictly limited access based on
customary protocols, to databases which may be entitled to distinct sui
generis protection (either of the database itself or of its individual
elements), and databases that facilitate access for patent examiners to TK
already in the public domain;
– In the light of the wide range of TK documentation projects currently
planned or under way, aimed at diverse goals (ranging from preservation to
various forms of positive and defensive protection), and the potential
damage to TK holders’ interests and cultural integrity that may arise from
documentation of TK, endorsement of the development of a toolkit for the
management of the IP implications of TK documentation.295 This is being
developed with extensive consultation with TK stakeholders and in
coordination with other international initiatives, so that traditional com-
munities may be in a stronger position to identify and defend their
IP-related interests in advance of any documentation project.
the IGC [is] on a path to build a third pillar for the world IP community
– a pillar which would complement the pillars of the Berne and Paris
Conventions. This pillar . . . would provide appropriate protection for TK.
However . . . haste without reconciliation would undermine the possibil-
ity of building this third pillar.301
and to develop guidelines to assist implementation of Article 8(j) and its related
provisions. Further work includes standards and guidelines for the reporting and
prevention of unlawful appropriation of TK and related genetic resources.
The development of a composite report306 on CBD-related TK has since been
overseen by the COP,307 which has for instance requested the Secretariat to
explore the possibility of developing technical guidelines for recording and
documenting traditional knowledge, innovations and practices, and to analyse the
potential threats of such documentation to the rights of holders of TK, innovations
304 Decision V/16 (adopted at the fifth meeting of the COP, May 2000).
305 Discussed in Sec. III.1.III.1(a)(aa) infra above.
306 UNEP/CBD/WG8J/INF/1.
307 See CBD COP Decisions VI/10, VII/16 E, VIII/5/B/I.
164 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
and practices, with the full and effective participation of indigenous and local
communities.
In line with the guidance of the CBD COP, specific activities on TK have
included work on:
An important set of soft-law norms was adopted by the Seventh CBD COP, the
Akwé: Kon guidelines,312 voluntary guidelines for the conduct of cultural,
environmental and social impact assessment regarding developments proposed to
take place on, or which are likely to impact on, sacred sites and on lands and
waters traditionally occupied or used by indigenous and local communities; they
take their name from a Mohawk term meaning ‘everything in creation’. The
guidelines include provisions on ‘how to take into account traditional knowledge,
innovations and practices as part of the impact assessment processes’.
In practice, and for reasons of consistency and regulatory competence, the
implementation of Article 8(j) has typically been carried out through laws relating
to the regulation of access to and conservation of biodiversity (such as in the
Costa Rican and Indian laws analysed above313). The complex interrelationship
between national measures to implement the CBD’s objectives and the IP
dimension of TK protection raises broader questions that continue to be explored
in international policy processes:
320 ‘Final Declaration’, Fourth Ministerial Conference, Doha, Qatar, (20 November 2001),
WT/MIN(01)/DEC/1.
321 In particular see the proposed new text for an Art. 29bis in document WT/GC/W/564/Rev. 2,
TN/C/W/41/Rev. 2, IP/C/W/474 (5 July 2006), Doha Work Programme – the Outstanding
Implementation Issue on the Relationship between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention
on Biological Diversity, Communication from Brazil, China, Colombia, Cuba, India, Pakistan,
Peru, Thailand and Tanzania.
322 The proposal also provides for the defensive protection of biological resources as such, but the
current discussion only addresses the TK aspect; see Chapter III.2.IV.1 on Genetic Resources
for consideration of that aspect of the proposal.
323 WT/GC/W/566 TN/C/W/42 IP/C/W/473 (14 June 2006), The Relationship between the TRIPS
Agreement, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the Protection of Traditional
Knowledge: Amending the TRIPS Agreement to Introduce An Obligation To Disclose The
Origin Of Genetic Resources And Traditional Knowledge In Patent Applications, Communi-
cation from Norway.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 167
Earlier proposals had been submitted calling in general terms for positive
protection of TK, in particular in proposing that the failed Seattle Ministerial
Conference in 1999 should extend the negotiating mandate of a new round to
cover TK protection. But these have not since evolved into such specific textual
proposals to amend TRIPS as are on the table for defensive protection through a
sui generis patent disclosure requirement. For instance, several Latin American
countries proposed during the preparations for Seattle that a future round should:
These proposals did not mature into a specific negotiating mandate or a formal
proposed to amend TRIPS, but the TRIPS Council has conducted an extensive
debate on protection of TK since that time. A recent Secretariat document326
summarizes TRIPS Council debate on TK between 1999 and 2006, covering the
protection of TK in general, patents on TK, and consent and benefit sharing issues,
referring to the implementation mandate of the Doha Ministerial Declaration327
and noting that the debate had focussed much more on TK than on folklore. It
remarked, however, that certain proposals had defined TK in such a way as to
include folklore, so that one proposal includes ‘cultural expressions’ as an element
of TK,328 and another refers to protection of ‘designs, music and other art forms
324 Preparations for the 1999 Ministerial Conference: Proposal on Protection of the Intellectual
Property Rights Relating to the Traditional Knowledge of Local and Indigenous Communities,
WT/GC/W/362 (12 October 1999).
325 Preparations for the 1999 Ministerial Conference: Proposals Regarding the TRIPS Agreement,
para. 9(a)(ii) of the Geneva Ministerial Declaration, WT/GC/W/282 (6 August 1999).
326 IP/C/W/370/Rev. 1 (9 March 2006), The Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Folklore:
Summary of Issues Raised and Points Made, Note by the Secretariat (Revision).
327 WT/MIN(01)/DEC/1.
328 Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Peru, IP/C/W/165.
168 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
generated by traditional communities’.329 This summary illustrates the diversity of
views still on whether international action is required to protect TK and what
forum should address it; on the protection of traditional knowledge and folklore.
The principal concerns driving the debate are characterized as concern over
‘granting of patents or other IPRs covering [TK] to persons other than those
indigenous peoples or communities who have originated and legitimately control
the [TK]’ and concern that TK ‘is being used without the authorization of the
indigenous peoples or communities who have originated and legitimately control
it and without proper sharing of the benefits that accrue from such use’. The
rationales for international action to address these concerns are cited as: common
economic interest, equity, food security, culture, environment, development,
coherence of international and national law, and the trans-boundary use of TK.
The African Group has proposed that the TRIPS Council adopt a decision on
TK as an outcome of its review of Article 27.3(b):330 a draft decision includes
elements on definition of TK (which would include folklore), rights conferred
under protection, TK documentation, and institutional arrangements within the
WTO, including a new body to address TK and genetic resources. By this
proposal, TK would be recognized and protected as ‘a category of intellectual
property rights.’ The declaration would grant any local community or traditional
practitioner rights (i) concerning respect for ‘will and decisions’ on commercial-
ization of TK; (ii) ‘respect and honour of any sanctity’ attached to their TK; (iii)
prior and informed consent for any access and any intended use of TK; (iv) full
remuneration; (v) prevention of third parties from ‘using, offering for sale, selling,
exporting, and importing, their knowledge and any article or product in which
their knowledge is input’ The Declaration would also strengthen recognition of
TK ‘in any form or at any stage’ as defeating novelty and inventiveness for patents
and originality for copyright, and would preclude patents where TK ‘has been a
lead to the invention’ or an invention ‘has derived at any stage’ from TK, unless
CBD access requirements have been fulfilled.
TRIPS Council debate has also explored the rationale for sui generis
protection of TK, without as yet producing an elaborated framework for such
protection: positive property rights over TK have been argued to be essential for
fairness and equity331 and to ensure erga omnes protection,332 instead of limiting
protection to the privity of contract. Elements of sui generis protection proposed
in the TRIPS Council include: defining TK333 and clarifying its scope;334
Again, following the strong emphasis laid on this question by TK holders, the
recognition of customary law is a key preoccupation in the debate over
international norms and standards for protection of TK. For instance, the CBD
COP has taken note of
(objective (vii));
The general guiding principles that set directions for the attainment of the
objectives include respect for customary use and transmission of TK and
recognition of the specific characteristics of TK;
In clarifying the principles for protection of TK against misappropriation
(Article 1), the provisions propose that
application, interpretation and enforcement of protection . . . including
determination of equitable sharing and distribution of benefits, should
be guided, as far as possible and appropriate, by respect for the
customary practices, norms, laws and understandings of the holder of
the knowledge, including the spiritual, sacred or ceremonial charac-
teristics of the traditional origin of the knowledge.
In later seeking to clarify the principles that should apply to equitable benefit
sharing arising from the use of TK (Article 6), the provisions indicate that
‘[c]ustomary laws within communities may play an important role’.
Article 4 suggests what TK in particular should be protectable, and suggests
that protection should be available for TK which is integral to the cultural
identity of an indigenous or traditional community or people which is
recognized as holding the knowledge through a form of custodianship,
340 See draft WIPO TK provisions, fn. 2 supra, analysed in general in Sec. III 1. (a) supra.
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 171
guardianship, collective ownership or cultural responsibility. This relation-
ship may be expressed formally or informally by customary or traditional
practices, protocols or laws.
In seeking to define who should be the beneficiaries of protection, Article 5
suggests that entitlements ‘should, as far as possible and appropriate, take
account of the customary protocols, understandings, laws and practices of
these communities and peoples;’
In setting out appropriate limitations and exceptions, Article 8 suggests that
TK protection ‘should not adversely affect . . . the continued availability of
[TK] for the customary practice, exchange, use and transmission of [TK] by
traditional knowledge holders;’
Following preparatory work on this issue,341 the United Nations Permanent Forum
on Indigenous Issues appointed a Special Rapporteur,342 Professor Dodson, to
undertake preliminary work a study on the recognition of customary laws ‘in
international and national standards addressing traditional knowledge’, which
resulted in a concept paper for the Forum to review at its sixth session.343 This
paper recommended that the Forum ‘should commission a study, under its
mandate to prepare and disseminate information, to determine whether there
ought to be a shift in the focus on the protection of indigenous traditional
knowledge away from intellectual property law to protection via customary law,
and if so, how this should occur. The study should consider how indigenous
traditional knowledge could be protected at an international level by utilizing
customary law, including the extent to which customary law should be reflected,
thereby providing guidance to States and subsequently protection at national and
regional levels. The study would also include an analysis of indigenous customary
law as a potential sui generis system for protecting indigenous traditional
knowledge’.344
Building on the general human rights framework established by, for instance, the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,345 a more
specific recent development on the normative plane, linking protection of TK to
the collective human rights of indigenous peoples, was the adoption by the Human
Rights Council in 2006, after many years of negotiation, of the United Nations
Regional models currently under development include the Draft Framework for
an African Instrument on the Protection of Traditional Knowledge being prepared
by the African Regional Intellectual Property Organization (ARIPO) and the
Organisation Africaine de la Propriété Intellectuelle (OAPI); and the Draft Legal
Instrument for SAARC Countries on Protection of Traditional Knowledge,
approved by the 2006 Summit of the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC) as a basis for further work in SAARC. In both cases, the
benchmark established by the draft WIPO TK provisions349 was used as textual
input, and was adapted to the legal and cultural context of the regions concerned.
These texts remain draft materials within their respective policy development
processes, but may in time provide practical insight into how general principles
elaborated at the international level may be tailored and adapted for regions which
share common cultural and legal heritage.
350 E.g. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Sec. III.1.II.2(c) supra.
351 See draft declaration on rights of indigenous peoples, Sec. III.1.III.1(f) supra.
352 WIPO UNESCO Model Provisions, note 5 supra.
353 See Philippines Law, discussed in Sec. III.1.II.1(c)(ee) supra.
174 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
indigenous and other traditional and local communities faced with social,
economic, demographic, cultural and environmental pressures. These concerns go
the heart of:
Broadly, the dilemma lies between the recognition of the privacy of TK systems
– the need for the undisturbed integrity of traditional modes of knowing and of
sharing knowledge – and the legitimate exploitation of TK as a form of knowledge
resource, to serve as the basis for the more equitable engagement of traditional
communities in the global knowledge economy. Should protection seek to
preserve cultural integrity and collective personality; or should it form the basis
of ensuring that the custodian community’s and its members’ engagement with
external commercial partners occurs on the community’s terms? Or can IP be used
to achieve an optimal balance, based on the principles of self-determination,
between due protection of the private sphere – those aspects of collective identity
that are reserved for the community itself – and the public face – ensuring due
recognition of source and due financial or other equitable compensation for the
use and application of TK beyond the community, but with the community’s
consent?
Within the more limited compass of intellectual property, these same broader
dilemmas – and these false dichotomies – are apparent in the choices between:
Given the limited policy bandwidth on TK issues and limited political opportu-
nities for reform of IP law and policy, the analogous dilemma for policymakers
concerns:
– whether to focus on modest but achievable reforms in the current law and
practice of IP;
– whether to aim for radical reforms that entail not merely re-centring the
working norms of the IP system but also making significant developments
in the recognition of the very legal personality of indigenous communities
at the level of international and national law, and forging new or newly
effective norms providing for self-determination of indigenous peoples,
cultural heritage, territorial rights, and human rights; or
– whether to seek compromised goals along the spectrum between these two
extremes.
Already significant operational reforms have been introduced into the patent sys-
tem, which do give genuine, practical recognition of TK at the heart of the system –
reform of the IPC, development of the PCT minimum documentation, enhanced
disclosure mechanisms introduced in some national laws and proposed internation-
ally – but these positive steps arguably have simply accentuated the question of how
the fundamental interests of an indigenous community in one country are effec-
tively served by enhanced patent quality and the refusal or revocation of patents
making use of their TK in a foreign jurisdiction, and what more needs to be achieved
at the international and national levels to directly promote the interests of TK hold-
ers. One persistent, nagging need is conceptually very simple, and politically undra-
matic – but practically extraordinarily important and an enormous systemic
challenge – that of providing sustained, culturally appropriate and effective support
for community-level capacity building, so that the interests of indigenous and local
communities are not addressed through abstracted or academic analysis, political
advocacy or broad-brush legislation, but by consultation and practical choices ini-
tiated within, by and for the TK holding communities themselves.
176 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
The full array of sui generis and other TK-related legal and policy initiatives
reviewed in this chapter should put paid to the idea that TK protection is an
abstract, academic or merely political domain. The protection of TK has entered
the IP policy mainstream, and is a central, practical focus of IP policymakers in
many countries: it is genuinely a conventional element of the law and practice of
IP, even thought the debate has at times difficulty in catching up with this fact. The
patent system has, in a relatively short space of time, begun to grapple with the
fact that TK is not antique, lacking in utility or terminally ‘prior art’: it is the
natural expression of living innovation systems worthy of recognition alongside
those forms of innovation formerly exclusively recognized within the patent
system. Pioneering countries have helped to establish both the broad principles
that are shared within TK protection regimes, and the necessary regulatory
diversity that allows protection to respond to the remarkably localized character-
istics of TK and the systems, community structures and customary law and
practices that sustain it. Yet the national initiatives to protect TK in a sui generis
manner retain a certain exploratory or experimental quality, underscoring the need
for continuing coordination at the regional and international levels.
For policymakers, the challenges concern not merely the functioning and the
cultural and operational assumptions of the current IP system, but also the
boundaries of the system as such, and its proper interaction with other, related
elements of domestic law and policy and public international law. The debate over
suitable recognition of TK within the IP system has therefore prefigured and
exemplified more general contemporary questions about the integration of IP law
and policy within a broader, more diverse and more contested policy environment.
At a time of de facto if not juridical globalization of the patent system, some
practical questions concerning TK and patents – what prior art should be routinely
examined in the processing of patent applications, how to construct the ‘person
skilled in the art’ as the benchmark for the assessment of the inventiveness or
non-obviousness of a claimed invention, what level of disclosure of a claimed
invention is adequate to support a claim for patent protection – end up
paradoxically to be the most far reaching, because they address the principal
doctrinal issues at the core of the patent system – what is the technological and
epistemological base that a patentable invention is meant to contribute to,
according to whose technological knowledge and epistemological framework can
a claimed invention be considered truly inventive, and who is the notional reader
of a patent disclosure – for a TK-based invention, is the ‘person skilled in the art’
a pharmacologist in Basel, a traditional healer in Rwanda, or a culturally diverse
amalgam of these two?
One legal trend emerging both from the policy debate and from the array of
legislative initiatives in this field is a clear entitlement to prior informed consent
to access and subsequent use of TK. At one level, this is the same classical ‘unfair
competition’ doctrinal root that has in other fields led to the future evolution of a
broader category of IP right, recalling the growth of protection of trade secrets,
geographical indications, trademarks and other distinctive aspects of personality
that find their roots in the law of unfair competition, passing off and related tort
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 177
law. This entitlement to exercise prior informed consent as a condition of access
also has the flavour of contract law: the TK holder as gatekeeper, with an
entitlement to enter into contractual arrangements governing the terms of access.
This approach does have inherent limitations, which will doubtless drive policy
demand for distinct forms of TK protection – just as the common law tort of
passing off gave rise over time to the functionally more manageable system of
registered trademarks, and the PIC-style approach to the suppression of bootleg-
ging gave rise over time to the recognition of performers rights.354 The limitations
of the PIC or bilateral contractual approach are clear, and prefigured by the
evolution of IP in other fields.
One such limitation concerns negotiating and informational asymmetries,
which leave TK holders typically in a weaker position than the users of TK who
have better access to legal expertise and to analytical capacity needed to
determine the potential value of TK (compare the issues concerning the
negotiating position of individual performers in the evolution of performers’
rights, and the call for broader safeguards of equity than can be delivered simply
through the conclusion of bilateral agreements). According to one critical account
concerning solutions based on private contractual agreements between the
provider of the genetic resource and associated TK, and the prospective user of
that resource and knowledge:
Given the asymmetry of the power relationship between the two parties,
there can be little doubt about what the inevitable outcome would be.
However carefully any model contract is drafted, however ardently such
contracts try to correct the huge imbalance between the provider and the
user, such an approach simply cannot lead to anything even remotely
resembling a fair and equitable regime. Laws regulating private contrac-
tual relationships, combined with carefully crafted model contracts
cannot, therefore be the solution.355
354 See the analysis of this development in Antony Taubman, ‘Nobility of Interpretation: Equity,
Retrospectivity, and Collectivity in Implementing New Norms For Performer’s Rights’,
(2005) 12 Journal of Intellectual Property Law 351.
355 Report of the Seventh Session of the WIPO IGC, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/15, para. 175.
356 Ibid.
178 Antony Taubman and Matthias Leistner
A further limitation concerns privity of contract and the difficulty in establishing
binding commitments on downstream users of TK. It is rarely the case that the
first extra-community person to access TK is the one who derives full commercial,
technological or industrial benefit from the TK: that would be the exception rather
than the rule. The key distinction between a contractual obligation and a true
property right is that the latter is erga omnes, or ‘binding on the world’.357 The call
for sui generis protection arises in part from the perceived need to restrain the use
of such TK by third parties who are not bound by any contractual or fiduciary
relations to the TK holders, and who do not infringe conventional IP rights: while
some forms of protection span the gap between bilateral contractual or fiduciary
obligations, and true erga omnes obligations (such as the recognition in the
footnote to Article 39 of TRIPS of the need not recklessly to make use of
undisclosed information when one is not the agent responsible for breaching
confidentiality), the continuing requirement to prove an unbroken nexus in the
provenance of TK creates a particular burden for TK holders when their TK is
used for commercial gain by others at the extreme other end of a long chain of
provenance.
The ultimate challenge concerns fully recognizing the collective identity of
indigenous and local communities under national and international law, and
resolving the dilemma whether to consider the due protection of TK as simply the
next agenda item in the development of intellectual property law, or whether to
address all aspects of indigenous and local communities’ needs for respect of their
collective identities – whether construed legally or culturally, acknowledgment
and practical recognition of the cultural, intellectual and jurisprudential distinc-
tiveness of the communities, and forms of protection, preservation and promotion
that in one sweep address the full holistic context of traditional knowledge
systems embedded in the way of life and world views of communities and the
environment that helps shape and define their identities.
Current policy debates over TK and IP have constituted a searching
reappraisal of the core principles of IP. The TK debate has loosened doctrinal
constraints and confounded misconceptions over the nature of IP as a public
policy tool on the part of proponent and critic alike. ‘IP protection’ need not be
inherently at odds with needs and expectations of indigenous or traditional
communities. Its defining characteristic is not commodification as such, but rather
the empowerment to say ‘no’ to the use of protected materials and a codification
of others’ responsibilities towards the custodians of protected knowledge and
traditional forms of expression, recalling that ‘ “intellectual property” shades off
into surrounding forms of civil liability’.358 Ultimately, we need guidance on how
to fulfil our responsibilities, a clear law of liability, concerning TK and towards
357 See for example, Thomas Cottier & Marion Panizzon, ‘Legal Perspectives on Traditional
Knowledge: The Case for Intellectual Property Protection’, in International Public Goods and
Transfer of Technology Under a Globalized Intellectual Property Regime, Keith E. Maskus
and J. H. Reichman (ed.), (2005).
358 W.R. Cornish, Intellectual Property, (1999), p. 761, cited in document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/5
(20 August 2004).
Analysis of Different Areas of Indigenous Resources 179
the cultural, intellectual and legal community systems that sustain TK. This would
not resolve all the challenges confronting communities who seek to maintain the
vibrancy of their knowledge systems and cultural heritage, and the integrity of
their collective identities. ‘IP protection’ in its essential form is not a stand-alone
solution; but no effective, holistic approach can be built upon the doctrinaire
rejection of this kind of legal mechanism. A steady portfolio of practical
experience and legislative initiatives at the national and regional levels have
moved TK protection from the abstract and the academic to the mainstream of IP
law, policy and practice; the question remains, however, what overarching
principles and legal mechanisms should in principle and can in practice be
established at the fully international level.
The endeavour to forge distinct, sui generis protection of TK at the
international level faces a fundamental paradox. To be a legitimate policy and
legal initiative, any protection mechanism needs to give broader meaning and
effect to norms, values and knowledge systems that are intrinsically, irreducibly
local in character, and that rely on the original community context for their full
significance. A pre-emptive international sui generis model for IP protection risks
homogenizing the subject matter of protection,359 and eliminating the distinctive
local characteristics of TK. Rather than a single sui generis approach, a more
pluralistic approach may be required – suorum genorum protection, which would
provide at the international level a network of mutual recognition of heteroge-
neous knowledge traditions integrated with customary law, under the aegis of a
general set of core legal principles. Practical experience and extensive debate
together show that international processes can usefully concentrate on the
articulation and definition of general principles and legal norms, and building
functional linkages between divergent national sui generis systems. By contrast,
seeking to codify numerous customary legal, social and cultural practices into one
single homogenized conception of TK may radically miss the point – globalizing
what is irreducibly, inherently and distinctively local.
359 See for example, Four Directions Council, Forests, Indigenous Peoples and Biodiversity,
Submission to the Secretariat for the CBD (1996): Any attempt to devise uniform guidelines
for the recognition and protection of indigenous peoples’ knowledge runs the risk of
collapsing this rich jurisprudential diversity into a single ‘model’ that will not fit the values,
conceptions or laws of any indigenous society.
Section 2
Genetic Resources
Antony Taubman*
I. INTRODUCTION
Much of the law and policy of genetic resources (GR) has little, directly, to do
with intellectual property (IP); unlike other topics in this volume, genetic
resources are not the specific subject of IP protection, even in the most radically
reformed conception of what ‘intellectual property’ is or should be: genetic
resources are tangible, physical matter – the phenotype that serves at once as an
expression of the genotype and as a physical medium for transmission of genetic
information; the genetic resource is not the gene as such.1 Yet there is a major
physical location or sequence); see e.g. Pearson, Helen, ‘Genetics: What is a gene?’ Nature
441, p. 398–401 (25 May 2006): ‘Information, it seems, is parceled out along chromosomes
in a much more complex way than was originally supposed’ (at p. 399).
2 Food and Agricultural Organisation, International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food
and Agriculture (adopted by the FAO Conference on 3 November 2001, entry into force 29
June 2004).
Genetic Resources 183
– One of the very few formal proposals to revise the WTO TRIPS
Agreement3 since its entry into force in 1995 concerns not the strength-
ening or further elaboration of positive obligations to protect conventional
IP , but rather the proposed creation of a formal new requirement
concerning the source and origin of biological resources used in the
invention and other aspects of the legal circumstances concerning the
provenance of biological resources, which would amount to a significant
recalibration of the equitable and legal basis for obtaining a patent in the
biological sciences;4
– The issue of GR was raised in the preparations for and the Diplomatic
Conference to conclude the 2000 Patent Law Treaty, which ostensibly dealt
with patent formalities, but the broader policy context required
acknowledgement of developing countries’ concerns about GR issues,
5 During the Diplomatic Conference for the Adoption of the Patent Law Treaty (11 May to 2
June 2000), the Director General of WIPO held consultations on the question of formalities
relating to the issue of genetic resources, leading to an agreed statement read out to the
Conference which stated, inter alia: ‘Member State discussions concerning genetic resources
will continue at WIPO. The format of such discussions will be left to the Director General’s
discretion, in consultation with WIPO Member States’.
6 Convention on Biological Diversity (Rio de Janeiro, 5 June 1992).
7 See for example CBD COP documents UNEP/CBD/COP/7/6 and UNEP/CBD/COP/8/INF/7.
8 ‘WHO High-Level Technical Meeting on Responsible Practices for Sharing Avian Influenza
Viruses and Resulting Benefits’, (Jakarta, Indonesia, 26–27 March 2007), and the ‘Jakarta
Declaration of the Health Ministers of affected and other related countries’ (28 March 2007);
see also WHA60.28 Decision on Agenda item 12.1: ‘Pandemic influenza preparedness:
sharing of influenza viruses and access to vaccines and other benefits’ (23 May 2007).
9 United Nations ‘Open-ended Informal Consultative Process on Oceans and the Law of the
Sea, Eighth meeting’ (25--29 June 2007); ‘Ad Hoc Open-ended Informal Working Group of
the United Nations General Assembly to study issues relating to the conservation and
sustainable use of marine biodiversity beyond areas of national jurisdiction’ (13—17 February
2006); see UNEP/CBD/SBSTTA/8/INF/3/Rev. 1.
10 Salvatore Arico and Charlotte Salpin, UNU-IAS Report: Bioprospecting of Genetic Resources
in the Deep Seabed: Scientific, Legal and Policy Aspects (2005).
11 Inter alia in the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), the Committee for
Environmental Protection (CEP), and the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting (ATCM) (see
most recently ATCM XXX (2007) documents WP 36, Biological Prospecting in the Antarctic
Treaty Area – Scoping for Regulatory Framework by the Netherlands, Belgium and France
and IP 67, Biological Prospecting in Antarctica: Review, Update and Proposed Tool to
Support a Way Forward’ by UNEP). See also CBD itself.
Genetic Resources 185
Antarctica, raising intractable questions about ownership, sovereignty and
common heritage of humanity.12
12 Dagmar Lohan and Sam Johnston, UNU-IAS Report: The International Regime for
Bioprospecting Existing Policies and Emerging Issues for Antarctica, (Tokyo, 2004).
13 See, especially, the proposal for a revision of TRIPS, set out in fn. 4 supra.
14 Circulation of Comments Received on Documents WIPO/GRTKF/IC/9/4 and WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/9/5: Addendum, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/10/INF/2 Add.3 (30 November 2006), at Annex, p. 34
(Peer Review Report by Maui Solomon).
15 For example, under the Panamanian biodiversity regime, ‘any application for access to areas
used by indigenous communities as sacred, religious or similar sites, which had spiritual value
and whose preservation was essential to their cultural identity . . . would be rejected’, WIPO
Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional
186 Antony Taubman
indigenous peoples regarded their knowledge and natural resources as
springing out from a spiritual, cultural and sometimes religious connec-
tion between the people and its land, and whereas this spiritual link was
unique to indigenous peoples . . . To deprive indigenous peoples of their
genetic resources, traditional knowledge and folklore constituted a
violation of those peoples’ fundamental rights to self-determination16
Knowledge and Folklore (IGC), Report of the Second Session, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/10/7 Prov 2
(25 April 2007), p. 113 (Statement by the Delegation of Panama).
16 WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Tradi-
tional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC), Report of the Second Session, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/2/16
(14 December 2002), p. 23 (Statement by the representative of the Saami Council).
17 Adopted by the Human Rights Council by Resolution 2006/2 and by the United Nations
General Assembly in 2007.
18 Art. 31.1.
19 Art. 31.2.
20 For example, Biodiversity Law, Law No. 7788 of the Legislative Assembly of the Republic
of Costa Rica; Indian Biological Diversity Act of 2002.
21 Andean Community Decision 391: Common Regime on Access To Genetic Resources.
22 African Model Legislation for the Protection of the Rights of Local Communities, Farmers
and Breeders, and for the Regulation of Access to Biological Resources of 2000.
23 Sec. 34, Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of the Philippines.
Genetic Resources 187
Equally, commentators have called for new forms of legal recognition of the rights
and interests of indigenous and other local communities that would combine
conventional intellectual property with traditional resource rights24 and commu-
nity resource rights.25
So the complexity and controversy of the linkage between GR and IP are
perhaps inevitable: indeed, controversy can ensue from the very identification and
isolation of ‘genetic resources’ as a distinct subject of analysis and debate. Even
before contemplating the tangled IP dimension, the general field of genetic
resources already represents both a broad and diverse subject of law and
regulation, and the subject of a wide range of commercial, industrial, scientific
and cultural practices, that in turn touch on further fields of regulation including
the environment, bio-safety, health, indigenous affairs, human rights, bioethics,
research policy and marine resources. It is an increasingly complex and
multifaceted policy challenge to bridge between forms of regulation of genetic
resources, on the one hand, and the technology-driven evolution of the actual
forms, structures and practical applications of genetic materials, on the other: and
the complexity and breadth both of the regulatory environment and of the
technological landscape continue to accelerate. New players enter the debate even
as long-standing disagreements between established interests remain unresolved
and contentious. Distinct regulatory communities, used to operating within a
well-established framework, are called on to respond to a much broader range of
interest groups and value systems: for example, opposition to the grant of patents
comes no longer only from commercial rivals operating in the same jurisdiction,
but from indigenous communities, environmental groups and other civil society
actors who may be based in foreign countries and who raise grounds of opposition
that invoke human rights, ethics and public international law in ways that seek to
stretch the bounds of established patent law and situate it within a broader policy,
legal and ultimately cultural context.
24 Darrell Posey, ‘Traditional Resource Rights: International Instruments for Protection and
Compensation for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities’. (Gland, Switzerland) : IUCN,
the World Conservation Union (1996).
25 See Gibson, Community Resources (Ashgate, London, 2005).
188 Antony Taubman
variability among living organisms from all sources including, inter alia,
terrestrial, marine and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological
complexes of which they are part; this includes diversity within species,
between species and of ecosystems.
By these definitions, what sets a genetic resource apart from mere genetic material
is this notion of ‘value’. A tremendous debate arises about that ‘value’: when the
26 CBD, Art. 1.
27 CBD COP Decision II/11 ‘Access to Genetic Resources’, which provides that ‘human genetic
resources are not included within the framework of the Convention’ (UNEP/CBD/COP/2/19,
at p. 22); in an IP context, see also Disclosure of Origin or Source of Genetic Resources and
Associated Traditional Knowledge in Patent Applications, document submitted by the
European Community and its Member States, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/8/11 (17 May 2005).
Similarly, Andean Community Decision 391: Common Regime on Access to Genetic
Resources (Art. 4) excludes from its scope ‘human genetic resources and their by-products’.
28 Art. 1 of the ITPGRFA provides that ‘The objectives of this Treaty are the conservation and
sustainable use of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture and the fair and equitable
sharing of the benefits arising out of their use, in harmony with the Convention on Biological
Diversity, for sustainable agriculture and food security. These objectives will be attained by
closely linking this Treaty to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and
to the Convention on Biological Diversity’.
29 Art. 2, ITPGRFA.
Genetic Resources 189
actual or potential value of genetic resources is captured in the course of
downstream exploitation, the principle established under the CBD requires that
such benefits be shared back upstream, in an equitable manner. But how to predict,
objectively assess, practically realize that value, when its potential may be at best
a highly speculative matter? According to what sense of ‘equity’ should the
benefits be distributed, and how broad an axiological palette to draw on in
considering ‘value’ – should value be assessed beyond the simple exchange value
of the biological materials that serve as a simple substrate or physical medium for
the genetic value – recalling that the diversity of genetic resources is established
as an inherent public good? Or is value to be assessed in economic terms, as though
assessing the economic potential of any resource, comparable to a vein of ore?
A major report prepared by the United Nations Environment Program,
Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, observes that
It observes that
30 UNEP, Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, (Nairobi, 1999) xi (Foreword by Klaus
Töpfer, Executive Director, UNEP).
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
190 Antony Taubman
– The diversity of value systems logically precedes the legal distinctions
between forms of control, custodianship and ownership of tangible and
intangible property associated with GR: ideas of property and custodian-
ship are expressions of certain cultural values and ways of seeing GR;
– The appropriation of value through the application of IP, especially patents,
over downstream use of GR has been a flashpoint in the debate, leading to
disputes over the legitimacy of particular patents, over the equities of this
appropriation of derived value, and over embedded values and cultural
assumptions within the patent system.
– Legal obligations over the sharing of benefits from patented technologies
derived from genetic resources has led to a widespread debate about how
patents should and should not function as means for the generation and
allocation of such appropriated value.
– Yet the non-rivalrousness of genetic resources, compared to other forms of
resources, provides surprising accommodation of different value systems –
so that the cultural and environmental integrity of source communities may
be sustained even if derivatives of genetic material are extracted and
commercialized elsewhere (unlike other rivalrous natural resources which
can either be industrially exploited or kept integrally intact, but not both);
however, perceived injustice or inequity in the distribution of benefits from
use of genetic resources creates legal and political pressure to impose
constraints on access to and use of genetic resources.
The IP system, and patents in particular, have been brought to the centre of this
debate because IP is seen (rightly or otherwise) as the principal instrument of
capturing the actual or potential value of genetic resources, and as a means of
realizing, sharing (equitably or otherwise) or asserting private rights (reasonably
or unreasonably) over, the latent value extracted from genetic resources. Patents
and plant variety protection have also been questioned as serving interests and
making assumptions about privileged and valued forms of knowledge and
knowledge creation, that are inherently at odds with the values and interests of
traditional communities and other custodians of genetic resources and their in situ
environment.
The use of genetic resources as feed-stocks for modern biotechnology has created
a complex tangle of claims over rights, entitlements and expectations of access,
ownership, custody, recognition and reward. Within this intricate debate, this
chapter reviews the relationship between GR and the IP system. It does not fully
address the governance and regulation of GR in itself. Accordingly, the conscious
focus is on the IP aspects of a much broader policy environment, and there is no
attempt to explore or expound in detail the elaborate international, regional and
national frameworks that govern genetic resources in the context of conservation
of biological diversity, human rights including indigenous peoples’ rights, food
security, and innovation policy. This is not because these broader frameworks are
not of fundamental legal, policy and developmental importance, but because of
the evident need for greater clarity about the specific IP aspect of these broad areas
This section reviews the factual background of the interaction between GR and IP.
In doing so, it does not attempt to give a comprehensive account of the full range
of social, technological, political and regulatory developments that frame the
current array of legal and policy processes. Genetic resources find applications,
and spur regulatory responses, in many different technological and policy fields:
the conservation and remediation of the environment, agriculture and food
processing, human, animal and plant health, biochemical engineering and its
industrial applications, and emerging technologies that challenge all regulatory
frameworks such as transgenic modifications and nanotechnology. The regulatory
environment spans issues as diverse as indigenous land rights, constitutional
issues, the protection of the environment, public health, bioethics, law of the sea,
and innovation policy. Internationally, genetic resources have arguably emerged
as a bargaining chip in negotiations over the terms of trade in knowledge
resources, and have begun to influence perceived substantive interests in trade
negotiations.38
38 This development is charted in Taubman, ‘Cereal Offenders: Access and Equity in Trade
Negotiations on Knowledge Resources’, in Jay Kesan (ed.), Seeds of Change: Agricultural
Biotechnology and Intellectual Property, (CABI, 2007) p. 97–131.
Genetic Resources 193
No comprehensive and representative overview can be attempted of this full
range of interests, technological developments and policy processes. This empiri-
cal review therefore concentrates on the characteristics of genetic resources as
such, and the technological developments that have brought these issues to the
forefront – most strikingly the emergence of technologies that have overcome the
barriers preventing sharing of genes between species that have developed over
billions of years of evolution;39 and the emergence of essentially the same
technologies that have enabled entirely new ways of extracting value from genetic
resources, and thus of new ways of valuing those resources as resources. In a
curious paradox, it was the growing capacity systematically to derive technologi-
cal benefit from the functional units of heredity embedded in biological materials
that led to their conceptualization as genetic resources in the first place. These
developments provide the factual and conceptual background to the specific legal
and policy responses that are reviewed in this chapter.
‘Genetic resources’ have a paradoxical quality: on the one hand, they are defined
by a single mechanism for the storage and transmission of genetic and functional
information, but they embody and express the immense diversity of life in all its
forms. Sulston sketches our genetic history as follows, highlighting the unity of
the genetic inheritance of all life forms:
We think there are 30 000 to 40 000 [genes] in the human genome – only
about twice as many as in the worm or the fruit fly. At first sight, it seems
rather surprising that there aren’t more, especially as about half the genes
in worms and flies have counterparts in the human. This immediately
illustrates the remarkable unity of life, the result of the evolutionary
process that has given rise to all life on earth from a single common
ancestor.40
39 See Freeman Dyson, ‘Life After Darwin: The Open Software of Gene Transfer’, Technology
and Society Forum Series Podcast, New Jersey Institute of Technology, (11 November 2004).
40 John Sulston, ‘Intellectual Property and the Human Genome’, in Drahos and Mayne, (eds),
Global Intellectual Property Rights, (2002) at p. 66.
194 Antony Taubman
As a practical technology, modern transgenic biotechnology can be traced to
the creation of gene-splicing technology by the path breaking collaboration
between Herbert Boyer and Stanley Cohen in the 1970s. Cohen had introduced the
plasmid pSC10141 into the Escherichia coli (E. coli) bacterium, which conferred
resistance to the antibiotic tetracycline. Reproducing the modified bacterium
meant the inherited trait was also reproduced. So he had created a means of
transferring genes using plasmids, enabling the gene to be reproduced in the
recipient bacterium. Boyer had identified how cells locate the necessary sequence
within a long strand of DNA to produce a specific protein, determining that a
restriction enzyme, produced by bacteria to defend against certain viral organisms
(bacteriophages), cuts the DNA strand at the required sequence, producing
segments with ‘cohesive ends’ that would adhere to other DNA fragments.
The scientists then collaborated to use Cohen’s plasmid as a vector for
transferring DNA segments, cut by Boyer’s restriction enzyme, in order to create
a mechanism that reproduced or ‘cloned’ specific DNA segments. The enzyme
Eco RI cut the ring plasmid at a single location, where a gene resistant to the
antibiotic kanamycin was inserted. Descendants from this altered bacterium
acquired resistance to both tetracycline and kanamycin. Cohen and Boyer then
applied this research to other species, for instance introducing toad genes into the
bacteria, which then reproduced the same genes. The key result was to enable the
systematic insertion of genes from one species to another, overcoming normal
physiological barriers to the transfer of traits between species42 – recalling the
very definition of ‘modern biotechnology’ in the Cartagena Protocol.43
41 A bacterial plasmid is a ring of DNA, much smaller and simpler than a chromosome, found
in self-replicating bacteria, and which confer biological traits such as antibiotic resistance.
42 See US patent 42372241, which claims: A method for replicating a biologically functional
DNA, which comprises: transforming under transforming conditions compatible unicellular
organisms with biologically functional DNA to form transformants; said biologically
functional DNA prepared in vitro by the method of: (a) cleaving a viral or circular plasmid
DNA compatible with said unicellular organism to provide a first linear segment having an
intact replicon and termini of a predetermined character; (b) combining said first linear
segment with a second linear DNA segment, having at least one intact gene and foreign to said
unicellular organism and having termini ligatable to said termini of said first linear segment,
wherein at least one of said first and second linear DNA segments has a gene for a
phenotypical trait, under joining conditions where the termini of said first and second
segments join to provide a functional DNA capable of replication and transcription in said
unicellular organism; growing said unicellular organisms under appropriate nutrient condi-
tions; and isolating said transformants from parent unicellular organisms by means of said
phenotypical trait imparted by said biologically functional DNA.
43 See fn. 36 supra.
44 See U.S. patent 4,704,362, Itakura et al. (3 November 1987), ‘Recombinant cloning vehicle
microbial polypeptide expression’, assigned to Genentech, Inc.
Genetic Resources 195
splicing technology developed by Cohen and Boyer. The very point of this
development was to enable human insulin to be produced by the E. coli bacterium,
a production process that could yield large amounts of insulin relatively cheaply,
in preference to the earlier treatment of diabetics through the injections of insulin
harvested from pigs and cattle, which was expensive, difficult to obtain, and not
identical to human insulin. Harvesting of human-produced human insulin was
clearly not an option. Thus the invention capitalized on the common genetic
mechanism shared by humans and a bacterium. The code for expressing insulin in
humans is functionally effective also when incorporated into a bacterium genome.
The ready production of human insulin resulted from advances in genetic
engineering that stemmed from Cohen and Boyer’s gene splicing technology.
Once scientists identified the human gene for making insulin, this could be cloned
using recombinant DNA techniques so that human insulin could be produced by
the bacterium. This proved a significant breakthrough for treating diabetes.
A similar analysis applied in the European Patent Office (EPO) Howard
Florey/Relaxin case,45 which concerned the patenting of the gene encoding the
naturally occurring protein relaxin, enabling the production of recombinant
relaxin through novel non-human biological processes.46 This hormone is
structurally related to insulin and was first investigated for its role in loosening the
pelvic ligaments and ripening the cervix prior to childbirth; it was subsequently
tested as a potential treatment for fibrosis, and scleroderma in particular.47 In its
natural form, it was immensely difficult to obtain in sufficient quantities for
therapeutic use or even systematic investigation – since it had, in effect, to be
harvested (with the prior informed consent of human subjects) from the minute
quantities of relaxin naturally produced within the human body. It was practically
undesirable to continue to obtain human relaxin produced by human physiology.
The availability of greater quantities of recombinant relaxin produced instead
by bacteria was therefore, in terms of Justice Hand’s classic analysis in the
Adrenaline case, ‘for every practical purpose a new thing commercially and
therapeutically’.48 A European patent49 was filed in 1983, granted in 1991 and
opposed by a coalition of green members of the European Parliament. The case
was appealed and only finally decided in 2002. The issues are analysed below. But
for the present context, it transpired in this case that the very point of the invention
was to create a non-human means of producing the hormone relaxin – despite
earlier misleading scientific analyses, based on apparent similarities with insulin,
it transpired that human relaxin (or more strictly two distinct forms of the
hormone) were significantly different from other mammalian forms, and porcine
relaxin was, for instance, therapeutically useless for humans. Thus a landmark
50 ‘The Universal Declaration on the Human Genome and Human Rights’ (adopted by the
General Conference of UNESCO, (11 November 1997).
51 See fn. 36 supra.
52 Ventria Bioscience; Availability of Environmental Assessment and Finding of No Significant
Impact for Field Tests of Genetically Engineered Rice Expressing Lysozyme, (28 June
2005)Federal Register: Volume 70, Number 12, 37077–37079.
53 Huang et al.,‘Expression of natural antimicrobial human lysozyme in rice grains’, (September
2002)Journal Molecular Breeding, Volume 10, Numbers 1–2, 83–94.
Genetic Resources 197
human, and should it be viewed as an integral component of a plant genetic re-
source? Or does the chain of provenance, reaching back to its human origin, inflect
or even determine how it should be characterized, and does the gene remain ‘hu-
man’ in character? What does this determination of its character and origin imply
for legal and ethical obligations for downstream users, and for its regulation? Does
a human’s prior informed consent constrain its use?
How such genetic material is perceived or categorized, and how it is therefore
regulated, may now have bearing on still more fundamental questions. The avian
influenza (A(H5N1)) virus is endemic in bird species: it is not readily transmis-
sible between humans, but infects humans who come into close contact with
infected birds, with highly pathogenic effect. One scenario for a future human flu
pandemic is the re-assortment of genetic material from H5N1 and from another flu
virus that is highly transmissible when the two viruses infect the same organism,
either a human or another mammal, such as swine. To enable diagnosis,
surveillance of viral evolution and patterns of infection, and development of
vaccines and other treatments for avian flu infections in humans, sharing of and
access to new strains of the virus are essential.54 This entails collecting specimens
of the virus from infected humans55 and animals56 for sharing through a
cooperative surveillance network. Several countries where H5N1 is epizootic
(epidemic in animals) have asserted sovereignty, citing the CBD, over the virus or
over specimens of the virus.57
The categorization and legal status of wild strains of the H5N1 virus may
therefore be fundamentally important in humanity’s response to evolution in the
flu virus, and its preparedness for and response to new pandemic strains of the
virus. As a virus, strains of H5N1 may not be considered living organisms in
themselves, although there is some legal guidance to the contrary.58 The virus
does, however, have ‘functional units of heredity’ as it consists of little more than
genetic material within a protein shell or capsid. This suggests it falls within the
general definition of genetic material in the CBD, whether or not it is viewed as
63 Jack Kloppenburg, ‘First the Seed: The political economy of plant biotechnology’ (First edn.),
(Cambridge, 1988)
200 Antony Taubman
to distinguish prior informed consent under international law as an element
of national resource sovereignty, and prior informed consent of actors
recognized under national laws that give effect to such sovereignty.
– Remaining questions about the common heritage of humanity and about
distributional equities of benefits derived from access to genetic resources
that lie beyond national jurisdictions (in the open seas or the sea bed, or in
Antarctica64), and the use of other categories of genetic material, such as
pathogenic viruses.65
– Sovereignty over genetic resources does not necessarily translate into state
ownership of the specific specimens or physical material containing the
functional units of heredity – property rights and other entitlements may be
granted under or recognized consistent with national law, but are not
necessarily held by the state as such; a significant point of concern and
debate relating to national sovereignty over genetic resources is the claim
of indigenous peoples for recognition of their rights, and its potential
recognition under international law.66
Despite the considerable actual overlap between the human genome and other
species, extraneous policy considerations have compelled a distinct approach to
genetic materials that can be characterized as ‘human’. This has provoked specific
exclusions from otherwise very general mandates, such as the CBD COP decision
clarifying that the CBD did not extend to human genetic resources, and similar
clarifications in other fora.67 Positive normative guidance has largely been at the
level of soft law, notably the International Declaration on Human Genetic Data
which provided that:
benefits resulting from the use of human genetic data, human proteomic
data or biological samples collected for medical and scientific research
should be shared with the society as a whole and the international
67 See for example, the exclusion of human genetic material from technical fact-finding activities
of the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources,
Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (WIPO/GRTKF/IC/3/17).
202 Antony Taubman
community. In giving effect to this principle, benefits may take any of
the following forms: (i) special assistance to the persons and groups that
have taken part in the research; (ii) access to medical care; (iii)
provision of new diagnostics, facilities for new treatments or drugs
stemming from the research; (iv) support for health services; (v)
capacity-building facilities for research purposes; (vi) development and
strengthening of the capacity of developing countries to collect and
process human genetic data, taking into consideration their specific
problems68
The human rights dimension – while not at all absent from other aspects of
genetic resources – is perhaps paramount in the consideration of the human
83 The World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki on Ethical Principles for Medical
Research Involving Human Subjects (Adopted by the 18th WMA General Assembly, Helsinki,
Finland, June 1964, as amended by the 52nd WMA General Assembly, Edinburgh, Scotland,
October 2000) provides as follows: ‘In any research on human beings, each potential subject
must be adequately informed of the aims, methods, sources of funding, any possible conflicts
of interest, institutional affiliations of the researcher, the anticipated benefits and potential
risks of the study and the discomfort it may entail. The subject should be informed of the right
to abstain from participation in the study or to withdraw consent to participate at any time
without reprisal. After ensuring that the subject has understood the information, the physician
should then obtain the subject’s freely-given informed consent (para. 22 )’. The focus is
apparently on clinical benefits, and no guidance is provided, for instance, on any dispensation
of commercial benefits ensuing from research.
84 Moore v. Regents of Univ. of Cal., Case No.793 P.2d 479 (Cal. 1990), cert. denied, 499 U.S.
936 [1991] (Supreme Court of California holding that there is no property interest in spleen
tissue removed during surgical treatment, but plaintiff had a right to be informed about
intention of developing a cell line and the commercial interests of his physicians.)
85 Greenberg v. Miami Children’s Hospital, 264 F. Supp. 2d 1064, 1067–68 (S.D. Fla. 2003)
(Canavan disease group provided tissues and financial support for the creation of a
genetic-based diagnostic process for the disease. Hospital patented gene and charged for the
test. Reportedly settled through a benefit-sharing agreement, on broad equitable grounds); see
also Kolata, G., ‘Sharing of Profits Is Debated As the Value of Tissue Rises’, New York Times,
(15 May 2000).
86 Eric Chen, ‘Who Owns the Property Rights to Your Genetic Material’, (2004) 13 U. Balt.
Intell. Prop. L.J. 1, at.2.
Genetic Resources 205
The human rights perspectives must therefore be seen in the round (see figure
2), rather than as a matter of weighing up which particular right or claimed
entitlement should ‘trump’ all the others in any context of use or extraction of
economic or other value from the human genome. Surrounding the specific rights
are fundamental values, such as conceptions of human dignity, reason and
conscience, equality and equity, morality, innovation and creativity, and solidarity.
Just as human rights may start with the individual person, and radiate out to the
family, community, humanity and even to the global environment, so does respect
for and rights over the human genome, as one’s genetic makeup firstly uniquely
defines one’s own distinctive identity, but also defines other linkages to family,
ethnic community, the human race, and finally the biosphere.
In the broadest terms, genetic resources are material in character, and intellectual
property strictly protects intangible subject matter. Hence it is asserted above that
genetic resources as such are not proper subject matter for intellectual property
protection. This general observation has logical force, and maintaining this
distinction is crucial to coherent and effective law and policy. But it does not
explain how issues over genetic resources have become pivotal yet seemingly
intractable in the international law and policy of intellectual property. While IP
may not cover genetic resources as such, it is seen as one, or even the principal,
means of capturing the latent value of genetic resources, of anchoring the
functional utility of genetic resources in the market, and of defining and
structuring research partnerships of commercial, non-commercial or mixed
character.
206 Antony Taubman
The difficulty in characterizing the role of intellectual property vis-à-vis
genetic resources arises because the material that is legally categorized as a
genetic resource is at once multifaceted and polyvalent. The same physical
material is perceived in dramatically different ways, and valued not merely
differently but according to altogether different value systems. Broadly, however,
a genetic resource is physical material which is valued not for its immediate
attributes (the capacity of a seed to serve as food and to satisfy hunger, or the
capacity of a leaf to deliver phytochemicals that ease a headache), but for its
intangible information content (the seed’s capacity to pass on the information
necessary to grow a crop, or the plant’s coding for a therapeutic protein). As a
physical medium embodying valuable information, a genetic resource is often
perceived or discussed as a form of intangible property.
Put simply, by the CBD and ITPGRFA definitions, genetic resources are
‘genetic’ in the sense that they contain the basis of the reproduction and
transmission of useful traits between generations, and ‘resources’ in that they are
of value – or at least of potential value – to humanity. Genetic material is, in
essence, a superset constituting the set of genetic resources and the set of other
genetic material of no value: the latter set dwindling (for instance, the non-coding
DNA sequences spuriously dubbed ‘junk DNA’ now being found to have a critical
systemic role in the expression of genes), perhaps ultimately vanishing (as the
very diversity of genetic resources is accepted as a public good in itself87). An
ostensibly utilitarian standard is therefore used to establish the legal classification
as genetic resources as such, as against the broader category of genetic material,
but it is a standard that simply begs the question of how and when ‘value’ is to be
established.
The analysis and reconciliation of competing modes of ownership and
control, and the dispensation of benefits from this embedded value, require a
clearer grasp of the interplay between physical and intangible aspects of genetic
resources. Getting to grips with the intellectual property aspect of genetic
resources regulation and policy therefore entails reviewing the polyvalence of
genetic resources, and quite literally the diverse ways of seeing the resources.
The contemporary debate is fuelled not merely by differing assessments of
the relative value of genetic resources as knowledge resources, as against the kind
of innovation validated by the patent system, but also by differing value systems,
which variously privilege in situ biodiversity and TK systems, or modern
scientific and technological intervention. The first point of divergence is in the
very perceptions of the same knowledge resource, which are affected by cultural
and economic differences.
Rivalrous perceptions of the same ‘resource’ can exhibit the duality of the
familiar duck-rabbit figure (see figure 3)88: the same physical object is ‘seen’
either as a duck or a rabbit, and one perception cognitively excludes the other.
89 J.Bandyopadbyay and Shiva Vandana, ‘Conflicts over Limestone Quarrying in Doon Valley’
(1985) Environmental Conservation, Vol. 12, No. 2.
208 Antony Taubman
– as a means of cultural transmission, and a component of a community’s
collective identity. As Chen has observed,90 a genetic resource may even
serve as a ‘meme’, akin to ‘tunes, ideas, catch-phrases, clothes, fashions,
ways of making pots or of building arches’.91
90 Jim Chen, Diversity and Deadlock: ‘Transcending Conventional Wisdom on the Relationship
between Biological Diversity and Intellectual Property’, (June 2001), Environmental Law
Reporter, XXXI.
91 Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene, (Oxford, 1976).
Genetic Resources 209
92 At least until it is harvested or prospected, ‘whatever is attached to the soil becomes part of
it . . . things such as seeds . . . which have hitherto existed as individual movable objects, lose
their identity when sown or planted in the ground and become part of the land. Similarly,
objects such as crops or fruit or trees, which are ordinarily thought of as things in themselves,
and which will become individual movable things once they are detached from the soil, are
at present part of it’ F H Lawson, The Law of Property, (Oxford, 1958).
210 Antony Taubman
Recalling once again that genetic resources are defined in terms of their actual
or potential value, the distinct ways in which the genetic resource is perceived will
naturally influence how it is valued: indeed, axiological assumptions are embed-
ded in the very act of perception. And, in turn, the corresponding array of property
and associated claims over the seed also express parallel values and value
systems. Divergences in perception therefore correspond with divergent notions
of property interests, and are then linked to the divergent sets of values and value
systems that they express.
Genetic Resources 211
This analysis is necessary to establish two key observations: (i) given the
polyvalent quality of contested genetic resources – despite their apparent
non-rivalrous quality as genetic resources – some degree of conflict between
competing property rights and other claims over access, control, entitlement and
custodianship is probably inevitable for any genetic material that is seen as having
even potential ‘value’; and (ii) it may be difficult ever to resolve such differences
purely through the articulation of formal property rights (a kind of ‘conflict of
laws’ approach), and sustainable reconciliation is more likely to come at the level
of reconciling different value systems and different ideas of valuation. The
alternative is the truly unfortunate outcome of a zero-sum dispensation of benefits
derived from a non-rivalrous resource.
Accordingly, a politically sustainable and practically workable international
system of governance of genetic resources and associated knowledge resources
needs in some way to reconcile such distinct perceptions, claims and value
systems. Negotiations over distribution of benefits from knowledge resources can
exaggerate or entrench such divergences, but ultimately they do seek a practical
dispensation that bridges between different modes of perception and different
value systems. The very ambiguity and adaptability of value systems, as against
the bright line boundaries of property law, offers one pathway towards reconcili-
ation: contrasting values are more readily accommodated than conflicting prop-
erty claims.
It is difficult to fix the value of genetic resources if ‘value’ is construed in
narrow utilitarian terms as the economic exchange value. Establishing such a
value is problematic in any case, as much of the strictly commercial value in most
genetic resources is at best potential, rather than actual, value, and entails
predicting the outcome of latent possibilities for downstream exploitation of the
resource, an inherently speculative benchmark for valuation closer to a venture
capital model than, say, an estimate of the economic value of an oil reserve. Even
so, establishing value at the point of access is a critical concern for the effective
and equitable operation of legal mechanisms for prior informed consent and
equitable benefit-sharing. By virtue of their very definition (they contain ‘func-
tional units of heredity’) and the non-excludability of genetic resources as a
knowledge resource, one single act of access can entail an irreversible appropria-
tion of the full economic or commercial value of genetic material as a knowledge
resource (unlike poaching or inequitable exploitation of conventional natural
resources, which can be halted or renegotiated without loss of the residual
economic value of the resource).
This characteristic of genetic resources leads to claims they have been
‘stolen’ or ‘misappropriated’ even through uses which leave the original resource
virtually intact, and indeed add further to genetic diversity through genetic
modification or conventional plant breeding. Again, reconciliation may be difficult
if the exclusive focus remains on the immediate economic value of resources. But
this focus would miss a fundamental point. The legal and policy context of the
CBD accentuates more than the simple economic exchange value of ge-
netic resources: the preamble recalls ‘the ecological, genetic, social,
212 Antony Taubman
economic, scientific, educational, cultural, recreational and aesthetic values of
biological diversity and its components’. Positive acceptance of divergent
perceptions and associated value systems and property claims will facilitate robust
outcomes that are seen as legitimate and appropriate. Seeking to fix the objective
economic value simply restates the question of which form of valuation should
prevail: unless, again, the matter is resolved through a direct bilateral settlement
and mutually agreed terms, such as a material transfer agreement, which may in
turn simply have the effect of deferring the question of the consistency of
individual transactions with overarching expectations of equity and fairness. A
libertarian analysis, on the lines of Nozick,93 would suggest that no third party
(least of all a government authority) could question the distributive justice of a
bilateral agreement freely entered into. Yet many have argued that bilaterally
agreed contracts for access to GR are inherently inequitable, due to presumed
asymmetries in power and knowledge:
95 See the contrasting views expressed in WTO TRIPS Council documents on the implications
of patenting activity in this area, for example: IP/C/W/438: The Relationship between the
TRIPS Agreement and the CBD and the Protection of Traditional Knowledge-Elements of the
Obligation to Disclose Evidence of Prior Informed Consent under the Relevant National
Regime, submitted by Bolivia, Brazil, Cuba, Ecuador, India, Pakistan, Peru, Thailand and
Venezuela; IP/C/W/434: The Relationship between the TRIPS Agreement and the CBD and the
Protection of Traditional Knowledge, submitted by the United States; IP/C/W449: The
Relationship Between The TRIPS Agreement and the CBD and the Protection Of Traditional
Knowledge, submitted by the United States, IP/C/W/459: The Relationship Between The
TRIPS Agreement and the CBD and the Protection Of Traditional Knowledge, Technical
Observations On The United States Submission IP/C/W449 by Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia,
Cuba, India And Pakistan.
96 See discussion of Bonn Guidelines infra at 2.IV.2.
97 ITPGRFA, Art. 12.
98 Ibid.
99 Ibid.
216 Antony Taubman
which is reducible to a string of four letters. The genomic turn entails the
increasing understanding of the function of genetic information within a regula-
tory system, that determines when and how certain genes are expressed. The
diversity of life cannot, therefore, be simply mapped across to the genetic
sequence as such, but rather the manner in which the genome functions as a
system.
This more sophisticated and nuanced understanding of the practical function-
ing of individual genes within a genome has considerable ramifications for the
valuation of genetic resources and for the related question of the disclosed utility
of claimed inventions that are derived from genetic material. An application for a
patent that claims a gene as such, without being linked to a specific utility, is likely
both to run into difficulties under patent law, as failing to disclose a useful new
contribution to technological know-how, and to attract the censure of critics, who
point to the limited value to society of the simple identification of a gene, in such
a way that may inhibit the actual extraction of practical value from the genome:
In short, the approach taken to valuation of genetic resources has always been
influenced by technological change. The rise of modern biotechnology has seen a
concomitant rise in the potential value attached to genetic resources as the
physical media that carry genetic information. The act of patenting has come to be
seen in the policy debate as the definitive act of appropriating this value from
genetic resources, leading to a call for more equitable sharing of benefits from
such patents. Yet the value of such patents has increasingly been questioned –
value in both economic/commercial and scientific/technological terms. The true
extraction of value will increasingly arise from the understanding of the
functioning of genetic components within the genome construed as a system of
regulation of genetic expression. At the same time, the determination of genetic
sequences has evolved from a cutting edge laboratory skill to a routine automated
process. Developments in technology and scientific understanding continue
therefore to recalibrate both the assessment of the value of genetic resources, and
the equities of the allocation of that value.
107 Greg Martin, Corinna Sorenson and Thomas Faunce, ‘Balancing intellectual monopoly
privileges and the need for essential medicines’, (12 June 2007) Global Health 2007; 3: 4.
108 For an alternative view, see Brigitte Andersen, (2004) ‘Intellectual Property Right’ Or
‘Intellectual Monopoly Privilege’: Which One Should Patent Analysts Focus On? School Of
Management And Organizational Psychology Working Paper, (Birkbeck, University of
London, January 2004) arguing that from the ‘economic principle or definition point of view,
patents are not monopolies but merely competitive properties of exclusive rights’ although an
exclusive right in practice may confer a monopoly.
109 Lest this distinction be seen as abstract or abstruse, the importance of this distinction in
relation to genetic resources issues was apparent in the oral argument in the US Supreme
Court case JEM Supply v. Pioneer Hi-Bred International. Case No.(99-1996) 534 U.S. 124
[2001]. The counsel (Johnston) for the petitioners conducted a somewhat confused exchange
with the bench, directly contradicting Chief Justice Rehnquist, when he appeared to conflate
the idea of subject matter protected by a plant or utility patent, with the scope of the rights
conferred on the right holder, or the difference between ‘the attributes protected’ under various
forms of plant variety and patent protection, and the ‘rights conferred’ by protection, such as
rights to restrain research and the planting of farm-saved seed. (Rehnquist CJ: ‘The rights
conferred by the statute you’re referring to [plant variety protection] are somewhat different
than the patent statute, aren’t they? Johnson: I do not – no, that is not correct, Mr. Chief
Justice . . . Souter J: Then isn’t the answer to the Chief Justice’s question yes, there is a
difference in the rights which are conveyed by 101 and by a PVP license, respectively?
Johnson: Yes, Justice Souter. Rehnquist CJ: Well, then why didn’t you answer me that way in
the first place? Johnson: I – Mr. Chief Justice, because I misapprehended the nature of the
question and I thought that you were asking about the attributes – the attributes protected’.).
220 Antony Taubman
claiming a seed as embodiment of a protected invention (recalling that this does
not confer property rights over any seed as a physical object). Such patents have
sparked considerable debate over the impact on farmers, from at least two
perspectives: (i) the farmer’s right to use farm-saved seed in future crops;110 and
(ii) the implications of patented genetic material from neighbouring farms
becoming incorporated in a crop, so that the crop itself becomes a means of
manufacturing the patented seed.111 For instance, JEM Supply v. Pioneer Hi-Bred
International112 pivoted on the distinction between protection of a plant variety as
such under sui generis legislation113 and protection of an invention as such under
the conventional utility patent law.114 Yet the underlying issue in this case
concerned the legitimate scope for exceptions to rights to control downstream use
of IP protected seeds, especially the farmer’s right to replant farm-saved seed. The
core policy issue was not whether the seed should be construed as an invention
and as fit subject matter for a patent as a form of intangible property. It concerns
the legitimate scope of and exceptions to the exclusive rights granted under the
patent, and the distinct rights granted under different forms of IP protection – sui
generis plant variety protection is argued by its proponents to be a better fit for
that subject matter on the basis that such protection should not constrain the
legitimate use of farm-saved seed.115 By contract, the ostensibly higher inventive
threshold for obtaining a patent is used to justify greater exclusivity in the rights
under the patent ‘[b]ecause of the more stringent requirements, utility patent
holders receive greater rights of exclusion than holders of a PVP certificate. Most
notably, there are no exemptions for research or saving seed under a utility
patent’.116 Despite this policy linkage between the grant of intangible property
title and the nature of rights attached to that property, the distinction is important
to maintain. For instance, the EU Biotech Directive,117 while clearly permitting
the patenting of seeds, includes a specific defence or exclusion from patent rights
to allow farmers to plant farm saved seeds.118 On the other hand, the Schmeiser
case in Canada concerned the exercise of patent rights that in effect
110 See JEM Supply v. Pioneer Hi-Bred International, fn. 109 supra.
111 The scenario in Monsanto Canada Inc. v. Schmeiser, [2004] Case No. 1 S.C.R. 902, 2004 SCC
34; see amidst a dense literature R. Burrell and S. Hubicki, ‘Patent Law and Genetic Drift:
Schmeiser v. Monsanto Canada Inc’, (2005) 7(3) Environmental Law Review pp. 282–289.
112 Fn. 107 supra.
113 Plant Variety Protection Act (PVPA), 7 U.S.C. § 2321 et seq.)
114 35 U.S.C. § 101.
115 For instance, UPOV 1991 (see III.2.III.3.(a)(dd) infra) expressly allows members to exclude
from the scope of the breeder’s right the option of allowing farmers to propagate seed saved
from their own harvest, so-called ‘farm-saved seed’.
116 JEM Supply v. Pioneer Hi-Bred International. (99-1996) Case No. 534 U.S. 124 [2001], at p.
12
117 Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the Legal
Protection of Biotechnological Inventions, 1998 O.J. (L 213) 13 (‘EU Biotech Directive’).
118 Art. 11, EU Biotech Directive; implemented for instance in Art. 60(5)(g) of the UK Patents
Act (1977, as amended in 2000), which provides for an obligation for farmers to pay equitable
remuneration to the patent holder, an obligation from which ‘small farmers’ are exempt.
Genetic Resources 221
covered genetically modified seeds, even though under Canadian law plants or
seeds as such are not patentable, and ‘[e]veryone agrees that Monsanto did not
claim protection for the genetically modified plant itself, but rather for the genes
and the modified cells that make up the plant’.119 Again, the case pivoted on a
clear distinction between the object of property, and the rights that flow from that
property.120
Moreover, some forms of IP law, systems and practical mechanism that are
relevant to the use and commercial exploitation of genetic resources do not
involve the grant or exercise of distinct property titles as such – such as
non-disclosure or confidentiality agreements, measures against unfair competi-
tion, and the use of public domain patent information (including technology
subject to patent rights in some national jurisdictions but not in others).
Accordingly, the term ‘IP mechanisms’ can be more appropriate for general
analysis and discussion, instead of the more specific term ‘IP rights’.
2. Overview of Current Questions
The review of the international state of play regarding IP and genetic resources
can be summarized in the following series of questions. The discussion in
following sections seeks to set these questions in their international and national
contexts, drawing on diverse practical experience and choices made by legislators
and other policymakers, but without seeking to prejudge the ‘correct’ answers to
these complex questions raised. The core questions include:
119 Monsanto Canada Inc. v. Schmeiser, [2004] 1 S.C.R. 902, 2004 SCC 34, at p. 18.
120 For instance, again highlighting the importance of this distinction, the appellant (Schmeiser)
argued ‘that the subject matter claimed in the patent is unpatentable. While acknowledging
that Monsanto claims protection only over a gene and a cell, Schmeiser contends that the
result of extending such protection is to restrict use of a plant and a seed’. (at p. 20).
222 Antony Taubman
resultant patents are exercised and enforced? What forms of linkage or
legal leverage exist, ranging from equitable and ownership interests, to
rights to revoke or transfer granted patents? How can or should patents
operate in the equitable distribution of benefits from the utilization of
genetic resources?
– What specific measures are required under patent law and other IP law to
deal with concerns over genetic resources – such as specific exceptions to
IP rights for the re-use of farm-saved seed121 or seed that has acquired
patented traits through normal genetic transfer122 and compulsory cross-
licensing between different IP titles123
– In reviewing the broader legal and ethical framework governing genetic
resources, and considering how to advance the policy objectives it frames,
what forms of exercising IP mechanisms (including the exercise of rights
flowing from IP titles) that control uses of genetic resources are desirable
from the broader policy and economic perspectives, legitimate from a
political perspective, right from an ethical perspective, and compliant with
the law (such as laws concerning anti-competitive licensing and other
abuses of IP rights)?
121 William Lesser, ‘The Impacts of Seed Patents’, (January 1987)North Central Journal of
Agricultural Economics, Vol. 9, No. 1, 37–48.
122 See Schmeiser fn. 111 supra and JEM fn. 116 supra .
123 EU Biotech Directive, fn. 125 supra.
124 Improvement in Brewing Beer and Ale Pasteurization (US Patent 135,245).
125 Paris Convention, Art. 1.
Genetic Resources 223
– When is it a ‘mere discovery’ and when is it a true invention to isolate a
compound or derive information about an existing natural compound, such
as a nucleotide sequence?
– When is it obvious, and when is it truly inventive, to create a new form or
derivative of a known compound – such as polymorphs or salts; when is it
obvious or inventive to identify new therapeutic properties or to develop
new dosage forms of known pharmaceuticals?
– How to resolve moral and bioethical issues provoked by ‘patenting life’ –
when do these issues concern the technology itself, ownership of exclusive
patent rights over isolated chemical structures such as nucleotide se-
quences, or how those exclusive rights are exercised, and to what ends?
What does it mean to patent living organisms? What distinctions can and
should be made between higher and lower life forms?
– More generally, what is different – from a legal, regulatory, ethical point of
view – about the chemistry of life – genes and the proteins they code for?
Is DNA ‘just’ a chemical compound or something more?
Established patent jurisdictions such as the United States, Japan, the European
Patent Office and the European Union126 have over many years progressively
developed and continue to evolve answers to these questions. While the broad
principles may endure, they are challenged and adapted afresh with each wave of
technological development in the life sciences. However, the use of the estab-
lished IP system is internationalizing and broadening in scope – with many new
players, applicants, opponents, critics and beneficiaries who differ geographically,
culturally, across levels of economic development more than ever before, and as
new actors (public institutions, public-private partnerships) develop a proportion-
ately higher stake in the system. The debate over genetic resources and IP simply
accentuates this trend, the vigorous uptake of genetic inputs in life sciences
research having created entire new communities of stakeholders, building
pressure to revisit such questions, and possibly to answer them in different ways,
from a richer cultural and moral palette.
The patent system has evolved as a set of legal principles through contesta-
tion over such issues. Its fundamental role is to promote the production of public
goods by creating exclusive private rights: purposefully creating public benefit by
excluding material from the public domain. Patents entitle their owners to exclude
third parties from the use of the claimed invention, in order to create an incentive
structure for the development and practical implementation of a valuable
invention, and to induce the inventor to instruct the public in sufficient detail how
to carry out the invention. The constant challenge, reaching back to the very roots
of the patent system, is how systematically and objectively to set the appropriate
boundary around the material that should be kept from the public domain in order
to yield the expected public benefit, without fencing off legitimate parts of the
public domain.
As a key source of substantive patent law at the international level – for instance,
formally establishing at the international level the key patentability criteria, and
creating positive obligations to protect certain areas of biotechnology-related
subject matter – TRIPS takes its place within a complex of international rules that
represent a collective endeavour to determine what legal exclusions from the
public domain of knowledge are needed to advance the public interest; and what
forms of differential treatment of life sciences technologies are consistent with the
nondiscriminatory application of broader patent principles.
TRIPS requires patents to be available under national law for any inventions,
whether products or processes, in all fields of technology, provided that they are
new (novel), involve an inventive step (non-obvious) and are capable of industrial
application (useful). Patents are to be available and patent rights enjoyable
without discrimination as to place of invention, field of technology, and whether
imported or locally produced.136 Patents may be excluded on inventions, if their
commercial exploitation would jeopardize ordre public or morality, including
human, animal or plant life or health.137 TRIPS also allows for exclusion from
patent law of diagnostic, therapeutic and surgical methods for the treatment of
133 India, Brazil, and others, ‘The relationship between the TRIPS agreement and the Convention
on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the protection of traditional knowledge – elements of the
obligation to disclose evidence of benefit-sharing under the relevant national regime’, WTO
document IP/C/W/442 (18 March 2005).
134 See Sec.(cc) infra.
135 See WIPO Standard ST.25.
136 TRIPS Art. 27.1.
137 TRIPS Art. 27.2.
226 Antony Taubman
humans or animals, as well as plants and animals other than micro-organisms, and
essentially biological processes for the production of plants or animals other than
non-biological and microbiological processes.138
International rules, in particular TRIPS, are most often viewed as a constraint
on national policymaking, as a reduction of legislative choice, and as an enforced
convergence of national laws, which promotes the trade interests of IP owners,
and establishing a degree of efficiency, fairness and predictability within the
international patent system. For instance, it is now effectively mandatory to make
patents available for inventions that constitute microorganisms and microbiologi-
cal processes, and for a period of (at least) 20 years, in both cases contrary to the
past autonomous policy choices of many countries.139 This TRIPS requirement to
render patentable certain forms of biological invention is the essence of the
critique, voiced by many developing countries but contested by others, that TRIPS
is in tension with the CBD:
The WTO Secretariat has identified three sets of views concerning the
relationship between TRIPS and the CBD:
– there is inherent conflict between the two instruments, and the TRIPS
Agreement needs to be amended to remove such conflict;
– there is no conflict between the two Agreements and governments can
implement the two in a mutually supportive way through national
measures;
– there is no inherent conflict but there is or could be a potential for conflict
depending on the way that the Agreements are implemented, and there is
The main reasons put forward to support the view of inherent conflict were
identified as:
And the views that there is no conflict are reportedly based on the
observations that TRIPS and the CBD:
have different objects and purposes and deal with different subject-
matter; the granting of patent rights over inventions that use genetic
material does not prevent compliance with the provisions of the CBD
regarding the sovereign right of countries over their genetic resources,
prior informed consent and benefit sharing; no specific examples of
conflict have been cited.142
TRIPS nominally harmonized patent law around the three core patentability
criteria (novelty, non-obviousness/inventive step, and utility/industrial applicabil-
ity)143 but in doing so simply recorded the actual practice of all existing patent sys-
tems, in effect documenting the past convergence of views on the kind of exclusions
from the public domain of technology would best advance the public interest.144 It
left no guidance on substantive legal questions raised by these general principles,
such as the range of background knowledge (‘prior art’) considered relevant in as-
sessing novelty, how to assess when a claimed invention is obvious to the relevant
person skilled in the art, and what test for utility is required, such as to ensure a pat-
ented nucleotide sequence is a legitimate invention.
Thus, in setting an agreed general standard that leaves substantive questions
open, TRIPS effectively permits policy flexibility on these key aspects of the
141 The Relationship Between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity:
Summary of Issues Raised and Points Made, Note by the Secretariat (IP/C/W/368, 8 August
2002).
142 Ibid.
143 TRIPS, Art. 27(1).
144 In the Anglo-American legal tradition, this utilitarian framework can be traced back to at least
the 1623 Statue of Monopolies passed by the English Parliament.
228 Antony Taubman
patent system. TRIPS also explicitly provides for flexibility on patentable subject
matter and a priori exclusions from patentability.145 Perhaps, with greater
implications for genetic resources issues, TRIPS requires that patents be available
‘for any inventions, whether products or processes, in all fields of technology’,146
and positively requires that patents be available for inventions involving micro-
organisms and microbiological processes for the production of plants or animals;
plants and animals and essentially biological processes for their production may,
optionally, be excluded from patentability.147 This mandatory coverage of some
biological subject matter has raised concerns that TRIPS encourages or even
requires the granting of patents covering genetic material in its natural state. The
WTO Secretariat summarizes:
How these distinctions and concerns have been addressed under national and
regional laws is covered below.
These contested views concerning the interrelation between TRIPS and the
CBD is symptomatic of a broader discourse, sparked by the re-valuation of
genetic resources precipitated by developments in the life sciences.150 The
perception that developed countries have vastly increased their capacity to derive
value and benefit from genetic materials largely originating in developing
countries has triggered an intense debate over the equities of the patent system as
currently configured. This has led to calls to recalibrate the equitable balance
within the patent system, and has reshaped the dynamics of patent law and policy
in the international arena.
Most strikingly at present, this has led to proposals to rewrite international
patent law standards151 to make it mandatory to disclose genetic resources and
traditional knowledge used in the course of developing an invention. In some
formulations the obligation is extended to require evidence of the legal circum-
stances of source or origin of such TK and GR (documenting that prior informed
consent was obtained for its use in the invention, and equitable benefit-sharing
arrangements were entered into). Actual national laws have been amended along
these lines in a number of significant economies, creating a distinctive new
requirement for those seeking patent protection for life sciences inventions. A
divisive debate continues internationally over the appropriate scope, if any, and
effectiveness of such disclosure requirements, but they are emerging as a matter
of national practice in a number of jurisdictions. This issue exemplifies the
centrifugal trend in national responses to the two paradoxes of life sciences patent
policymaking, especially the question of how to reconcile differential treatment of
specific technological areas with the broader goal of nondiscriminatory imple-
mentation of the basic principles of patent law: how differential treatment may
sustain an overall equitable balance.
149 IP/C/W/368, 5.
150 See the discussion in Taubman, ‘Cereal offenders: access and equity in trade negotiations on
knowledge resources’, in J. Kesan (ed.), Agricultural Biotechnology and Intellectual Prop-
erty: Seeds of Change (2007), from which some of this discussion is drawn.
151 See fn. 4 supra.
230 Antony Taubman
microorganism cannot be fully described in a patent document to achieve the
necessary level of disclosure and practical enablement that is essential for the
validity of a patent. In such cases, under the patent law of many countries, a
physical sample of a microorganism may be deposited for the purposes of patent
procedures. The Budapest Treaty creates an international network for the
recognition of such deposits. Under the Treaty, where a national patent system
allows or requires an applicant to deposit actual samples of microorganisms for
the purposes of patent procedure, that the Contracting Party must recognize the
deposit of a micro-organism with any prescribed International Depositary
Authority (IDA) as being sufficient for patent procedure under the national law.
IDAs are typically public scientific institutions with established culture collec-
tions, and with the capacity to maintain collections of microorganisms and other
related materials (as at 1 March 2006, 37 IDAs were notified under the Treaty).
The deposit must be recognized whether or not the IDA is within or beyond the
jurisdiction of that country, thus obviating the need for multiple deposits in
multiple jurisdictions. The system also reflects the practical and bio-safety issues
that would arise if patent offices were called on to maintain deposits of
microorganisms, and the transit of microorganisms to multiple countries.
The practice under this system has extended from microorganisms as such to
biological material more generally. For example, in accordance with EPC Rule 28
have been left greater flexibility in meeting their obligations in this area
than would have been entailed had there been a specific reference to
UPOV. In practice, many countries will, nonetheless, wish to profit from
the experience that has been gained under UPOV and tailor their systems
to it;153
152 As at 18 June 2007, 64 countries had adhered to the UPOV Convention; reportedly a number
of other countries maintain systems that are de facto compatible with the UPOV system even
if not compliant de jure (the suggestion that this may reflect a continuing preference among
some countries for the standards of the now closed 1978 Act of the UPOV Convention is made
in an extensive literature about the differences between the 1978 and 1991 Acts, an issue
which is not surveyed here).
153 See Sutherland, Peter, ‘Seeds of Doubt: Assurance on “Farmers” Privilege’, Times of India,
(15 March 1994).
154 UPOV 1991 defines a ‘variety’ as a plant grouping within a single botanical taxon of the
lowest known rank, which grouping, irrespective of whether the conditions for the grant of a
breeder’s right are fully met, can be: defined by the expression of the characteristics resulting
from a given genotype or combination of genotypes; distinguished from any other plant
grouping by the expression of at least one of the said characteristics; and considered as a unit
with regard to its suitability for being propagated unchanged.
155 Under the 1991 Act of the UPOV Convention a protectable variety must be ‘clearly
distinguishable from any other variety whose existence is a matter of common knowledge at
the time of the filing of the application’ (Art. 7). The UPOV Guidelines cite plant
characteristics such as leaf shape, stem length, and plant colour to determine if the difference
between varieties is ‘clear and consistent’. Distinctness is the main criterion to determine the
232 Antony Taubman
uniform156 and stable.157 National offices cooperate extensively on field tests of
varieties against these standards, guided by established UPOV principles and
detailed technical guidelines, achieving a degree of technical cooperation and
consistency of approach that contrasts with the more diffuse patent system.
Of all IP rights, plant breeding is the most closely intertwined with genetic
resources, especially plant genetic resources for food and agriculture: all the main
food crops are not wild strains but the product of many generations of selective
breeding. Plant breeding programs continue to produce new varieties that help
respond to the challenges of making agriculture sustainable, securing future food
supplies for a growing population on dwindling agricultural lands, and dealing
with environmental change. To the extent that society expects private interests to
undertake the development of new varieties as a form of public good, a means of
appropriately engaging those private interest is required to channel resources into
plant breeding, and to ensure the benefits of the new varieties are available to the
public on reasonable terms, including for plant breeding – in other words for
continuing use of these varieties in turn as genetic resources and as feed-stocks for
further breeding: the same balance between exclusivity and access that lies at the
heart of the patent system, but calibrated in a distinct manner.
As a sui generis system tied to a distinct set of genetic resources and a distinct
mode of innovation, PBR have a firm imprint of the specific context of plant
breeding. This sui generis character is manifest, for instance, in a relatively ‘thin’
horizontal layer of exclusive rights, compared to patent rights which may reach
through the innovation process to control downstream use. The rights under a
PBR system are tied to the degree of breeding involved in producing an eligible
new variety, as a commercial product in itself, rather than as an economically
valuable feedstock for further plant-breeding: explicit exclusions apply to acts
done for private, non-commercial and experimental purposes, and acts done for
the purpose of breeding other varieties (‘breeder’s exemption’). A limited optional
exception may be used to permit farmers to save seed for future crops (‘the
farmer’s privilege’158), which many countries employ. There is a direct structural
analogue with the notion of benefit-sharing under the ITPGRFA, in which there is
an effective option between making a derivative product available for research or
scope of plant breeders’ rights over subjects that are closely related to another protected
variety; see CBD, Second Conference of the Parties, Doc. UNEP/CBD/COP/2/17, 6 October
1995, para. 18.
156 According to the 1991 Act of the UPOV Convention a variety ‘shall be deemed to be uniform
if, subject to the variation that may be expected from the particular features of its propagation,
it is sufficiently uniform in its relevant characteristics’. According to the UPOV Guidelines,
the variation shown by a variety must be ‘as limited as necessary to permit accurate
description and assessment of distinctness and to ensure stability’ (Art. 8).
157 According to the 1991 Act of the UPOV Convention a plant variety is stable if ‘its relevant
characteristics remain unchanged after repeated propagation or, in the case of a particular
cycle of propagation, at the end of each such cycle’ (Art. 9).
158 Art. 15(ii) of the UPOV Convention 1991 allows ‘farmers to use for propagating purposes, on
their own holdings, the product of the harvest which they have obtained by planting, on their
own holdings, the protected variety or [an essentially derived variety]’.
Genetic Resources 233
breeding, or making a financial contribution to compensate for lack of such
availability.
The exclusive rights conferred therefore have little ‘reach through’ effect, and
centre on the use of the protected species for commercial propagation. This leads
to a further characteristic: a form of ‘commons’ or ‘open source’ structure in
which the common stock of improved plant varieties is in principle available for
the use of all other plant breeders, again structurally similar to the multilateral
benefit-sharing arrangement under the ITPGRFA. In other words, the exclusive
rights are linked to the value extracted from the resource (the protected variety)
from its commercial propagation, and not from its value as a feedstock for
derivative innovation. Hence PBRs differ significantly from patents in restricting
the exclusive rights conferred to one particular slice of potential use of the
protected subject matter. Protected varieties are also denominated in a distinct
manner, in effect to make them ready for genericization at the end of the period
of protection – a distinguishing denomination of the variety, distinct for example
from the breeder’s trademark, that will continue to denote that variety when it
becomes commercially free for all to use – a practical recognition of the branding
and market access issues that arise when an improved plant variety is returned to
the common pool.
Two developments between the 1978 and 1991 acts of the UPOV Convention
had the effect of ‘thickening’ somewhat this relatively thin layer of protection.
This revision of the conception of the proper scope of plant breeders’ rights is an
interesting case study in how technological and commercial changes alter the
perceptions of fairness and equity, especially when new technologies extract value
in new ways from genetic resources: the conception of equity in the dispensation
of benefits is not inert or fixed, but is highly responsive to the perceived impact
of new forms of business practice and the possibilities created by new biotech-
nologies.
In one development, the scope of protection was adjusted to broaden the base
of legitimate commercialization by the plant breeder. This stemmed once again
from the distinctive quality of genetic resources, and their non-excludability once
a single act of access takes place. Under UPOV 1978, the breeder’s right did not
extend beyond the propagating material to the results of planting that material, in
particular the harvesting of the resulting crop. Hence an orchardist could
propagate a full orchard over many seasons from the acquisition of a single tree,
potentially denying the original breeder an equitable return from a single
transaction in selling the original propagating material. Technological develop-
ments greatly facilitated the rapid reproduction of plants, again meaning that
much more commercial value could be extracted following a single legitimate
access to the original plant variety. Accordingly, UPOV 1991 extended to the
breeder the right to authorize production or reproduction; propagation; sale;
selling or other marketing; exporting; importing; or stocking for any of these
purposes in relation to the protected variety, whereas the scope of protection is
limited under UPOV 1978 to production for the purpose of commercial market-
ing. UPOV 1991 also creates certain qualified rights over harvested material
234 Antony Taubman
obtained through unauthorized use of propagating material, when the breeder has
not had reasonable opportunity to exercise their right in relation to the propagating
material. Since the 1978 Act restricted rights to production of the seed for sale,
offer for sale and other commercialization,159 this implicitly allowed the farmers’
privilege as an entitlement to retain seed for planting in later seasons. While the
1991 Act responded to perceptions of a changing commercial context by
extending PBR to cover production or reproduction of propagated or harvested
material;160 this in turn created the need for an explicit recognition of the farmer’s
privilege,161 so as to retain an overall equitable balance from the point of view of
these key users of plant genetic resources.
A similar development, explicitly driven by technological change, broadened
the right from the protected variety as such to further varieties ‘essentially
derived’ from it. Under the standards of the UPOV 1978, a breeder had no legal
interest in the downstream use of a protected variety by plant breeders. Rights
were exhausted once a subsequent variation was introduced into the variety. This
development provides a further instance of how technological change, and in
particular advances in biotechnology, lead to pressure to recalibrate the equitable
balance, the sense of what is fair in the downstream distribution of value extracted
from genetic material. According to one account:
These rules have with certain exceptions worked well in practice and
have been reaffirmed in the 1991 Act. However, the rules did not prevent
a person finding a mutation within a plant variety (such mutations are
quite frequent in some species), or selecting some other minor variant
from within a variety, from claiming protection for the mutant or variant
with no authorization from or recognition of the contribution to the final
result of the original breeder. The lack of recognition of the contribution
of the original breeder in such circumstances was generally considered to
be unfair. Modern biotechnology has greatly increased the likelihood of
such unfairness; it may take 15 years to develop a new variety but a mere
three months to modify it by adding a gene in the laboratory. Under the
1978 Act, the addition of a single gene could enable the biotechnologist
responsible for the modification to claim protection for the modified
variety without recognizing any obligation to the original breeder. The
1991 Diplomatic Conference considered that this situation could be a
disincentive to the continued pursuit of classical plant breeding. The
concept of essential derivation embodied in Article 14(5) of the 1991 Act
is designed to ensure that the Convention continues to provide an
adequate incentive for plant breeding. Under that Article, a variety which
162 Cited in Taubman et al, ‘Intellectual Property and Biotechnology: A Training Handbook’,
Module Seven Plant Breeder’s Rights (7.6 The nature of the Plant Breeder’s Right), at 7–13,
(2002), available at <www.dfat.gov.au/publications/biotech/index.html>.
163 India, IP/C/M/25, para. 70.
164 ITPGRFA, Art. 9.1.
236 Antony Taubman
The Treaty specifies farmers’ rights to be implemented at the national level,
addressing protection of traditional knowledge, equitable participation in sharing
benefits, and participation in decision making on conservation and sustainable use
of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture.165
The following sections focus on aspects of national and regional IP laws relevant
to the debate over genetic resources. Subsequently, the chapter reviews –
essentially from an IP point of view – those laws that govern genetic resources
directly,166 but no attempt is made to review the full scope of such laws which
would be more properly reserved for another volume; as this chapter has argued,
the regulation of genetic resources extends well beyond even the most liberal or
opportunistic conception of intellectual property as such. However, articulating
and clarifying the linkage between genetic resources or biodiversity regulation on
the one hand and the law of patents – both concerning one’s entitlement to a
patent on an invention derived from genetic resources, and the patentability of
such a claimed invention – has been a priority for national legislators in many
countries.
Accordingly, this section first reviews some relevant aspects of national
patent laws, then turns to an overview of sui generis laws, such as biodiversity
legislation, which have direct bearing on the interplay between the regulation of
genetic resources and the recognition and exercise of IP rights, particularly
patents.
One consistent concern with life science patenting, with direct bearing on the
status of genetic resources, has been the legitimacy of patents on ‘naturally
occurring’ materials. When is it legitimate to seek a patent for newly identified or
characterized, isolated, purified or synthesized chemical forms that correspond to
those already existing in nature? Contemporary concerns over patenting of genetic
materials are a new chapter in a long-running debate. Patenting of isolates or
purified forms of genetic materials, provided a specific new utility is identified,
has a long history. Early in the twentieth century, beriberi – a major cause of death
in Asia – was a major public health crisis at the time. Suzuki isolated a naturally-
occurring substance from rice bran (aberic acid, later called thiamine or Vitamin
B1), which prevented the disease. This was the first vitamin to be isolated and to
be directly linked to the cure of a major disease. In 1911, Suzuki was granted a
received Japanese patent 20785 for isolated aberic acid.
167 Parke-Davis & Co. v. H. K. Mulford & Co., Case No.189 F. 95, 103 (S.D.N.Y. 1911).
168 See for example Amgen, Inc. v. Chugai Pharmaceutical Co. 927 F.2d 1200, 1206 [Fed. Cir.
1991].
169 Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Legal Protection
of Biotechnological Inventions, (entered into force on 6 July 1998).
170 EU Biotech Directive, Art. 5.2.
238 Antony Taubman
Yet a patent is awarded for an invention, not for a bare chemical structure per se,
even if it is newly disclosed, and so there must be clear, practical utility associated
with the newly identified or isolated gene sequence. Hence in the EU a bare
nucleic acid sequence is not patentable without its function being indicated.171 If
a gene sequence is used to produce a protein, the protein and its function must be
identified. If the nucleotide sequence has a different function, such as transcription
promoter activity, that should be indicated.
Similarly, in 2001 the US Patent Office issued Utility Examination Guide-
lines172 that required a patent on an isolated gene to demonstrate ‘specific,
substantial, and credible’ utility. There is now an emerging global practice,
including in leading developing countries such as Brazil, China and India, of
allowing patents on gene sequences provided that they are genuinely new,
inventive and have clear utility or usefulness: this idea is built into the very
concept of ‘invention’ in many jurisdictions, where it is conceived as a specified
solution to a technical problem, not as a scientific insight. For instance, current
Indian practice may deem identifying a human gene as a ‘simple discovery’, not
a patentable invention, ruled out by the legislative bar on patents on ‘the human
body, at the various stages of its formation and development, and the simple
discovery of one of its elements’173
Debate continues over when is it a legitimate invention, and when is it a
routine adaptation of known technology, to produce purified or newly isolated
substances, including gene sequences. Typically, in established patent systems,
such claimed inventions have been assessed case by case, in the light of the
technological background. The changing technological background will quickly
render obvious the once inventive in a relatively short space of time. For instance,
the Nuffield Council on Bioethics has questioned the relevance for patentability of
the distinction between naturally occurring genetic materials and those that have
been purified and isolated, suggesting that patent offices had assumed that
knowledge of the structure of a genetic sequence (and its uses) can only be
obtained by creating an artificial, purified form of the sequence,174 but that, that
even once true, gene sequencing is undertaken by bio-informatics techniques and
may no longer involve the actual isolation and purification of a gene as such.175
Accordingly, if another person had cloned HBV antigen through another method
– such as sequencing the Dane particle DNA – this would have fallen within the
scope of the patent, even though the patent would provide no real guidance to that
person.
In its natural form, it was immensely difficult to obtain in sufficient quantities for
therapeutic use or even systematic investigation, and the availability of recombi-
nant, synthetic relaxin was, in Justice Hand’s phrase from the Adrenaline case,
‘for every practical purpose a new thing commercially and therapeutically’.182
The Opposition Division’s decision reviewed the grounds of opposition in a
manner that provides a comprehensive analysis of the legal issues arising in the
patenting of gene sequences derived from human subject. The opponents charged
that the patent was not novel, since as the gene encoding Relaxin had always been
present in human body, but it was held that even naturally occurring substances
isolated for the first time with no previously recognized existence were patentable.
Against the claim that the patent had no inventive step or was obvious, since
conventional techniques had been used to isolate the gene sequence, it was held
that the very existence of the substance in the form disclosed was a surprise, and
confounded expectations about the nature of Relaxin. The method alone used to
achieve the invention was not enough to determine obviousness. The opponents
likened the claimed invention to a ‘mere discovery’ such as patenting the moon or
a new animal found in a remote area. The Opposition Division agreed that it was
an unpatentable discovery to find a substance freely occurring in nature, and
would not be patentable, but took the view that it was not a mere discovery to
newly isolate and characterize a substance; a further distinction was that the
invention was a solution to an established technical problem (creating therapeutic
supplies of relaxin). On whether the invention was contrary to morality and indeed
an offence to human dignity in isolating a gene from tissue, using pregnancy for
a technical, profit-oriented process, the decision held that the general public would
not view the invention as too abhorrent for a patent to be granted, and that the
tissue had been donated with consent within framework of gynaecological
operations. Many life-saving substances had been isolated in a similar manner,
and were patented and welcomed by the public. Bioethics standards approved the
use for other purposes of parts of the human body removed during an intervention.
Against the claims that patenting human genes amounted to a form of
‘modern slavery’ entailing dismemberment of women and their piecemeal sale to
commercial enterprises, and that patenting human genes amounted to the
intrinsically immoral patenting of human life, the decision took the view that there
was no slavery: a patent on DNA encoding H2 Relaxin does not create rights over
183 See the review of these issues in Australian Law Reform Commission, Issues Paper on Gene
Patenting and Human Health, 2003, citing for example, T Claes, ‘Cultural Background of the
Ethical and Social Debate about Biotechnology’ in S. Sterckx (ed.), Biotechnology, Patents
and Morality (Ashgate, Aldershot, 2000) pp. 179, 182. T. Schrecker and others, Ethical Issues
Associated with the Patenting of Higher Life Forms (1997), Westminster Institute for Ethics
and Human Values McGill Centre for Medicine Ethics and Law, Montreal, at
<www.strategis.ic.gc.ca/pics/ip/schrecef.pdf>; D. Keays, ‘Patenting DNA and Amino Acid
Sequences: An Australian Perspective’ (1999) 7 Health Law Journal 69, 76.
184 For example, Schedule A2, para. 1, Patents Act 1977, United Kingdom (providing that an
invention shall not be considered unpatentable solely on the grounds that it concerns ‘a
product consisting of or containing biological material’).
185 For example, EU Directive 98/44 on the Legal Protection of Biotechnology Inventions: Art.
3.2.
186 For example, EU Directive 98/44 on the Legal Protection of Biotechnology Inventions: Art.
3.1.
Genetic Resources 243
(1) A Priori Exclusions
194 Art. L611-18 of the Intellectual Property Code, inserted by Act No. 2004–800 of 6 August
2004, Art. 17a II, Offıcial Journal of 7 August 2004, at 18(d).
195 Ibid.
196 German Patent Act, §1(a)(4).
197 Panama—Industrial Property Law 35, Art. 15(iv).
198 Harvard College v. Canada (Commissioner of Patents), [2002] Case No.4 S.C.R. 45, 2002
SCC 76.
199 Patent Act, R.S.C. 1985, s. 2.
200 Harvard College v. Canada (Commissioner of Patents), [2002] Case No. 4 S.C.R. 45, 2002
SCC 76, para. 206.
201 Ibid.
202 Ibid., at para. 8.
203 Ibid., at para. 68.
Genetic Resources 245
The pig receives human genes. The human receives pig organs. Where
does the pig end and the human begin? How much DNA does it take
before one becomes the other? The answer to these questions, once
ridiculous and offensive, may now just be a matter of degree.204
This focus on the circumstances and legitimacy of access to GR, rather than the
inherent utilitarian value of the resources, finds a clear regulatory imprint in the
movement towards legal measures that create positive obligations on patent
applicants to make certain disclosures, or in effect to guarantee or to prove certain
legal states of affairs, in relation to genetic resources used in the development of
a claimed invention – so called disclosure requirements (many, but not all, overlap
with similar provisions regarding traditional knowledge.)209 Such defensive
measures no longer function as objective, circumscribed rules on patentability of
the claimed invention as such – they do not directly concern the inventive quality
or inherent patentability of the invention, but rather amount to regulation of the
manner in which the source materials required for the invention are obtained, and
The EU has since put forward a considerably more far-reaching proposal for a
binding disclosure obligation in international law.213
In line with their international proposals for strong disclosure mechanisms in
patent laws,214 key emerging patent jurisdictions in the developing world, such as
Brazil, China, India and South Africa, are in the process of implementing such
requirements, typically requiring a strong linkage between demonstrated legiti-
macy of access to genetic resources and the right to hold a patent. In 2002, India
amended its Patents Act to require disclosure of ‘the source and geographical
origin of the biological material in the specification, when used in the inven-
tion’215. India’s law on biodiversity further sets out substantive constraints,
precluding the application
South Africa’s Patent Amendment Act, 2005, provides that before acceptance of
an application, an applicant must
212 Recital 27, Preamble, Directive 98/44/EC on the Legal Protection of Biotechnological
Inventions.
213 Document submitted by the European Community and Its Member States, Disclosure Of
Origin Or Source Of Genetic Resources And Associated Traditional Knowledge In Patent
Applications, WIPO/GRTKF/IC/8/11, (17 May 2005).
214 See in particular the proposal for a new Art. 28bis of TRIPS, fn. 4 supra.
215 Patents (Amendment) Act of 2002, amending Patents Act 1970, s. 10(4)(d)(ii)).
216 India’s Biological Diversity Act 2002, Art. 6(1).
217 Ibid., Art. 6(2)).
248 Antony Taubman
In that event, the registrar shall call upon the applicant to furnish proof ‘as to his
or her title or authority to make use of’ this material. A proposed amendment to
China’s Patent law218 provides both for a substantive requirement that
The Indian example shows how patent law and the regulation of access to genetic
resources may evolve together. Increasingly attention is turning to how the legal
circumstances of origin of genetic resources can be systematically documented,222
which raises in turn the question of how documentation of the nature of access to
genetic resources can and should have bearing on the application for and exercise
of patents on inventions derived from those resources.
218 ‘China to Revise Patent Law’, People’s Daily, (24 November 2005); see also ‘Disclosure of
Genetic Resources’, China Daily, (3 May 2007), p. 9.
219 Art. 25, A2, Amended Patent Law, Draft.
220 Art. 26, Amended Patent Law, Draft.
221 Commission on Intellectual Property Rights, Integrating Intellectual Property Rights and
Development Policy, (2002), p. 87.
222 T. Brendan, D. Cunningham, and K. Watanabe (2004), ‘The feasibility, practicality and cost
of a certificate of origin system for genetic resources. Preliminary results of comparative
analysis of tracking material in biological resource centres and of proposals for a certification
scheme’, United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, Yokohama, Japan.
Information document of the Third meeting of the Ad Hoc Open-ended Working Group on
Access and Benefit-Sharing UNEP/CBD/WG-ABS/3/INF/5.
Genetic Resources 249
This insight has in fact been borne out in the subsequent evolution of international
regimes governing genetic resources. A key turning point has been the deliberate
expression of sovereignty over genetic resources and a trend to assert various
forms of property or quasi-property rights over GR. The 1992 conclusion of the
CBD amounted to a political trade-off between a firm codification of national
sovereignty over GR and an agreement to facilitate access to genetic resources for
sustainable use, consistent with the Convention’s requirements for equitable
benefit sharing. In 1983, the FAO224 had declared plant genetic resources to be ‘a
common heritage of mankind to be preserved, and to be freely available to all for
use, for the benefit of present and future generations’. In 1989, it was made clear
that ‘the term “free access” does not mean free of charge’, that benefits from
access to such resources were ‘part of a reciprocal system’,225 and that access to
plant genetic resources was subject to recognizing ‘rights arising from the past,
present and future contributions of farmers in conserving, improving, and making
available plant genetic resources’.226 The conclusion of the ITPGRFA explicitly
stated state sovereignty over plant genetic resources as a principle in international
law, maintaining consistency on this point with the CBD, which had articulated
the principle in 1992.
The assertion of sovereignty is linked to a broader trend towards re-
evaluating and asserting control the aggregation of genetic information and
traditional know-how embedded in biological resources:
223 Jack Kloppenburg, First the Seed: The political economy of plant biotechnology (First Edn.),
(Cambridge, 1988).
224 FAO 1983, International Undertaking on Plant Genetic Resources (FAO Resolution 8/83).
225 FAO Resolution 4/89.
226 FAO Resolution 5/89.
Genetic Resources 251
For the first time we realize we have the wealth that everyone else wants
. . . All this time the development paradigm made us beggars and kept us
running to the government to give us something; made us keep running
to northern aid agencies to give us aid . . . We now realize we have the
capital and we have to do our own planning for development on the basis
of this living capital.227
227 Shiva Vandana, Late Night Live, Radio National, Australian Broadcasting Commission, (19
November 2001).
228 Art. 13.2.
229 Art. 13(d)(ii).
252 Antony Taubman
(bb) Convention on Biological Diversity
The CBD is the central international legal instrument in the field of genetic
resources. As discussed already, it was a significant milestone in the evolution of
rights and entitlements relating to the dispensation and sharing of benefits from
genetic resources, with a firm articulation of the principle of national sovereignty
over genetic resources, and a landmark recognition of the role of local and
indigenous peoples and the custodianship of traditional knowledge as central to
the conservation of biodiversity. Again, because of the unique characteristics of
genetic resources which can at once be conserved and exploited, by virtue of the
fact that their value as resources resides in the functional hereditary units they
contain, its threefold objectives link conservation with sustainable use and a
guarantee of equitable sharing of benefits. While it naturally recurs throughout
this chapter as a leitmotif, no attempt is made to review its provisions, the
extensive body of supplementary decisions by the CBD COP, or the voluminous
secondary literature, but rather the interplay with the IP system is reviewed.
It should be noted, however, that even though the CBD espouses fundamental
principles and obligations, it does have the character of a framework convention,
and intensive work has continued since its conclusion to develop appropriate
mechanisms for its effective implementation: ‘it is still only an instrument to
guide change, and its provision leave most of the hard work of establishing
operational measures on [access and benefit-sharing] to national governments’.230
Thus the manner in which this implementation of the general principles of the
CBD is undertaken – at the national, but also at the regional and international
levels – may have far greater interaction with and impact upon the IP system than
the general provisions of the treaty itself. Much of the IP-related debate centres on
the issues already canvassed in this chapter, and has little to do with conservation
issues as such: how are genetic resources to be valued, and how should that value,
once realized, be equitably allocated; what is the role of intellectual property,
particularly patents, in realizing, distributing or misappropriating that value; and
to what extent does the grant or exercise of intellectual property rights,
particularly patents, conflict with resource sovereignty and with the threefold
objectives of the CBD, in particular through the direct patenting of genetic
resources as such. The political economy context of this debate is succinctly
expressed by one mega-diverse state as follows:
As one of its main tasks, the CBD seeks to balance the lack of
equilibrium between those who are able to use biological resources and
their components (the industrialized countries) for commercial and
industrial purposes, and those who do not have such capacities but do
230 Laird et al, ‘Creating Conditions for Equity’, in Laird (ed.) Biodiversity and Traditional
Knowledge, Earthscan, (London, 2002), at p. 418.
Genetic Resources 253
have the raw material, i.e. these resources and their components
(developing countries). For this purpose, the CBD establishes rules and
principles on the conditions for this access and use, and as to how the
benefits derived from such use should be shared in a fair and equitable
manner.231
The established IP system – and TRIPS in particular – has been set in counterpoint
to the CBD. TRIPS has for some served as a metonym or an emblem for one view
of how policymakers and legislators should shape the framework for knowledge
management. For instance, it has been characterized as favouring privatization of
knowledge (and knowledge resources such as genetic resources), entrenching
economic privileges centred in the developed world, and neglecting the ‘social
function’ of IP laws.232 Turning again to values, TRIPS and the broader IP system
may also be seen as embodying a set of values – the market, private interests, ex
situ exploitation as against in situ conservation, alienation of traditional knowl-
edge from its local roots – that stand in tension with the values underpinning the
policy goals of the CBD, particularly the polyvalence of biological diversity -
noting the CBD preamble’s invocation of the ‘ecological, genetic, social,
economic, scientific, educational, cultural, recreational and aesthetic values of
biological diversity and its components’. As noted above, there is a complex
debate under way concerning potential conflict between TRIPS and the CBD:
while conducted at a relatively technical legal level, it can also be viewed as a
dialogue between distinct value sets. This may, of course, entail a reconciliation
of the value sets and perceptions of interests that drive actual behaviour and actual
choices within the broad framework set by the legal instruments concerned.
Hence a full review of the interplay between the provision of the CBD and
the IP system opens up possibilities for considering the IP system in the rounds as
a flexible set of policy instruments for governments to direct the allocation of
effort in the socially beneficial exploitation of genetic resources, and as a practical
mechanism for individual actors to exert authority over their stake in the chain of
provenance of genetic resources from origin to ultimate application. To point out
these possibilities – which are doubtless at various degrees of latency and
practical realization – is not necessarily to endorse or validate the current
operational state of affairs of the IP system. Reconciliation of the CBD and the IP
system (whether or not epitomized by TRIPS as such) can entail such straight-
forwardly practical measures as directing patent examiners to take account of
established databases of genetic resources,233 or as politically and legally
231 Patents referring to Lepidium Meyenii (Maca): Responses of Peru, document WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/5/13 (12 May 2003).
232 See Sub-Commission on Human Rights resolution 2000/7, Intellectual property rights and
human rights (17 August 2000).
233 See for example, the SINGER database administered by Bioversity (formerly IPGRI) and its
potential role in patent examination (Practical Mechanisms for the Defensive Protection of
Traditional Knowledge and Genetic Resources within the Patent System, document WIPO/
254 Antony Taubman
momentous as the proposed rewriting of international patent law to build new
disclosure requirements234 that potentially redefine the basis of the entitlement to
apply for and be granted a patent.235
This complex policy and practical context provides the inevitable backdrop for a
review of the interaction between specific CBD provisions, and the principles and
practice of the IP system. This review concentrates on the following points of
interaction, with in the normative framework provided by the CBD’s objectives:
The bulk of the analytical scrutiny on the CBD, especially in its relation to the IP
system, has been on the first three of these points of interaction. However, the
CBD must also be seen as concerned with the practical exercise of technology as
well, through partnerships and structures partially mediated by the IP system.
Parties to the CBD recognize ‘that technology includes biotechnology, and that
both access to and transfer of technology . . . are essential elements for the
attainment of the objectives’236 of the CBD. Its objectives are to be carried out ‘by
appropriate access to genetic resources and by appropriate transfer of relevant
technologies, taking into account all rights over those resources and to technolo-
gies, and by appropriate funding’.237 IP, the legal regulation of IP, and the practical
exercise of IP mechanisms (including choices over how rights are exercised)
potentially have bearing on each of the CBD objectives.
For instance, technologies developed under the aegis of the IP system and
protected by it in some jurisdictions may be useful for the conservation of
biological diversity, or they may be seen as prejudicial to biodiversity (in this
regard, Article 19.3 refers to ‘living modified organism resulting from biotech-
nology that may have adverse effect on the conservation and sustainable use of
biological diversity’, as the basis for the subsequent negotiation of the Cartagena
GRTKF/IC/5/6 (14 May 2003); see also more recent proposals along these lines by Japan, the
Patent System and Genetic Resources, documents WIPO/GRTKF/IC/9/13 and WIPO/GRTKF/
IC/11/11 (25 June 2007)).
234 See note 4 supra.
235 See Examination of Issues Relating to the Interrelation of Access to Genetic Resources and
Disclosure Requirements in Intellectual Property Rights Applications, UNEP/CBD/COP/8/
INF/7.
236 CBD, Art. 16.1.
237 CBD, Art. 1.
Genetic Resources 255
Protocol238). Technologies protected under and disclosed by the IP system may
contribute to the sustainable use of the components of biodiversity. And the role
of IP laws, the specific scope of IP rights and the way they are exercised, may help
determine how benefits from the utilization genetic resources are generated and
shared and how the appropriate transfer of relevant technologies is undertaken.
(ii) Retroactivity
A frequently cited example of violation of sovereignty and failure to share benefits
is that of the rosy periwinkle (Catharanthus roseus), which is indigenous to
Madagascar. Research in the 1950s led to the isolation of two alkaloids, vincristine
and vinblastine, which were found to be effective in treating cancer. The pharma-
ceutical company Eli Lilly successfully commercialized these compounds. This has
suggested to many critics that the benefits from this commercial activity should
flow back to Madagascar, and the case has become an exemplar in the literature on
bio-piracy.240 Yet the plant in question had been distributed around the globe since
at least the eighteenth century. It was the knowledge of local communities in Ja-
maica and in the Philippines (the latter as the result of a routine literature search)
that the plant had medicinal properties in general that led to the active screening of
the plant as part of a much broader screening program sponsored by the US National
Cancer Institute, leading to the discovery of hitherto unrecorded anti-cancer prop-
erties. Like the knowledge that guided this research was not from Madagascar, the
physical specimens of the rosy periwinkle that were used in the research were
sourced from the West Indies, where the plant is widespread.
It is clearly a legal, policy and practical challenge to follow through the full
implications of the suggestion that this research activity – no matter how lucrative
– should give rise to a claim over a share in the benefits based on an unexhausted
sovereignty over the resources, when the physical samples and associated
knowledge used are cleared sourced from locations and communities well beyond
the origins of the genetic material. The notion of perpetual sovereignty, with
retroactive effect, over genetic resources does have potentially major ramifications
and unexpected consequences: an example often cited in this context is that of
rubber, seeds of which were removed from Brazil by Henry Wickham in the
nineteenth century, ending Brazil’s lucrative monopoly over rubber production
and establishing Malaysia as a major producer.
240 R. Stone, ‘The Biodiversity Treaty: Pandora’s Box or Fair Treaty?’ (1992) Science, 256, 1624.
Genetic Resources 257
(iii) Diffusion of Genetic Resources and Scope of Sovereignty
Genetic resources are rarely neatly confined to one nation-state and typically span
national borders. If sovereignty is construed as reaching beyond the right to
control access to and use of specific specimens of genetic material, and is to cover
the genetic content and its inherent value as such, then the natural diffusion of
genetic resources may make it difficult for exclusivity of entitlement to be
sustained. For example, bio-prospecting in Samoa by the American ethno-botanist
Paul Cox led to the identification of the mamala tree (Homalanthus nutans) as a
traditional treatment for hepatitis. Mamala was analysed and found to be a source
of prostratin, a previously known substance. The traditional knowledge about
mamala pointed to its therapeutical qualities. In time, it was shown to be
potentially effective in treating HIV-AIDS, and methods of extracting prostratin
from mamala were patented. A generous benefit-sharing arrangement was reached
with the research sponsor, the Aids Research Alliance.241 Royalties from com-
mercialization of any AIDS treatment are earmarked for the Samoan Government,
the local villages, and descendants of the two traditional healers or taulasea who
had made use of mamala as traditional medicines. Developing countries would
also receive preferential access to any drugs resulting from this research. Even so,
this arrangement was subject to criticism and questioning of its legitimacy,242
including on the basis that mamala and related genetic resources were present
through the Pacific, and Samoa could not be recognized as having sole custody or
sovereignty, given the diffusion of the resource through the broader region.
Similarly, the neem tree is widely spread throughout South Asia and South-East
Asia, despite a strong general cultural identification with the tree in India
especially.
Arguably the only defensible true monopoly over genetic resources is that of
the right to grant or deny access to physical manifestations of the genotype, rather
than the genotype per se. Prior informed consent provides a clear mechanism for
governing access to the physical resource and then, through legally binding
obligations incurred in exchange for the grant of consent, controlling downstream
use of the genetic resource and extraction of benefits derived from the genetic
information contained within the resource.
241 AIDS Research Alliance of America (ARA), ‘AIDS Research Alliance of America Announces
Landmark Agreement To Share Drug Profits With Samoan Village Healers’, Press Release (13
December 2001).
242 Peteru, Clark, ‘The Mamala Plant Patent’, in Aroha Te Pareake Mead and Steven Ratuva (eds),
Pacific Genes and Life Patents: Pacific Indigenous Experiences & Analysis of the Commodi-
fication & Ownership of Life, (2007), at p. 178.
243 Art. 15(5).
258 Antony Taubman
resources – and thus no extraction of value from the resource – can take place in
the absence of prior informed consent. This would apply a fortiori to the
undertaking of the specific utilization of genetic resources that leads to a claimed
invention and the subsequent filing of a patent application. Some national
biodiversity laws provide directly for constraints on seeking IP rights without
authorization of the national authority entrusted with the grant of prior informed
consent. Such constraints may form part of the IP law of the country concerned,
so that Egypt’s Patent Act244 provides, inter alia, that
[n]o person shall apply for any intellectual property right by whatever
name called in or outside India for any invention based on any research
or information on a biological resource obtained from India without
obtaining the previous approval of the National Biodiversity Authority
before making such application . . . provided that if a person applies for a
patent, permission of the National Biodiversity Authority may be
obtained after the acceptance of the patent but before the sealing of the
patent by the patent authority concerned [and] provided further that the
National Biodiversity Authority shall dispose of the application for
permission made to it within a period of ninety days from the date of
receipt thereof.
More generally, the Bonn Guidelines suggest that material transfer agreements
(MTAs) on genetic resources could include ‘conditions under which user [of an
accessed genetic resource] may seek intellectual property rights’.245
Such measures provide a legislative framework under national law mirroring
a provision often exerted through contract law in material transfer agreements, or
Figure 8: Post-CBD Context: The critiques of the past dispensation of the value
extracted from genetic resources lead to an assertion of national sovereignty over
the resources and a principle of prior informed consent governing access both to
the resources as physical material and as a medium for genetic information and
to knowledge concerning the inherent value of those resources; this forms a legal
basis for asserting claims to an equitable share of downstream benefits extracted
from the resources.
249 Coughlin M, ‘Using the Merck-INBio Agreement to Clarify the Convention on Biological
Diversity’ (1993) 31 Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 337.
250 Sylvia Rodriguez, ‘Bioprospecting has failed – what next? Sprouting UP’, Seedling, (GRAIN
Publications, October 2002).
251 See for example, Susan K. Sell, ‘Books, Drugs and Seeds: the Politics of Access’, Paper
prepared for the Transatlantic Consumer Dialogue, The Politics and Ideology of Intellectual
Property, (20–21 March 2006), Brussels (taking issue with the legitimacy of the bilateral
contractual approach).
252 The Agreement was renewed but concluded in 1999 with no positive leads having been
reported (Memoria INBio (Annual Report), 2004).
253 R. Wynberg ‘Rhetoric, Realism and Benefit Sharing: Use of Traditional Knowledge of Hoodia
Species in the Development of an Appetite Suppressant’. Journal of World Intellectual
Property, 7(6): 851–876.
262 Antony Taubman
the subsequent work within the CBD on a draft international regime on access and
benefit sharing may provide more specific guidance. These two developments are
discussed below.254
involves the communication, by the transferor, of the relevant knowledge to the recipient’. (at
p. 6) The UNCTAD draft International Code on the Transfer of Technology (1985) defines
transfer of technology as ‘the transfer of systematic knowledge for the manufacture of a
product, for the application of a process or for the rendering of a service and does not extend
to the transactions involving the mere sale or mere lease of goods’ (Art. 1.2) and cites the
following technology transactions: ‘(a) The assignment, sale and licensing of all forms of
industrial property, except for trademarks, service marks and trade names when they are not
part of transfer of technology transactions; (b) The provision of know-how and technical
expertise in the form of feasibility studies, plans, diagrams, models, instructions, guides,
formulae, basic or detailed engineering designs, specifications and equipment for training,
services involving technical advisory and managerial personnel, and personnel training; (c)
The provision of technological knowledge necessary for the installation, operation and
functioning of plant and equipment, and turnkey projects; (d) The provision of technological
knowledge necessary to acquire, install and use machinery, equipment, intermediate goods
and/or raw materials which have been acquired by purchase, lease or other means; (e) The
provision of technological contents of industrial and technical co-operation arrangements’
(Art. 1.3).
261 This notion of technology transfer should be distinguished from a related, but distinct and
more descriptive definition in innovation policy, especially in the context of disseminating
public-funded and university or institutional research to industry for the creation of practical
products: as defined in Human Genome Program, U.S. Department of Energy, Human
Genome Program Report (1997): ‘the process of converting scientific findings from research
laboratories into useful products by the commercial sector’. Technology transfer in interna-
tional legal documents such as the CBD and TRIPS has a more normative edge to it.
262 The ‘Access to Knowledge’ movement has, for example, focused not merely on copyright
issues relating to dissemination of knowledge as such and information society issues, but also
on mechanisms to promote technology transfer under the IP system. For instance, the draft
Treaty On Access To Knowledge (draft of 9 May 2005) proposes that ‘the grant of a patent
shall be conditional upon . . . a commitment to ensure enabling transfer of know-how after the
expiration of patent’ (Art. 14(c)), accessed at <www.cptech.org/a2k/a2k_treaty_ may9.pdf>.
Genetic Resources 265
For technology covered by patents and or other forms of IP, this access
and transfer must be ‘on terms which recognize and are consistent with the
adequate and effective protection of intellectual property rights’ (but
consistently also with paragraphs 16.3, 16.4 and 16.5). This suggests that
the terms that govern the provision of access and transfer would need to
consider the operation of relevant IP rights, and should not simply
effectively negate them.
Where technology makes use of genetic resources that were provided
by a party to the CBD, legislative, administrative or policy measures are
required with the aim of providing access to and transfer of technology
which makes use of those resources, on mutually agreed terms. This
includes technology protected by patents and other IP rights. One possible
pathway to clarifying and determining mutually agreed terms of access and
transfer of such technology would be to agree upon licenses under such IP
rights within a broader agreement as to the mechanism for providing
access to and transfer of the technology.
Parties to the CBD are required to ‘take legislative, administrative or
policy measures, as appropriate, with the aim that the private sector
facilitates access to, joint development and transfer’ of the technology
referred to in Article 16.1; this should benefit both governmental institu-
tions and the private sector of developing countries. IP laws and policies,
including policies on management of publicly funded research and laws
governing exceptions and licensing, as well as specific licensing, joint
venture, research cooperation and other technology partnership arrange-
ments that deal with IP, all potentially contribute to this goal.
This article also recognizes that patents and other IP rights may
influence the implementation of the CBD, and requires parties to ‘coop-
erate in this regard subject to national legislation and international law in
order to ensure that such rights are supportive of and do not run counter to
its objectives’. In view of its context within this article, this requirement
may point to the specific benefits of cooperation in relation to patents and
other IP rights as part of the overall framework of promotion of access to
and transfer of CBD-related technologies.
264 India, Pakistan and the Philippines, Steps that Might be Taken Within The Mandate of the WTO
to Increase Flows of Technology to Developing Countries, Submission to the Working Group
on Trade and Transfer of Technology, WT/WGTTT/W/10 (13 October 2005), at para. 13.
268 Antony Taubman
of knowledge management, innovation promotion and technology diffusion; they
are a set of specific legal means, normally set by statute in the context of public
policymaking, aimed at supporting the development and management of knowl-
edge in the broader public interest or at suppressing unfair or misleading
commercial practices. The resort to IP mechanisms is not, then, a choice for
exclusivity as such, or as an end in itself, or as a polar opposite to technology
sharing and collaboration. Few technological developments in the life sciences are
achieved through tightly exclusive vertically integrated product development
processes.
Further, most practical technology transfer mechanisms and other technology
partnership arrangements that make use of IP mechanisms will also touch on a
combination of other non-IP elements, ranging from capacity development and
training, to laws governing investment and legal remedies against abusive
licensing practices. According to one UNEP report, environmentally sound
technologies are not just individual technologies, but total systems which include
know-how, procedures, goods and services, and equipment as well as organiza-
tional and managerial procedures. This implies that when discussing transfer of
technologies, ‘the human resource development and local capacity-building
aspects of technology choices, including gender-relevant aspects, should also be
addressed’.265
The actual effect and operation of IP mechanisms in the access to and transfer
of technology under the CBD will depend on a concretion of a wide range of
specific choices at the level of individual institutions and firms regarding: (i)
decisions to take out or to forego IP protection in each discrete jurisdiction
concerned; (ii) choices concerning ownership and management of relevant IP
portfolios; and (iii) approaches to licensing and enforcement of IP rights,
including degrees of exclusivity and non-exclusivity (such as license arrange-
ments that give non-exclusive access to interested parties), favourable terms for
public-interest or non-commercial use, or for use in developing countries (e.g.
licensing practices such as equitable access licenses for low and medium income
countries or humanitarian licenses).
In addition, options for technology transfer may be influenced by the
approach taken in national patent laws on such issues as research exceptions, as
well as regulatory measures consistent with Article 40 of TRIPS which deal with
licensing practices or conditions which may impede the transfer and dissemina-
tion of technology.266
A key potential role for IP systems is clarifying and structuring the form of
partnerships concerning knowledge development, deployment and dissemination
– this may be one aspect of negotiation of mutually agreed terms, when these are
prescribed by the CBD in the context of transfer of technology. Thus the benefits
265 United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), ‘Transfer of Environmentally Sound Tech-
nology, Cooperation and Capacity-Building‘, 34.4, at <www.unep.org>.
266 See for example, Chapter IX (‘Voluntary Licensing’), Intellectual Property Code of the
Philippines.
Genetic Resources 269
or disadvantages of IP in the context of access to and transfer of technology will
not necessarily depend on binary questions of the presence or absence of IP
altogether, but the net effect of successive decisions and determinations, as well
as the impact of broader regulatory questions such as safeguards against
anti-competitive practices and abusive licensing practices.
As noted, the overwhelming bulk of IP protection for claimed inventions,
notably through the patent system, is concentrated in developed economies, with
relatively few corresponding patents in the majority of developing countries. The
principle of territoriality within the IP system means that the bulk of this material
is in the public domain in many developing countries. Practical access to
technological knowledge contained in patent documentation has increased rapidly,
but not necessarily with easy access to the legal information and advice that is
required to determine freedom to operate with information that is located in this
way.
Inappropriate patenting outcomes, where they occur, such as patenting of
already disclosed traditional knowledge related to biodiversity, or patents that are
invalid for other reasons, such as lack of novelty or inventive step, may constrain
legitimate access to and use of technology. It is difficult, both in terms of time and
money, for a concerned third party to obtain the revocation of patents that were
erroneously granted. Defensive protection measures in the patent system therefore
help sustain positive conditions for technology transfer relating to GR.
All genetic resources have common roots and share extensive material with many
other organisms, creating the dilemmas for policymakers sketched out above. Yet
this is strikingly so for plant genetic resources for food and agriculture –
especially the food crops – where many generations of breeding and improvement
render the notion of an origin difficult to construe, let alone to legally define.
Given that modern crops are the descendents of 2x antecedents from x genera-
tions, the notion of tracing the source, say, to 210 varieties after ten generations of
breeding, and sharing benefits ‘equitably’ with all of them, becomes entirely
unworkable – and the same applies to efforts to seek authorization from each
historically identifiable source. In view, also, of the fact that very few countries
derive significant quantities of their agricultural food and other benefits from
agriculture from indigenous species, all nations can be rightly described as
‘genetically interdependent’.267 Any significant food crop will be a congeries of
gradually accumulated genetic traits, typically sourced from several continents
and over centuries or millennia. These distinctive characteristics of plant genetic
resources lend themselves especially to a multilateral structure, rather than a
267 Dan Leskien, Seeding Solutions: the Struggle for Genetic Resources, International Policy
Issues, Introduction, Doc. CBD, Fifth Conference of the Parties, UNEP/CBD/COP/5/INF/25,
(1 May 2000), p. 12.
270 Antony Taubman
complex of bilateral contractual arrangements. On the other hand, the develop-
ments discussed above have led to a strong normative pressure for national
sovereignty over genetic resources to be expressed.
Within the multilateral system and the full international legal system, the
Food and Agricultural Organization has a specific mandate for plant genetic
resources for food and agriculture which has culminated in distinctive, tailored
forms of governance and benefit-sharing, even while complementing the CBD.
FAO work on access and benefit sharing led first to a non-binding International
Undertaking on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture,268 which
evolved after many years of negotiation into the ITPGRFA which legally
established a multilateral system for access and benefit sharing specifically
tailored for plant genetic resources for food and agriculture. The objectives invoke
the linkage with the CBD directly, aiming at
the conservation and sustainable use of plant genetic resources for food
and agriculture and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising
out of their use, in harmony with the Convention on Biological Diversity,
for sustainable agriculture and food security.269
recognize the sovereign rights of States over their own plant genetic
resources for food and agriculture, including that the authority to
determine access to those resources rests with national governments and
is subject to national legislation,
276 Commission on Intellectual Property Rights, Integrating Intellectual Property Rights and
Development Policy (London, 2002), p. 78.
277 ITPGRFA, Art. 13(2).
Genetic Resources 273
system. If the product is not available for others without restriction for further
research and breeding, then the original recipient is required to pay an equitable
share of benefits. Where the product is available to others, the recipient would
only be encouraged to make such a payment. The level of payment is set by the
Governing Body established under the Treaty, which may ‘also decide on the need
to exempt from such payments small farmers in developing countries and in
countries with economies in transition’.
Reflecting the general experience that perceptions over equity in benefit
sharing are liable to change, and will be influenced by actual experience in
practice, the Governing Body is also to review the levels of payment ‘with a view
to achieving fair and equitable sharing of benefits’. Within five years from the
Treaty’s entry into force, the Governing Body may also assess whether payment
should be mandatory when commercialized products are available without
restriction to others for further research and breeding.278 The ITPGRFA has now
been set into operation with the conclusion of the standard material transfer
agreement (SMTA) that governs each accession, discussed below.
278 ITPGRFA Art. 13(2) sets out these detailed arrangements for benefit-sharing.
279 Brazilian Provisional Measure No. 2186–16 of 2001 Regulating Access to the Genetic
Heritage, Protection of and Access to Associated Traditional Knowledge (‘Brazilian law’);
Costa Rican Law No. 7788 of 1998 on Biodiversity (‘Costa Rican Law’); Indian Biological
Diversity Act of 2002 (‘Indian Law’); Panama Law on The Special Intellectual Property
Regime upon Collective Rights of Indigenous Communities, for the Protection of their
Cultural Identities and Traditional Knowledge (‘Panama Law’); Peruvian Law No. 27,811 of
2002 Introducing a Protection Regime for the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples
Derived from Biological Resources (‘Peruvian Law’); the Philippines Indigenous Peoples
Rights Act of 1997 (‘Philippines Law’); the Portuguese Decree Law No.118 of 2002
Establishing a Legal Regime of Registration, Conservation, Legal Custody and Transfer of
Plant Endogenous Material (‘Portuguese Law’);
280 African Model Legislation for the Protection of the Rights of Local Communities, Farmers
and Breeders, and for the Regulation of Access to Biological Resources of 2000 (‘African
law’); and Pacific Regional Framework for the Protection of Traditional Knowledge and
Expressions of Culture (2002);
274 Antony Taubman
TK; as the discussion below suggests, they are perhaps best seen as a plurality of
responses to a general underlying instinct that a failure of essential equity requires
a response, a regulatory instinct that finds its impression in diverse forms. The
interaction between the strict regulation of access to GR, and the broader cluster
of IP-related questions takes on several aspects:
Debate at the international level explores the interaction and potential systemic
conflict between the CBD and the IP system, typically as represented by TRIPS.
By contrast, national laws on GR tend to express several overlapping objectives
which may have bearing on when and how IP is obtained and exercised, generally
reflecting the objectives and principles of the CBD, either explicitly or indirectly.
The specific legislative objectives include:
patent applicants for violating the laws of the countries of origin of genetic resources utilized
in developing the invention. The disclosure requirement, as proposed by Brazil and other
developing countries, would, in effect, be fully in line with existing principles and objectives
of the existing patent system, such as those enshrined in Articles 7, 8, 27.2 and 27.3 of the
TRIPS Agreement. Simply put, Brazil and other countries proposing disclosure of origin/PIC/
benefit sharing requirements believe that the patent system, in order to retain its credibility and
robustness, should not reward this kind of inequitable behavior ‘. Comments of Brazil on para.
74 of document WIPO/IP/GR/05/1, quoted in Invitation to WIPO from the Conference of
Parties of the Convention on Biological Diversity, document WO/GA/32/8 (24 August 2005),
Annex, p. 38.
286 Such as the Costa Rican and Indian laws.
287 Philippines Law fn. 280 supra.
288 p. 212, supra.
289 Philippines Law fn. 280, supra.
276 Antony Taubman
GR, and thus giving effect to the sense of ‘equity’ innate in the CBD
requirement for ‘fair and equitable sharing of the benefits’:290 for instance,
India’s biodiversity legislation provides for ‘equitable sharing of the
benefits arising out of the use of biological resources and knowledge’291
– creating specific, positive community-held rights that acknowledge the
intellectual contribution of communities to the development and conser-
vation of GR;292 for example, the Philippines law aims
to provide for a system of community intellectual rights protection
in respect of the innovative contribution of both local and indig-
enous cultural communities in the matter of development and
conservation of genetic resources and biological diversities.293
Reflecting the view that certain forms of TK at least are closely interrelated with
genetic resources, and that the access regime should accordingly regulate the two
fields together, a number of the laws typically address the two subject matters
integrally; for instance the omnibus African Union model law aims ‘to ensure the
conservation, evaluation and sustainable use of the biological resources, and
knowledge and technologies in order to maintain and improve their diversity’. The
main aim of the model law is to ensure the conservation, evaluation and
sustainable use of the biological resources, and knowledge and technologies in
order to maintain and improve their diversity. The African model law has the most
holistic approach, covering biological resources, their derivatives, ‘and commu-
nity knowledge and technologies’.294 Accordingly, it includes but does not require
a specific link with the CBD objectives of conservation and sustainable use. The
Brazilian law addresses ‘access to components of the genetic heritage’ alongside
‘access to traditional knowledge relating to the genetic heritage’; equally it
extends the CBD principle of equitable benefit sharing to this ‘associated
290 Notably the objective of ‘fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising out of the utilization
of genetic resources’, Art. 1 CBD; and the logic of Art. 8(j) which is a mechanism for in situ
conservation, but ‘the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such
knowledge, innovations and practices [relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of
biological diversity]; see also Art. 16.
291 India, Biological Diversity Act of 2002.
292 Closely cognate with the conception of farmers’ rights (see discussion above on the FAO
ITPGRFA), as a form of acknowledgement of the historic and ongoing contribution of farmers
to conservation and development of the diversity of plant genetic resources.
293 Philippines Law fn. 280, supra.
294 African model law, Art.2(1)(i)-(iii); ‘community knowledge’ is defined as ‘the accumulated
knowledge that is vital for conservation and sustainable use of biological resources and/or
which is of socio-economic value, and which has been developed over the years in
indigenous/local communities’.
Genetic Resources 277
traditional knowledge.’295 It also provides for access to and transfer of tech-
nology296 for the conservation and use of biological diversity.
Without doubt the most extensively discussed and debated current issue in the
field of intellectual property and genetic resources is the proposal, propounded by
a significant number of countries, for a mandatory requirement under international
law to introduce a so-called disclosure mechanism in national or regional patent
law, a requirement that would be triggered by the act of applying for a patent on
an invention that in some way makes use of genetic resources (such proposals also
generally extend to traditional knowledge, but that aspect is not discussed here).
Proposals of this nature have been tabled in several international fora:
and
Further, at the invitation of the CBD COP, WIPO has undertaken two extensive
studies of the issue, developed through widespread consultative processes,303 and
UNCTAD has commissioned an academic study on the issue.304 The WIPO
Technical Study identified as a key issue ‘the legal basis of the disclosure
requirement in question, and its relationship with the processing of patent
applications, the grant of patents and the exercise of patent rights. This raises also
the legal and practical interaction of the disclosure requirement with other areas
of law beyond the patent system, including the law of other jurisdictions’. The
study identified the following specific legal and policy questions that remain
current in the international debate on disclosure requirements:
Reflecting the still unsettled state of international opinion on this issue, the
further ‘examination of issues’ developed in response to a second invitation by the
CBD COP306 identified further questions relevant to genetic resources in
particular as including:
The disclosure question has been extensively analysed and debated, and
continues to be the cynosure of international debate over the relationship between
genetic resources and the patent system. The multiplicity of proposals shows a
degree of divergence on some key questions:
– What is the link between a claimed invention as such and the genetic
material used in creating it?
– Is it simply a requirement to disclose information, or is it effectively an
obligation to comply with substantive standards as the basis of a patent?
– What are the legal implications of failing to comply with the requirement?
– they seek to forge some form of operational or legal linkages between two
distinct regulatory mechanisms, the regulation of access to genetic re-
sources and the exercise of sovereignty over those resources, on the one
hand, and the recognition of specific innovative activities through the
patent system, on the other hand;
– they seek to redefine, again in some practical or legal manner, the equitable
basis upon which a patent is granted to a person making use of genetic
resources;
– they establish a line of enquiry and scrutiny that reaches back down the
chain of provenance to either the source or the origin of genetic resources,
to an extent that has not been systematically undertaken in conventional
patent practice;
– they respond to the strongly-voiced expectation that the principles of prior
informed consent and equitable sharing of benefits do have bearing on the
patent system, and indeed that the patent system has a legitimate role in
either passively monitoring or even actively enforcing the application of
such principles.
The debate over disclosure mechanisms confront some complex questions of how
individuals are required to comply with international legal standards, and how the
Genetic Resources 281
different laws at the national level should be integrated, for instance, how a patent
granting authority or judicial authority in one country can base its judgment on
entitlement to hold, or to exercise, patent rights on an assessment of compliance
or otherwise with the laws of a foreign jurisdiction.
The disclosure requirement has moved in recent years from being a broad po-
litical proposal to becoming an operational element of a number of national patent
systems,307 with further amendments reported that are expected to take effect in the
near future.308 The practical experience that will soon be derived and documented
from the operationalization of this emerging – if closely contested – means of regu-
lating the extraction of value from genetic resources will likely have considerable
impact on the elaboration and acceptance of such measures at the international
plane, whichever forum is preferred to take this work forward: potential impact
range from a relatively minor addition to the paperwork in filing a patent application
to a fundamental recalibration of the equitable and legal basis on which an applicant
can legitimately seek a patent. A continuing, rich debate continues309 as to whether
(from a sceptical perspective)310 – and if so, how best (from a proponents’ perspec-
tive)311 – such a disclosure requirement can promote the attainment of the objec-
tives of the CBD, and whether its role should be directly legally to enforce those
objectives, whether it should serve a transparency and monitoring role, or both.
Since the conclusion of the CBD, and the adoption of its broad principle
concerning the equitable sharing of benefits, debate has continued over how to
assess what is ‘equitable’, how the principle should be implemented, and how it
should be legally enforced, including at the international level. The proposals for
tailored disclosure requirements in patent law have, for example, been bruited as
a means of providing a legal safeguard that benefit-sharing obligations have been
met. At the same time, the COP has acknowledged the limitations of developing
countries’ capacities to give effect to their entitlements under the COP to exercise
307 For example, Brazil, India, South Africa, Sweden, and Norway; see discussion above in
Section III.2.III.3.(b)(dd)(2).
308 For example, proposed amendment to the Chinese Patent Law, .see discussion above in
Section III.2.III.3.(b)(dd)(2).
309 See for instance Note prepared by the Secretariat, ‘The TRIPS Agreement and Convention on
Biological Diversity. Summary of Issues Raised and Points Made’. IP/C/W/368/Rev.1,
(revised 8 February 2006).
310 Communication from the United States, ‘Art. 27.3(b), relationship between the TRIPS
Agreement and the CBD, and the protection of traditional knowledge and folklore’, WTO
document IP/C/W/449 (10 June 2005), and Communication from the United States, ‘Art.
27.3(B), Relationship Between the TRIPS Agreement and the CBD, and the Protection of
Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, WTO document IP/C/W/469 (13 March 2006).
311 Communication from Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, India and Pakistan, The Relationship
between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the
Protection of Traditional Knowledge: Technical Observations on the United States Submis-
sion IP/C/W449 WTO document IP/C/W/459 (18 November 2005).
282 Antony Taubman
sovereignty over their genetic resources. This led to the development of the
non-binding Bonn Guidelines,312 and their adoption by the COP in 2002.313 The
Guidelines do not specify predetermined formulae on ‘equity’ in benefit-sharing,
reflecting the diversity of possible access and use scenarios and of benefit-sharing
methodologies. Rather, the Guidelines focus on the procedural aspects of equity
in benefit-sharing, seeing the sharing of benefits in terms of a process as much as
a stand-alone ‘deal’. The emphasis is on appropriate consultation mechanisms and
the involvement of all stakeholders to ensure the prior informed consent of
providers of genetic resources, and clarifying the respective roles and responsi-
bilities of users and providers. Guidance is provided on the essential elements of
mutually agreed terms, on incentives, accountability and monitoring and dispute
settlement.
The Bonn Guidelines clearly call for careful review of the IP implications of
access and benefit sharing during the establishment of mutually agreed terms,
strongly implying that the dispensation of IP derived from access should not be by
default, but should be explicitly settled during the prior informed consent process.
Thus, ‘guiding parameters in contractual agreements’ or ‘basic requirements for
mutually agreed terms’ include the use of IP relating to ‘joint research, obligation
to implement rights on inventions obtained and to provide licences by common
consent’314 and the ‘possibility of joint ownership of intellectual property rights
according to the degree of contribution’.315 Material transfer agreements should
address, under the rubric of access and benefit-sharing provisions, the question of
‘[w]hether intellectual property rights may be sought and if so under what
conditions’ and should clarify the legal situation as to the ‘[a]ssignment, transfer
or exclusion of the right to claim any property rights, including intellectual
property rights, over the genetic resources received through the material transfer
agreement’.316 The potential forms that benefit-sharing could take are identified as
including as both a monetary and a non-monetary benefit, the joint ownership of
relevant IP.317 Benefits may also include, in line with the CBD text, access to
relevant technology potentially covered by IP:
312 Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, Bonn Guidelines on Access to Genetic
Resources and Fair and Equitable Sharing of the Benefits Arising out of their Utilization,
2002, Montreal: Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity.
313 See CBD COP Decision VII/19.
314 Bonn Guidelines, 43(c).
315 Bonn Guidelines, 43(d).
316 Bonn Guidelines, Appendix I, Suggested elements for material transfer agreements.
317 Bonn Guidelines, Appendix II, Monetary And Non- Monetary Benefits.
Genetic Resources 283
or that are relevant to the conservation and sustainable utilization of
biological diversity.318
The public policy context and transparency function of the IP system is also
stressed, with an invitation to CBD Contracting Parties to consider
With the Bonn Guidelines recently adopted, the World Summit on Sustainable
Development321 issued a call in 2002 to
318 Ibid.
319 Bonn Guidelines, 16(d)(ii).
320 Bonn Guidelines, 55.
321 Plan of Implementation adopted by the World Summit on Sustainable Development,
Johannesburg. (September 2002), para. 44 (o).
322 CBD Decision VII/19 on access and benefit-sharing.
284 Antony Taubman
detailed normative guidance for the full attainment of its objectives, although it
was not settled whether or not the regime (‘instrument/instruments’) should
constitute binding international law. The COP established terms of reference for
the negotiations, covering the process, nature, scope and elements for consider-
ation in the elaboration of the regime. The eighth COP323 requested the Working
Group ‘to continue the elaboration and negotiation of the international regime’
and instructed it to complete its work before the tenth COP, which is scheduled for
2010. A draft document, entitled International Regime on Access and Benefit-
Sharing, sets out the range of views held by Parties at the fourth meeting of the
Ad Hoc Open ended Working Group) and was submitted to the fifth meeting of the
Working Group for the purposes of continuing to elaborate and negotiate the
international regime in accordance with the COP decision, as well as, inter alia,
the following inputs for the elaboration and negotiation of an international regime:
(a) the outcomes of the group of technical experts on the certificate of
origin/source/legal provenance; (b) a progress report on the gap analysis, and the
matrix, and (c) other inputs submitted by Parties relating to access and
benefit-sharing.324 This international regime, once concluded, is expected to have
significant impact on the practical operation, and to some extent the legal basis,
of the intellectual property system as it applies to genetic resources, although as
noted above the text remains in a dynamic state and the final contours are yet to
be established.
The entry into force of the FAO ITPGRFA on 29 June 2004 triggered the treaty
requirement to develop and to agree upon a standard material transfer agreement
(SMTA) that would cover all accessions to plant genetic resources under the
multilateral system created by the treaty. The SMTA has since been negotiated by
a contact group325 and adopted by the treaty’s Governing Body,326 therefore
forging not merely a key tool required for the effective operation of the
multilateral system ‘both to facilitate access to Plant Genetic Resources for Food
and Agriculture and to share, in a fair and equitable way, the benefits arising from
the utilization of these resources, on a complementary and mutually reinforcing
basis’, but also establishing an authoritative benchmark for access and benefit-
sharing generally relating to plant genetic resources. The SMTA also provides
significant glosses on the terms of the treaty that have bearing on the use of
intellectual property rights.
For example, the Treaty criterion triggering the obligation to pay an equitable
contribution from commercialization of a derivative product, whether the product
is ‘available without restriction to others for further research and breeding’, (see
discussion on the Treaty above), is clarified to cover ‘when it is available for
The CBD requires that ‘[a]ccess [to genetic resources], where granted, shall be on
mutually agreed terms’.329 Mutually agreed terms are typically contracts or permit
systems that help to establish the equitable sharing of benefits from the utilization
of genetic resources. Mutually agreed terms may need to deal with IP issues – for
instance, on the dispensation of derivative IP as an aspect both of sharing of
monetary benefits, according to the CBD Bonn Guidelines (Appendix II),330 and
of sharing non-monetary benefits.331 The CBD COP has encouraged
The WIPOIGC agreed on four principles that require the draft guidelines to:
– recognize, promote and protect all forms of formal and informal human
creativity and innovation, based on, or related to, the transferred genetic
resources;
– take into account the sectoral characteristics of genetic resources and
genetic resource policy objectives and frameworks;
– ensure the full and effective participation of all relevant stakeholders and
address process issues related to contract negotiation and the development
of IP clauses for access and benefit-sharing agreements, including TK
holders; and
– distinguish between different kinds of use of genetic resources, including
commercial, non-commercial and customary uses.
334 See for example WIPO Intergovernmental Committee, Report of the Seventh Session,
document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/7/15 (10 June 2005): ‘However carefully any model contract is
drafted, however ardently such contracts try to correct the huge imbalance between the
provider and the user, such an approach simply cannot lead to anything even remotely
resembling a fair and equitable regime ‘. (Delegation of India, at p. 91).
288 Antony Taubman
normative expectations as to the substantive, distributive aspect of equity – in
other words, procedural equity is considered insufficient, contrary to the libertarian
view of justice.335
V. CONCLUSIONS
The notion of ‘equity’ over the benefits from access is the quintessence of the
debate over IP and genetic resources, and is the implicit or explicit goal in the
search for legislative and other legal responses to the rapidly evolving techno-
logical capacity to extract commercial and other benefits from genetic resources.
The development of modern biotechnology, and above all the sense that its
benefits were inequitably reserved for rich countries, has arguably been the
principal motive for the formulation of genetic resources as a national asset,
subject to national sovereignty. Kloppenburg’s prediction that concerns about
inequitable distribution of benefits of and access to new technologies would lead
to genetic resources in the agricultural domain being reconceived as a ‘form of
national property’ has amply been borne out in relation to his immediate subject,
the seed. But the same development was apparent for the broader sweep of genetic
resources, such as the biodiversity that is to be conserved under the CBD: the
architecture, the normative essence, of that treaty is that the perception of
inequitable returns to the original custodians (including no benefits at all) from the
downstream extraction of value from genetic resources would negate any
incentive to conserve biodiversity in the first place and to use its components
sustainably – this logic binding together the triple objectives of the treaty.
The concept of ‘equity’ is central to the debate, but is typically invoked in
very broad terms that may simply beg the question of what test, or what standards,
are to apply. For instance, the UK Commission on IP rights simply states that the
‘principle of equity’ dictates that no one should benefit from an IP right ‘based on
genetic resources . . . acquired in contravention of any legislation governing access
to that material’.336 In practice, the bid to attain equity has taken on diverse shapes
and forms, ranging over the articulation of broad normative statements with an
aspirational hue, coercive legal mechanisms built into the patent system, and
practical capacity building measures to ensure that prior consent truly is
‘informed’.
However, two broad aspects of equity are identified: fairness of process
(procedural equity), and fairness of outcome (distributive equity). Both aspects of
equity are reflected in the international treaties reviewed in this chapter, which
establish prior informed consent (PIC) as a procedural safeguard, and equity of
outcome in the form of equitable sharing of benefits arising from access to and
research on GR. Equity is broadly an element of international law in itself, one
337 Statute of the International Court of Justice, Art. 38; See also Justice Margaret White, ‘Equity
– A General Principle of Law Recognised by Civilised Nations?’ Vol 4 No 1 QUTLJJ, at 103.
338 ‘A sharp division between law and equity, such as prevails in the administration of justice in
some States, should find no place in international jurisprudence . . . [w]hat are widely known
as principles of equity have long been considered to constitute a part of international law, and
as such they have often been applied by international tribunals’ (Separate Opinion of Hudson
J. in The Diversion of Water from the Meuse, PCIJ Rep. ser A/B, no 70 (1937), at 76–77; see
also, for example, the invocation of equity as a basis for dispute settlement in the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982), Art. 59.
339 See CBD, Art. 1, 3 and 15 in particular.
340 CBD, Art. 19 (‘Handling of Biotechnology and Distribution of its Benefits’), para. 2.
290 Antony Taubman
inequitable conduct, to a broader sense that the patent system should be used to
police distributive equity in the allocation of benefits derived from GR.
‘Equity is a roguish thing’,341 long questioned for its subjectivity and
unpredictability; it can be construed as a resort to value judgments over the letter
of the law. In its most general application, the ‘principle of equity’ is invoked as
an appeal to good conscience, to fairness, to privilege a broad sense of what is
right over the strict application of the law; it restores the rightness of legal process
when literal conformity with the law may offend an inherent sense of justice. One
venerable equitable maxim states that one ‘who comes to equity must come with
clean hands’.342 It has long been understood that if one is fairly to derive benefit
from the patent system, one should deal with the patent office and enforce a patent,
with clean hands; acts such as fraud on the office and other forms of misrepre-
sentation may lead to the denial or loss of a patent altogether.343 These are general
provisions, covering any patent applicant; but the suggestion has been made that
specific equitable safeguards are needed when GR/TK is used in research. It is
suggested in particular that a doctrine of fraudulent procurement or unclean hands
might compel life sciences researchers to disclose the source of GR/TK used in
developing an invention and to obtain PIC for this use of resources.344
This chapter has discussed how genetic material is defined as containing
‘functional units of heredity’.345 This same quality – the ready propagation of
genetic material – also provokes distinct and challenging issues in assessing the
equitable implications of access and extraction of value from the resources. A
single act of access to genetic material can capture the functional units of heredity
that define it as genetic; for instance, a single sample of genetic material may
enable the researcher to establish a self-sufficient cell line. The actual, potential
and perceived value of genetic resources has increased just as biotechnology
opens up new forms of utilizing resources, but it remains difficult to make an
objective assessment of the value of resources – in an economic or technological
sense – at the point and time of initial access or transfer. This is one, particularly
teasing, impact of technological advances in the life sciences – it enhances the
objective value of GR, but can influence their perceived value at a still higher rate,
and thus precipitates a recalibration of expectations of fair allocation, and in turn
the balance of legitimacy and equity in the practice of biotechnology and the
exploitation of these resources.
341 John Seldon: ‘Table Talk’, Richard Milward, (ed.) (1689), cited in J. Bartlett,‘, p. 263 (15th
ed. 1980).
342 For example Jill Martin, Hanbury and Martin: Modern Equity, (2001), p. 28.
343 For example in United States law, 37 C.F.R. 1.56 ( ‘no patent will be granted on an application
in connection with which fraud on the Office was practiced or attempted or the duty of
disclosure was violated through bad faith or intentional misconduct’); in Australian law
(Patents Act 1990, 138(d), ground for revocation include ‘that the patent was obtained by
fraud, false suggestion or misrepresentation ’).
344 Nuno Pires de Carvalho, ‘Requiring Disclosure of the Origin of Genetic Resources and Prior
Informed Consent in Patent Applications Without Infringing the TRIPS Agreement: The
Problem and the Solution,’ 2 Wash. U. J.L. & Pol’y 371 (2000), 399-400.
345 CBD Art. 2.
Genetic Resources 291
This impact of technology on perceived equities, and the extensive flow of
genetic resources between societies and jurisdictions, taken together make it
highly desirable to establish an international and cross-cultural dispensation that
is widely seen and accepted to be equitable. But diverse value systems and
different legal rights and interests intersect, overlap, abut and conflict, rendering
complex and elusive any form of perceived fairness and equity in the allocation
of the value appropriated through research. Source communities and individu-
als346 naturally attach high value to their GR, and this ‘value’ goes well beyond
immediate economic exchange value and technological utility; it extends to an
expectation that the inherent worth of GR be recognized, as an end in itself and
as an element of the cultural identity of a community, and the personality of an
individual.347 The call for equity in the dispensation of genetic resources therefore
reaches beyond the specific framework of law and regulation to touch on core
human rights and the essence of our genetic and cultural identities.
346 Moore v. The Regents of the University of California et al., Case No. 51 Cal. 3d 120.
347 Moore, note 346 supra.
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