NGOs A New History of Transnation - DAVIS

NGOs
Thomas Davies
NGOs
A New History of
Transnational Civil Society
A
A
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Davies, Thomas
NGOs
A New History of Transnational Society
9780199387533
Printed in India
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For my mother
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction 1
1.â•‡ Emergence to 1914 19
â•…â•›Early History to 1767 20
â•…â•›The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 1767–1869 23
â•…â•›Consolidation of the ‘First Wave’, 1870–1900 44
â•…â•›P roliferation and Decline, 1901–1914 65
2.â•‡1914–1939 77
â•…â•›The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the
â•… Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 1914–1919 78
â•… The Development of Transnational Civil Society in the 1920s 92
â•… From Consolidation to Collapse, 1930–1939 106
3.â•‡ 1939 to the Present Day 123
â•…â•›The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the
â•… Division of Transnational Civil Society 124
â•…â•›The Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society from the
â•… 1960s to the 1980s 141
â•… From Coalitions to Crisis, 1990 to the Present Day 154
Conclusion 175
â•…â•›The Three Waves of Transnational Civil Society 177
â•…â•›Explaining the Three Waves 178
â•…â•›Future Possibilities 181
Notes 183
Further Reading 243
Index 269
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author benefited from the help of many people in writing this book.
He is particularly grateful to Professor Martin Ceadel at New College,
Oxford, for suggesting this avenue of research. Colleagues at the Univer-
sity of Oxford and City University London provided stimulating
Â�environments in which the research for this volume was undertaken.
The author was supported by a period of sabbatical leave and a Pump-
Â€
Priming Grant from City University London. Research assistance from

Dr Holly Ryan was invaluable, as was the advice of colleagues and Â�students,
Â€
especially Professor Peter Willetts and Dr Alejandro Peña. The author is

indebted to the archivists and librarians at the many institutions which
housed the works cited in this volume, as well as to the staff of Hurst Pub-
lishers. Numerous academics provided insights which Â�influenced this vol-
ume, and the author is especially grateful to the anonymous reviewers of
the manuscript. The author is most indebted of all to his family, especially
to his mother, Pauline Davies, to whom this book is dedicated.
ix
INTRODUCTION
The more than 20,000 international non-governmental organizations

(INGOs) operating today span almost every sector of human activity.
Their work includes Amnesty International’s promotion of human rights
in 150 countries, BRAC’s $9 billion microfinance programme and the
humanitarian assistance provided by 30,000 Médecins Sans Frontières.
INGOs’ memberships may exceed the populations of many countries,
and the largest—the International Cooperative Alliance—unites a bil-
lion cooperators in ninety-one countries. INGOs provide services vary-
ing from the resolution of more international disputes by the arbitration
procedures of the International Chamber of Commerce than by those of
the International Court of Justice, to the welfare services of the Muslim
Brotherhood that exceed those provided by governments in multiple
countries. Since the end of the Cold War, INGO campaigns for the ban-
ning of landmines, diminution of developing countries’ debt burdens,
abandonment of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment and the cre-
ation of an International Criminal Court have been hailed as examples
of successful transnational activism. It is through the lens of the history
of INGOs that this book aims to provide a new history of transnational
civil society.
â•… Despite the burgeoning literature that has developed over the last two
decades on INGOs, their history to date, as Samuel Moyn has argued,
has been ‘barely assayed’.1 This volume aims to address this deficit and
to provide a new history of transnational civil society through (i) reveal-
ing how INGOs have a far longer history than traditionally assumed;
(ii) exploring the Eastern as well as the Western origins of INGOs; (iii)
considering the history of a broader range of INGOs than previous stud-
ies; (iv) delineating how in contrast to conventional wisdom the history
1
NGOs: A NEW HISTORY OF TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY
of INGOs has developed in a cyclical pattern; and (v) providing an

explanatory framework for this pattern of evolution. After introducing
the concepts taken forward in this volume, this chapter outlines these
contributions, before introducing the sources used and the organization
of the subsequent chapters.
Transnational Civil Society and International Non-Governmental

Organizations
Transnational civil society refers to non-governmental non-profit col-
lective action that transcends national boundaries but which does not
necessarily have global reach. It is a relatively recent concept, but draws
from the classical notion of societas civilis, a rule-governed political com-
munity based on consent and therefore peaceful—or ‘civil’—in its oper-
ation.2 In the present day, the concept of ‘civil society’ is understood not
to include either the governmental or the profit-making aspects of social
interaction, but the role of ‘civility’ implicit in the original term remains
significant.3 In the context of contemporary globalization, it is claimed
that civil society may now have become ‘global’, consisting of ‘institu-
tions that straddle the whole earth, and have complex effects that are felt
in its four corners’.4 However, even for many of its proponents, truly
global civil society may still be a ‘project’ or an ‘aspiration’ rather than an
empirically observable phenomenon.5 That civil society may be transna-
tional—i.e. involves interactions across the borders of states—is much
less contentious.6
â•… The institutions of transnational civil society are numerous, and include
advocacy networks and social movements as well as more formally orga-
nized INGOs. Transnational advocacy networks consist of actors in mul-
tiple countries united by shared ideals and linked by exchanges of services
and information.7 Keck and Sikkink have shown how through a ‘boo-
merang pattern of influence’, by which groups in one country appeal for
the assistance of those in other countries, transnational advocacy net-
works have helped to bring about political changes such as the end of
apartheid in South Africa.8 Transnational social movements are similar
to advocacy networks, but involve more sustained mobilization and may
be broader in scope.9 While this book makes reference to advocacy net-
works and social movements, the key focus is upon INGOs, which par-
ticipate in advocacy networks and social movements but the activities of
2
INTRODUCTION
which extend far further. INGOs are overwhelmingly considered to be

the key actors in transnational civil society.10 Furthermore, given their
formal organizational structures, INGOs have often left clearly identi-
fiable records on which to base research.
â•… The term ‘INGO’ is far more recent in origin than the actors to which
this label is applied. Prior to the formation of the United Nations it was
common instead to refer to them as ‘private international organizations’.11
The new label dates to the reference in Article 71 of the United Nations
Charter to the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)’s capacity to
consult ‘with non-governmental organizations which are concerned with
matters within its competence’.12 ECOSOC chose to define an INGO
simply as ‘any international organization which is not established by
intergovernmental agreement’ but has in practice excluded profit-mak-
ing international corporations, as have the vast majority of definitions of
INGOs.13 Also excluded from most understandings are organizations
operating solely in one country, which in this volume will usually be
referred to as NGOs.14 In common with the wider literature, this vol-
ume will exclude profit-making, criminal and terrorist organizations from
consideration as INGOs.15
â•… While some INGOs—such as Amnesty International—place advo-
cacy at the centre of their objectives, others—such as the Internet Cor-
poration for Assigned Names and Numbers—focus their attention more
on service provision.16 This volume will address both service and advo-
cacy INGOs. As the opening paragraph of this chapter indicated, the
breadth of INGO activity is vast, ranging from the academic (such as the
International Council of Scientific Unions) to the revolutionary (such as
the International Workingmen’s Association), from business (such as the
International Chamber of Commerce) to humanitarianism (such as
Médecins Sans Frontières), and from the professions (such as the Inter-
national Federation of Accountants) to sport (such as the Fédération
Internationale de Football Association). While it is impossible to cover
all of the many thousands of INGOs that have existed, this volume will
seek to ensure that its scope reflects this breadth of INGO activity, and
in turn the breadth of transnational civil society.
The Long History of Transnational Civil Society

It remains all too common in recent literature to claim that transnational
civil society is a novel phenomenon. Claims such as that NGOs are ‘“new”
3
forces in international politics’ or ‘largely a product of twentieth-century

politics’ or that ‘a transnational organization like CIVICUS … did not
seem imaginable prior to the end of the Cold War’ are a frequent feature
in introductions to the topic.17 At the turn of the twenty-first century it
was argued that ‘a veritable “global associational revolution” appears to
be underway, a massive upsurge of organized, private voluntary activity
in literally every corner of the world’, which some viewed as a potential
‘answer to war’.18 However, claims such as these are far from unprece-
dented. At the onset of the twentieth century, US legal scholar Paul
Reinsch claimed that ‘the barren ideal of no war, no patriotism, no local
interest, has given way to a potent centripetal force … cosmopolitanism
is no longer a castle in the air, but it has become incorporated in numer-
ous associations and unions world-wide in their co-operation’.19 Like-
wise in 1933, the pioneer student of INGOs, Lyman Cromwell White,
argued that the international politics of his time featured ‘literally hun-
dreds of private international organizations dealing with practically every
subject of interest to human beings … [and which] influence almost every
activity of human beings’.20 Each of these authors was writing at what
may be considered to be the three peaks of transnational civil society
explored in this study.
â•… Existing work taking a longer-term perspective on the evolution of
INGOs and transnational civil society has tended to take as its starting
point the late nineteenth century.21 Paul Otlet and Henri LaFontaine,
the founders of the principal data repository on INGOs (the Union of
International Associations), concentrated their attention on organiza-
tions from that time onwards.22 It is not uncommon to argue that the
‘earliest INGO’ was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
(BFASS), now known as Anti-Slavery International, which was estab-
lished in London in 1839.23 However, this organization did not appear
out of nowhere. The first chapter of this volume reveals for the first time
an important transition that took place between the 1760s and the 1860s
by which ancient forms of organization such as religious orders and secret
societies were superseded by a diverse array of INGOs in a broad range
of fields of activity.24 The transitional INGOs of this period laid the foun-
dations for the more enduring and better-known INGOs of the late
nineteenth century, and many of them are discussed for the first time in
this volume.
4
INTRODUCTION
A New Perspective
Beyond its exploration of the deep historical roots of transnational civil
society, this volume aims to provide a new perspective through its con-
sideration of transnational civil society’s origins beyond the ‘West’,
through its unprecedented scope, and by evaluating how transnational
civil society developed in a cyclical pattern.
â•… As John Hobson has argued, traditional accounts of world history have
had a tendency to underplay the significance of developments beyond the
European context in the origins of modernity.25 This has been the case
with existing studies of the history of transnational civil society as it has
for other institutions of international relations.26 In his account of the evo-
lution of transnational humanitarianism, for instance, Michael Barnett
has claimed that it ‘is rooted in Western history and globalized in ways
that were largely responsive to interests and ideas emanating from the
West’.27 This volume, on the other hand, reveals the crucial role played by
ideas and institutions beyond the ‘Western’ context in the development of
transnational civil society, especially from the late eighteenth century.
â•… Although the comparative scarcity of source materials on INGOs
beyond the ‘West’, particularly in the earlier years of their development,
has limited the degree of coverage in this volume of the evolution of
transnational civil society outside Western Europe and North America,
this volume takes greater consideration of the ‘Eastern’ origins of trans-
national civil society than much existing work. More generally, the range
of INGO activities covered is broader than in any previous study, and
includes business and professional associations, revolutionary and scien-
tific societies, and religious and pan-nationalist groups, in addition to the
traditional areas of concern such as development, environmentalism, fem-
inism, humanitarianism, human rights and peace.28
â•… A key feature of existing literature on transnational civil society which
this volume aims to challenge is the assumption that in the present day
transnational civil society is of unprecedented scale and significance.
Â�Jessica Matthews’ claim that ‘increasingly, NGOs are able to push around
even the largest governments … The steady concentration of power in
the hands of states that began in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia is
over’ is symptomatic of the optimism surrounding the topic in the late
1990s.29 Although some authors since then have questioned the impact
and significance of INGOs and transnational civil society in the present
5
day,30 claims that there has been an ‘epic and irreversible’ shift in favour
of such actors which have ‘sturdily emerged’ have persisted.31 This vol-
ume aims to show not only that the impact of transnational civil society
in the past has been far more considerable than traditionally assumed,
but also that this influence fluctuates considerably, and continues to do
so in the present day.
â•… Amongst the most common claims in much of the existing literature
on INGOs and transnational civil society is that it has developed in a lin-
ear fashion. For example, in one of the leading textbooks on INGOs
Ahmed and Potter claim that there has been ‘a steady increase … with a
marked upturn after World War II’,32 while the titles of numerous arti-
cles and books on global and transnational civil society portray the topic
of investigation as being the ‘rise’ of the phenomenon.33 This is the case in
respect of works of history as well as political science.34 This volume, on
the other hand, suggests a cyclical pattern, and argues that transnational
civil society has developed in three waves with peaks reached in the decades
preceding the two World Wars, and at the turn of the millennium.35
The Dimensions of Transnational Civil Society’s Evolution

Studies that claim the unprecedented ‘rise’ of INGOs and transnational
civil society in the present day tend to base their arguments on a few lim-
ited aspects of the phenomenon. By far the most common is the num-
ber of INGOs that have existed over time, which by some accounts may
have increased from 400 in 1909 to 25,000 by the onset of the twenty-
first century.36 Nearly all authors describing the apparently considerable
expansion in the number of INGOs rely for their data on the Union of
International Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations, the
charts in the statistical volume of which almost universally reveal a dra-
matic increase in INGO numbers—which is not surprising given the
organization’s founding objective to promote the work of international
associations.37 It is difficult to challenge the argument that INGO num-
bers are vastly greater in the present day than in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. However, the number of INGOs alone may be a
misleading unit of analysis for assessing the shifts in the scale of trans-
national civil society in general, since, for instance, an increase in the
number of INGOs could represent simply the fragmentation of trans-
national civil society into smaller and less active or significant groups.
6
INTRODUCTION
â•… The other principal piece of evidence used to support arguments con-
cerning the unprecedented ‘rise’ of INGOs and transnational civil soci-
ety is the way in which they have become ‘seemingly more efficacious’
in the post-Cold War period, with reference to examples such as the
International Campaign to Ban Landmines and Jubilee 2000.38 How-
ever, the task of separating the role of civil society organizations as
opposed to other actors in examples of apparent impact such as these is
exceptionally difficult. Even harder to determine is the relative impor-
tance of the developments attributed to transnational civil society actors
in the post-Cold War era in comparison with earlier periods of history.
Do the apparent achievements cited in this paragraph from the post-
Cold War era compare in scale to earlier apparent achievements dis-
cussed later in this volume, such as the abolition of the slave trade, the
creation of the League of Nations and the enfranchisement of women
in many countries?
â•… As Anheier has argued, measuring transnational civil society is an
‘immense’ task, which is not helped by a ‘statistical world order’ centred
around national units of assessment.39 A short history such as this can-
not cover the immense range of possible means of assessing the dimen-
sions of the phenomenon. However, this book does aim to adopt a much
broader perspective on the evolution of transnational civil society than
the limited focus upon INGO numbers and campaign impact that has
dominated recent work on the subject.
â•… Given the emphasis of ‘participation’ in contemporary assessments of
transnational civil society, an aspect of the evolution of transnational civil
society that this volume will consider is membership of INGOs and par-
ticipation in transnational civil society campaigns. Units of analysis such
as these may reveal an evolutionary path that is far from linear. For
instance, the international petition to which the greatest proportion of
the world’s population adhered was not the much-celebrated Jubilee 2000
petition of the late twentieth century, or even the ‘Live 8 List’ of the early
twenty-first century, but a petition for international disarmament circu-
lated by women’s organizations in the early 1930s.40 As this study will
also show, the memberships of some of the most prominent INGOs have
also declined significantly in recent years, and an even greater decline
may be evident if memberships as a proportion of global population are
taken into account.
â•… A further means of gaining insight into the state of transnational civil
society at any time may be, as Anheier has suggested, ‘civility … a com-
7
bined measure of cosmopolitan values such as tolerance, concern for

humankind, and solidarity with and compassion towards those in need’.41
Such a measure is arguably impossible to produce, especially given the
lack of opinion polling evidence for much of the period of this study, but
a qualitative assessment of the state of ‘cosmopolitan values’ may be made
through assessment of attitudes expressed in correspondence, literature,
media and statements made in different periods by representative indi-
viduals and organizations. This study will therefore consider how ‘united’
transnational civil society appears to be in respect of ‘cosmopolitan val-
ues’ in different periods of history on the basis of a qualitative assessment
of the perspectives of INGOs and transnational campaigns. Again, this
study will find that, far from witnessing linear development of cosmo-
politan values and the ‘unity’ of transnational civil society around these
values, they have evolved in an apparently cyclical fashion.
â•… Additional aspects of the evolution of transnational civil society and
INGOs referred to in this volume include, but are not limited to, geo-
graphical reach, the financial and human resources of INGOs, the range
of issues of concern to INGOs and transnational networks, and the vol-
ume and scale of INGO and transnational network activities, such as
conferences, demonstrations and publications. Consideration will be given
to the political and social environment in which transnational civil soci-
ety and INGOs operate, noting such aspects as the openness of national
and international institutions to non-governmental participation. The
analysis combines quantitative and qualitative assessments, with empha-
sis upon qualitative judgement. Given the exceptional breadth of trans-
national civil society and the vast number of INGOs that have existed,
the emphasis in this volume will be upon provision of representative
material. The approach adopted in this volume may be described as clas-
sical in that it ‘is characterised above all by explicit reliance on judgement
and by the assumption that if we confine ourselves to strict standards of
verification and proof there is very little of significance that can be said
about international relations’.42
â•… Any effort to trace the evolution of the state of transnational civil soci-
ety over time has to confront the problem of the difficulty of comparing
very different periods of history. For most of the period within the scope
of this volume, the terms ‘transnational civil society’ and INGOs did not
even exist, and what this volume refers to by these terms has very differ-
ent features in the present day compared with 200 years ago. Neverthe-
8
INTRODUCTION
less, it is hoped that the central focus of this work on INGOs, with their
common characteristics of basic organizational form over time, provides
a degree of consistency of focus throughout the more than two centuries
covered in this volume.
Explaining the Evolution of Transnational Civil Society

On the basis of the wide range of aspects of transnational civil society’s
evolution considered in this volume, a broadly cyclical pattern of devel-
opment is delineated, with each chapter exploring one of the three major
‘waves’ in the evolution of transnational civil society peaking at the turn
of the twentieth century, between the World Wars, and following the
end of the Cold War. A key argument in the analysis presented in this
volume is that the factors underpinning the ascent of transnational civil
society in each of these phases in the short term are commonly the same
factors that in the long term contribute towards transnational civil
Â�society’s decline. Furthermore, factors which in the short term may
inhibit transnational civil society may in the long term facilitate renewal.
Also central to the analysis presented here is the argument that factors
internal to transnational civil society are as crucial as those external to
it, and that transnational society therefore may contribute towards its
own decline.
â•… A summary of some of the principal factors relevant to explaining the
evolution of transnational civil society is provided in Table 1.44 The table
does not distinguish between facilitative and inhibitive factors, since
many of the factors may have both impacts, depending on whether short
or long term perspectives are taken. The external factors may be divided
Â€
into scientific/technological, environmental, economic, social and polit-

ical factors.
â•… The role of technology has gained considerable attention in the last
two decades, especially the use of mobile telephones and the internet in
facilitating rapid communication within and between associations.45 In
this volume, technology will be shown to have had an important part to
play in the development of transnational civil society throughout the last
two centuries, including the enhanced speed of communications facili-
tated by the telegraph and steamship in the nineteenth century, and aero-
plane travel and television in the twentieth.46 However, the same
technology that may be said to empower transnational civil society may
9
be equally effective in hindering it: information and communications

technology facilitates the activities not only of transnational civil society
organizations, but also their adversaries, and has been a vital tool for gov-
ernments to monitor and to control non-governmental actors.47
Table 1: A Selection of Factors Influencing the Rise and Fall of Transnational

Civil Society (TCS)43
Category Factor
Scientific/Technological New technologies (e.g. telephone, steamship,

aeroplane, internet)
Development of knowledge (e.g. methods of TCS
and its opponents)
Environmental Emergence of transnational environmental issues
(e.g. climate change, HIV)
Economic Economic growth/interdependence/globalization
Global economic problems (e.g. North–South
inequality, Great Depression)
Social Demographic changes (e.g. urbanization)
‘Global consciousness’/education re. transnational
issues
‘Donor fatigue’
External Political Interstate harmony/peace
International political divisions/war
Balance of power
Transnational political problems
Rise and decline of nation states
Evolution and orientation of national NGOs/
domestic civil society
Imperialism and its decline/decolonization
Convening of international congresses and world’s
fairs
Development of international governmental
organizations
Evolution of international rules and norms
Spread of liberal/democratic national political
institutions
Rise and fall of illiberal/undemocratic national
political institutions
10
INTRODUCTION
Internal Political TCS unity/co-ordination/centralization

TCS heterogeneity/divisions/decentralization
Nature of TCS objectives/policy/propaganda
Accountability, finance and internal governing
structures of INGOs
Leadership of INGOs
Achievement of objectives of TCS
Development of TCS expertise, experience, etc.
TCS links to governments
â•…Environmental factors have a similar dual impact. It has been com-

mon to argue that in recent years the transnational nature of global envi-
ronmental issues has provided new opportunities for civil society actors
to address problems which the machinery of geographically delimited
states may be inadequate to address. It is thought that the inability of
states effectively to deal with transnational environmental problems may
have led to the development of an alternative ‘world civic politics’ to deal
with these issues that may bypass state institutions altogether.48 How-
ever, the detrimental impact of environmental problems is also a signif-
icant source of societal disruption and conflict,49 which has the potential
to undermine the economic, social and political conditions under which
transnational civil society may be said to flourish.
â•… As regards economic factors, ‘extremely high’ correlations have been
noted between the annual number of INGOs founded over the last
Â�century and a half and indicators of economic development such as gov-
ernment revenues and exports.50 More generally, the expansion of trans-
national civil society appears to correlate with periods of economic
growth, whether the nineteenth-century expansion of long-distance trade,
or the development of ‘turbocapitalism’ at the end of the twentieth cen-
tury.51 Periods of economic contraction, on the other hand, have paral-
leled periods of contraction in transnational civil society activities, most
notably the era of the Great Depression during which INGOs suffered
a considerable loss of income.52
â•… The social factors that may be said to influence the evolution of trans-
national civil society are highly diverse. In common with economic devel-
opment indicators, social changes such as urbanization and education
correlate strongly with INGO foundation numbers.53 Psychological changes
11
such as the apparent emergence of ‘a common consciousness of human

society on a world scale’ also seem to have played a role in making civil
society appear possible at the global level.54 On the other hand, psycholog-
ical changes such as ‘compassion fatigue’ may have the reverse impact.55
â•… Amongst the most significant external factors influencing the devel-
opment of transnational civil society are external political factors, known
in sociological literature on social movements as ‘political opportunity
structures’.56 The creation of new intergovernmental organizations and
the opening up of such bodies to non-state influence appear to facilitate
the emergence of new INGOs.57 Other political factors that may be
favourable to the development of transnational civil society include
democratization,58 favourable geopolitical circumstances (such as the
ending of the Cold War),59 the development of transnational political
issues which cannot be handled at the national level alone,60 globaliza-
tion of the rule of law,61 and novel periods of peace.62 Boli and Thomas
have noted how interstate warfare has had an interesting dual impact on
the development of INGOs, with the World Wars initially leading to a
decrease in INGO foundations but in the long term strengthening the
notion of the planet as a single polity. They have also argued that ‘global
organizing proceeds in mutually reinforcing tension with the expansion
of the nation state system. INGOs began to proliferate during the hey-
day of nationalism in Europe.’63 In his analysis of the cyclicality of INGO
impact on intergovernmental organizations, Charnovitz has noted the
role of governments’ changing needs, relying on INGO help when cre-
ating intergovernmental organizations or handling new issues, but pull-
ing back when they felt they were no longer dependent on INGOs’
assistance.64 There are many further political factors that both facilitate
the development of transnational civil society on the one hand but which
may contribute towards its demise in the long term, such as decoloniza-
tion which facilitated not only expansion of the geographical scope of
transnational civil society but also the splitting of transnational civil soci-
ety into regional blocs, and ‘globalization’ in general which, as Lundes-
tad has argued, exists ‘in a dialectical relationship with … [fragmentation]
… when globalization is strengthened, so is fragmentation’.65
â•… In this volume it is argued that it is not only changing external polit-
ical circumstances such as these that may explain cyclicality in the devel-
opment of transnational civil society, but also the characteristics of
transnational civil society actors, including INGOs themselves. In his
12
INTRODUCTION
work on ‘cycles of contention’ in domestic social movements, Tarrow has

noted the importance of diffusion processes and the use by social move-
ments of ‘new or transformed symbols, frames of meaning, and ideolo-
gies to justify and dignify collective action’ in the formative periods of
individual social movements.66 It is argued in this book that similar pro-
cesses of diffusion and framing are also vital in the development of trans-
national civil society as a whole, as new INGOs and transnational
campaigns learn from the experience of previous efforts and as INGOs
and activists shape understandings of global issues to mobilize greater
support for their causes.67 When individual social movements demobi-
lize, Tarrow argues, this may be the result of, inter alia, exhaustion or fac-
tionalization.68 As this volume will demonstrate, exhaustion and
factionalization have been key processes in the evolution and decline of
transnational civil society activities too. Furthermore, a central argument
in this book is that the way in which transnational civil society actors have
framed issues, and the consequences of transnational civil society actions
that in the short term may have appeared to have been indicative of suc-
cess, have commonly undermined the phenomenon in the longer term.
Historical Sources on Transnational Civil Society

Whereas traditional historical work focused on the evolution of govern-
mental decision-making often has the benefit of well-catalogued and
centralized national archives on which to rely, the same is rarely true of
the archives of INGOs and other transnational civil society actors that
are the focus of this study.69 However, since INGOs and transnational
civil society actors commonly target governmental institutions, there are
materials in government archives of direct relevance to a study like this,
such as the correspondence between civil society representatives and gov-
ernmental policy-makers, and reports commissioned by government
agencies on non-governmental activities at home and abroad. Consulta-
tion of sources like these in both repositories such as the UK National
Archives and published collections of documents such as Foreign Â�Relations
of the United States Diplomatic Papers has therefore formed part of the
basis for this study.
â•… Of equal significance are the records of intergovernmental organiza-
tions on non-governmental activities: the League of Nations, for instance,
not only corresponded with INGO representatives, but also sent repre-
13
sentatives of its own to observe and report on numerous transnational

civil society events; and the United Nations collects reports on the activ-
ities of INGOs in consultative status with the Economic and Social
Â�Council. The records and publications of intergovernmental organiza-
tions, particularly the League of Nations and United Nations, have there-
fore also been consulted in the course of the production of this volume.
â•… As for the records of INGOs, although many have not survived and it
is common for INGO records to be inaccessible, incomplete or poorly
catalogued, this study has benefited from the consultation of the archives
of INGOs and their national branches. These include archives that have
been deposited in university libraries, such as those of the British and
Â�Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in the Rhodes House library in Oxford, the
International Council of Women in the Women’s Library in Â�London, and
the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme in the Bibliothèque de Documentation
Internationale Contemporaine in Nanterre. These also include archives
held by other organizations, such as those of the Socialist International
in the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, the Inter-
national Consultative Group at the United Nations Office in Geneva, and
the Union of International Associations at the Mundaneum in Mons.
Archives held by INGOs themselves have also been consulted, such as
those of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies and the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations
in Geneva. Information on the contemporary activities of INGOs is often
more readily available on their websites, and some have used their web-
sites to make available key historical documents on their activities, so these
have also been consulted in the course of production of this volume.
â•… Further sources of relevance to the study of the evolution of INGOs
and transnational civil society which are commonly referred to in this
volume include the publications of INGOs and transnational campaigns,
such as congress proceedings, annual reports, pamphlets and official his-
tories. Particularly useful have been the extensive collections of such
materials in the British Library, the International Institute of Social His-
tory, the National Library of France, the Royal Library of Belgium, and
the United Nations Office in Geneva. Also consulted have been the pri-
vate papers of leading individuals in transnational organizations and cam-
paigns, and of individuals who were the targets of these organizations
and campaigns. Data collated by research institutions concerning INGOs
and transnational civil society, most notably the Union of International
14
INTRODUCTION
Associations, has also been referred to. The Annuaires de la Vie Interna-
tionale of the early twentieth century, the Handbooks of International Orga-
nizations of the League of Nations period, and the Yearbooks of International
Organizations of the post-war era are the most comprehensive surveys
of the state of INGOs and transnational civil society of their respective
periods, and therefore have been key source materials for this study.
â•… The range of possible sources on the evolution of transnational civil
society is vast, and each form of source material is limited. Records kept
by organizations, whether governmental or non-governmental, are likely
to reflect the perceived interests of those working for the organizations;
and information on wealthy, formal actors from developed countries is
much more readily available than that on less well-resourced, informal
actors from developing parts of the world. Nevertheless, through its use
of selected material from the broad range of possible primary sources men-
tioned here, it is hoped that the research upon which this study is based
overcomes the limitations of reliance upon any one form of source mate-
rial. Relevant existing secondary literature has also been referred to, and
is summarized in the further reading suggestions at the end of this book.
Chapter Outline
This volume dedicates a single chapter to each of the three principal ‘waves’
of transnational civil society activities: emergence to 1914, 1914–1939,
and 1939 to the present day. Each chapter has a broadly common tripar-
tite structure, commencing with an evaluation of the emergence of each
wave and the factors facilitating it, followed by an assessment of the peak
of the wave, and concluding with a discussion of the decline and the fac-
tors underpinning that decline. Within each chapter, special attention is
paid to the creation of notable new INGOs in each phase, and to repre-
sentative material to illustrate the scale and impact of transnational civil
society in each period, as well as the factors responsible for that scale and
impact. Each of the major sectors of INGO activity are covered, includ-
ing communications, development, education, environment, health,
human rights, humanitarianism, labour, law, peace, professions, recreation,
service, sport, standardization, women and youth. While profit-making
corporations are excluded from the analysis, non-profit-making INGOs
set up to represent business, such as the International Chamber of Com-
merce, are included. In addition, although religious institutions such as
15
the Roman Catholic Church are not the key focus of this volume, reli-
gious orders such as the Order of St John and religious sects such as the
Quakers are mentioned, and some religious INGOs such as the World
Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations are included due to their
pioneering role in the development of transnational civil society.
â•… The first chapter commences with a discussion of early INGOs and
associational activities predating the development of contemporary trans-
national civil society. The main analysis begins in the late eighteenth cen-
tury, and the first chapter assesses the many new INGOs that developed
between the late eighteenth and mid nineteenth centuries that existing
studies have tended to neglect.70 It looks at the factors that made possi-
ble the development of transnational civil society in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries and evaluates the origins of INGOs in this period,
including the influence of interactions between East and West. Amongst
the aspects considered are activism in respect of both African and ‘white’
slavery, the early humanitarian, labour and women’s movements, and the
first scientific societies and international business, professional, standard-
ization and sporting associations. It is argued that a peak was reached at
the onset of the twentieth century, with transnational peace activism at
the Hague Conferences and the emergence of the Union of International
Associations. It is emphasized that the development of transnational civil
society occurred in parallel with the development of the nation-state,
and that aspects internal to transnational civil society contributed towards
its decline in the build-up to the First World War.
â•… The second chapter covers one the most neglected periods of the his-
tory of transnational civil society and INGOs: that between the two
World Wars.71 Contrary to conventional wisdom, it reveals the great
breadth and scale of transnational non-governmental activities that devel-
oped after the First World War and which peaked at the time of the
World Disarmament Conference in 1932–4. The role of transnational
civil society in the formation of the League of Nations and the Interna-
tional Labour Organization is discussed, as is the subsequent role of these
organizations in providing opportunities for transnational civil society.
The emergence of new INGOs in fields such as business, humanitarian-
ism, health and education is covered, and the transformation of INGOs
into stronger institutions is evaluated with reference to examples such as
the International Chamber of Commerce. The scale and impact of trans-
national civil society in this period is evident in the relief efforts in the
16
INTRODUCTION
aftermath of the First World War, work for the protection of minorities,
anti-colonial and Islamic social movement organizations, and transna-
tional disarmament activism. As in the previous chapter, the develop-
ment of highly ambitious transnational coalitions just before a subsequent
collapse of transnational civil society activities is discussed, as are the fac-
tors contributing towards the decline, including the activities of INGOs
such as those in the movement for disarmament.
â•… The period from the Second World War until the present day is the
focus of the third chapter. It highlights the dual role of the Cold War as
a factor not only splitting transnational civil society (such as in the case
of the labour movement), but also providing the conditions under which
considerable integration could take place within the Cold War blocs and
which could form a basis for the strengthening of transnational civil soci-
ety in the long term. The emergence of new development organizations
such as Oxfam, new human rights organizations such as Amnesty Inter-
national, and new environmentalist organizations such as Friends of the
Earth is used to illustrate the developing scope of transnational civil soci-
ety, and the creation of regional organizations such as the Afro-Asian
People’s Solidarity Organization is used to illustrate the broadening geo-
graphical scale of transnational civil society. The interactions of INGOs
with intergovernmental organizations including the United Nations and
the World Bank are discussed, as is the role of transnational civil society
in decolonization. The apparent peak of transnational civil society in the
1980s and 1990s is illustrated with reference to examples including the
movement against nuclear weapons, the ‘revolutions of 1989’, and the
campaigns surrounding baby milk substitutes and the banning of land-
mines, as well as the role of INGOs in the development of the internet.
Contrary to traditional portrayals of the evolution of transnational civil
society in this period, this chapter proceeds to a discussion of how trans-
national civil society may have declined in the twenty-first century, and
evaluates the factors underpinning that decline, including the actions of
transnational civil society actors. The chapter concludes with a discus-
sion of the possible turning point of transnational civil society in the sec-
ond decade of the twenty-first century.
â•… The final chapter sums up the volume’s findings on the role of trans-
national civil society in history and the way in which it has evolved. It
recapitulates the key characteristics of each period considered in the pre-
ceding chapters, and the factors responsible for explaining them. The
17
concluding chapter also considers the possible future trajectories of trans-

national civil society, as well as the openings for further research into the
evolution of transnational civil society and INGOs.
18
1
EMERGENCE TO 1914
In a pamphlet published in 1914, the Union of International Associa-

tions observed that there were in existence approximately 400 interna-
tional associations, most of them non-governmental, covering ‘the whole
field of study and activity’ and each aiming to constitute ‘the most repre-
sentative forces of the different countries in their own particular domain’.1
This chapter explores the evolution of transnational civil society to that
point, principally through the lens of the development of INGOs. After
a brief introduction to the early history of INGOs, the chapter highlights
the hitherto under-explored transformation that took place from the mid
eighteenth until the mid nineteenth centuries as ancient forms of orga-
nization such as religious orders were surpassed by new international asso-
ciations in a vast range of issue-areas. The many factors influencing this
transformation are discussed, including the role of East–West contacts,
Enlightenment ideas and the effects of the Industrial Revolution. The
chapter proceeds to an assessment of the period from 1870 until 1900, a
phase of particularly rapid growth in INGO formation during which
many well-known and enduring INGOs in multiple fields of activity were
established, and which culminated in large-scale transnational associa-
tional activity at the first Hague Conference of 1899. It shows how in the
late nineteenth century transnational civil society influenced national and
international policy and developed new techniques for transnational lob-
bying. The concluding section of this chapter provides an assessment of
how, despite the proliferation of INGOs in the first decade of the twen-
tieth century, transnational civil society actors fell into decline even before
19
the outbreak of the First World War. In each phase, the role of both exter-
nal and internal factors in explaining the expansion and decline of trans-
national civil society is evaluated.
Early History to 1767

The deep roots of transnational civil society may be traced to the border-
crossing forms of association that existed among Jews and Christians in
the classical world two millennia ago.2 However, before the late eigh-
teenth century the variety of what are now understood to be INGOs was
inconsiderable. They consisted overwhelmingly of religious organiza-
tions, including religious orders, charities and missionary societies as well
as quasi-religious fraternal societies, and a limited range of other forms
of cross-border association, including for the purposes of trade, perform-
ing arts and science. A selection of these organizations is given in Table
2. These ‘ancient’ INGOs in some cases had properties in common with
states, such as sovereign recognition, and some of them existed long before
a recognizable ‘society of states’ in the modern sense had emerged.
Table 2: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded to the mid eighteenth

century
Category Illustrative INGO, with year of foundation
Religious order Roman Catholic—e.g. Order of St John, 1099

Protestant—e.g. Religious Society of Friends, 1647
Islamic—e.g. Naqshbandiyyah, 1350
Charity Ladies of Charity, 1617 (international from 1634)
Missionary society Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698
Merchant hanse Hanseatic League, 1161
Fraternal society Grand Lodge of England, 1717
Performing arts I Gelosi, 1569
Scientific society Academia Secretorum Naturae, 1560
â•… By far the most numerous of the ancient forms of INGO that survive
into the present day are transnational religious orders (RINGOs).
Although its records date only to the sixteenth century, the oldest may
be the Sovereign Constantinian Order, which purports to have been
20
EMERGENCE TO 1914
founded at the time of the conversion of the Roman Empire to Chris-

tianity in the fourth century.3 By the end of the sixteenth century, it has
been estimated that the number of Roman Catholic religious INGOs to
have been established had increased to at least ninety.4 These included
the Orders of Benedictine and Cistercian monks and organizations asso-
ciated with the crusades such as the Knights Templar and the Hospital-
ler Order of Saint John, out of which the Saint John Ambulance
movement was later to develop in the nineteenth century.5 They were
joined by Protestant RINGOs from the fifteenth century, the oldest of
which claims to be the Moravian Church.6 In Asia, the Church of the
East developed extensive geographical distribution from the sixth cen-
tury,7 and Sufi tariqahs such as the Naqshbandi order expanded their
reach across much of the Islamic world from the twelfth century.8
â•… Religious orders are notable not only for their extensive history, geo-
graphical reach and in many cases survival into the present day, but also
for the crucial role that they played in the development of horizontal
relationships among people in different contexts before the emergence
of the public sphere.9 Their subsequent influence can be seen in the names
of many later organizations dedicated to objectives extending beyond
religion, such as the Independent Order of Good Templars, a temper-
ance organization formed in the mid nineteenth century following the
model of earlier religious orders.
â•… A religious movement that was to play a particularly significant role
in the later development of transnational activism and INGOs was the
Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). Members of this movement were
to be critical in the origins of anti-slavery and peace societies. Formed
amid the upheaval of mid seventeenth-century England,10 before the end
of the century they are said to have become ‘a transnational society with
members in America, throughout the “British” isles, and on the Conti-
nent’.11 Contrary to popular perceptions, early Quakers were inclined
not to eschew revolutionary violence until their January 1661 ‘declara-
tion against plots and fightings’ that was put forward in response to arrests
during the Fifth Monarchy uprising.12
â•… The oldest transnational charitable organizations are of religious ori-
gin. Particularly significant in their development was the formation in
the seventeenth century by Saint Vincent de Paul of Catholic charitable
organizations in France and beyond, which today form the basis of the
‘World Wide Vincentian Family’.13 Among these, the International
21
Â�
Association of Charities describes itself as ‘the first lay women’s organ-
isation in the world’,14 now with over 250,000 volunteers in more than
fifty countries.15 Although the present international organization was cre-
ated in 1971, the International Association of Charities traces its origins
to a ‘Confrérie de la Charité’ established by Saint Vincent de Paul in
Châtillon les Dombes in 1617, composed of lay women aiming ‘to visit
and to nourish the sick poor’.16 It claims to have ‘internationalized’ by
1634 with the establishment of sister organizations in both France and
Italy.17 The organizations established by Saint Vincent de Paul continued
a tradition of Catholic confraternities and guilds that may have preceded
the 410 sack of Rome, including some that had charitable objectives.18
â•… Of even deeper roots are Christian missionary activities, which devel-
oped from the first century AD.19 By the seventeenth century, the mis-
sionary work of Roman Catholic religious orders such as the Jesuits was
paralleled by that of first Protestant missionary societies, many of which
survive to the present day, such as the New England Company (formed
in 1649) and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK,
formed in 1698).20 Christian missionaries were also confronted with
increasingly organized oppositional bodies such as the All Indian Pueblo
Council, which traces its origins to the first recorded meeting with the
conquistadores of 1598, and which appears to have been well organized
by 1680, although the current structure dates to the 1920s.21 Missionary
bodies such as SPCK were to be important in providing models of orga-
nization later adopted by INGOs with secular objectives, notably the
creation of ‘auxiliary societies’ in multiple countries.
â•… Although the great majority of INGOs dating to before the mid eigh-
teenth century were of religious origin, there were other notable forms of
association. Some of these adopted quasi-religious forms, such as frater-
nal secret societies. Freemasons developed across state boundaries; the
Grand Lodge of England was founded in 1717, for instance, and boasted
several lodges beyond Britain and the Empire by 1740.22 In the educa-
tional sector, ancient universities would attract scholars and students from
multiple countries, and the ‘scientific revolution’ that took place in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was accompanied by the develop-
ment of associations of scholars. London’s Royal Society, for example, was
established in 1660 and developed a pan-European fellowship.23 In the
commercial sector, the establishment of ‘colonies’ and ‘consulates’ by mer-
chant guilds in other countries was common practice.24 So too was the
22
EMERGENCE TO 1914
operation on a cross-border basis of groups of performing artists such as

I Gelosi.25 Before the late eighteenth century, however, the scope for cross-
border associationalism beyond religious activities remained limited.
The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 1767–1869

It may be argued that the period from the late eighteenth century until
the mid nineteenth century saw the transition from ancient forms of
what are now termed INGOs, such as religious orders and secret societ-
ies, to contemporary INGOs in multiple issue-areas. It should be noted
that ancient forms of INGO such as religious orders have continued to
be founded right up to the present day. However, beginning in the 1760s,
and developing at a much enhanced rate in the early nineteenth century,
ancient INGOs such as those previously listed in Table 2 were super-
seded by a greatly more varied array of new INGOs. The scope of these
new INGOs is demonstrated in Table 3, and is indicative of several sig-
nificant divergences from their predecessors with respect to their issue-
area focus: (i) diversification; (ii) specialization; and (iii) secularization,
although religion remained important for many. Unlike their better-
known successors of the late nineteenth century, few of these organiza-
tions were to endure for significant periods. Given their brief lifespan,
the new INGOs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
have in many cases been forgotten until now, but they mark a significant
break from the ancient INGOs that preceded them, and they helped
make possible the INGOs established on a more enduring basis in the
latter half of the nineteenth century.
â•… The period during which the novel forms of INGOs such as those
listed in Table 3 developed was one of significant change. The term ‘inter-
national’ entered into discourse, in respect of which application of the
more recent term ‘transnational’ to activities taking place at the time
becomes increasingly meaningful, given the historical context. The period
coincides broadly with the duration of the first Industrial Revolution,
and the political revolutions of the 1770s-1790s, 1830 and 1848, each of
which, as the subsequent discussion will show, was to have a significant
impact on the development of transnational civil society. This phase was
shaped by the political effects of Enlightenment thought, including the
demise of fatalistic assumptions with respect to people’s capacity to shape
their futures and to organize independently. It was also characterized by
23
Table 3: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 1760–1855
Category Illustrative INGO, with year of foundation
Anti-Slavery Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully

held in Bondage, 1775
Art International Association of Artists, 1849
Cartel Collins-Cunard, 1850
Communication Universal Office of Navigation & Commerce, 1843
Communism League of the Outlaws, 1834
Co-operation British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the
Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes, 1822
Education Society of Universal Instruction, 1833
Encyclopedic Society of the Union of Nations, 1834
Exploration African Association, 1788
Foreigners’ friends Society of Universal Good-will, 1775
Imperial trading West India Committee, 1775
Indigenous rights Aborigines Protection Society, 1837
Lifesaving International Shipwreck Society, 1835
News agency Agence Havas, 1834
Orientalism Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 1784
Peace International Association, 1834
Prison reform Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline,
1817
Republicanism Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth,
1790
Self-determination Young Europe, 1834
Standardization International Association for Obtaining a Uniform
Decimal System of Measures, Weights & Coins,
1855
Vaccination Royal Jennerian Society, 1803
Women’s emancipation Society for Promoting Female Education in the
East, 1834
significant social transformation, including urbanization and the emer-

gence in industrializing countries of a refashioned class system centred
around the bourgeois–proletarian divide. At the same time, the develop-
ment of nationalism was to take place in a symbiotic relationship with
internationalism, as the subsequent discussion will illustrate.
24
EMERGENCE TO 1914
â•… Amongst the most neglected but also most influential processes tak-
ing place in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was the
expanding interchange of ideas between East and West. This was to play
a vital role in the development of novel INGOs in the Atlantic world in
this period, especially in the origins of secular humanitarian organiza-
tions on a transnational basis. An example is provided in the far-reach-
ing network of lifesaving or ‘humane’ societies that developed at this time.
The first of these to be established in the Atlantic world was the Society
for the Recovery of the Drowned, formed in Amsterdam in 1767.26 This
organization promoted life-saving resuscitation techniques originating
in China in the Middle Ages but which by the mid eighteenth century
were being taught at the University of Leiden.27 The first humane soci-
eties in China, in contrast, may date to the 1300s.28 The oldest for which
records exist is the Chinkiang Association for the Saving of Life, which
was reputedly ‘established in 1708 by a committee of benefactors, whose
names have been handed down to posterity in a laudatory tablet which
is still to be seen at Tantu.’29 By the 1790s lifesaving societies had been
established in London, Lisbon, Vienna, Copenhagen and Algiers, as well
as many locations in British Imperial territories and the United States.
In addition to forming a transnational network, many of these organi-
zations included ‘honorary members’ in foreign countries, and many
extended their assistance to people of any nationality.30
â•… Exchange of ideas between East and West was also significant in the
development of the revolutionary associationalism that evolved on a
transnational basis in the late eighteenth century. Amongst the literature
of the French Revolution was a Republican Koran, written by Joseph-
Alexandre-Victor Hupay de Fuveau,31 and the perceived example of
Â�Turkey—where it was thought by some at the time that ‘the moment
that the tyrant begins to lay a heavy hand upon the many, the Mussulmans
run instantly to arms’—appears to have motivated European revolution-
aries.32 The transnational and transatlantic dimensions of the American,
French and Haitian revolutions were considerable, and included the activ-
ities of transnational revolutionaries such as Tom Paine and Claude
Fournier, as well as of transnational associations and networks including
freemasonry.33 A particularly significant revolutionary association was
the Paris-based Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, or
Â�Cercle Social, which claimed to be a ‘cosmo-political organization’ with
affiliates in Dublin, Geneva, Genoa, Hamburg, London, Philadelphia
25
and Utrecht.34 In 1791 the Cercle established an offshoot composed

entirely of women: the Society of Women Friends of Truth led by a
Dutchwoman, Etta Palm d’Aelders.35
â•… Other revolutionary associations describing themselves as ‘universal’
at this time included the ‘Society of Universal Revolution’ and the ‘Soci-
ety of Friends of Universal Peace and the Rights of Man’ in Britain.36
The ‘Universal Society of the Friends of the People’ that appeared in Lon-
don in 1792 appealed to ‘citizens, soldiers and sailors of all nations …
you are united to civil society by the bonds of nature … we invite you,
therefore, to participate in the glorious cause of freedom’.37 At the same
time, plans for a highly idealistic ‘Universal Society’ or ‘Society for the
Purposes of completing public Welfare, private Happiness, and univer-
sal Peace’ were laid that was ‘to connect itself with all free countries …
for the purpose of promoting effectually and extending its different laud-
able views through the world’.38 Universalistic goals were important in
early humanitarian associations too: for instance, by the 1780s the Â�Society
of Universal Good-Will which originated in 1775 as an association ‘to
relieve any poor Scotsman who might come to Norwich in distress’ aimed
to assist ‘every fellow-creature in distress, who is not provided for by law,
any government or other charity’, goals it continued to promote in Â�Britain
and abroad in revamped form as the Society of Friends of Foreigners in
Distress over the next two centuries.39
â•… Beyond ‘humane’ and revolutionary societies, a third major form of
transnational association to develop in the late eighteenth century was
the anti-slavery society. The religious impulse played a significant role
in its development. The first anti-slavery society, formed in Philadelphia
in 1775, was the ‘Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held
in Bondage’, the constitution of which stated that ‘setting the oppressed
free is evidently a duty incumbent on all professors of Christianity’ and
permitted election of ‘foreigners or persons who [do] not reside in this
state’ as corresponding members, as had earlier missionary organiza-
tions such as SPCK.40 It consisted of ‘mostly, perhaps all of them, Friends
or Quakers’.41 The Quaker influence was also evident in the names of
later anti-slavery societies, such as the Society of Friends of Blacks estab-
lished in France in 1788. The creation of that organization was stimu-
lated by Â�Britain’s ‘Society instituted in 1787, for the purpose of effecting
the abolition of the slave trade’, an objective achieved in the British con-
text in 1807.42
26
EMERGENCE TO 1914
â•… By the end of the eighteenth century, associational activities in Europe

extended far beyond the traditional religious orders, charities, missionar-
ies, fraternities and networks of merchants, performers and scholars of the
past. By then, for instance, European imperial trading interests had formed
associations to promote their common goals, such as the West India Com-
mittee (which survives in the twenty-first century).43 The late eighteenth
century also witnessed the formation of early organizations by Europe-
ans dedicated to the study of extra-European cultures, such as the Asiatic
Society (created in 1784), which played a critical role in the formation of
numerous South Asian scientific organizations and continues to function
in Kolkata today.44 Missionaries were also often accompanied by explor-
ers from organizations such as the ‘Association for Promoting the Dis-
covery of the Interior Parts of Africa’ (‘African Association’), formed in
London in 1788.45 The early history of transnational environmental con-
cern may also be traced to eighteenth-century networks.46
***
In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the diversification of
INGOs and transnational civil society expanded further. In the area of
health, this period saw the formation of the Royal Jennerian Society for
the Extermination of the Small-Pox, instituted in 1803. Although this
organization concentrated its vaccination efforts in London, from the
outset its organizers hoped that ‘the Small-pox may be speedily exter-
minated from this kingdom, and ultimately from the whole earth’.47 In
1806 Dr Lettsom claimed of this organization that ‘by its efforts not only
Â€
these kingdoms, but nearly all parts of the world, have been supplied with
this salutiferous dew of heaven, the good effects of which will, I hope, be
related by some person more competent to its history’.48 A revived ver-
sion of this organization boasted in 1817 of its widespread honorary
members, including the Emperors of all the Russias and Austria, the
Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Prussia,
Sardinia, Saxony, Spain, the Two Sicilies, Sweden and Wirtemburgh, the
Ottoman Sultan, the Presidents of Switzerland and the United States,
the Pope, the Mughal Emperor of India, the Pacha of Baghdad, and the
Council of the Five Nations of the Indians of North America.49 The
report of that year revealed both the extent and the limits of its cosmo-
politanism in its claim that ‘the life preserving cause of vaccination is
now extended to every land. The simple Indians in their forests, the
27
Â�
Mussulmans, with all their prejudices, and the Heathens with all their
superstitious antipathies, learn to appreciate and adopt the practice which
saves them from sufferings and death.’50 While the Royal Jennerian
Â�Society showed success in gaining impressive ‘protectors’ around the
world, another early-nineteenth-century humanitarian organization, the
Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline that was formed in
London in 1817, is notable for its success in securing the formation of
auxiliary societies abroad, including in France and Russia by 1820.51
â•… The Congress of Vienna provided an early opportunity for non-gov-
ernmental associations to petition an intergovernmental meeting,
although it should be noted that individuals had petitioned intergovÂ�
ernmental meetings since at least the Congress of Breda in 1667, and
Quakers lobbied the Congress of Nijmegen in 1678.52 At the Congress
of Vienna, representatives of German Jewish communities requested rec-
ognition of Jewish minority rights in German states and representatives
of German booksellers asked for press freedom and literary property to
be recognized, and these were taken into account in the federal consti-
tution that was drafted for Germany.53 Within Britain, anti-slavery cam-
paigners gathered almost 1 million signatures to 800 petitions for the
abolition of the slave trade to be among Britain’s demands at the
Â�Congress.54 The British delegation responded, but the outcome was a
somewhat vague ‘Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave
Trade’ that noted that ‘the public voice, in all civilized countries, calls
aloud for its prompt suppression’.55
â•… The year 1815 is also notable for the formation of the first peace soci-
eties. Opposition to war amongst those of Christian faith may be traced
back to the early Church and re-emerged in Europe in a series of sects
from the Waldenses in 1170 onwards, including the Swiss Brethren from
the 1520s and the Quakers from 1661.56 It was not until 7 June 1814,
however, that the earliest known meeting to create a modern peace soci-
ety took place in London.57 Before a society could be formally estab-
lished in Britain, the first three peace societies were founded in the United
States: in New York in August 1815, and Ohio and Massachusetts in
December 1815.58 The following year, the Society for Abolishing War
and the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace
were formed in London.59 The founders of the first peace societies were
members of religious groups such as Quakers and Unitarians, and the
development of peace activism was facilitated by the geographically rel-
28
EMERGENCE TO 1914
atively secure position of the United States and Britain, their compara-
tively liberal political cultures, and by the general decline of fatalism in
Europe that had taken place in the eighteenth century.60
â•… The period following the Congress of Vienna, given the reestablish-
ment of conservative regimes across Europe, was one in which novel
INGO formation was constrained. There were exceptions, however. Two
pioneering internationalists in France and Britain, Marc-Antoine Â�Jullien
de Paris and Robert Owen respectively, experimented in creating their
own international organizations. Since 1801 Jullien had put forward an
idea for a ‘Société Encyclopédique’ that was intended to centralize knowl-
edge from all fields.61 After the Napoleonic Wars, this dream became
partially realized with the formation of a Revue Encyclopédique and its
accompanying Société, building on Aubin-Louis Millin’s Magasin Ency-
clopédique and Annales Encyclopédiques of 1795–1818.62 The Revue
appeared from 1819 and was intended to ‘become a means of open cor-
respondence between the … learned of all countries’,63 and the monthly
dinners of the Société that took place from 1818 ‘united successively at
the same table not only the editors and collaborators of the Revue and
their numerous correspondents but also distinguished men of all nations’.64
After the collapse of the Revue following the July revolution, Jullien
revived the Société as the Société de l’Union des Nations, ‘whose sole
and noble objects were to excite that holy spirit of emulation which
tended to make man kind and sociable to man—to eradicate national
prejudices—and, by the frequent collision of intellect, to promote peace
and good-will throughout the earth, by unitedly and mutually advanc-
ing the progress of civilization and improvement’.65 Robert Owen, for
his part, formed in 1822 a British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for
the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes ‘by means of education,
employment, exchange of productions, &c., in communities of 500 to
2000 individuals’, which attracted the affiliation of London-based ambas-
sadors of numerous European countries, as well as prominent British
philanthropists, but which achieved little else.66 In the 1830s, Owen went
on to create a highly ambitious ‘Association of All Classes of All Nations’
which aimed ‘to effect, peaceably, and by reason alone, an entire change
in the character and condition of mankind, by establishing over the world,
in principle and practice, the religion of charity for the convictions, feel-
ings, and conduct of all individuals, without distinction of sex, class, sect,
party, country or colour, combined with a well-devised, equitable, and
29
natural system of united property; which united property is to be created

by the members of the association, without infringing upon the rights of
any private property now in existence’.67 This association attracted a mem-
bership in Australia, Britain, France and the United States, and its suc-
cess in distributing hundreds of thousands of publications led to it its
activities being discussed in the British Parliament on account of becom-
ing the ‘creed of a great portion of the working classes’.68
â•… The 1830s were the break-out decade for novel INGOs. The political
context was shaped by the upheavals of the first year of the decade:
Â�Belgian seccession, Greek independence, the Polish uprising and the July
revolution in France. These events have been described as the point at
which ‘constitutional theories, nationalist sentiments, democratic credos,
and economic doctrines … came vigorously into play’ and at which ‘polit-
ical parties, classes, and social groups, far removed from earlier concep-
tions of nobles, guildsmen and peasants, had emerged as actors in this
new world of national passions’.69 Many of the new associations of the
1830s were to endeavour to organize on a transnational basis.
â•… The new associations of the 1830s include what may have been the
first organization to describe itself as ‘international’: the ‘International
Association’, a small peace association based in Scotland in the early
1830s. This hitherto neglected organization was reported to have had the
popular motto ‘all mankind are brothers’,70 and described itself as being:
‘Of those who desire to find just grounds for mutual esteem and respect,—
who cherish peace,—and will act upon the grand principle of collecting
and disseminating such information as tends to meliorate the individual
and social condition of their fellow creatures.’71
â•… Other novel INGOs of the 1830s include the Société d’Enseignement
Universel established in Paris in 1833, which aimed to unite the follow-
ers of the ‘Jacotot method’ of ‘intellectual emancipation’, who by this time
claimed to be based ‘not only in Paris, in France, in Europe, but in the
four corners of the world’.72 The following year, Italian patriot Giuseppe
Mazzini created Young Europe, an organization that was intended to be
‘a federation of autonomous national societies’, its founders including
representatives of Young Germany, Young Italy and Young Poland.73 The
aims of organizations such as Young Europe reveal how closely related
the development of internationalism was with that of nationalism.74 The
seventeenth ‘general principle’ of the ‘Pact of Fraternity’ that established
Young Europe, for instance, claimed that ‘Every people has its special
30
EMERGENCE TO 1914
mission, which will co-operate towards the fulfilment of the general mis-
sion of humanity. That mission constitutes its nationality.’75 Young Europe
was followed by other internationalist–nationalist organizations such as
the People’s International League, established in London in April 1847
‘to disseminate the principles of national freedom and progress; to
embody and manifest an efficient public opinion in favour of the right
of every people to self-government and the maintenance of their own
nationality; [and] to promote a good understanding between the peo-
ples of every country’.76
â•… At the same time, and closely related, the early international Commu-
nist movement developed amongst groups of German exiles in Paris and
later London. Formed in 1834, the ‘League of the Outlaws’ may have
been the first international revolutionary Communist organization, with
a largely artisanal membership based in Frankfurt and Paris.77 It lasted
four years and seems to have been influenced by the ‘charcoal burning’
secret societies that operated in Europe in the early decades of the nine-
teenth century, such as Buonarroti’s Universal Democratic Charbonnerie
that aimed ‘to unite all the friends of equality, whatever their country and
religion are, by a common centre’.78 The League of the Outlaws was suc-
ceeded by the better-known League of the Just, which split from the
League of the Outlaws in 1836;79 and subsequently by the Communist
League created in London in 1847, which expressed more explicitly the
aim of ‘the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the
abolition of the old bourgeois society which rests on the antagonism of
classes, and the foundation of a new society without classes and without
private property’, and was more clearly international in that reference to
membership of the League as being ‘made up of Germans’ was annulled.80
The Communist League was preceded by the Communist Propaganda
Society (later the Universal Communitarian Association) formed in Lon-
don in 1841 by John Goodwyn Barmby, who claimed to have brought
the term ‘communism’ to England from France after a visit in 1840 to
establish links between socialists in the two countries.81 Barmby is also
credited with ‘the first outline of an international communist organisa-
tion’ in his proposed ‘International Association for the promotion of
mutual intercourse among all Nations’ of 1840, for which a provisional
committee was created in Paris.82 An ‘International Association’ linking
Communist groups in Britain, France, Germany and Poland later mate-
rialized in the mid 1850s.83
31
â•… Amongst the most intriguing novel INGOs of the 1830s was the
Société Générale des Naufrages et de l’Union des Nations created in
1835 in Paris by Caliste-Auguste Godde ‘de Liancourt’, which by the
1840s was being referred to as the Société Internationale des Naufrages
(International Shipwreck Society).84 According to its statutes, this orga-
nization was set up ‘with a view to uniting the benevolent of all coun-
tries’, embraced ‘every species of means for the saving of lives in the case
of shipwreck or inundations, and whatever concerns the commerce, indus-
try, and science of nations’, and aimed ‘to be composed of an indefinite
number of members of all nations’.85 It appears to have been set up under
the patronage of the French King and Queen, the Queen Regent of
Spain, the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves and the Duchess of Kent,
and was reported to have managed to attract to its membership ‘a great
number of admirals, ambassadors and ministers, and princes of all nations,
including Turkey, Spain and even China’.86 Amongst its intended meth-
ods were the setting up of affiliated establishments in major ports, the
award of prizes to those who by their actions had contributed to the sav-
ing of the shipwrecked, the facilitation of correspondence among soci-
eties for the shipwrecked worldwide, and the publication of a journal
(which in the 1840s was entitled L’Internationale) that aimed to cover
not only its actions in respect of shipwreck, but also literature, the arts
and sciences, commerce and industry.87 It was claimed that the Société
Internationale des Naufrages helped to establish over 150 humanitarian
organizations in Africa, America, Asia and Europe, from the United
States to China, Norway to Zanzibar.88 However, it was to decline pre-
cipitously following corruption allegations involving its secretary gen-
eral Godde in the early 1840s.89
â•… The 1830s came to a close with the establishment in 1839 of the Â�British
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), which unlike earlier anti-
slavery societies based in London looked explicitly beyond Britain and
its empire: English Quaker Joseph Sturge called the meeting that planned
the BFASS on 27 February 1839 with the objective of ‘promoting the
abolition of the slave trade throughout the world by moral and religious
influence and such means only as will not directly or indirectly sanction
the employment of an armed force for its prevention or suppression’.90
BFASS was established in large part due to a realization that success in
bringing about British legislation on the slave trade alone was insuffi-
cient: its founders resolved that ‘so long as slavery exists; there is no rea-
32
EMERGENCE TO 1914
sonable prospect for the annihilation of the slave trade’.91 Despite its
small and largely British membership, the BFASS’s international activ-
ities were ambitious from the outset: in 1840, for instance, these included
lobbying several governments, including interviewing the King of France
and deputations in Spain and Portugal, exchange visits with US activ-
ists, exposure of slave-owning companies, and the circulation of 8,000
pamphlets in Brazil.92 The Society noted that the following year the
Â�Quintuple Treaty for the Suppression of the Slave Trade was signed by
Austria, Britain, France, Prussia and Russia.93
â•… Possibly the most notable activity of the BFASS in 1840 was its orga-
nization of the ‘General Anti-Slavery Convention’ in London in June of
that year. Around 409 campaigners may have attended, including visi-
tors from the United States, France and British colonies.94 At the open-
ing session, Daniel O’Connell declared the meeting to be ‘more important
than any which has yet assembled on the face of the globe’.95 The meet-
ing is of note not only for bringing together the anti-slavery movement,
but moreover for its influence upon other movements, especially in stim-
ulating the holding of international conventions in numerous issue-areas
of civil society interest during the subsequent decade.96 Whereas prior
to 1840 international conferences tended to consist primarily of Church
councils and post-war intergovernmental peace congresses, the interna-
tional non-governmental conventions of the 1840s are significant in pro-
viding the framework around which new INGOs could later be established
on a lasting basis.97
â•… Early suffragists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton dated the origins of
the women’s suffrage movement to the 1840 General Anti-Slavery
Â�Convention, as the exclusion of women at this conference stimulated the
subsequent convening of the Seneca Falls convention in 1848 that effec-
tively launched the women’s suffrage movement in the USA.98 Stanton
recorded that when confronted with being denied the right to speak at
the general anti-slavery convention, she and Lucretia Mott ‘agreed to
hold a woman’s rights convention on their return to America, as the men
to whom they had just listened had manifested their great need of some
education on that question’.99 It should also be noted that women’s anti-
slavery organizations were amongst the most active in Britain and the
United States in the early nineteenth century;100 and that the earliest
women’s peace societies may date to the development by mid century of
Elihu Burritt’s Olive Leaf Circles.101
33
â•… Timed to take place just after the second General Anti-Slavery Con-
vention, the first General Peace Convention was held in London in June
1843 and attended by 334 delegates, including twenty-six from the United
States and six from continental Europe.102 It was followed in August
1846 by the World’s Temperance Convention, also held in London and
featuring delegates from the United States and France as well as Britain
and its empire.103 It was proposed that both of these Congresses should
be followed by the formation of an international organization, but these
plans came to little.104 The 1846 Conference of the Evangelical Alliance,
however, led to the formation of a lasting body that was intended to ‘con-
sist of those persons, in all parts of the World, who shall concur in the
Principles and Objects adopted by the Conference’.105
â•… With a view to further developing in continental Europe movements
already popular in Britain such as for free trade and prison reform, the
international congress movement spread to the continent in 1846–7,
starting with the holding of the Frankfurt Penitentiary Congress in
Â�September 1846.106 Another penitentiary congress was held in Brussels
the following year, two days after the city had hosted the International
Congress of Economists, organized by the movement for free trade that
nine years later formed the International Association for Customs
Reform.107 The 1847 penitentiary congress is notable for resulting in the
formation in Paris of a Société Internationale de Charité ‘to bring together
those in different countries who concern themselves with the plight of
the impoverished and working classes’, but its activities were cut short
by the revolutionary activities of 1848.108
â•… 1848 had an impact similar to that of 1830: it has been argued that ‘in
1848 the concept of “association” became a general solution to the polit-
ical crises of the time’ and ‘innumerable new, openly political clubs and
associations appeared on the revolutionary stage in Paris, Berlin, Vienna,
and Milan.’109 Amongst the impressive array of organizations active in
1848 was the Société Universelle, which described itself as a ‘vast com-
mercial, industrial and agricultural association’ with a membership of
100,000.110 Although the revolutions failed to realize many of the aspi-
rations of democrats and liberals, this was a critical moment for the devel-
opment of alliances on a transnational basis among socialist and feminist
groups.111 For the peace movement, 1848 saw the first of a series of
Â�Universal Peace Congresses take place.112 It was also a turning-point in
the development of ‘pan-movements’—or ‘macro-nationalisms’—with
the convening of the first pan-Slav congress in Prague.113
34
EMERGENCE TO 1914
â•… Beyond the events of 1848, another key factor stimulating the devel-
opment of INGOs from the 1850s onwards was the convening by gov-
ernments of Worlds’ Fairs, commencing with the Great Exhibition in
London of 1851. Inspired by the Great Exhibition, for example, a Société
Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de l’Industrie et du
Commerce was set up in Paris that year ‘to create a means of union among
everyone, to realise a holy alliance among peoples through the establish-
ment of ongoing relations between intellectual and industrial leaders’.114
â•… The most success to be had in the formation of INGOs in the 1850s
was achieved during the Paris universal exhibition in 1855. A number
of international congresses were timed to coincide with this exhibition,
such as an international congress on charity that motivated the subse-
quent congresses on ‘Bienfaisance’ that took place in Brussels in 1856
and Frankfurt in 1857, the latter resulting in an effort to create a suc-
cessor to the Société Internationale de Charité in the form of an Asso-
ciation Internationale de Bienfaisance.115 Official congresses of statisti-
cians and of jurymen and commissioners of the exhibition both passed
resolutions promoting a uniform system of weights, measures and money
during the exhibition, and at a subsequent private congress an Interna-
tional Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Â�Measures,
Weights and Coins was formed with British, French and American
branches.116 The universal exhibition in Paris in 1855 also stimulated the
creation in the following year of the Société Internationale des Études
Pratiques d’Économie Sociale to study the well-being of manual work-
ers in all countries.117
â•… Particularly significant is the formation in Paris in 1855 of an inter-
national federation by the Young Men’s Christian Associations, which
had developed internationally since the formation in London in 1844 of
a society ‘for the improving of the spiritual condition of young men
engaged in the drapery and other trades’.118 The creation of the World
Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (WYMCA) in 1855
was of crucial importance in the history of INGOs, as it may have been
the first significant and lasting effort to form an international federation
of national associations.119 Whereas many INGOs of earlier foundation
had begun as national organizations that later expanded internationally,
or as small clusters of refugees based in a single city, the WYMCA con-
sisted of widely geographically dispersed member non-governmental
organizations in multiple countries from the outset. The conference at
35
which the WYMCA was established was timed to coincide with the
World’s Exhibition in Paris, and brought together representatives of
YMCAs from Belgium, Canada, England, France, Germany, Holland,
Scotland, Switzerland and the United States. Swiss humanitarian Henri
Dunant, who was later the leading figure in the establishment of the Red
Cross movement, was central to the organization of the foundational
conference of the WYMCA.120 The conference participants’ motivations
for the formation of an international organization were highly varied,
and included the need to overcome divisions amongst the national asso-
ciations, to agree on common principles, to enable correspondence and
travel, and to transfer to the international level the already demonstrated
benefits of uniting local YMCAs in national bodies.121
***
As the foregoing discussion has shown, the period between the 1760s
and the 1850s was a crucial turning point in the development of INGOs.
Prior to this period, INGOs had consisted overwhelmingly of religious
organizations, as well as a few other bodies such as fraternal and scien-
tific societies. In the era that approximately parallels the first Industrial
Revolution, by contrast, INGOs developed in a much wider range of sec-
tors of activity, with greater specialism of focus and often with a dimin-
ished role of religion and secrecy. The INGOs of 1767–1855, many of
which proved to be short-lived, mark a point of transition from the ear-
lier ancient forms of INGO and the better-known and commonly more
enduring INGO structures of the late nineteenth century onwards.
â•… Some of the novel INGOs of the 1760s-1850s, such as the first ‘Inter-
national Association’ of 1834, were international only in terms of their
concern for cross-border issues, rather than in respect of their composi-
tion. Others were international preponderantly in the sense of consist-
ing of groups of people of multiple nationalities either in single cities, or
a few cities—such as the ‘League of the Just’. Some were nationally-based
but at the centre of large intercontinental networks of societies, such as
the International Shipwreck Society. Others, such as the Society for the
Improvement of Prison Discipline, had auxiliary societies in multiple
countries, following the model of earlier missionary groups. Some, such
as the Royal Jennerian Society, had impressive lists of honorary mem-
bers from around the world on account of their work in multiple coun-
tries and continents. Many of them lasted only a few years, but some
36
EMERGENCE TO 1914
were to offer precedents for the more enduring INGOs of the later nine-
teenth century: Young Europe, for instance, had a pioneering federal
structure later taken forward on a more permanent basis by the WYMCA
and other INGOs of the later nineteenth century. While most of the
novel INGOs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were
to disappear after a few years, a few survive (often in highly diminished
form) to the present day, such as the Society of Friends of Foreigners in
Distress, and the Asiatic Society in Kolkata.
â•… Whereas few of the new INGOs of the 1760s-1850s were to be endur-
ing and geographically widespread, the 1860s witnessed the creation of
a significant number of INGOs that did endure—some in terms of con-
tinued existence, some in terms of legacy, and some in both senses. The
decade began with the creation of one of the oldest Jewish international
organizations, the Alliance Israélite Universelle.122 Formed in the con-
text of incidents such as the Mortara case, the Parisian founders of this
body in 1860 hoped that it would ‘work everywhere for the emancipa-
tion and moral progress of Jews’ and ‘provide effective support to Jews
facing persecution’.123 Its activities to this day have included both lobby-
ing and educational work, and it has stimulated the creation of analo-
gous bodies in other countries.124
â•… The year after the formation of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, Paris
was also the venue for the creation of one of the earliest scientific INGOs
in a specialist field: the Société Universelle d’Ophtalmologie, the precur-
sor to today’s International Council of Ophthalmology.125 The Société
Universelle d’Ophtalmologie followed the convening in Brussels in 1857
of the first international ophthalmological congress that aimed to ‘serve
as a means of uniting the opthalmologists of all countries … in a more
direct, more effective, more close, more lively fashion’ than had been
achieved by the Annales d’Oculistique.126 The year after the ophthalmol-
ogists formed their association, there was established in Brussels the
short-lived International Association for the Progress of the Social
Â�Sciences.127 This organization’s goals included not only ‘to develop the
study of social science’, but also ‘to ameliorate the physical and moral
condition of the working classes’.128
â•… A humanitarian organization of far greater significance was to be estab-
lished the following year: the International Red Cross. Central to its for-
mation was Henri Dunant, who had already played a vital role in the
creation of the WYMCA.129 Having formed groups of volunteers to assist
37
the wounded in the Battle of Solferino of 1859, Dunant pioneered the

idea of uniting these workers in a permanent organization and an inter-
national treaty with respect to the war-wounded.130 The beginning of the
Red Cross may be dated to the formation in February 1863 by the Geneva
Society of Public Utility of the ‘International’ Committee for Aid to the
Wounded in Situations of War that consisted of five citizens of Geneva.131
A mixed conference of governmental and non-governmental represen-
tatives in October of that year agreed that ‘each country shall have a
Committee whose duty it shall be, in time of war and if the need arises,
to assist the Army Medical Services by every means in its power’.132 By
the following year, the first Geneva Convention was signed and the first
national societies formed in Belgium, Spain, France and Italy, as well as
in many parts of what later became Germany. The close relationship
between the Red Cross movement and governments may be one of the
principal reasons for its unusual success in spreading globally: by the end
of the decade societies existed not only in western and central Europe,
but also Russia and the Ottoman Empire. The first East Asian and South
American societies were created in the following decade in Japan and
Peru respectively.133
â•… The month after the signing of the first Geneva Convention, one of
the most notable developments in the international labour movement
took place in London. At a meeting in St Martin’s Hall on 28 Septem-
ber 1864 the International Working Men’s Association was formed—
the so-called ‘First International’ which aimed ‘at the protection,
advancement and complete emancipation, economical and political, of
the Working Classes’.134 At the inaugural meeting it was argued that ‘the
emancipation of labour is neither a local, nor a national, but a social prob-
lem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists’ and the new
organization was thought to be needed because ‘all efforts aiming at the
great end hitherto failed from the want of solidarity between the mani-
fold divisions of labour in each country, and from the absence of a fra-
ternal bond of union between the working classes of different countries’.135
Its transnational development was rapid, with the proliferation of sec-
tions in Europe and the USA and proclamations of adherence of hun-
dreds of thousands during the strikes of 1868 and 1870 and the 1871
Paris Commune. Its existence was short-lived, however, since it is claimed
that ‘it bore within itself the seeds of its dissolution: diversity aggravated
by the adoption of a centralist strategy’.136 The divisions between Marx
38
EMERGENCE TO 1914
and Bakunin were particularly important in the First International’s

inability to survive long past the Paris Commune’s suppression.137
â•… In the same year as the International Working Men’s Association was
formed in Europe, the trade unions in the United States began to nation-
alize in response to the industrial depression.138 Given that some of them
had members in Canada as well as the United States, several North Amer-
ican trade unions labelled themselves ‘international’ during the 1860s,
such as the Iron Molders’ International Union, the Journeymen Cigar
Makers’ International Union and the International Typographical Union.
These preceded the formation of the better-known international trade
secretariats (now known as global union federations) in Europe in the
following decades.
â•… The early 1860s are also a period when the anti-slavery movement
appears to have had one of its most notable successes. The ‘boomerang
pattern’ of a transnational advocacy network139 may have been in evi-
dence, with anti-slavery activism in Britain being among the factors that
inhibited British recognition of and aid to the Confederacy, which was
influential in the US Civil War’s outcome.140 British abolitionists flooded
Parliament with petitions and appear to have contributed towards the
withdrawal of House of Commons motions for recognition of the
Â�Confederacy, although it should be noted that the British government
may already have been inclined towards this course of action.141 Further-
more, many anti-slavery activists in Britain refused to countenance war-
fare as a means for emancipation.142
â•… In continental Europe, the year 1867 saw the international peace move-
ment revitalized. In May of that year, the Ligue Internationale et
Â�Permanente de la Paix was formed by Frédéric Passy in France, an orga-
nization that was predominantly French and which in 1872 became the
Société Française des Amis de la Paix.143 Another Ligue of francophone
origin was created in September 1867 in Geneva by Charles Lemonnier:
the Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Liberté (LIPL), which is
notable for being the first organization to put forward democratization
as a mechanism for securing international peace, an idea now known as
democratic peace theory.144 That national self-determination was also
viewed by participants in this organization as a solution of international
conflict is reflected in the appointment as the honorary president of its
founding congress of Italian nationalist Garibaldi, who used the occa-
sion ‘to proclaim war’ to advance this cause, thus rendering LIPL’s claim
to be a ‘peace’ society open to question.145
39
â•… The year following LIPL’s formation, Marie Goegg founded the short-
lived Association Internationale des Femmes in order to support the
work of LIPL.146 The Association also aimed ‘to bring an end to the com-
plaints that are made from all directions about the ignorance of women’,147
and some consider the Association to be ‘the first international women’s
organization’.148 At the Association’s 1870 congress in Berne, Goegg pro-
moted women’s suffrage; and the organization may have been the earli-
est INGO to draw international attention to the equal pay issue.149
â•… The 1860s came to a close with the formation of one of the oldest
international business associations: the International Hotelmen’s Asso-
ciation, now known as the International Hoteliers Alliance, formed in
Koblenz on 11 June 1869 on the initiative of Cologne hotel-owner Otto
Caracciola.150 Further afield, the completion of the Suez Canal in that
year formed the context of an international commercial congress held in
Cairo, which passed resolutions not only concerning the canal (such as
‘that periodical reports be furnished by the Egyptian government to the
different chambers of commerce’) but also on more general matters (such
as that ‘a uniform monetary system … be established in Egypt, and also
in Europe’).151 This was the first in a series of international commercial
congresses that was to lead eventually to the formation of the Interna-
tional Chamber of Commerce.152
***
By the end of the 1860s, the transition from ancient to modern INGOs
that had begun in the late eighteenth century had been completed. Non-
governmental organizations that claimed to be ‘international’ had become
not only more diversified and specialized than earlier INGOs, but had
also improved their capacity to organize on an enduring basis in multi-
ple countries. INGOs also increasingly reflected class divisions, with a
growing divide between workers’ and bourgeois organizations. Further-
more, the potential for further expansion and diversification of INGOs
was evident in the range of private international congresses held in the
1860s that dealt with issues extending beyond those promoted by the
INGOs already in existence. These included the first international con-
gress of societies for the protection of animals held in Dresden in 1860,153
a ‘universal’ artistic congress in 1861,154 the first international congress
of students in 1865,155 and the first international medical congress in
1867,156 as well as regular congresses on veterinary medicine, botany,
pharmacy, astronomy, and archaeology and anthropology.157
40
EMERGENCE TO 1914
â•… Most of the developments considered so far in the period from the
late eighteenth century until 1869 were located primarily in Europe and
North America, although, as has been shown, interactions between East
and West had been critical in sparking them. This period also saw con-
tinued expansion in the number of Christian missionary organizations
that concerned themselves with other regions, as well as of Western orga-
nizations dedicated to the study of Asia, such as the Société Asiatique
established in France in 1822, which was followed by similar societies in
Britain, the US and Germany.158 They were accompanied by an expand-
ing number of geographical societies, such as the Société de Géographie
formed in Paris in 1821 and the Royal Geographical Society formed in
London in 1830, which absorbed the African Association in 1831.159
â•… Further developments in respect of European interest in the wider
world included the British establishment in 1834 of a Society for
Â�Promoting Female Education in the East, which was set up in part in
response to concern about perceived ‘degradation of the female sex in
many parts of the East’ and the impression that in ‘the East’ women were
‘denied the first rudiments of learning’ and ‘generally regarded as an infe-
rior order of beings’.160 This organization, which promoted ‘Christian
education’, distinguished itself from the missionary societies that were
already setting up schools in Asia through its formation of an organiza-
tion of women whose ‘whole time’ was to be dedicated to the establish-
ment of schools for girls in Asia.161 Three years later, the Aborigines
Protection Society was formed in London ‘to oppose the exploitation of
indigenous peoples in British colonies’; it collaborated with BFASS until
the two merged in 1909.162 In 1866, Dunant put forward a plan for a
‘Universal and International Society for the Revival of the Orient’, which
he hoped would ‘lead to the resurrection of the Hebrew people as a ter-
ritorial nationality, to the liberation [sic] of the Holy Land from Islam
and to the restoration of the Holy Places’.163 The same year saw the for-
mation in London of the East India Association: founded by the first
South Asian British MP, Dadabhai Naoroji, and ‘consisting of Indians
as well as Englishmen’,164 its stated goals included ‘independent and dis-
interested advocacy and promotion by all legitimate means of the inter-
ests and welfare of India generally’.165
â•… The role of merchants, educators, secret societies and diasporas in trans-
mitting nationalist ideas between western Europe, the Habsburg empire
and the Ottoman empire in the early to mid nineteenth century is also
41
notable.166 In this period a number of Arabs who had studied Enlight-

enment thinkers in Europe promoted secularism as a path towards Arab
revival.167 There further developed more than twenty Islamic revivalist
movements advocating a return to fundamental principles, some of which
became the basis for resistance movements against European colonial-
ism, and all of which were Sufi in origin except Arabia’s Wahhabis.168 In
Persia, meanwhile, the Baha’i faith developed from a Shii-Islamic move-
ment formed in 1844.169 From his time in Adrianople in the 1860s
onwards, the faith’s founder Baha’u’llah wrote to the religious and polit-
ical leaders of the world summoning them ‘to heed … [his] call, cast away
the things they possessed, and fear and follow God’.170
***
The transformation of transnational civil society—the transition from
ancient to modern INGOs—that took place from the 1760s to the 1860s
had been made possible by a vast array of factors. Commentators at the
time felt that the world was going through spectacular changes. One
author writing in the Revue Encyclopédique in 1827, for instance, stated:
‘The world for us today is rich in great spectacles. Since all communica-
tions have become so easy among men; since the dangers, distances, and
difficulties of travel have almost disappeared; since trade is speedily con-
necting all climates, all industries and all the world’s products; since the
written thought circulates with ever greater speed, since books spread to
all parts of the world, and since all in return send us their journals, our
interest focuses on the entire human race … for each generation the hori-
zon of man has been extended, comprising successively his province, his
country, his neighbours, Europe, and today the world.’171
â•… Technological developments of the period, such as electrical telegra-
phy and the steamship, were often referred to by the organizers of the
international congresses of the early and mid nineteenth century. At the
World’s Temperance Convention in London in 1846, for instance, it was
remarked that ‘Nations are now brought near and the great empires of
the earth by the printing press and the steam engine are brought into
closer communication for all practical purposes than the different prov-
inces of this little island in the days of the Saxon heptarchy’.172 The eco-
nomic interdependence of the world was also noted, especially in the
emerging international workers’ movement: the Communist Manifesto
of 1847–8, for instance, argued that ‘in place of the old local and national
42
EMERGENCE TO 1914
seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, uni-

versal inter-dependence of nations’.173
â•… Social changes such as expanding literacy were crucial to the develop-
ment of transnational civil society in this period. Urbanization played a
key role, with cosmopolitan cities such as London and Paris providing
the infrastructure for early international non-governmental conferences
and organizations. It has also been shown that developing class divisions
ensured increasing diversification of international civil society groups
along class lines. In addition, the development of what Iriye has subse-
quently termed ‘global consciousness’ was important, reflected in popu-
lar mottos such as that ‘all mankind are brothers’, adopted by the first
International Association and many other organizations. Vital to the
development of transnational civil society from the eighteenth century
onwards had been the ideas associated with the Enlightenment, and the
accompanying decline of fatalistic assumptions about the possibility of
reform of international relations evident in works such as the proposals
for ‘perpetual peace’ put forward by Charles-Irénée Castel de Saint-Pierre,
Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham.174
â•… Amongst the most crucial factors underpinning the development of
transnational civil society from 1767 to 1869 were political developments.
These included the political impacts of the Enlightenment in, for exam-
ple, expanding the scope for associations to operate openly rather than
in secret. The Congress of Vienna was an early opportunity for transna-
tionally coordinated lobbying. Governments also organized international
congresses on specialist subjects such as agriculture, in which members
of private associations took part. In addition, the hosting of world’s fairs
from the mid nineteenth century onwards provided the setting in which
many early INGOs, such as the World’s Alliance of YMCAs, were
founded, and governments encouraged the holding of international con-
gresses in the host cities of world’s fairs.175 More broadly, the relative sta-
bility of the international system in the period of the Concert of Europe
facilitated enduring private international contacts. As is evident in the
formation of the BFASS, the international nature of political issues of
the period was also central to motivating the creation of INGOs. Impe-
rialism facilitated the opening of new parts of the world to civil society
actors, such as missionary groups.
â•… The close relationship between nationalism and the development of
internationalism has been revealed in the aims of groups such as Young
43
Europe. Furthermore, the growth of national associations provided build-

ing-blocks for the formation of international federations of national asso-
ciations. More generally, the consolidation of the nation-state provided
the rule of law and stability that facilitated the development of both
national and international associational activity. The existence of neutral
countries such as Belgium and Switzerland also provided a conducive
setting for the holding of international congresses and the hosting of
INGO secretariats.
â•… The example set by existing organizations and movements was a fur-
ther dimension facilitating the expansion of transnational civil society in
this period. Members of organizations of earlier origins were to play a
key role in the creation of new INGOs from the late eighteenth century,
such as Quakers in the formation of anti-slavery and peace societies and
freemasons in the establishment of republican groups. The missionary
society model of ‘auxiliary society’ formation was adopted by later secu-
lar associations. The example set by existing organizations is also evident
in the formation of a series of organizations describing themselves as
‘British and Foreign’ in the early nineteenth century, the diffusion of peace
societies to continental Europe that looked to the Anglo-Saxon model,
and the chain of international organizations leading to the creation of
the International Working Men’s Association in 1864.176 The role of indi-
vidual pioneers was also vital, such as Sturge in respect of the anti-slav-
ery and peace movements, Mazzini and Marx in the case of democratic
and Communist organizations, and Dunant in the case of the YMCAs
and Red Cross.
Consolidation of the ‘First Wave’, 1870–1900

Although the transition from ancient to modern INGOs had already
taken place, the last three decades of the nineteenth century were to wit-
ness unprecedented expansion in transnational civil society activities. The
number of INGOs established in the last three decades of the nineteenth
century may have exceeded the number founded in every preceding
decade combined.177 The documentary record on INGOs from the 1870s
onwards is also richer,178 and in the period from 1870 until 1900 the vari-
ety of INGOs and non-governmental meetings further diversified, and
INGOs were to be founded increasingly on an enduring basis.179 The fol-
lowing will explore the creation of new INGOs in numerous issue-areas,
44
EMERGENCE TO 1914
exploring in turn standardization, industrial and intellectual property,

map-creation, bibliography, international languages, scientific collabora-
tion, environmental conservation, medicine, social welfare, socialism, syn-
dicalism, cooperation, business, education, the professions, transportation,
sport, imperialism, pan-nationalism, inter-faith dialogue, temperance,
women’s enfranchisement, sex trafficking and peace. It will also be shown
how INGOs managed to influence both national policy (such as the
granting of women’s right to vote in New Zealand) and international
policy (such as international conventions in respect of intellectual prop-
erty and sex trafficking). The period culminated with transnational mobi-
lization on an unprecedented scale at the Hague Conference of 1899,
where it will be shown that novel techniques of transnational lobbying
were pioneered.
â•… The rapid development of transnational civil society in the three
decades from 1870 took place in the context of the ‘second Industrial
Revolution’, and landmarks such as the development of ocean liners,
QWERTY typewriters and the telephone in the 1870s, and automatic
computation, the automobile and electric lighting in the 1880s. The tech-
nological developments of this period made clear the need for world-
wide standards, such as for measurement. Vital to the promotion of
international standards had been INGOs such as the International Asso-
ciation for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights
and Coins that had been established in 1855. Governments responded
in the period under consideration here, which began with an intergov-
ernmental conference on the metric system in 1870 and was followed in
1875 by agreement on the metric convention and the creation of an inter-
governmental International Bureau of Weights and Measures.180 Subse-
quently internationally standardized measures were adopted in numerous
fields, including electrical units in 1882 and the prime meridian in 1884,
in each case following conferences of scientists.181 International stan-
dard-setting was not the exclusive preserve of governments, as some
INGOs were to create their own standards: the Phonetic Teachers Asso-
ciation (now International Phonetic Association) formed in Paris in 1886,
for example, developed the international phonetic alphabet.182 The pur-
suit of international standards also applied to human welfare, with early
organizations promoting international labour standards including the
International Sunday Observance Federation formed in 1876 and the
International Association of Labour Legislation formed in 1900, which
45
foreshadowed the work of the International Labour Organization in its

efforts towards harmonization of labour laws.183
â•… A key area in which international cooperation for global standards was
felt to be needed was industrial and intellectual property. INGOs were
central in pioneering demand for an international intellectual property
regime, with governments responding with conventions on industrial
property in 1883 and intellectual property in 1886.184 From 1857 an
Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la
Défense de la Propriété Industrielle had promoted ‘defence of the rights
of industrial property wherever they might be violated’,185 and the con-
vention on industrial property was the result of a series of meetings that
took place after inventors exhibiting at the 1873 Vienna Exposition
refused to exhibit until a law protecting their inventions was passed.186
The role of non-governmental activism was especially clear in respect of
the intellectual property convention: the International Literary and Artis-
tic Association formed in 1878 by Victor Hugo and other distinguished
writers both conceived and organized the 1886 Berne Convention.187
â•… Accompanying the drive for international standards were new efforts
towards the unification of knowledge. In the 1880s and 1890s, interna-
tional committees of scientists were established to map both the world
and the sky. International commissions were also created by mathema-
ticians, geologists, chemists and zoologists to develop universal bibliog-
raphies of their respective fields, and in 1893 the Royal Society in London
established an International Catalogue Committee to develop a bibliog-
raphy encompassing all natural sciences.188 This was followed in 1895 by
the formation in Brussels of the even more ambitious International Insti-
tute of Bibliography at the first International Conference on Bibliogra-
phy that was convened by Belgian lawyer Paul Otlet and the director of
the bibliographical programme of the Brussels-based Society for Social
and Political Studies, Henri La Fontaine, who aimed to develop ‘a truly
universal catalog of all knowledge’.189 The International Institute of
Â�Bibliography set about the creation of an extensive Universal Biblio-
graphic Repertory on index cards that by 1897 contained 1.5 million
entries and by 1930 nearly 30 million.190 The work of members of the
International Institute of Bibliography in developing techniques for find-
ing information on any area of human activity may be considered a pre-
cursor to aspects of today’s internet such as search engines.191
â•… A more idealistic enterprise in this period was the pursuit of an inter-
national auxiliary language, the evolution of which provides an interest-
46
EMERGENCE TO 1914
ing case study of the cyclicality of internationalism. The artificial language

movement of this era was not unprecedented.192 However, the first major
international auxiliary language was invented in 1879 by German priest
Johann Martin Schleyer.193 Claiming that it was a revelation that occurred
to him one sleepless night, Schleyer named his language Volapük—or
‘world speech’—and within a decade there had developed 283 clubs ded-
icated to the language worldwide, possibly up to a million speakers, as
well as a Universal Association of Volapükists that was formed in 1887.194
However, Schleyer was a victim of his language’s popularity: it soon
became simplified by its users in ways he could not accept, and the move-
ment then collapsed on account of the splits that emerged.195 Many turned
instead to a language invented in 1887 by Lejzer Ludwik Zamenhof, who
called himself Doktoro Esperanto, or ‘Dr Hopeful’, an appropriate name
Â€
given that he intended his language to be ‘unconditionally accepted by

everyone’.196 Although this simpler language has proven to be more endur-
ing than Volapük, the Universala Esperanto-Asocio (an INGO dedicated
to promoting the language set up in 1908) estimates the number of speak-
ers in the present day to be in the hundreds of thousands.197
â•… One of the principal objectives of international auxiliary languages
such as Volapük was the facilitation of international correspondence.198
During the 1890s there also developed an international network of cor-
respondence clubs that aimed to link people of many nations through
correspondence on whatever subjects interested them.199 In France there
was formed in 1895 a Society of International Studies and Correspon-
dence—or Internationalis Concordia—that sought to achieve this by such
methods as congresses, correspondence, international circles, translation
bureaus, and an annual bulletin of its members’ contact details and inter-
ests.200 Similar organizations were formed elsewhere, including England’s
Round About Club in 1895 and Kosmos in the Netherlands from 1898.201
â•… Amateur efforts such as these were preceded by developments in inter-
national scientific collaboration. Amongst the most significant was the
formation in 1876 of the Universal Scientific Alliance which aimed ‘to
facilitate relations between the men of science distributed throughout all
countries of the world’.202 By 1906 this organization had Présidences
générales in every continent, including in Buenos Aires, Melbourne, Paris,
Oran, Paris and Saigon.203 It also issued its own ‘Diplôme Circulaire’ to
facilitate the international movement of scientists.204 This organization
was joined in 1899 by the International Association of Academies, formed
47
in Wiesbaden with German, British, French, Russian and US partici-

pants, which had the purpose of promoting scientific initiatives requir-
ing international collaboration.205 Nature magazine hoped that this
organization would be ‘an international parliament of science’, but
although its membership expanded impressively and included Japanese
participation from 1906, as one of its founders noted in 1918 ‘the actual
scientific output of this association was small’.206
â•… The formation of more specialist scientific INGOs as seen in the 1860s
also continued in the following three decades. Particularly significant was
the International Statistical Institute, formed in 1885 to promote uni-
form statistical methods internationally,207 which both proved more
enduring than earlier international bodies for social science and became
a model for many later INGOs, such as the International Actuarial Asso-
ciation. It was followed in 1893 by the International Institute of Sociol-
ogy.208 The range of applied sciences joining the INGO movement
expanded in this period, with the formation in 1895 of the International
Association for Testing Materials.209 As regards purer sciences, interna-
tional mathematical congresses were convened from 1893 and an Inter-
national Association for Promoting the Study of Quaternions and Allied
Systems of Mathematics was formed in 1899; but international bodies
in respect of particular pure sciences tended to be slower to develop than
in the applied sciences.210 As for the arts, international congresses that
took place in this era include those on the history of art from 1873, pho-
tography from 1889, and music and history from 1893.211
â•… Anthropologists were amongst the most prolific attendees of interna-
tional congresses in the late nineteenth century. The first International
Congress of Orientalists took place in Paris in 1873, primarily to study
Japan and secondarily other parts of the ‘Orient’.212 These congresses,
which today are known as the International Congresses of Asian and
North African Studies, have since taken place intermittently, with the
first outside Europe taking place in Algiers in 1905.213 Quicker to start
meeting outside Europe was the International Congress of American-
ists, which first met in Nancy in 1875 and then in Mexico City in 1895.
It has been argued that ‘in common with the orientalism of the period,
Americanism reinforced European nationalism by identifying a racial and
cultural Other to contrast with the attributes of civilization’.214 The late
nineteenth century also witnessed the continued formation of associa-
tions of Europeans for the study of Asia, such as the Asiatic Society of
48
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Japan that was created in Yokohama in 1872 by British and American

residents who wished to find out more about the country in which they
lived and which claims today to be ‘Japan’s oldest learned society’.215 The
first Latin American Scientific Congress, organized by the Argentinian
Scientific Society in Buenos Aires in 1898, on the other hand, developed
from interactions among ‘native scientists in the Southern Cone states’.216
This congress was considered to be highly successful and successor con-
gresses followed; but as these congresses expanded, their scientific char-
acter diminished: this decline correlated with the expansion of US
participation and the pursuit of ‘Pan-American’ objectives.217
â•… At the same time as scientific cooperation developed pan-American
as well as pan-European dimensions in the late nineteenth century, grow-
ing international coordination in respect of environmental issues became
evident. In some cases, cooperation was for the purpose of research, such
as in motivating the formation of the Association of International For-
est Research Stations in 1892 and an international commission to inves-
tigate solar radiation in 1896.218 In other cases, nature tourism was a key
motive, such as in the development from 1895 of the International Friends
of Nature.219 Concerns regarding food safety were evident in the con-
vening of ‘pure food’ congresses from 1898, and demand for conserva-
tion of food resources can be seen in the pressure in Europe for the North
Sea Fisheries Convention of 1882.220 A further dimension to the devel-
opment of early environmentalism was the demand for game reserves:
pressure from hunters and preservationists contributed towards a Â�British
government proposal in 1899 for an international game convention,
although this did not come into force.221 International scientific interest
in animals is reflected in the convening of ornithological congresses from
1884 and zoological congresses from 1889. The first international orni-
thological congress proposed that member societies should lobby gov-
ernments for an international agreement for the protection of birds, an
objective which was ultimately achieved in 1902.222 The World League
for Protection of Animals, formed in Germany in 1898, survives as one
of the world’s oldest international animal welfare organizations.223
â•… As for human welfare, the most prolific international scientific con-
ferences of the late nineteenth century were dedicated to health issues.
A vast range of different aspects of medicine were to become the subject
of international congresses between 1876 and 1894, including homeop-
athy, mental health, laryngology, tropical medicine, neurology, dermatol-
49
ogy, therapeutics, physiology, gynaecology and thalassotherapy.224

Significant congresses were also dedicated to particular diseases, such as
tuberculosis from 1888 and leprosy from 1897.225 With the proliferation
of international congresses on medical science, their opponents also mobi-
lized internationally, and in 1879 there was formed the International
League of Anti-Vaccinators, which organized the first international anti-
vaccination congress in Paris in 1880.226
â•… While scientific medical congresses tended not to result in the forma-
tion of enduring international organizations, efforts towards the forma-
tion of INGOs for the promotion of the interests of medical professionals
had more lasting results. The American Dental Society of Europe was
formed in 1873 due to concern that ‘certain European dentists falsely
claimed to be “American dentists” and, not having the requisite skills,
were beginning to cause the reputation of the genuine Americans to be
undermined’.227 Twenty-seven years later the World Dental Federation
was established, initially primarily to arrange annual dental congresses.228
Following the example of the International Council of Women, the Inter-
national Council of Nurses was established in London in 1899 in the
hope that this would help improve nurses’ professional standing around
the world.229
â•… Designed as a complement to the international exhibition on hygiene
and rescue work that took place in Brussels in 1876, the first of many
international congresses on hygiene and demography was convened by
the Royal and Central Society of Rescuers of Belgium, aiming to dis-
cuss a wide range of aspects of public health, such as water supply, hous-
ing conditions and health services.230 Other congresses and INGOs were
set up to discuss more specialist aspects of public health, such as birth
control. The Malthusian League was created in 1877 in London, stem-
ming from the secularist movement of late Victorian Britain and con-
cern about population growth.231 Its example was imitated in continental
Europe, and from the turn of the century a Fédération Universelle de la
Régénération Humaine was set up and international Neo-Malthusian
congresses organized.232 Further specialization in transnational civil soci-
ety treatment of human welfare is evident in the convening of the first
international child welfare congress in Paris in 1882,233 and the estab-
lishment of a permanent commission of prison reform congresses in
1880 and the International Union of Penal Law in Vienna in 1889.234
With the hosting of a world’s fair in Paris that year, the French capital
50
EMERGENCE TO 1914
hosted ‘the first international congress of working class housing organ-

isations’235 and the formation of the International Society for the Study
of Questions connected with Poor Relief.236
â•… The hosting of the world’s fair in 1889 in Paris coincided with the
hundredth anniversary of the onset of the French Revolution. It was
therefore an ideal setting for the holding of ‘Possibilist’ and Marxist con-
gresses on the anniversary date of the storming of the Bastille.237 The
Marxist gathering, which was broadly representative of European and
North American socialist parties, is said to be the foundational congress
of the Second International, even though the ‘Possibilist’ congress
attracted more press attention at the time.238 The Second International
is notable for promoting 1 May as an international day for the eight-
hour working day.239 Although beset with divisions from the outset,
Â�following the expulsion of anarchists in 1896 an International Socialist
Bureau was created in 1900 when it was felt ‘that it is important for the
international congresses, destined to become the parliament of the pro-
letariat, to make resolutions that guide the proletariat in its fight for
deliverance’.240
â•… Global union federations also date their origins to the two workers’
international congresses of 1889, on account of the meeting of particu-
lar professions on the fringes of these congresses.241 The process towards
the formation of global union federations in Europe appears to have
started in 1871 with the conclusion of a reciprocal agreement on trade
union issues among the glove-makers’ organizations of Germany, Â�Austria
and Scandinavia, and the formation in the 1870s of short-lived organi-
zations such as the International Federation of Tobacco Workers in Lon-
don and the Central Organization of Potters in Germany.242 In 1889, a
congress of seventeen representatives of European and US typographers’
unions took place in Paris, which was followed three years later by the
formation of the International Typographical Secretariat.243 International
secretariats of hatters and shoe-makers have also been traced to meet-
ings in Paris in 1889, although the former organized formally in 1900
and the latter in 1907.244 A lasting International Federation of Tobacco
Workers appears to have been formed in Anvers in 1889, and was fol-
lowed, inter alia, by international federations of miners in 1890, wood-
workers in 1891, glassworkers in 1892, metalworkers in 1893, textile
workers in 1894 and transport workers in 1897.245 The meetings of the
Second International in the 1890s provided convenient opportunities for
51
the negotiations that led to the formation of global union federations, of

which there are estimated to have been seventeen by the end of the nine-
teenth century.246 The global union federations, the most significant of
which were those of the metalworkers and transport workers, tended pri-
marily to concern themselves with meeting functional needs, such as
exchange of information and facilitation of members’ transfer to new
countries, rather than ideological objectives.247
â•… Paris in 1889 was also the location for the holding of an international
congress of cooperative distribution societies. This set a precedent for the
broader International Co-operative Congress held in London six years
later at which the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) was
formed.248 Speaking at this congress, Owen Greening noted that the
cooperative movement had ‘seemed laggards in the race’ towards inter-
national organization by comparison with scientists, trade unions and
others, but he also pointed out the comparatively greater scale of the
organization that had just been formed, with a total membership of 5 to
6 million, which he termed ‘a new empire of the first rank’.249 With
approximately 1 billion people in its member organizations, the ICA
claims still to be the largest INGO today.250 The founders of this orga-
nization hoped not only ‘to establish commercial relations between the
co-operators of different countries for their mutual advantage’ but also
‘to spread a more comprehensive knowledge and conception of the full
meaning of mutuality applied to any phase of human life’ and to ‘create
new and more durable links in the chain of human brotherhood which
co-operation is slowly but surely forging for mankind’.251
â•… Paris in 1889 may also be seen as a turning point for business INGOs
(BINGOs), as from that year onwards their number increased signifi-
cantly, beginning with the International Commission of Agriculture.252
Earlier BINGOs had been created sporadically, amongst the most nota-
ble of which was the International Union of Marine Insurance, founded
in Berlin in 1874 to promote common standards and ‘to eliminate any
mischief arising from undue competition between members’; it remains
active today.253 The BINGOs created from 1889 onwards were highly
varied. Some reflected the technological developments of the era, such
as the International Union of Electricity Stations, formed in 1892.254
Others developed in response to international legislation, such as the
International Publishers Association, set up in 1896 ‘to promote all appro-
priate measures to bring about adhesions to the Berne Convention’.255
52
EMERGENCE TO 1914
In 1897–1900, the International Federation of Commercial Travellers

was formed,256 the same period during which the permanent bureau of
the international congresses of commercial education was created.257
â•… As for development of international cooperation with respect to edu-
cation more generally, the last three decades of the nineteenth century
saw a series of international congresses on education coinciding with the
world’s fairs.258 The holding of the world’s fair in Paris in 1889 provided
the opportunity for the formation of a short-lived International Feder-
ation of Students259 and the hosting of the first separate international
congresses on primary, secondary and tertiary education.260 An Interna-
tional Kindergarten Union was formed in the United States three years
later (which is now the Association for Childhood Education Interna-
tional),261 and in 1899 an International Bureau of New Schools was
formed in Geneva by Adolphe Ferrière.262
â•… As was the case for labour and business organizations, the period after
1889 saw considerable expansion in the number of international profes-
sional organizations. Photographers met during the 1889 Paris world’s
fair and subsequently formed an International Union of Photography in
1891.263 In 1895 the International Actuarial Association was formed, mod-
elled on the International Statistical Institute.264 The following year the
International Union of Press Associations was formed in Budapest, two
years after the first international congress of press associations in Anvers.265
The International Federation of Museum Officials appears to have been
formed in 1898 ‘to prevent forgeries and dishonest transactions’.266
â•… For INGOs in respect of transport, Brussels in 1885 rather than Paris
in 1889 was the crucial turning point. Congresses in Brussels in 1885 led
to the creation of an International Railway Congress Association that
within two decades had acquired the affiliation of over 400 railway com-
panies as well as nearly fifty governments in Europe, Asia, Africa and
the Americas;267 as well as the International Association of Public Trans-
port268 and the Permanent International Association of Navigation Con-
gresses.269 As for road users, the International Touring Alliance was
formed in 1898 by cycling clubs to promote international cycle touring,
but over time its membership transformed to include motorbike and
motorcar associations.270
â•… Two decades before the formation of the International Touring
Â�Alliance, the earliest sports INGO was founded: the International Club
of Horse Racing, based in Baden-Baden.271 Four years later, an ‘Interna-
53
tional Board’ was created for association football to agree rules for the
British Home International Championship; the Board was to become
the model for the International Rugby Football Board which was set up
four years after that.272 The turning point for the formation of interna-
tional sports federations was 1892, when international organizations for
cycling, rowing and skating were established: the primary objective of all
three of these organizations was the facilitation of international compe-
titions and agreement upon common rules. Two years later the Interna-
tional Olympic Committee (IOC) was formed by Pierre de Coubertin,
who had been planning the revival of the Olympic Games since 1889 ‘in
order to organize contacts between our young French athletics and the
nations that have preceded us in the way of muscular culture’.273 The con-
gress in Paris at which the IOC was created was preoccupied with the
definition of amateurism,274 and the first Olympiad that it organized in
Greece in 1896 attracted little press attention, had few visitors given the
poor transport connections to Greece, and of the 311 participants 230
were Greek—although this still involved a greater number of interna-
tional participants than had previous sporting occasions.275
â•… The official report of the 1896 Olympiad gave much of the credit for
the organization of the Games to the Greek Crown Prince Constan-
tine.276 A much more controversial example of the role of a royal in the
development of international civil society in the last three decades of the
nineteenth century is that of King Leopold the Second of Belgium.
Â�Leopold’s reign broadly coincided with the period during which Brus-
sels was the centre of internationalism in Europe, an opportunity he
exploited as a convenient disguise for his colonial ambitions. In 1876,
the year in which Brussels was the host city for the international exhi-
bition on hygiene and rescue work, Leopold invited explorers and geog-
raphers to a congress in Brussels ostensibly ‘to found if possible the
international work of the rest-houses and scientific posts in Africa’. A
quasi-non-governmental International African Association was estab-
lished purportedly ‘to the profit of science and philanthropy’277 but in
fact for Leopold’s personal profit, and within a decade he had ensured
that this organization became recognized as the government of Congo
and was transformed into the Congo Free State.278 The International
African Association was initially warmly received by humanitarians: the
Aborigines Protection Society even made Leopold its Honorary Presi-
dent, but by 1896 the Aborigines Protection Society was campaigning
54
EMERGENCE TO 1914
against the abuses that were occurring in the course of the exploitation
of Congo’s natural resources, reported to have included the trade in sev-
ered hands.279
â•… The following year a very different African Association was formed in
London by Trinidadian lawyer Henry Sylvester Williams. This organi-
zation of London’s black population may have been the first organiza-
tion to promote pan-African objectives.280 It aimed ‘to encourage a feeling
of unity … to promote and protect the interests of all subjects claiming
African descent, wholly or in part, in British colonies, and in other places,
especially in Africa’. This Association organized the first Pan-African
Congress in London, timed to coincide with the Paris Universal Exhi-
bition of 1900 in order ‘to take steps to influence public opinion on exist-
ing proceedings and conditions affecting the welfare of the native in
various parts of the world’. The conference, which included delegates
from Africa, America, England and the West Indies, not only trans-
formed the African Association into the ‘pan-African’ Association but
also issued an appeal ‘to the Nations of the World’ that called for ‘respon-
sible government for the Black colonies in Africa and in the West Indies’
and for the Congo Free State to become ‘a great negro state’.281
â•… Pan-Africanism was one of many ‘macro-nationalisms’ in the late nine-
teenth century. In the Americas, the Latin American governmental
Â�initiatives of the early nineteenth century were succeeded by the US gov-
ernment’s pan-American conferences from 1889. Pan-Atlanticism was
evident in the formation of organizations such as the Anglo-American
Association in 1871 and the Atlantic Union in 1897. In Europe, pan-
Slavism and pan-Germanism were the most influential ‘pan-movements’.
In 1894 the General German League that had been created in 1891 was
renamed the ‘Pan-German’ League ‘to awaken and promote racial and
cultural homogeneity of all sections of German people’ and to promote
‘continuance of the German colonial movement’.282 In East Asia, pan-
Asianism developed in response to the forced opening of the region to
European influence from mid century.283 In Japan the Society for Rais-
ing Asia was formed in 1880 and succeeded by the Asia Association, and
the East Asian Common Culture Association was created in 1898.284 As
for South Asia, the development of Indian national consciousness is evi-
dent in the formation in 1876 of the Indian National Association and
the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science, and the creation
of the Indian National Congress in 1885.
55
â•… With respect to the Ottoman empire, Young Ottoman intellectuals

formed in 1865 a secret society known as the ‘Patriotic Alliance’ to pro-
mote pan-Ottoman identity; and pan-Turkism and pan-Turanism also
developed in this period.285 In contrast, Ibrahim al-Yaziji promoted Arab
revitalization and resistance to Ottoman rule and took part in a secret
society for this objective in the late 1870s.286 Also significant were Jamal
ad-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh, the Islamic modernists who
founded the Salafiyyah movement and from 1884 published a newspa-
per entitled The Indissoluble Link which promoted Islamic unity against
imperialism.287 The activities of al-Afghani and Abduh have been labelled
as ‘pan-Islamism’, a term that entered Western discourse in the 1870s,288
and which was adopted by Abdullah Suhrawardy when he transformed
the Anjuman-i-Islam289 of London that had been formed in 1886 into
the Pan-Islamic Society in 1903.290
â•… The international Zionist movement may be viewed as a further ‘macro-
nationalism’ that developed in the late nineteenth century.291 The pogroms
in Russia from the 1880s onwards and the Dreyfus case in France in the
1890s provided the context for the formation in 1897 of the World Zion-
ist Organization at the First Zionist Congress that was convened in Basel
by Theodor Herzl, aiming to prepare the way for the establishment ‘for
the Jewish people [of ] a legally secured homeland in Palestine’ through
‘fostering the settlement of Palestine … organising the whole of Jewry
in suitable local and general bodies … strengthening the national Â�Jewish
feeling and … taking preparatory steps to attain any Governmental con-
sent which may be necessary’.292
â•… At the same time as pan-movements such as these were developing for
particular religions, efforts were also taken towards inter-faith dialogue
and understanding. The most notable of these initiatives was the World
Parliament of Religions convened in connection with the Columbian
Exhibition in Chicago in 1893, which, like previous world’s fairs, encour-
aged the holding of international congresses in connection with the exhi-
bition. Charles Carroll Bonney, who was in charge of facilitating the
approximately 200 international congresses that took place in Chicago
in 1893, saw as the aim of the Congress ‘to present to the world … the
substantial unity of many religions in the good deeds of the religious
life’.293 Although dominated by Protestants and excluding numerous reli-
gions including Sikhism and many African religions, the meeting suc-
ceeded in its objective of bringing together to put forward ‘their common
56
EMERGENCE TO 1914
aims and common grounds of union’ speakers from a wide range of back-
grounds, including Buddhism, Catholicism, Confucianism, Eastern
Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, Judaism, Shintoism,
Taoism and Zoroastrianism.294 Of further significance for transnational
civil society is the part played by a number of the participants in the con-
gress in the development of religious INGOs. Swami Vivekananda, who
spoke on Hinduism at the World Parliament of Religions, for instance,
subsequently transformed the Ramakrishna Math into a transnational
religious order with centres in the West as well as in India.295 At the end
of the nineteenth century, an American Unitarian minister who had
helped organize the World Parliament of Religions—Charles Wendte—
became the first secretary of the International Council of Unitarian and
Other Liberal Religious Thinkers and Workers, known today as the Inter-
national Association for Religious Freedom.296
â•… In Europe, transnational Roman Catholic religious orders remained
amongst the most numerous INGOs to be created in the late nineteenth
century. Other Christian groups also formed international bodies at this
time, including the World Alliance of Reformed Churches in 1875, the
World Methodist Council in 1881, and the Union of Utrecht in 1889.297
Christian youth organizations multiplied in this period too, with the
World’s Alliance of Young Women’s Christian Associations formed in
1894 and the World Student Christian Federation the following year.298
In 1878 the East London Christian Mission was transformed into the
Salvation Army: within a decade this organization had over 6,000 offi-
cers in Britain, Australasia, the Caribbean, continental Europe, North
America, South Africa and South Asia.299 The year when the Salvation
Army was formed also saw the relocation to India of the headquarters
of the Theosophical Society, an organization set up in New York in 1875
‘to oppose materialism and theological dogmatism … by demonstrating
the existence of occult forces unknown to science, in nature, and the pres-
ence of psychic and spiritual powers in man’.300 A somewhat contrasting
organization was set up in Brussels two years later: the World Union of
Free Thinkers which aimed ‘to facilitate propaganda for rationalist ideas
through an entente between all those who believe it necessary to liber-
ate humanity from religious prejudice and to assure freedom of con-
science’.301 Another organization, the International Union of Ethical
Societies which was formed in 1896, sought ‘to disentangle moral ideals
from religious doctrines, metaphysical systems and ethical theories’.302
57
â•… Despite facing growing criticism from rationalist organizations,

Â�Christian INGOs of the late nineteenth century were a vital component
in the development of many of the most substantial transnational social
reform movements of the period. The anti-opium movement in the 1870s,
for instance, was spearheaded by Christians through organizations such
as the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade,
formed in 1874.303 The movement against pornography was also mobi-
lized by Christian puritans, who convened the first international con-
gress against immoral literature in Berne in 1896.304
â•… Amongst the movements in which Christian INGOs were most influ-
ential was that for temperance, which had already developed internation-
ally with the 1846 World’s Temperance Convention and the international
spread of the Independent Order of Good Templars from 1868. Anglo-
Saxon organizations such as this were joined in continental Europe by
the Blue Cross movement, created in Geneva in 1877, which formed an
international federation in 1886 that aimed at ‘the salvation of drunk-
ards through faith in Christ’.305 Although far from successful in achiev-
ing universal abstinence, temperance organizations attracted large
memberships.306 More significantly, temperance organizations were to
play a crucial role in other social and political reform movements.
â•… By far the most notable example of Christian temperance organiza-
tions’ centrality to other movements was that for women’s right to vote.
In 1883 the World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU)
was formed in the United States, with not only the objective of ‘creating
a strong public sentiment in favor of personal purity of life, including
total abstinence from the use of all narcotic poisons’, but also many wider
objectives including ‘the enfranchisement of women of all nations’.307 In
the first country to grant women the right to vote—New Zealand—the
WCTU was the critical organization in mobilizing the campaign for
women’s enfranchisement.308 New Zealand’s women’s suffrage movement
was stimulated by the visit of the WCTU’s travelling envoy, Mary Leavitt,
and after the successful campaign there suffragists from New Zealand
disseminated their ideas and techniques across the world.309
â•… The formation of branches of the World’s WCTU commonly preceded
the creation of National Councils of Women. The latter affiliated to the
International Council of Women, which also originated in the United
States and was formed in Washington, DC at a congress timed to coin-
cide with the fortieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls convention five
58
EMERGENCE TO 1914
years after the World’s WCTU had been created. This organization’s
objectives were broader than those of the World’s WCTU: its constitu-
tion committed it ‘to the overthrow of all forms of ignorance and injus-
tice’.310 By the end of the nineteenth century there were National Councils
in Canada, Germany, Great Britain, New Zealand, Sweden, Italy, the
Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland and Argentina as well as the United
States.311 It was therefore more successful in internationalization than
the International Women’s Rights Congresses that took place in Paris in
1878 and 1889, the latter of which featured just seventeen delegates from
outside France.312
â•… As well as the promotion of women’s rights to participation in national
politics, one of the core themes of transnational activism concerning
women in the late nineteenth century related to their protection. An
example can be found in the movement against the practice of footbind-
ing in China, with the formation of anti-footbinding associations from
1874, amongst the most notable of which was the Natural Foot Society
set up by ten women of various nationalities in London in 1895.313
Another organization, the Ramabai Association set up by Indian Â�Christian
convert Pamita Ramabai in Boston in 1887, aimed to provide refuge for
child widows in India.314 In continental Europe, the International Union
of Friends of Young Women was set up in 1877 ‘to form a network of
protection around every girl obliged to leave her home to earn a living,
and so far as possible around every girl alone or in bad surroundings,
whatever her nationality, religion or occupation’.315 By 1900 there were
8,000 ‘friends of young women’, of whom the majority were in Â�Germany,
Switzerland and France, who gave girls departing their countries letters
of introduction to ‘friends’ in the girls’ destinations and pamphlets explain-
ing the Union’s services.316
â•… Given its transnational nature, the issue of sex trafficking was one that
attracted particular attention amongst cross-border activists in the late
nineteenth century. One key activist was Josephine Butler, who after tour-
ing Europe in 1874–5 set up ‘a “British, Continental and General
Â�Federation”, with a view to give practical form to the strong though
Â�hitherto, to a great extent, latent feeling of abhorrence of the system of
state-regulated vice already existing in many of the best minds in France,
Switzerland, Italy and Germany, and to arouse a powerful public opin-
ion in support of an agitation similar to our own, which has now com-
menced in those countries’.317 This organization became known as the
59
International Abolitionist Federation from 1898, consciously drawing

parallels between the earlier movement against the slave trade and this
movement in respect of the ‘white slavery’ of women and children used
as prostitutes.318 The Federation began campaigning in respect of the
‘white slave trade’ in 1877; in 1880 Butler succeeded in lobbying for the
conviction of sex traffickers in Belgium, and in 1887 the Federation pro-
posed international legislation against the traffic.319
â•… In 1883 the Bishop of Durham and Ellice Hopkins created the ‘White
Cross Army’ that aimed to advance ‘the protection of women and chil-
dren from prostitution and degradation’ by targeting men. The organiza-
tion succeeded in establishing branches in Africa, Australia, Canada,
China, Great Britain, Jamaica, Japan, New Zealand, Trinidad and the
United States, and Hopkins’ pamphlets sold two million copies in Great
Britain and the United States.320 Another organization, the International
Bureau for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic which was formed
in 1899, sent its secretary, William Alexander Coote, to tour Europe to
ensure the establishment of national committees to deal with the ‘white
slave’ traffic and to send delegates to meet at an international congress
in London to discuss the traffic.321 As well as creating the International
Bureau, the 1899 congress resolved that an international convention on
the ‘white slave’ traffic was necessary; governments eventually agreed to
such a convention in 1904.322
â•… Of the many issue-areas with respect to which international women’s
organizations were formed in the late nineteenth century, amongst the
most significant were those for peace, arbitration and disarmament. Marie
Goegg’s International Association of Women had been set up in 1869
to support the peace work of the International League for Peace and
Â�Liberty. The following year American suffragist Julia Ward Howe called
for a Woman’s Peace Congress for the World to take place in England,
although her efforts in this direction were far less successful than her
campaign for coordinated ‘women’s peace festivals’ to take place in cities
in the United States, western Europe and Constantinople from 1873.
From 1887 the WCTU had a Department of Peace and Arbitration and
from 1896 the International Council of Women promoted peace and
arbitration and hosted an international congress on the issue with rep-
resentatives from North America, Europe and Australasia in 1899.323 The
late 1890s saw international women’s peace organizations proliferate,
with the creation in Paris in 1895 of the International Union of Women
60
EMERGENCE TO 1914
for Peace, and the following year in the same city the Universal Alliance
of Women for Peace by Education, also known as the International
League of Women for General Disarmament, and in 1898 the Associa-
tion for Peace and Disarmament through Women.324 These organiza-
tions not only pioneered the promotion of general disarmament, but also
wider reforms of the international system, such as the ‘International Sen-
ate’ for the pacific resolution of disputes promoted by the International
League of Women for General Disarmament.325
â•… By this time, the peace movement more generally had had success in
forming more durable international organizations. As for many other
movements, Paris in 1889 was the turning point. That year the first of a
renewed series of Universal Peace Congresses took place in Paris from
23 until 27 June, organized by Lemonnier with assistance from Passy.326
Straight afterwards the Continental Hotel in Paris was the venue for the
first Interparliamentary Conference that Passy had helped to organize,
which brought together representatives from British, continental Euro-
pean, US and Liberian parliaments.327 The Universal Peace Congresses
were to be coordinated by an International Peace Bureau that was set up
in Rome in 1891,328 and the Interparliamentary Conference of 1889 was
the foundational conference of the Interparliamentary Union for
Â�Arbitration—two organizations that have survived to the present day.329
â•… Pursuit of international arbitration was central to the objectives of
international peace organizations in the late nineteenth century. This was
reflected in the names of a number of peace societies of the period, such
as the International Arbitration League and the International Arbitra-
tion and Peace Association in Britain. Also important in the movement
for international arbitration were organizations for international law that
developed in the 1870s.330 These included the International Law Asso-
ciation created in Brussels in October 1873, which included amongst its
aims ‘the settlement of disputes by arbitration’.331 It rivalled the Institute
of International Law that had been created in Ghent the month before,
with the ambitious aim ‘to become the organ of the legal conscience of
the civilised world’, as well as to promote ‘the maintenance of peace’ and
‘the gradual and progressive codification of international law’.332 Forma-
tion of the Japanese Society of International Law followed in 1897; it
claims to be ‘the oldest academic society in Japan in the field of law’.333
â•… The issue of arbitration, alongside that of disarmament, mobilized one
of the largest transnational campaigns ever to have been undertaken as
61
the nineteenth century drew to a close. The transnational mobilization

before and during the Hague Conference of 1899 was the most substan-
tial example of transnational advocacy targeting an intergovernmental
conference yet to be carried out.334 The use of arbitration by governments
in 1871–90 three times as frequently compared with the previous seven
decades provides the context for the activism for arbitration that took
place in the 1890s, which included the adoption of a model Code of
International Arbitration at the Antwerp Universal Peace Congress in
1894.335 In addition, every Universal Peace Congress of the last decade
of the nineteenth century passed resolutions promoting disarmament,
including in 1891 a resolution advocating the convening of an intergov-
ernmental meeting to discuss it.336 When such a meeting was advocated
in the Russian Tsar’s Rescript of 1898, peace activists claimed to have
influenced this decision, although economic motives may have been more
important to the Tsar.337
â•… Women played a key role in ensuring that the scale of the non-Â�
governmental campaign to persuade governments to take action at the
Hague Conference of 1899 was considerable. One international petition
circulated by women peace activists and presented at the conference
acquired more than 1 million signatures from Europe, Japan and the
United States.338 In addition, the ‘first worldwide Women’s Peace DemonÂ�
stration’ aiming to pass identical resolutions in 500 centres in eighteen
countries was planned for three days before the opening of the confer-
ence.339 The conference set up a Commission of Correspondence to han-
dle the many resolutions sent to it, and this meeting was notable for the
pioneering of activist techniques for the lobbying of intergovernmental
conferences.340 Amongst the techniques pioneered at this conference were
the unofficial newspaper covering conference proceedings and the salon
where peace activists and government delegates could mingle.341 Although
the measures agreed at the first Hague Conference disappointed activ-
ists, especially the lack of progress on disarmament, a Permanent Court
of International Arbitration was established (albeit ‘neither permanent
nor a court’)342 and it may be argued that the widespread public support
for the Tsar’s Rescript ensured that governments could not conclude dis-
cussions without at least some agreement.343
â•… By 1900 a total of 200 INGOs may have been in existence,344 a figure
which is likely to be an underestimate. The range of issue-areas which
they encompassed was already extensive, including, inter alia, business,
62
EMERGENCE TO 1914
communications, education, the environment, health, human rights,

humanitarian assistance, labour, law, peace, professions, religion, science,
sport and women’s rights. While many of the INGOs in existence at this
time had very small memberships, some—such as the International
Â�Co-operative Alliance—could reasonably claim to speak on behalf of
millions of members.345 Furthermore, although the overwhelming major-
ity of INGOs at this time were based in western Europe and North
America, several had members elsewhere, especially in Australasia, the
Ottoman empire, South America and Japan. The World’s WCTU, for
instance, had branches in, inter alia, Armenia, the Bahamas, Bermuda,
Brazil, Burma, Ceylon, Chile, China, Egypt, Honduras, India, Jamaica,
Japan, Korea, Madagascar, Mexico, Panama, Siam, Sierra Leone, South
Africa, Syria, Turkey and Uruguay, as well in North America, Europe
and Australasia by 1900.346 There was also a growing number of Asian-
based INGOs, such as Ramakrishna Math and the Theosophical Soci-
ety, as well as a greater number of internationally-oriented national
organizations in the region, such as the Japanese Society of International
Law. The methods of INGOs had also developed by this time into a wide
range of techniques, from non-violent resistance methods such as the
strike used by the labour movement, to national and intergovernmental
lobbying pioneered especially by peace associations, to the methods of
‘world civic politics’347 such as consumer boycotts promoted by anti-slav-
ery societies. The impact of transnational civil society in this period was
also evident in government policy at both the national level (such as in
the case of women’s right to vote in New Zealand) and at the intergov-
ernmental level (such as in the outcomes of the first Hague Conference),
as well as in the formation of private international standards such as the
international phonetic alphabet.
â•… The range of factors explaining how transnational civil society had
reached this point is extensive. As before, developments in science and
technology played a vital role: in the last three decades of the nineteenth
century, for instance, developments in electrical engineering required
international agreement on standards in which INGOs were to play an
important part. The context of the natural environment was also impor-
tant, with concern regarding issues such as fish stocks and game reserves
critical to the development of early conservationist organizations. The
global economy was crucial too, with international competition a signif-
icant factor motivating the development of labour, business and cooper-
63
ative organizations at an international level. The broader context of

developments in communications (such as the opening of the Suez Canal
in 1869), in the global economy (such as a 2.5-fold increase in the value
of world exports at constant prices between 1870 and 1899)348 and in
society (such as the rise in emigration from Europe from 655,087 in
1871–80 to 1,330,573 in 1891–1900)349 also facilitated the expansion of
transnational civil society in the late nineteenth century.
â•… As for the role of external political factors, the hosting of world’s fairs—
especially the Paris Universal Exposition coinciding with the hundredth
anniversary of the French Revolution in 1889—was a significant oppor-
tunity structure for the holding of international non-governmental con-
gresses (the proceedings of many of which were published by the French
government) and the formation of new INGOs in a wide range of fields.
It was in the period after 1889 that INGO numbers multiplied partic-
ularly substantially, with estimates for the number of INGOs founded
in the decade from 1889 more than one-and-a-half times those for the
preceding ten years.350 As well as world’s fairs, intergovernmental agree-
ments were a significant opportunity structure for INGO formation: the
Berne Convention, for instance, motivating the creation of the Interna-
tional Publishers Association. The actions of governments contributed
to INGO formation not only positively (i.e. through encouragement such
as in facilitating the organization of non-governmental meetings at
world’s fairs), but also negatively (i.e. through repression stimulating
INGO formation in response); one of the most notable examples of the
latter was the development of the World Zionist Organization in the
context of anti-Semitic government policies in Europe.
â•… Internal political factors were also significant. A number of INGOs
proved to be examples that others wished to follow, such as the Interna-
tional Statistical Institute, which formed the model for many later bod-
ies such as the International Actuarial Association. Transnational
diffusion of ideas was similarly important, for instance in the spread of
‘pan-isms’ with respect to every region of the world. A number of INGOs
primarily associated with transnational activity in one field were to have
important influence in stimulating transnational associational activity in
other fields: a notable example is the role of the temperance-oriented
World’s WCTU in the development of transnational activism for wom-
en’s enfranchisement. As in earlier years, individuals also played a vital
role, such as Passy in the peace movement, and Butler in the campaign
against ‘white slavery’.351
64
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Proliferation and Decline, 1901–1914

This chapter has shown that by the start of the twentieth century many
of the principal dimensions of transnational civil society as we now under-
stand it were already evident and represented by INGOs. The following
section will reveal that although the number of INGOs and non-gov-
ernmental conferences expanded at an unprecedented rate in the first
decade of the twentieth century, only a few developments in this period
built significantly on what had taken place in the nineteenth century.
After a discussion of some of these developments, it will be shown not
only how short-lived and insubstantial the proliferation of INGOs at
this time proved to be, but also the way in which this proliferation con-
tributed towards a detachment from the political context of the time in
sectors of transnational civil society. In the second decade of the twen-
tieth century, INGOs contracted dramatically before and during the First
World War, and some INGOs played an important role in contributing
towards the processes that culminated in this conflict.
â•… The onset of the twentieth century was marked by the first Nobel Prizes,
that for peace being awarded jointly to Dunant and Passy in 1901: two
individuals who had played a vital role in the creation of INGOs over the
previous half-century.352 The organization that was established in 1900
to handle the assets left in the will of dynamite-inventor Alfred Nobel
for the peace and other prizes—the Nobel Foundation—was one of sev-
eral internationally-oriented foundations to be created in the opening
years of the twentieth century. Others included the Carnegie Founda-
tion, created in 1911, and the Rockefeller Foundation, formed in 1913,
both of which have been important in the evolution of international devel-
opment since, in contrast to many earlier humanitarian bodies, they con-
centrated on using science to address underlying causes of suffering.353
â•… Accompanying the expansion in internationally-oriented foundations
at the onset of the twentieth century was the emergence of international
organizations of service clubs. The oldest is Rotary International, which
developed from the Rotary Club of Chicago, formed in 1905 ‘for the
members to give and to influence business to, and to get business from,
fellow-members and persons influenced by them’, but which after about
a year—and in the face of external criticism for its ‘self-centred’ orienta-
tion—adopted the supplementary goal of ‘enlightenment of its members
with regard to, and the participation of its members in, public affairs or
community welfare work’.354 With the formation of Rotary Clubs in
65
Â�
Canada and Great Britain in 1912, the National Association of Rotary
Clubs of America was transformed into the International Association of
Rotary Clubs.355 It was later to be joined by international organizations
of Lions Clubs and Kiwanians.
â•… Further novel forms of INGO in the opening years of the twentieth
century included the International Union against Vivisection and the
International Central Bureau for the Campaign against Tuberculosis,
both formed in 1902; and the International Union for the Protection of
Infants and the Universal Society of the White Cross of 1907, both of
which made food safety a primary concern.356 That year, the International
Vegetarian Union was established in Dresden, an organization which
survives to the present day.357 A number of new organizations that mixed
governmental and non-governmental participation in this period, and
also survive to the present, reflected the technological developments of
the time, amongst them the International Institute of Refrigeration,
formed in 1909, and the World Road Association, created the following
year.358 In 1910 an International Office dedicated to the protection of
homeworkers was created in Brussels.359 Three years later the develop-
ment of an ‘Urban Internationale’ was evident in the formation of the
Union Internationale des Villes and the International Garden Cities and
Town Planning Association.360
â•… As for the trade union movement, a novel development at the onset
of the twentieth century was the creation of the first International
Â�Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres in Copenhagen in 1901,
which unlike earlier international trade secretariats was not confined to
a particular industry. This organization’s objectives were initially fairly
limited: ‘keeping the national trade union centres in touch with one
another, convening international conferences, preparing trade union sta-
tistics, etc.’361 This led to the group being dubbed a ‘post-box’ organiza-
tion, but it was nevertheless significant in helping develop the reformist
approach and greater independence of the trade union movement.362 In
Zurich in 1913 the International Secretariat was transformed into the
International Federation of Trade Unions, with wider objectives includ-
ing ‘the protection and advancement of the rights, interests and justice
of the wage-workers of all countries and the establishment of interna-
tional fraternity and solidarity’.363
â•… Beyond Europe the early years of the twentieth century saw the for-
mation of a range of new regional INGOs. Some were formed by Euro-
66
EMERGENCE TO 1914
peans and/or North Americans based in other regions of the world: in

East Africa, for instance, the region’s first Quaker INGO was formed by
American missionaries in 1902, and seven years later settlers in Kenya
established the East Africa and Uganda Natural History Society. A num-
ber of organizations were of mixed composition, such as the Indian
Â�Society of Oriental Art created in Calcutta in 1907. Other organizations
aimed to promote particular identities. In the case of Arab identity,
INGOs formed in this period included the Ligue de la Patrie Arabe that
was established in Paris in 1904 and modelled its name on the Ligue de
la Patrie Française, and the secret society Al-Qahtaniyah that was cre-
ated in Constantinople in 1909. The Ligue de la Patrie Arabe aimed ‘to
separate, in the interests of Islam and the Arab nation, civil power from
religious power’ by creating ‘an Arab empire’ under a ‘constitutional
Â�Sultanate based on the liberty of all religions and the equality of all cit-
izens before the law’ and a ‘universal religious caliphate throughout Islam’
which would be ‘completely independent of state policy’.364 In India, the
All-India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906 at an All-India
Muhammadan Educational Conference, the latest of a series of confer-
ences that had taken place since 1886. Notable new religious organiza-
tions to be established in this period include the Sufi Order in the West
formed by Pir Hadrat Inayat Khan in 1910 and the Ahmadiyya Society
for the Propagation of Islam that was created in Lahore in 1914. The
development of the pan-American movement at this time is reflected in
the establishment of a Pan-American Railway Congress Association in
1906, and a Pan-American Society and the American Institute of Inter-
national Law in 1912. In Latin America, an International Congress of
Central American Students was created in 1910, a Workers’ International
Centre of Latin American Solidarity in 1913, and a Latin American and
Caribbean Alliance of YMCAs in 1914. Organizations that were estab-
lished in this period to unite people in different regions included the
Sociedad Astronomica de Espana y America , formed in 1911; the Pan-
Pacific Union, established in 1912; and the Anglo-Chinese Friendship
Bureau, created in 1913.365
â•… In addition to new INGOs such as these, the early years of the twen-
tieth century witnessed a number of significant achievements by inter-
national associations and movements that had developed in the nineteenth
century. Geographers who had been meeting internationally since 1871
succeeded in persuading governments to take part in significant scien-
67
tific initiatives at the beginning of the twentieth century, such as the for-
mation in 1903 of an International Association of Seismology to centralize
information on earthquakes.366 The International Association of Labour
Legislation created in 1900 formed the ‘first International Labour Office’
in 1901 and persuaded governments in 1906 to agree to ‘the first inter-
national labour conventions’, which dealt with the use of white phospho-
rus and women’s night work.367 The convening of a second Hague
Conference the following year may be attributed in part to the efforts of
the Interparliamentary Union in persuading Theodore Roosevelt to invite
the Tsar to take this initiative forward.368 Although the second Hague
Conference achieved little, it is notable for being the occasion upon which
peace activists held a parallel non-governmental conference alongside
the intergovernmental congress, which may have been the first of its kind;
and the International Council of Women and the Salvation Army were
both offered deputations.369 The year after the second Hague Confer-
ence, the international movement against Leopold’s exploitation of the
Congo—in which the leading INGO was the Congo Reform Associa-
tion (formed 1904), which supported the campaign in Belgium for annex-
ation of the Congo by the Belgian government—saw the transfer of
Congo out of Leopold’s hands.370 The following years saw non-govern-
mental participation in the drafting of the 1909 Convention with Respect
to the International Circulation of Motor Vehicles, the drafting in 1910
of an intergovernmental Agreement for the Repression of the Circula-
tion of Obscene Publications two years after an international non-Â�
governmental congress on the issue, and an intergovernmental Convention
respecting Measures for the Preservation and Protection of Fur Seals in
1911, after years of non-governmental campaigning.371 US government
actions spurred by Asian missionaries culminated in the Hague Opium
Convention of 1912.372
â•… Within sectors of transnational civil society in which INGOs already
existed, several enduring new INGOs were created in the opening years
of the twentieth century. Fourteen years after the creation in Washing-
ton, DC of the International Council of Women, the same city hosted in
1902 a conference at which was established the more explicitly suffragist
organization known today as the International Alliance of Women, the
constitutional aims of which were centred around information exchange.373
In the case of the environmentalist movement, the following year the
organization now known as Fauna and Flora International was estab-
68
EMERGENCE TO 1914
lished in London as the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna
of the Empire, the ‘great object’ of which was ‘the formation of game
reserves or sanctuaries’.374 Three years later London was also the location
for the establishment of one of the most significant international organi-
zations for standardization: the International Electrotechnical Commis-
sion that aimed ‘to consider the question of the standardisation of the
Nomenclature and Ratings of Electrical Apparatus and Machinery’.375
â•… A number of lasting business INGOs were also created at this time.
In Brussels in 1903 the International Dairy Federation was established
to further the development of new techniques such as pasteurization and
to combat food fraud.376 The following year the International Textile
Manufacturers Federation was established at a congress of cotton-Â�
spinners in London, at which it was remarked that ‘the developments of
large combinations of labour … have rendered the position of individ-
ual employers, or even of small associations of employers, one of increas-
ing difficulty. We have also seen the development of great federations of
capitalists, and just as peace between nations is generally maintained by
being prepared for war, so in industry experience shows that complete
organisation of both employers and employed tends to ensure harmoni-
ous working’.377 A precursor to the International Chamber of Commerce
was established in Milan in 1906 in the form of an international com-
mittee in Brussels intended to coordinate the regular international meet-
ings of chambers of commerce that took place from 1905 onwards and
to implement their decisions.378
â•… Several significant international sports organizations that emerged in
this period are also worth noting. One particularly productive year was
1904, when the organizations that now coordinate Formula One, the
Speedway Grand Prix and the association football World Cup were set
up. Eight years later the International Association of Athletics Federa-
tions was established after it was noted at the 1912 Stockholm Olympic
Games that ‘hints have been made that Swedish interests, in particular,
were altogether too much considered in drawing up the lists of events’
in athletics and that a ‘standard programme’ as well as ‘uniform rules and
regulations for the competitions’ were needed in athletics in order that
‘all nations will be placed on an equal footing’.379
â•… Although some new INGOs of the early twentieth century proved to
be substantial and long-lasting, many more were relatively fleeting. In
the decade leading up to the First World War approximately double the
69
number of INGOs were founded in comparison to the previous decade.

However, whereas more than half of INGOs founded between 1894 and
1903 survive to the present day, only approximately two-fifths of those
established in the next ten years have survived.380 The large number of
INGO foundations in the decade before the First World War disguises
the insubstantial and/or short-lived nature of many of them. Two par-
ticular types of organization in this category stand out: esperantist and
temperance INGOs. In addition to general temperance organizations
such as the International Bureau against Alcoholism formed in 1907 and
the International Prohibitionist Federation created in 1909, there was
established a range of specialist bodies such as the International Total
Abstainers Association of Railway Workers, the International Bureau of
Abstaining Students, the International Committee of Abstaining Priests,
and the International Catholic Federation of Total Abstainers. As for
the Esperanto movement, in addition to general organizations such as
the Universal Esperanto Association dating from 1908, a dazzling array
of specialist esperantist bodies were also formed such as the Theosophi-
cal Esperantist League, the International Society of Esperantist Free-
Thinkers, and separate International Associations of Esperantist Bankers,
Jurists, Police Employees, Teachers, Postmen, Scientists, Doctors, Vege-
tarians and Men of Letters.381
â•… It is in the context of this proliferation of INGOs that some elements
in transnational civil society lost sight of developments beyond the ascent
of international associations. In 1907 approximately twice as many INGOs
were formed compared to the previous year, but only a quarter of these
survive to the present day. Among them is the Union of International
Associations (UIA), best known for publishing in the present day the
most comprehensive directory available on INGOs, the Yearbook of Inter-
national Organizations; this is the successor publication to the Annuaire
de la Vie Internationale, the production of which the UIA took over from
Austrian pacifist Alfred Fried’s International Institute of Peace, estab-
lished in 1903 and based in Monaco. The initial objectives of the UIA,
however, were far bolder than simply the publication of an annual review
of international life and directory of international organizations.
â•… The UIA’s founders included Otlet and LaFontaine, who had already
had success with their International Institute of Bibliography, which con-
vened an international conference of international associations in 1906.382
In 1907 approximately twenty Brussels-based international organiza-
70
EMERGENCE TO 1914
tions joined together to form a Central Bureau of International Associ-

ations, and this was transformed into the UIA at the first World Congress
of International Associations, attracting representatives of 132 interna-
tional organizations to meet in Brussels in 1910 (a year from which only
one third of the INGOs that were established survive).383 The organiz-
ers of this conference felt that the congress was the latest development
in ‘a vast and continuous movement … [that] tends towards much greater
co-operation between similar groups in all countries … [and] to the uni-
fication of methods and to international agreements on all points’.384
Representatives of the vast majority of the principal INGOs of the period
took part in the congress, as did delegates from thirteen governments,
including Australia, Bolivia, China, the Dominican Republic, Mexico,
Turkey and the United States, as well as central and western European
governments (but not Britain, France, Germany or Italy). Among the
distinguished list of ‘adhérents’ were such eminent figures as Léon
Â�Bourgeois, Andrew Carnegie, Pierre de Coubertin, Baron d’Estournelles
de Constant and Wilhelm Ostwald.385
â•… In a booklet published in the year that Germany invaded Belgium, the
UIA outlined its aims in English as no less than ‘to bring together the
International Associations, in order to pursue the systematic organisa-
tion of International Life in all its branches’ and ‘developing the inter-
national associations actually existing … by harmonizing their program
and their work, and by constituting a world center for their general ser-
vices’ by means of ‘organization of the representation of all the interna-
tional associations in a federated body’. The UIA intended that
international associations would ‘deliberate in general meetings, where
questions of great interest, common to the whole of humanity, may be
brought forward; to formulate unanimous views … and … to unify their
methods’.386 At the second World Congress of International Associa-
tions of 1913, bringing together representatives of 169 international orga-
nizations and twenty-two governments (this time including Britain,
France and Italy), grandiose plans were approved for an ‘International
Palace’ in Brussels ‘worthy of the importance of the organizations that
created it’.387
â•… A short distance to the north, the finishing touches were being made
to a ‘Peace Palace’ that was to house the Permanent Court of Arbitration
in another planned ‘world capital’, The Hague. In the years running up
to the First World War, numerous resolutions for the promotion of peace
71
were passed not only by the primary peace movement, but by many other
sectors of transnational civil society. The peace work of women’s interna-
tional organizations since the nineteenth century has already been noted.
As for the labour movement, at the time of the Second Balkan War an
emergency congress of the Second International in Basle in November
1912 passed a resolution demanding ‘peace in the Balkans, … war on
war, peace for the world’, building on an earlier peace resolution passed
in Stuttgart in 1907.388 The previous month, the international meeting
of chambers of commerce in Boston aimed to ‘exemplify and promote in
a practical way the motto expressed at the opening of the Liège Â�Congress,
“Commerce is Peace”’.389
â•… For some, such as Norman Angell, the international activities of labour
and business offered hope for a more peaceful world. In his well-known
work, Europe’s Optical Illusion, Angell asked: ‘if both capital and labour
are being pushed by the circumstances of their development into com-
plete internationalisation and coming to take no account of politico-
national rivalries, what classes can remain outside such a movement?’390
Angell argued that ‘the movement towards internationalisation may go
a long way in many activities without affecting the race for armaments,
unless there also takes place a rationalisation of our political concep-
tions’.391 However, his proposed means for achievement of this objective
reveals the thinness of his internationalism: he placed his faith in ‘the
practical genius of the English race’.392
â•… Much of the international work of labour and capital in the period
leading up to the First World War hardly promoted Angell’s vision of a
more harmonious future. The peace resolution of the Second Interna-
tional at Stuttgart in 1907, for instance, was passed in the context of a
speech by Rosa Luxemburg which stated ‘we must all think of the Great
Russian Revolution in connection with this point of the agenda … in
case of war the agitation should be directed not merely toward the ter-
mination of war, but also toward utilizing the war to hasten the over-
throw of class rule in general’.393 As for INGOs in the business sector,
many of those to be created in the opening years of the twentieth cen-
tury were not simply industry federations, but international cartels, such
as the International Rail Makers Association that was revived in 1904.
â•… In addition to the evident divisions between capital and labour that
were ultimately to contribute towards the Cold War, the nationalistic
tendencies that many have cited as a contributory factor to the First
72
EMERGENCE TO 1914
World War were a significant aspect of the movement for the formation
of INGOs of the early twentieth century. Hoffman compares civil soci-
ety of the turn of the century with earlier associational life as follows: ‘In
place of the lofty ideals of civic association that transcended the nation
but remained rooted in local sociability, international organizations
emerged that aimed to assert and organize concrete political or economic
interests, for example, of nation states’.394 This process may be seen to
have developed in the 1830s in Mazzinian associations such as Young
Europe. Early-twentieth-century nationalist organizations such as Young
Bosnia—which was responsible for the assassination that sparked the
First World War—looked to Mazzinian associations as a model for their
activities.395 Furthermore, the ideal of national self-determination was
promoted by many who purported to advocate a more peaceful world,
such as Angell, who argued that ‘peace under the Turks was equivalent
to war; the liberation of the Balkans was the corridor to civilisation’.396
Liberal INGOs of this period, such as LIPL, may therefore be vulnera-
ble to the accusation of holding what Michael Howard has termed ‘an
almost unconscious acceptance of the medieval concept of the just war’
in their advocacy of national self-determination.397
â•… It is also worth noting some other ways in which INGOs reflected the
development of nationalism in this period. For example, several interna-
tional organizations formed in the early twentieth century aimed to pro-
mote particular languages and cultures, such as the International
Federation for the Extension and the Culture of the French Language
established at Liège in 1905, and the English Association formed the
following year. While the activities of organizations such as these were
relatively benign, the same cannot be said of the international organiza-
tions for the promotion of eugenics. Amongst the most notorious was
the International Society for Racial Hygiene that was established in
Â�Germany in 1905 by Alfred Ploetz, who in 1933 was to acclaim Hitler
as ‘the man who had the will to implement racial hygiene’.398 Seven years
after the formation of the Racial Hygiene Society, the University of
Â�London hosted the First International Eugenics Congress with the
involvement of leading figures such as Arthur Balfour, Alexander Â�Graham
Bell, Émile Borel, Winston Churchill, Paul Doumer, Charles Gide, David
Starr Jordan, Reginald McKenna, Arthur Schuster and René Worms.399
To this Congress, Ploetz communicated a paper complaining of the
impact of Malthusianism on what he termed ‘the highly endowed Nor-
dic race’, and an International Eugenics Committee was established.400
73
â•… The previous year the University of London had hosted the Universal
Races Congress that by contrast has subsequently been credited ‘as one
of an important number of agents in the development of liberal thought
… away from the Victorian consensus that there was a hierarchy or chain
of different racial stocks’.401 While much of the proceedings served to
reinforce racial stereotypes, the organizers intended the congress to aim
at ‘encouraging between the peoples of the West and those of the East,
between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples, a fuller under-
standing, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier cooperation’.402 Con-
siderable effort was made to ensure representation at the congress from
across the globe, each session attracting more than a thousand partici-
pants, and plans were made for a permanent secretariat and further con-
gresses, although no subsequent sessions took place.403
â•… Two attendees at the Universal Races Congress were French journal-
ist Jean Pélissier and Lithuanian exile Jean Gabrys, who after a chance
meeting upon their return to Paris decided to set up a Central Office of
Nationalities in October 1911.404 The Central Office of Nationalities fol-
lowed a similar path of development to the UIA: in June 1912 it orga-
nized an international conference on nationalities, and just as the Central
Office of International Associations was turned into the more ambitious
UIA, so the Central Office of Nationalities was converted into the more
ambitious Union of Nationalities (UON).405 Like the UIA, the UON
focused mainly on ‘scientific’ activities, the publication of a journal (the
Annales des Nationalités) and the convening of conferences. However,
while the UIA concentrated on facilitating relations among international
bodies, the UON hoped ‘to promote to the progress of universal and per-
petual peace’ through its work on behalf of different nationalities.406 Like
one of the earliest INGOs—Mazzini’s Young Europe—the UON was
intended ‘to promote the cause of national self-determination [which]
Pélissier saw … as a universal panacea that would solve all political prob-
lems’.407 Given its purportedly pacific objectives, the UON attracted to
its Comité de Patronage such notable figures as Nobel Peace Prize win-
ners Bajer and Fried, as well as LaFontaine of the UIA, which commis-
sioned the UON to report on the demands of nationalities for the 1913
World Congress of International Associations.408
â•… The pages of the Annales des Nationalités, however, reveal a very differ-
ent picture to the anticipated promotion of peace through national self-
determination, with numerous articles on the wars associated with the
74
EMERGENCE TO 1914
fragmentation of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman and Russian empires

in this period, and ominous reports with such headings as ‘Angry Â�Serbia’.409
This did not deter the staff of the UIA from turning towards the promo-
tion of the rights of nationalities. In his 1914 work La Fin de Guerre,
Otlet outlined ‘A World Charter’ that promoted not only a ‘Confedera-
tion of the States of the World’ but also ‘the inalienable and imprescrip-
tible right’ of nations to demand independence and their own states.410
Like most INGOs, the UIA had to cease most of its activities during the
First World War: the last edition of the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
was published in 1912 and the planned third World Congress of Inter-
national Associations set for 1915 in San Francisco never took place.411
Instead, Otlet chose to cooperate with the UON, which continued to
publish the Annales des Nationalités throughout the war and managed to
convene a third International Congress of Nationalities in 1916, with
Otlet in the chair.412 By this time, however, Gabrys was using the UON
as a secret agent for Germany, and the discussions of the congress avoided
criticism of Germany and focused on the dissolution of the Russian
empire.413 Pélissier subsequently hoped to make use of the UON as a
secret agent for France.414 After the collapse of the UON after the First
World War, both Pélissier and Gabrys exited the stage in an undignified
fashion: while Pélissier’s diary contains ‘comical … entries in which he
complains about the way his own insights into what he felt was the great
tide of history … had been usurped in the eyes of the world by President
Wilson’, the ‘pathetic epilogue’ to Gabrys’ ‘unhappy career came after the
Second World War, when, living in Vevey, Switzerland, he insisted that
he should be king of Lithuania’.415
â•… The demise of transnational associational activity in the second decade
of the twentieth century preceded the onset of the First World War. As
Boli and Thomas have pointed out, after 1910 there was a ‘severe collapse’
in the number of INGOs founded, and the rate of INGO dissolution
rose dramatically between 1911 and 1913.416 The rate of INGO forma-
tion declined approximately 20 per cent each year from 1911 until 1916;417
and the number of international meetings may have fallen from 180 in
1913 to 125 in 1914, and halved each year during the First World War.418
â•… The reversal of fortunes for transnational civil society in the second
decade of the twentieth century took place in the context of developing
instability in the international system, such as the crises in Morocco and
the Balkans. Factors which had previously facilitated the development
75
of transnational civil society in the nineteenth century were in this period

to have the reverse effect. It was argued earlier in this chapter that the
consolidation of the nation-state provided the context for the consoli-
dation within these states of national civil society, much of which in turn
formed transnational links, and that imperialism facilitated the expand-
ing geographical reach of many INGOs. However, imperialism and the
empowered nation-state were also among the key aspects of the frag-
mentation of the early twentieth century. Even many technological
advances which had previously facilitated international communication
were to be inhibitive of transnational associational life when used for the
purposes of war.419
â•… In his pioneering study of European internationalism before the First
World War, F. S. L. Lyons argued that in the early twentieth century lead-
Â€ Â€ Â€
ing figures in this movement ‘fell into the mistake of assuming they were
living in a rational world’: preoccupied with planning for the anticipated
third Hague peace congress and third congress of international associa-
tions, they evinced not only ‘a wonderful and touching faith in human
nature’ but also ‘a remoteness from reality which is almost inexplicable in
view of what we know to have been the state of Europe at that time’.420
This remoteness from reality was reflected in the formation of multiple
INGOs in increasingly obscure issue-areas, the creation of INGOs of
INGOs such as the UIA to unite these organizations, and most especially
in the claim of the leaders of such organizations to be, as put forward in
the quotation with which this chapter opened, ‘the most representative
forces of the different countries in their own particular domain’.421
â•… It may even be argued that, through their promotion of nationalism,
some transnational civil society actors themselves encouraged the dete-
rioration of international relations in the first two decades of the twen-
tieth century.422 Michael Howard, for instance, has suggested that liberals
and socialists became ‘hypnotised by the apparent transformation of war-
mongering capitalists into a strong force for peace’ and so ‘underesti-
mated the true dangers’ stemming not only from ‘the balance of power
which they had so long denounced’ but also from ‘those new forces of
militant nationalism which they themselves had done so much to encour-
age’ and ‘which combined to destroy the transnational community they
had laboured to create’.423
76
2
1914–1939
The period from the outbreak of the First World War to that of the Sec-
ond is often overlooked in existing work on transnational civil society,1
and it has commonly been viewed as a period of stagnation in associa-
tional life.2 Historical work on the international relations of the inter-
war era has tended to concentrate on the evolution of interstate diplomacy.3
Authors writing at the time on international affairs in the 1920s and
early 1930s, on the other hand, would commonly note ‘the impressive
number of societies, philanthropic, scientific, religious, fraternal and com-
mercial, that cut straight across frontiers and bring men together’ with
‘influence and results … too profound to be properly estimated’.4 As this
chapter will reveal, the scale of transnational associational life that devel-
oped from the First World War until the early 1930s surpassed that which
preceded the conflict. The first part of this chapter explores how, despite
the First World War’s initially detrimental consequences for much of
transnational civil society, it eventually helped facilitate the development
of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to address a wide range of
issues, including those arising from the conflict and its aftermath. The
Paris Peace Conference of 1919 provided a particularly significant oppor-
tunity for transnational advocacy, with labour, peace and women’s private
international associations, among others, having a significant impact upon
proceedings. The subsequent section of this chapter discusses the rapid
development of transnational civil society in the 1920s, and the expanded
range of INGO activities including interactions with the institutions of
the League of Nations and independent non-governmental policy ini-
77
tiatives. The final part of this chapter looks at how in the 1930s—in a
similar pattern to that which took place two decades before—actors in
transnational civil society became detached from their circumstances,
with the development of large coalitions of INGOs that claimed to
Â�represent ‘the public opinion of the world’,5 as international relations
deteriorated and transnational civil society fragmented, contracted and
lost influence in the years preceding the Second World War.
The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the
Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 1914–1919
Although the First World War was the occasion for the expansion in
volume of activities of some sectors of transnational civil society, such as
the international Red Cross movement, for most the onset of the con-
flict prevented many of their activities from taking place. As the pioneer
student of INGOs Lyman Cromwell White argued, ‘it was almost impos-
sible to hold international meetings’ during the conflict and ‘revenues
declined, and supporters were busy fighting’.6 Many INGOs of the pre-
war period were never to function again, such as the International Asso-
ciation of Academies, the International League of Anti-Vaccinators, the
International Neo-Malthusian Correspondence and Resistance Bureau,
the International Union against Vivisection, the International Union of
Ethical Societies, Internationalis Concordia, the Universal Scientific Alli-
ance, and many of the specialist esperantist and prohibitionist INGOs
that had been formed in the early twentieth century. The overall rate of
INGO formation also continued to decline by approximately one fifth
in each of the first three years of the conflict.7
â•… Apart from Europe, however, the rate of organizational formation was
relatively unaffected. On the day Germany declared war on Russia,
Â�Marcus Garvey established in Jamaica the Universal Negro Improve-
ment and Conservation Association and African Communities League
(UNIA) with a bold set of aims, including ‘to establish a universal con-
fraternity among the race’, ‘to assist in civilizing the backward [sic] tribes
of Africa; to strengthen the imperialism of independent African states;
to establish Commissionaries or Agencies in the principal countries of
the world for the protection of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality’,
and later ‘to establish a central nation for the race’.8 By mid 1919 Â�Garvey
claimed his organization had a membership of 2 million in thirty
branches, based mainly in the United States.9
78
1914–1939
â•… Before US entry into the World War, concern for the humanitarian
consequences of the conflict was a significant motivation for INGO
Â�formation there. In October 1914 Herbert Hoover established the
Â�American Committee for the Relief of Belgium (CRB). This organiza-
tion was created in response to the danger of famine in occupied Â�Belgium
and northern France and was able to facilitate the maintenance of the
region’s population at subsistence level throughout the war: despite being
a non-governmental body, the CRB had a number of state-like capaci-
ties, including concluding agreements with governments and issuing its
own passports.10 The year after the CRB was formed, the American Com-
mittee for Armenian and Syrian Relief (now known as the Near East
Foundation) was organized in New York by Cleveland Dodge in response
to the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman empire, and it claims to have
contributed towards the saving of a million lives in the Near East dur-
ing the First World War.11
â•… The extent to which South America was insulated from the First World
War is reflected in the creation in that period of some of its most signif-
icant international sports federations, including the South American
Football Federation CONMEBOL that was formed in 1916 during the
first South American continental football championship in Buenos Aires,
and the South American Athletics Federation CONSUDATLE that
was established two years later. Another Latin American organization
to be formed in this period was the Latin American Odontological
Â�Federation, FOLA, established in Chile in 1917.12 Elsewhere, the year
1917 also saw the Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute established in
Pune,13 and the East African Women’s League formed in Nairobi.14
â•… Despite the setbacks of the conflict, a few new INGOs were also cre-
ated in Europe during the First World War. Amongst the most signifi-
cant was the ‘Zimmerwald Left’, established immediately after an
international conference that brought together anti-war socialists in
Â�Zimmerwald, Switzerland, in 1915. The ‘Zimmerwald Left’ aimed ‘to
serve as a clarion for the revolutionary confrontations that the war would
inevitably provoke’ and comprised Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek, Berzin,
Â�Borchardt, Platten, Höglund and Nerman.15 Radek introduced them as
‘the first, gradually awakening part of the international working class …
with every day our circle will grow, until we are a great militant army’.16
It has been argued that ‘the history of international Communism begins
with the Zimmerwald Left, and the “militant army” to which Radek
79
referred would eventually appear in the ranks’.17 The Zimmerwald Left,

despite its modest origins, provided the basis for the organization of the
Communist (or ‘Third’) International after the Bolshevik Revolution.18
â•… The onset of the First World War also transformed the peace move-
ment. One organization, the World Alliance for Promoting International
Friendship Through the Churches, was founded in Constance on 2 August
Â€
1914 and aimed to bring together ‘the great religious organizations all
over the world in the question of international peace and goodwill’.19 The
following February, a World Union of Women for International Â�Concord
was established in Geneva ‘to spread internationalism by the establish-
ment of a means of communication between the women of the entire
world’.20 Two months later, an International Women’s Committee of
Â�Permanent Peace was created at a congress of more than a thousand
women at The Hague to ensure that women’s views would be represented
at the peace settlement that followed the war.21 Earlier in April 1915,
The Hague had hosted an international meeting of peace groups at which
a ‘Central Organization for a Durable Peace’ was formed and which
issued a ‘Minimum Programme’, including amongst its proposals ‘a per-
manent organization’ for the Hague Conferences ‘with a view to the
peaceful organization of the Society of Nations’.22
â•… By 1915 the idea of a ‘League of the nations of Europe’ that Â�Cambridge
academic Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson had advocated shortly after the
war had begun23 (and of a Society of Nations which Léon Bourgeois had
promoted since before the war)24 was gaining ground among peace advo-
cates. In October 1914 Dickinson brought together a group of pacifi-
cists—known after its chairman as the Bryce Group—that was to devise
plans for a league of nations, the first draft of which was circulated in
February 1915 and proposed limited measures for cooling-off periods
and mutual defence against attack.25 Three months later, in May 1915, a
League of Nations Society was formed in London with Anglican Liberal Â�
MP Willoughby Hyett Dickinson as its chairman, which promoted a
League of Nations whose member states would ‘unite in any action
Â�necessary for insuring that every member shall abide by the terms of the
treaty’.26 It was soon followed by the creation in June 1915 in the United
States of a League to Enforce Peace (LEP) with William Taft as its
Â�President, aiming to promote a League of Nations with its member states
committing to use ‘economic and military forces against any one of their
number that goes to war’.27 The LEP managed to persuade President
80
1914–1939
Wilson to provide the closing address of its ‘First Annual National

Assemblage’ in May 1916, at which he advocated ‘an universal associa-
tion of the nations to maintain the inviolate security of the highway of
the seas … and to prevent any war begun either contrary to treaty cove-
nants or without warning and full submission of the causes to the opin-
ion of the world, a virtual guarantee of territorial integrity and political
independence’.28
â•… In his pioneering work on ‘international government’ prepared for the
Fabian Research Department and published in 1915–16, Leonard Woolf
noted the development of over 500 voluntary international associations
after 1840 and claimed that they had ‘contributed towards the solution
of the problem of international government’.29 He argued that ‘there is
hardly a sphere of life in which a consciousness of international interests
has not penetrated, and led to men of every tongue and race joining
together in order to promote those interests’.30 He also noted that ‘many
of the diplomatic conventions establishing the Public International
Unions … and many conventions which have unified the Laws and
Administrations of States have … originated in and been worked out by
[private] international associations’.31
â•… The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 was therefore seen as an unpreÂ�
cedented opportunity for NGOs to influence governments. Amongst the
most significant NGOs present in Paris were the League of Nations
Societies, which US legal adviser David Hunter Miller credited with hav-
ing ‘played a great part in the creation, during the world war and partiÂ�
cularly in its later period, of an almost universal sentiment in favor of
some Association of Nations for international peace’.32 Representatives
of League of Nations societies from the victorious countries met in Paris
at an international conference from 25 January until 1 February 1919
and agreed to a seven-point programme that they hoped would influ-
ence the drafters of the League’s Covenant, who began their delibera-
tions on 3 February. The Societies also agreed to the establishment of a
temporary Inter-Allied Bureau of League of Nations Societies, and to
investigate how to pursue ‘joint action of a permanent character’.33 The
secretary general of the International Federation of League of Nations
Societies (IFLNS) that was eventually established in December 1919,
Théodore Ruyssen, was to note that the extent to which the content of
the League of Nations Covenant resembled the seven-point programme
of the League of Nations Societies was considerable, such as admission
81
to the League of states ‘in a position to give effective guarantees of its

loyal intention to observe its undertakings’; creation of an ‘International
Representative Council’ to ‘stimulate the development of international
legislation’, a ‘Permanent Conciliation Committee’, and a ‘Court of
Â�International Justice’; armaments limitation; supervision of armaments
manufacture; and formation of an international labour body.34 This was
thought to be partly the consequence of the actions of two significant
attendees at the conference of League of Nations Societies: one being
the French delegate to the official Commission on the League of Nations
Léon Bourgeois, who led a deputation of the League of Nations Societ-
ies to the ‘Big Four’ at the Paris Peace Conference; the second being the
British delegate to the official Commission Robert Cecil, who kept in
touch with British League of Nations supporters during the delibera-
tions of the official Commission.35
â•… Two days after the League of Nations Societies had assembled in Paris,
a congress of the non-Russian nationalities of the Russian empire met
in the same city from 3 until 5 February 1919, but failed to come to agree-
ment.36 Nevertheless, many representatives of different nationalities suc-
ceeded in presenting their demands to the major powers at the Paris
Peace Conference.37 Furthermore, Jewish groups presented requests for
provisions in the peace settlement for protection of minorities’ rights in
several deputations, and it has been argued that the inclusion of provi-
sions in the minorities treaties agreed in Paris from an earlier ‘Jewish Bill
of Rights’ agreed by the American Jewish Congress in December 1918
‘is irrefutable evidence of the contribution of the American Jewish Con-
gress to their drafting’.38 The International Anti-Opium Association in
Peking that was formed in 1918 also felt that its telegrams to the peace-
makers succeeded in ensuring the inclusion of ratification of the Hague
Opium Convention of 1912 in the peace settlement.39 Less successful
was Japan’s League to Abolish Racial Discrimination which cabled
Â�Clemenceau on 5 February 1919 to demand ‘of the Peace Conference
the final abolition of all racial discrimination’: when Baron Makino pro-
posed an article embodying this to be inserted into the League Â�Covenant
eight days later, he had no support from other countries.40
â•… Starting on the same day that the congress of nationalities of the Rus-
sian empire began in Paris, labour and socialist representatives from both
victorious and defeated states assembled in Berne from 3 to 10 Febru-
ary 1919. This conference adopted a resolution proposing that ‘represen-
82
1914–1939
tation in the central organ of the League should be, not by delegates of
the executive branches of the Governments of the constituted states, but
by delegates from the Parliaments representing all parties therein, ensur-
ing thus, not an alliance of Cabinets or Governments, but a union of peo-
ples’.41 Influenced by this resolution, a proposal for regular extraordinary
meetings of the League Council to include Parliamentary and NGO
representatives was considered during the deliberations of the Commis-
sion on the League of Nations on 13 February 1919, but was rejected.42
The international labour and socialist conference at Berne also passed
resolutions promoting national self-determination, labour standards, and
‘a permanent Commission, consisting in equal parts of representatives of
the States which are members of the League of Nations and of the Inter-
national Trades Union Federation’; a delegation was sent to Paris to pres-
ent these resolutions to the President of the Paris Peace Conference.43
The resolutions on labour standards and a permanent international labour
commission adopted at the Berne Conference had evolved from the
demands for ‘industrial clauses to be inserted into the peace treaty’
adopted at an inter-allied trade union conference in Leeds in 1916.44 The
proposal for an international labour office at the Leeds congress is said
to be ‘the germ of the ILO as we know it today’.45 At the Paris Peace
Conference, the President of the American Federation of Labour, Â�Samuel
Gompers, was appointed chairman of the intergovernmental commis-
sion on labour legislation that drafted a Labour Charter and the consti-
tution of the International Labour Organization (ILO).46 There was a
widespread perception that the creation of the ILO was ‘a response to
the revolutionary demands of labour in 1918–1919’.47
â•… Just as the international socialist conference in Berne finished, another
international conference in Paris brought together delegates from the
allied countries of the International Alliance of Women from 10 until
16 February 1919. President Wilson received a deputation from them in
the evening of the first day, and three days later he proposed the creation
of an intergovernmental commission to enquire into the international
concerns of women, but had to withdraw the proposal in the face of
Clemenceau’s opposition to discussion of women’s political status.48
Instead, women’s deputations were permitted to the intergovernmental
commissions on labour legislation and the League of Nations. An entire
sitting of the international commission on labour legislation was devoted
to hearing representatives of the Conference of Allied Suffragists, the
83
International Council of Women and several French women’s associa-

tions, and their demands included equal opportunity, ‘equal pay for equal
work’, and the creation of national female labour committees. The
Â�President of the commission assured the women delegates of the com-
mission’s ‘sincere desire to give satisfaction to the claims of the Associa-
tions represented’, and references to equal pay and women’s participation
in national inspection systems were present in the commission’s draft
articles for insertion into the Versailles Treaty.49 The commission on the
League of Nations received a joint deputation of the International Coun-
cil of Women and Conference of Allied Suffragists on 10 April 1919, at
which requests were made for the appointment of women to the League,
abolition of the traffic in women and children, women’s right to vote, and
international health and education organizations.50 The Covenant of the
League of Nations ultimately provided for equal opportunity for women
and men to obtain positions in the League and League responsibility to
supervise agreements concerning the traffic in women and children.51
â•… The women’s organization that was set up in 1915 to present women’s
views at the peace conference, the International Committee of Women
for Permanent Peace, left it until May 1919 to convene its post-war con-
gress in Zurich, at which it was transformed into the Women’s Interna-
tional League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). This congress condemned
the Versailles Treaty for having ‘so seriously violate[d] the principles upon
which alone a just and lasting peace can be secured’ and sent a deputa-
tion to Paris to present its views, but found that ‘none of the women’s
proposals was accepted by the Big Four’.52 Nevertheless, in its later rela-
tions with the League of Nations, WILPF was to pioneer many tech-
niques for lobbying intergovernmental organizations.53
â•… Another organization that is said to have ‘blazed a path for NGO
involvement’ in international affairs54—the International Chamber of
Commerce (ICC)—originated in an International Trade Conference that
took place in Atlantic City in October 1919. The conference chairman,
Alfred Bedford, described this ‘meeting of the industrial, financial and
economic leaders of the Allied countries and the United States for a sin-
gle purpose—the restoration of the world’s commerce to a normal basis’—
as ‘the most important international trade meeting in history’ and ‘a
corollary to the Peace Conference’.55 The historian of the ICC, however,
argued that ‘in so far as the conference, limited by war horizons, marked
the reforming of something like the old Allied industrial war front under
84
1914–1939
private command for the purpose of continuing the economic conflict,

its program must be considered as an ominous implementation of the
Treaty of Versailles.’56 On the other hand, in approving the formation of
a ‘permanent organization along broader lines’ than previously, the con-
ference hoped ‘to promote international commerce, to facilitate the com-
mercial intercourse of nations, to secure harmony of action on all
international questions involving commerce and industry, and to pro-
mote peace, progress and cordial relations between the countries and
their citizens by the cooperation of business men and their associations
devoted to the development of commerce and industry’.57
â•… The other major business INGO to emerge at this time—the Inter-
national Organisation of Employers—originated at the first ILO con-
ference, in Washington, DC in November 1919, at which the employer
delegates, in contrast to the labour delegates, found themselves to be
‘absolutely disunited … they did not know each other; neither had they
exchanged any views as regards the serious problems with which pro-
duction was directly concerned’.58 As a result they resolved to establish
the following year the International Organisation of Industrial Employ-
ers to work for the common interests of its members at the ILO.
â•… Organizations such as these represented a new generation of INGOs
that were much more substantial than their nineteenth-century predeces-
sors, which by comparison White described as more ‘visionary rather than
practical’ and ‘more for the sake of being international than for the sake
of getting something accomplished’.59 The post-war organizations not
only focused more on practical action, but also often had more consider-
able memberships and financial resources than their precursors, and were
to play an often influential role in the international politics of the period.
â•… Amongst the most significant of the new generation of INGOs to
emerge in 1919 was the organization that today claims to be ‘the world’s
largest humanitarian organization’,60 the International Federation of Red
Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), initially known as the League
of Red Cross Societies, which was to have more member national asso-
ciations in the interwar years than there were state members of the League
of Nations.61 At a medical conference in Cannes in April 1919, the prime
mover behind the Federation, Henry P. Davidson, described the ratio-
Â€
nale for the organization as ‘a lesson which some of us think we learned

during the war … realizing the power of the organizations which have
been developed, realizing the need, the demand, for the service which
85
they could render, … we believed that there was one sole and sacred
responsibility, and that was that we should co-ordinate our endeavors to
go on and do the work that could only be done by the co-ordinated effort
of the Red Cross organizations of the world’. In his hope that there would
be ‘a time when every nation in the world will have a Red Cross organi-
zation’ and ‘when the Red Cross organization will be recognized by the
people of the country as the national organization for the general good
and welfare of the people within that country’, Davidson emulated (more
realistically this time) the goals of earlier humanitarians such as John
Murray of the Society of Universal Good-Will of Norwich, who in the
eighteenth century ‘projected a centralized global charity with local
branches to administer relief ’.62
â•… Another significant humanitarian INGO to be formed in May 1919
was the Save the Children Fund. This emerged from the movement in
Britain in opposition to the continuation of the allied blockade after the
First World War. Whereas the Fight the Famine Council from which it
emerged concentrated on political advocacy against the blockade, the
Save the Children Fund aimed to provide direct relief to those suffering
as a result of the blockade.63 The goals of one of its founders, Eglantyne
Jebb, expanded to include developing ‘a powerful international organisa-
tion for child saving which would extend its ramifications to the remoÂ�
test corner of the globe’, for which a Save the Children International
Union was created in Geneva in 1920.64
â•… One of the clearest examples of the contrast between the INGOs estab-
lished after the First World War and many of their nineteenth-Â�century
precursors is provided in the field of scientific collaboration. Many of the
numerous international scientific congresses of the period before the First
World War operated with either no permanent organization, or one with
few purposes beyond the convening of congresses. From July 1919 this
changed significantly. In that month the InterÂ�national Research Coun-
cil (transformed in 1931 into today’s International Council for Science,
ICSU) was established in Brussels ‘to co-ordinate international efforts in
the different branches of science …; to initiate the formation of interna-
tional Associations or Unions deemed to be useful to the progress of sci-
ence …; [and] to direct international scientific activity in subjects which
do not fall within the purview of any existing international associations’.65
It succeeded in facilitating the formation of international unions dedi-
cated to particular sciences, including astronomy, biology, chemistry, geod-
esy, geography, physics and radio-telegraphy.66
86
1914–1939
â•… As for the humanities, the International Union of Academies was

established at a conference in Paris in October 1919 in order to facili-
tate relations among the national academies of different countries, orga-
nize conferences, and ‘inaugurate, encourage and direct such research
work and publications as would appear best to further the progress of
archaeology, history, philosophy, the moral, political and social sciences
and which necessitate or deserve a high degree of cooperation’.67 In addi-
tion to its annual conferences that took place usually in Brussels, its com-
missions examined subjects as varied as alchemical manuscripts, Grotius,
medieval Latin, Byzantine music and Islamic tradition.68
â•… The development of internationalism in educational circles at this time
is notable. In February 1919 the Institute of International Education
(IIE) was formed in New York ‘to develop international good will by
means of educational agencies, and for its specific purpose to act as a
clearing house of information and advice for Americans concerning
things educational in foreign countries and for foreigners concerning
things educational in the United States’.69 As well as facilitating student
and professor exchange programmes, this organization claims to have in
the 1920s ‘persuaded the U.S. government to create a new category of
Â€
nonimmigrant student visas’ and to have ‘published the first reference

guides to international study’.70 The IIE was formed in response to a per-
ception that ‘The outbreak of the Great War found most Americans, even
of the intelligent class, unfamiliar with many of the problems brought to
the surface by it.’71
â•… Another response to this problem in 1919 was the establishment of
new institutions for the explicit study of international affairs. Some had
highly specific objectives, such as the Hoover War Collection, which
aimed simply to provide ‘an historical collection on the Great War’ (but
which in 1957 was transformed into the Hoover Institution on War,
Â�Revolution and Peace).72 More general objectives were proposed at a
meeting during the Paris Peace Conference on 30 May 1919 of mem-
bers of the British and American delegations who discussed ‘the creation
of an institute of international affairs … with one branch in England and
another in America’.73 The motivation for this was outlined as being ‘the
production of sound public opinion’ by ‘a small number of people in real
contact with the facts who had thought out the issues involved’, accord-
ing to its prime mover, Lionel Curtis of the Round Table movement for
imperial federation.74 Such were the origins of Chatham House and the
87
Council on Foreign Relations, established in 1920 and 1921 respectively.75

It is also claimed that ‘the world’s first Chair for the study of interna-
tional politics’ was founded ‘in 1919 at the University College of Wales,
Aberystwyth’.76
â•… More INGOs were founded in 1919 than in the previous three years
put together.77 Although not all of them were to survive the Second
World War, some of even these still managed to achieve considerable
memberships in the following two decades; one such organization was
the International Confederation of Students, founded in 1919 and within
a decade growing to a million members, and achieving some success in
the arrangement of international student travel and sports.78 Some smaller
organizations, such as the Christian pacifist International Fellowship of
Reconciliation, were to prove more enduring.79 Many more of the small
INGOs formed in 1919, such as the Society for a League of Religions
founded in London in that year, were less successful.80
â•… Several INGOs formed in 1919 followed significant changes in the
domestic politics of many countries at this time. Accompanying the
enfranchisement of women in eighteen countries in 1918–19, for instance,
a wide range of new women’s INGOs were established. The new wom-
en’s INGOs of 1919 included US-based women’s service clubs, such as
Quota International and Zonta International, which aimed to provide
women’s counterparts to earlier service organizations, such as Rotary
International and the Kiwanis. Also founded in the United States in 1919
was the Medical Women’s International Association, at the first Inter-
national Congress of Women Physicians in New York. On the other side
of the Atlantic, the International Federation of University Women was
founded in London with the aim ‘to promote understanding and friend-
ship between the university women of the nations of the world, and
thereby to further their interests and develop between their countries
sympathy and mutual helpfulness’.81
â•… Following the ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment to the United
States Constitution in January 1919, the World League against Alcohol-
ism was launched in June 1919. It was formed by the Anti-Saloon League
of the United States and the Dominion Temperance Alliance of Canada
and aimed ‘to attain, by the means of education and legislation, the total
suppression throughout the world of alcoholism’.82 The initiative has been
described by Ian Tyrrell as a ‘grasp for global moral hegemony’ by ‘evan-
gelical reformers [who] saw Wilsonian democratic idealism … as a model
88
1914–1939
for the extended moral influence of the United States’.83 However, their
missionaries were to be ‘rejected abroad’, and the movement ‘finally col-
lapsed with the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1933’.84
â•… A very different agenda for global political transformation was put for-
ward on the other side of the world at the first Congress of the Commu-
nist International (Comintern) in Moscow from 2 until 6 March 1919.
The congress consisted of just thirty-five delegates ‘from so-called com-
munist parties in these smaller nations which had formerly comprised
the Russian empire … or … war prisoners or foreign radicals who hap-
pened to be in Russia at the time’.85 At the congress, Zinoviev appealed
not ‘to shrink from creating in the Third International the instrument for
creating an international Soviet republic’.86 Subsequently, the German-
Austrian, Swedish, Balkan and Hungarian representatives moved that ‘a
united, resolute, international organization of all communist elements’ be
founded to ‘destroy the rule of capital, make war impossible, abolish State
frontiers, change the entire world into one co-operative community, make
a reality of the brotherhood and freedom of the peoples’.87
â•… The founders of the Comintern aimed to ‘support the exploited colo-
nial peoples in their struggles against imperialism’.88 Such struggles were
gaining considerable ground in 1919, a year in which Amanullah
announced Afghanistan’s independence on 13 April (the day of the
Â�Amritsar massacre in India), the 4 May protests took place in Beijing,
and the Egyptian revolution occurred. In South Asia, Gandhi used saty-
agraha in opposition to legislation impeding the home rule movement,
and in the same year the pan-Islamic Khilafat movement was launched.
At the September 1919 All-India Muslim Conference, the partition of
the Ottoman empire was opposed and an All-India Khilafat Committee
established.89 In November of that year, the Jamiat al-Ulama-e-Hind was
founded in Delhi to ‘provide leadership according to the tenets of Islamic
law’ and for ‘strengthening contacts with the rest of the Islamic world’.90
In February of 1919, the First Pan-African Congress took place in Paris,
at which a permanent committee was established and a somewhat
restrained resolution called for League of Nations supervision of Africa.91
â•… The year 1919 had seen the formation of a greater number of INGOs
than any previous year.92 Many of them represented the development of
a new generation, more focused on practical action and possession of a
substantial membership and financial resource base, whether the 3 mil-
lion firms that the ICC claimed to represent, the more than 20 million
89
people that were affiliated to the re-established International Federation

of Trade Unions, or the million-dollar budget of Rotary International.93
Although the short-term impact of the First World War had been det-
rimental to transnational civil society, it provided the context not only
for the development of this new generation of INGOs, but also for the
fruition of many of the goals to which earlier INGOs had aspired, such
as the creation of the League of Nations, women’s enfranchisement in
many countries, prohibition legislation in the United States, and
Â�Communist revolution in Russia.
The Development of Transnational Civil Society in the 1920s

Over the course of the 1920s more than twice as many INGOs were
founded than had been created in the entire nineteenth century, and
whereas 2,699 international conferences took place between 1840 and
the First World War, from 1919 until 1932 some 2,018 international
conferences were held.94 In this period, INGOs developed substantial
relations with the apparatus of the League of Nations, and carried out
many independent policy initiatives of their own. The following para-
graphs will explore in turn the expanding role of INGOs in a wide range
of fields, including humanitarian assistance, human/minority rights,
Â�gender equality, anti-colonialism, pan-nationalism, religious identity,
Communism and anti-Communism, syndicalism, socialism, business
internationalism, standardization, communications, environmentalism,
cultural internationalism and peace.
â•… Many more enduring INGOs were formed in the 1920s than can be
covered in detail in this chapter. Beyond those listed in Table 4, endur-
ing new INGOs of the 1920s worth noting included organizations con-
cerned with: the arts (e.g. International Society for Contemporary Music,
1922); business (e.g. World Energy Council, 1924; International Asso-
ciation of Department Stores and Leading Hotels of the World, 1928);
health (e.g. International Council of Ophthalmology, 1927; International
Hospital Association, 1929); peace (e.g. War Resisters International,
1921; Universal Love and Brotherhood Association, Japan, 1925); poliÂ�
cing (e.g. Interpol [initially an INGO], 1923); the professions (e.g. Inter-
national Association of Lawyers, 1927; Association of International
Accountants, 1928); welfare (e.g. International Federation of Settlements,
1922; International Social Security Association, 1927; International
90
1914–1939
Table 4: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 1919–1929, with pre-

WW2 membership data
Category Illustrative INGO, with Membership of illustrative

year of foundation INGO preceding Second
World War95
Arts International PEN, 1921 Members in 38 countries

Broadcasting International Broadcast- Broadcasting organiza-
ing Union, 1925 tions in 29 countries;
‘estimated wireless
audience of 110 million
listeners’
Business International Chamber of More than 800 business
Commerce, 1919 associations in 48
countries
Children Save the Children 34 organizations in 31
International Union, countries
1920
Environment International Committee Member national sections
for Bird Preservation, in 27 countries
1922
Ex-Servicemen Inter-Allied Federation 8 million ex-servicemen
of Ex-Servicemen, 1920 in 66 associations in 11
countries
Health International Professional Member professional
Association of Medical associations in 27
Practitioners, 1926 countries
Humanitarianism League of Red Cross Red Cross societies in 62
Societies, 1919 countries
Human Rights International Federation Member Human Rights
for Human Rights, 1922 Leagues in 18 countries
Migration Permanent International Approximately 40
Conference of Private associations in 14
Organisations for the countries
Protection of Migrants,
1924
Minorities Congress of European 33 national minority
Nationalities, 1925 groups; approximately 40
million people96
91
Peace International Federation League of Nations

of League of Nations associations in 38
Societies, 1919 countries
Professions International Federation 40 associations in 29
of Library Associations, countries
1929
Religion International Headquar- Branches in 13 countries
ters of the Sufi Move-
ment, 1923
Science International Council of Scientific societies in 42
Scientific Unions, 1919 countries and 7 interna-
tional scientific unions
Socialism Labour & Socialist 6 million members in 35
International, 1923 countries97
Students International Confedera- Approximately 900,000
tion of Students, 1919 students in 34 countries
Syndicalism International Federation Approximately 23 million
of Trade Unions, 1919 people in trade union
centres in 22 countries98
Transport International Air Traffic 25 airlines
Association, 1919
Women International Co-opera- ‘Several million’ members
tive Women’s Guild, 1921 in 34 countries99
Â�
Federation of Social Workers, 1928); women (e.g. Associated Country
Women of the World, 1929); and youth (e.g. World Organization of the
Scout Movement, 1920; World Association of Girl Guides and Girl
Scouts, 1928).100
â•… One of the principal reasons for the proliferation of INGOs and their
activities in the 1920s was the establishment of the League of Nations,
which provided an unprecedented opportunity structure for INGOs. The
League of Nations was—in the words of one of the drafters of its
Â�Covenant, Robert Cecil—‘a great experiment’; and this is reflected in the
early discussions of the League’s Secretariat regarding its relationship
with INGOs.101 Apart from a reference in Article 25 to ‘the establish-
ment and co-operation of duly authorised national Red Cross organiza-
tions’, the Covenant of the League of Nations did not specify how the
92
1914–1939
League was to handle INGOs.102 In consequence, the Secretariat noted

in February 1920 that ‘in all questions connected with international orga-
nizations and their relation to the League, it is exceedingly hard to find
any general principles. It is hard even to find “very broad rules” for guid-
ance in action. But … if individual problems are dealt with one by one
by the people who are intimately concerned with them, … general prin-
ciples will gradually emerge from the conclusions to which such people
come.’103 From the conclusions made by League officials over the follow-
ing two decades, many precedents were set for the subsequent practice
of the United Nations.
â•… The British National Council of Women succeeded in persuading Eric
Drummond to suggest that ‘it would be very wise to secure a good woman
on the Publicity Section through whom we can get in touch, for pur-
poses of propaganda, with the various women’s organizations.’104 He sub-
sequently appointed Lithuanian princess Gabrielle Radziwill to the
Secretariat, who was to liaise not only with women’s INGOs but INGOs
more generally.105 The Secretariat often sent officials to observe INGO
meetings, produced regular bulletins and handbooks on INGOs and their
activities, published INGO resolutions in its official journals, circulated
summaries of communications received from INGOs to members of the
Council, arranged deputations from INGO representatives to the
Â�Presidents of the Assembly and Council, and appointed INGO repre-
sentatives as assessors on specialist League committees such as on refu-
gees, statistics, transport, the traffic in women and children, and other
social questions.106 Douglas Williams has argued that ‘under the infor-
mal relationship with the League’ INGOs ‘were endowed with greater
participatory privileges than they enjoy today’ with the United Nations.107
The ILO’s relationship with non-governmental actors was the most exten-
sive of the League’s bodies, given that half of its composition comprised
worker and employer delegates who could not be government officials,
and it is the only component of the League to survive to the present
day.108 The International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC),
on the other hand, disappointed those who hoped that it would ‘do for
the liberal professions what the International Labour Office was intended
to do for industrial workers’,109 although it did cooperate with a Comité
d’Entente des Grandes Associations Internationales in exploring ‘the
means of defending and preparing peace in people’s minds through the
medium of teaching’.110
93
â•… Amongst the first activities that required collaboration between the
League of Nations and INGOs was humanitarian assistance. The coop-
eration between the Red Cross movement and the League of Nations
High Commissioner for Repatriation of Prisoners, Fridtjof Nansen,
resulted in the repatriation of 425,000 prisoners of the First World War
from Russia in the two years from April 1920.111 Given Nansen’s success
in this field, the International Committee of the Red Cross suggested in
February 1921 that a League of Nations Commissioner for Russian ref-
ugees be appointed, and Nansen took up this position in September
1921.112 Another aspect of the relationship between the Red Cross and
Nansen was the response to the Russian famine: a conference convened
by the League of Red Cross Societies and the International Committee
of the Red Cross in August 1921 created the International Committee
for Russian Relief, of which Nansen was High Commissioner and in
which participated the Save the Children International Union and the
American Relief Administration, who proceeded to feed more than 10
million people.113 Two years later the League of Red Cross Societies and
International Committee of the Red Cross cooperated again, this time
to raise nearly 300 million Swiss Francs to assist the relief of the victims
of the Great Kanto earthquake.114 Lobbying from the League of Red
Cross Societies in the 1920s ‘led directly to the establishment of the first
ever international organization specifically set up to respond to disaster’:
the intergovernmental International Relief Union (IRU), established in
1927 ‘for the benefit of all stricken peoples’, which recognized the ‘free
cooperation’ of ‘all other official or non-official organizations that may be
able to undertake the same activities’.115 The idea of creating the IRU is
attributed to Giovanni Ciraolo of the Italian Red Cross, who was invited
to present his ideas to the Council of the League of Nations, and the ‘Red
Cross and other interested organisations were consulted at every step in
the preparatory work’ of the League of Nations for the IRU.116 The League
of Red Cross Societies has also been credited with being ‘largely respon-
sible for the establishment of ’ the International Union against Tubercu-
losis in 1920, the International Union for Combating Venereal Diseases
in 1924, the Standing Committee on the Health and Welfare of Seamen
in 1927, and the International Association for the Prevention of Blind-
ness in 1929, as well as establishing ‘in nearly all countries … first aid and
home nursing classes, health lectures, … child welfare centres, anti-malar-
ial and anti-tuberculosis dispensaries and sanatoria’.117
94
1914–1939
â•… The relief work of organizations such as the Red Cross was accompa-
nied by that of international voluntary service organizations developing
in this period, such as the International Voluntary Service for Peace
(Â�Service Civil International), established in 1920 ‘to recruit men and
women from all countries who will give practical help in time of natural
catastrophes and will carry out voluntarily works of general utility’.118 In
the fifteen years following its foundation, this organization drew 2,500
volunteers from Europe, Mexico, India and Iceland to assist in relief after
more than twenty natural disasters in Europe and India.119
â•… Over the course of the 1920s, several INGOs were established dedi-
cated to assisting migrants. One of the first was the International
Â�Migration Service, created on the initiative of the American YWCA in
1921 on account of ‘the importance of providing assistance in Europe
for women and children heading for America from all countries’.120
Within a year the service had branches in eleven countries, and by 1934
it had assisted 20,000 families.121 In 1924, the Permanent International
Conference of Private Organisations for the Protection of Migrants was
set up with the objective of promoting ‘international cooperation for the
protection of migrants’ through the instruments of the League of
Nations.122 It was followed in 1927 by HICEM, which united the Hebrew
Immigrant Aid Society of New York, the Jewish Colonization Associa-
tion of Paris and Emigdirect of Berlin, and was to play an important role
in facilitating the emigration of Jews facing persecution in central and
eastern Europe.123
â•… Some of the most significant non-governmental humanitarian work
in the 1920s was carried out on behalf of children. The Save the Â�Children
International Union was the most prominent INGO in this field: within
five years of its formation in 1920 it had committees in forty countries,
£4 million had been raised, and relief had been provided to children in
thirty countries.124 Its most notable achievement was the Declaration on
the Rights of the Child, which was adopted by the Assembly of the
League of Nations in 1924 and, along with the creation of the League’s
child welfare committee, is said to have ‘marked the passing of social
work for childhood into an official object of international relations’.125
The Declaration’s author, Eglantyne Jebb, alongside René Sand of the
League of Red Cross Societies, was also central to the formation of the
International Council on Social Welfare in 1928, which aimed ‘to facil-
itate personal contacts, to provide for exchange of information and to
95
promote discussion among social workers and social agencies through-

out the world’.126 Another organization, the International Association
for the Protection of Child Welfare, which was formed in 1921 and was
of mixed governmental and non-governmental participation, was ‘an early
example of an NGO–IGO merger’; the League of Nations took over the
governmental component in 1924.127
â•… While Save the Children is notable for its promotion of children’s
rights, human rights more generally were promoted by organizations
such as the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), created
by human rights leagues in twenty countries in 1922 to promote ‘the dis-
semination and application in all countries of the principles of justice,
liberty, equality and the sovereignty of the people, as issued in the French
Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789 and 1793’ and ‘to work con-
tinuously for the extension of the rights of man to all persons and com-
munities (refugees, outlaws, the stateless, the persecuted, national
minorities, etc.)’, as well as to promote peace through the League of
Nations.128 Since 1898 the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme had worked as
‘a French association to defend the principles of liberty, equality and jus-
tice enunciated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789’.129
FIDH, on the other hand, describes itself as ‘the first international orga-
nization for the defence of the rights of man’, and in 1927 it launched
an appeal to the international community for the adoption of a ‘Global
Declaration of the Rights of Man’ and the creation of a permanent inter-
national criminal court.130 Ten years earlier, André Mandelstam had pre-
sented to the American Institute of International Law a draft declaration
on international law that included reference to ‘international rights of
the individual’, and by 1929 the International Law Institute had adopted
a Declaration of the International Rights of Man that was subsequently
endorsed by FIDH in 1931.131
â•… Given the provisions of the minorities treaties that followed the First
World War, the protection of minorities was often the focus of practical
action by INGOs with respect to human rights in this period. In 1925,
a Congress of European Nationalities was set up ‘to form a link between
the ethnical minorities of Europe; to facilitate the regular exchange of
ideas and cooperation between their responsible leaders with a view to
elucidating and solving the problem of nationalities so as to remove the
chief cause of European wars’.132 This organization claimed to speak on
behalf of 40 million people and to have ‘stimulated the whole treatment
96
1914–1939
of the minority problem in the League of Nations’, which had proce-

dures for responding to minorities’ petitions.133 Because it was felt that
the Council of the League of Nations was ‘hampered by the necessity of
having to act with excessive caution’ in respect of minorities’ complaints,
organizations such as the IFLNS attempted to carry out their own work
on behalf of minorities.134 The IFLNS mediated in the disputes between
thirty-four minorities and their respective governments between 1923
and 1938, and claimed to have had success in respect of the Danish
minority in Germany in 1923, the Bulgarian minority in Romania and
the Romanian minority in Bulgaria in 1928.135
â•… The persecution of Jews in Europe at this time formed the context for
the formation of the organization now known as the International League
against Racism and Anti-Semitism. This organization developed from Â€
the League against Pogroms that was established in Paris in 1927 by Â€
Â�Bernard Lecache, who aimed to save the life of Samuel Schwartzbard,

accused of murdering Symon Petliura, whom Schwartzbard believed
was responsible for pogroms in Ukraine. Following the acquittal of
Â€
Schwartzbard, the organization was transformed into the International

League against Anti-Semitism, which with objectives including ‘the rec-
onciliation of peoples, peace among races and equality among men’ as
well as defence of ‘the rights of existence and peace of Jews throughout
the world’ was to attract a prominent membership including Albert
Â�Einstein, Maxim Gorky and Séverine.136
â•… Following the successful promotion of women’s right to vote in many
European countries after the First World War, women’s INGOs sought
to expand their agenda in the 1920s. The International Alliance of
Women, for instance, revised its objects in 1920 beyond the promotion
of woman suffrage to include ‘sex equality in practically all fields of polit-
ical, social and economic life’.137 Women’s INGOs were amongst the
most active in making efforts to exploit the new opportunity structure
opened by the creation of the League of Nations. At the first League of
Nations Assembly in 1920, for instance, a member of the ICW addressed
the delegates on the subject of the traffic in women and children, a sub-
ject for which a League Advisory Committee was set up with numerous
women’s INGOs as assessors or advisory members.138 Women’s INGOs
played a particularly pioneering role in the establishment of collabora-
tive bodies to coordinate their work in relation to the League of Nations,
such as the Joint Standing Committee of International Women’s Orga-
97
nizations that was set up by the IAW, WILPF, the World’s YWCA and
the ICW in 1925.139 The new intergovernmental organizations of the
League of Nations system were not simply seen as opportunities, but also
threats that needed to be addressed: the formation of the Open Door
International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker in
1929, for instance, was motivated by the perception that ‘it became daily
clearer that the problems created by the work and influence of the Inter-
national Labour Organisation was a menace to women all over the world,
and that nothing but an international organisation would be in a posi-
tion to combat its attack on the woman worker’.140
â•… A further dimension to the expansion of women’s INGOs’ activities
in the 1920s was their effort ‘to become—or at least to appear—what
they called “truly international”, [when] they added members and national
sections in Latin America, Asia, the Middle East and Africa’.141 The activ-
ities of women’s groups beyond Europe and North America, however,
were not always successful. A particularly notable example is the move-
ment against female genital mutilation, which in Kenya was confronted
by considerable opposition from the nationalist Kikuyu Central Associ-
ation: it has been argued that ‘the campaign against female circumcision
became a symbol for colonial attempts to impose outside values’, and
thus may have had a counterproductive effect on those whom it was
intended to help.142
â•… The Kikuyu Central Association was one of many nationalist organi-
zations to emerge in the colonies of European countries during the 1920s.
The development of Indian nationalism is evident in the formation of a
range of All Indian organizations of sectors of the Indian population,
such as the All India Trade Union Congress in 1925 and the All India
Women’s Conference and the Federation of Indian Chambers of
Â�Commerce and Industry in 1927. Beyond colonial Asia, the Japanese are
credited with ‘the first attempt to give substance to a vague Pan-Asian
sentiment’, with the convening of Pan-Asian Conferences from 1920 by
the Japanese Pan-Asian Society.143 Two years later, the Eastern Bond
Association was formed in Egypt ‘to work for a close co-operation
between Egypt and all other Eastern peoples in their struggle for national
liberation, to establish an Eastern League of Nations, to promote cul-
tural, scientific, economic and social bonds among the peoples of the
East, to disseminate the “Eastern idea” and to rejuvenate the Eastern civ-
ilization’.144 The development of Afro-Asian consciousness was evident
98
1914–1939
in the convening in Delhi in 1929 of an Afro-Asian Conference by

Â�Jawaharlal Nehru.145 A series of Pan-African Congresses took place in
the decade following the first that had taken place in Paris in 1919. Efforts
towards cross-Pacific understanding were evident in the creation in 1925
of the Institute of Pacific Relations and the formation of the Pan-Pacific
and South-East Asia Women’s Association (PPSEAWA), following the
Pan-Pacific Women’s Conferences of 1928 and 1930. In the Americas,
numerous pan-American organizations were created in the 1920s, such
as the Pan-American Federation of Architects Associations and the Pan-
American Federation of Labor in 1920 and Soroptimist International of
the Americas in 1921. New Ibero-American organizations were also cre-
ated in the 1920s, such as the Federación Latinoamericana de Prensa
Periódica that was established in 1925. INGOs centred around the Brit-
ish Commonwealth and the French-speaking world also multiplied in
the 1920s.
â•… Amongst the most significant pan-movement organizations to be cre-
ated in this period followed the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in
1924. In 1926 world Islamic conferences took place in Cairo and Mecca
and promoted rival claims to be Caliph.146 The World Muslim Congress
INGO that was formed at a subsequent congress in Jerusalem in 1931
was set up ‘to propagate Moslem culture and morals and to promote
amongst Moslems a spirit of brotherhood; to safeguard Moslem inter-
ests and to preserve Moslem holy places from any interference; to com-
bat any Missionary activities or campaigns amongst Moslems; [and] to
establish universities and educational institutions which will endeavour
to create conformity in Moslem culture and to teach Arabic language to
Moslem children’.147 This organization lobbied for Muslim interests at
the League of Nations and developed branches in Palestine, Syria and
Transjordan.148
â•… A more radical organization was set up in Ismailia, Egypt, in 1928.
The Society of the Muslim Brothers, which initially had a ‘strong touch
of Sufism’, was created ‘to raise a new generation of Muslims who will
understand Islam correctly’.149 Although many of its branches beyond
Egypt before the Second World War were ‘merely based around friends
or personal contacts of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers’, the organization
reported within a decade of its formation branches in Aden, Bahrain,
Djibouti, France, India, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Saudia Arabia,
Sudan and Syria, and it was active in Islamic anti-colonial movements
99
in Palestine, North Africa and Syria in the 1930s.150 Its activities were
preceded by those of the Young Men’s Muslim Association (formed in
reaction to and partly modelled on the World’s Alliance of YMCAs),
which was established in Egypt in 1927 and spread to many other Arab
territories; its educational and social welfare activities foreshadowed those
promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood.151
â•… Keen to exploit anti-colonial sentiment was the international Com-
munist movement, which facilitated the formation in Moscow in 1920
of the League of Islamic Revolutionary Societies that aimed ‘to make
the Muslims—who are used like slaves, enslaved and dominated by the
imperialists and capitalists—masters of their own fate under the leader-
ship of Turkey’.152 Although this organization is said to have ‘led little
more than a fictitious existence’,153 other Communist anti-colonial orga-
nizations were more substantial. The League against Imperialism, for
instance, set up in 1926, had branches in Britain, France, Germany, India
and the Americas.154
â•… Communist organizations were active in numerous aspects of transna-
tional civil society in the 1920s, including freethought (the Proletarian
Freethinkers), humanitarian aid (Workers International Relief and Inter-
national Class War Prisoners’ Aid), peasants (the International Peasant
Council), sport (the Red Sports International), tenants (the Tenants’
League), war veterans (the Union of War Veterans), and youth (the Young
Communist International).155 Amongst the most substantial was the Red
International of Labour Unions (Profintern) that was created in Moscow
in July 1921 ‘to fight against the corruptive ulcer, gnawing at the vitals of
the world labour union movement, of compromising with the bourgeoi-
sie’ and ‘to carry on decisive battle against the International Bureau of
Labour, attached to the League of Nations and against the Amsterdam
International Federation of Trade Unions, which by their programme and
tactics are but the bulwark of the world bourgeoisie’.156
â•… At the opposite extreme were organizations such as the International
Entente against the Third International, created in 1924 by Geneva-based
lawyer and ICRC delegate Théodore Aubert, aiming to bring down Com-
munism by ‘all lawful means’ and seeing itself as ‘the world centre of the
anti-Bolshevik movement’.157 It was set up to oppose the ‘constant attacks
of subversive groups … at the forefront of which is the Third Interna-
tional’ through ‘action at the international level and to defend the prin-
ciples of order, family, property and fatherland’.158 With branches in
100
1914–1939
twenty-four European countries,159 it has been described as ‘the oldest

and largest’ anti-Comintern INGO of the interwar era,160 and has also
been considered to have developed into ‘a notorious pro-Nazi, pro-Â�Fascist
and pro-Japanese agency’.161
â•… The International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) which the
Â�Profintern was designed to oppose dedicated a significant proportion of
its efforts in the 1920s to ‘the fight for the defence of democracy’, oppos-
ing both Communism and Fascism.162 Although confronted by compe-
tition not only from the Profintern but also from the International
Federation of Christian Trade Unions, created in 1920, IFTU was con-
sidered to have been the most broadly representative INGO of the inter-
war labour movement, claiming to speak on behalf of 23 million people
in 22 countries in 1920.163 It gave aid to Austria and carried out inter-
national boycotts against Hungary and Poland in 1920, assisted in reliev-
ing the Russian famine in 1921–3, and is credited with having ‘had great
influence in the work of the League of Nations’ and ‘played a vital role
not only in the actual workings of the ILO but in supplying the support
and pressure needed to secure national ratifications of its conventions’.164
In much of its work, especially that which targeted the League of Nations,
IFTU cooperated with the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), an
organization which united labour and socialist political parties and was
created as a successor to the Second International at a congress in
Â�Hamburg in 1923. The LSI’s influence was ‘mainly of a propagandist or
educational nature’, but it was influential in facilitating joint action by
socialist delegates in League of Nations deliberations.165
â•… Even more influential at the League of Nations was the International
Chamber of Commerce. As Ridgeway has noted, ‘as early as January,
1922, it had been established that the Secretariat of the Economic Â�Section
of the League would consult the International Chamber as the represen-
tative of business men’.166 The ICC was invited to send consultants to
numerous League of Nations conferences in the 1920s, such as the 1923
International Conference on the Simplification of Customs Formalities,
the Final Act of which bore the signatures not only of representatives of
governments but also of the ICC.167 Given perceived shared interests in
peace and economic stability, the ICC and IFTU were happy to coop-
erate in the promotion of ‘economic disarmament’, such as at the League
of Nations’ World Economic Conference of 1927, at which the League
appointed ‘special delegates’ from these organizations and other INGOs
101
such as the ICA, and to monitor the outcomes, of which a Consultative

Committee including INGO representatives was appointed.168 The ICC
played a particularly important role in the development of the Dawes
Plan: Francis Delaisi argued that ‘the Dawes Plan was really the work of
the International Chamber of Commerce … what thirty-two diplomatic
conferences with the help of countless meetings of ambassadors and
interviews between heads of governments were unable to achieve, has
been done by a private business organization’.169 Considered to be ‘a world
parliament of business’,170 it also created in 1923 its own ‘world court of
business’, the International Court of Commercial Arbitration, which
facilitated the settlement of sixteen international disputes among busi-
nessmen within the first four months of operation.171 The ICC also facil-
itated the development of international standards, such as in respect of
uniform bills of lading.172
â•… The work of the ICC and other INGOs such as the IEC towards stan-
dardization was accompanied from 1926 by that of the International
Federation of National Standardization Associations. Although this orga-
nization did not survive the Second World War and found it difficult to
overcome the divisions between advocates of metric and imperial mea-
sures, its contributions included standards for paper sizes (A1, A2, A3,
A4 etc.), and the use of ‘nano’ to refer to 10–9, and the application of sound
to motion pictures.173
â•… New technological developments, such as motion pictures, radio and
aircraft, led to the formation of a range of new business associations after
the First World War. The International Air Traffic Association (IATA),
created by six airlines at The Hague in 1919, played an important role in
standardizing travel documents and technical norms, and in organizing
timetables and connecting flights.174 With a 500-fold increase in the
number of radio transmitters between 1920 and 1925, the International
Broadcasting Union (IBU) was set up in 1925; it divided wavelengths in
Europe to prevent interference in the ‘Plan of Geneva’, which formed
the basis for subsequent intergovernmental radio conventions, and the
IBU set up in 1927 ‘a sort of “air police”’ to monitor the wave lengths
being used by broadcasters’.175
â•… Independent non-governmental initiatives were also pioneered by envi-
ronmental INGOs in the 1920s. The organization now known as the
International Tree Foundation, for instance, set up in 1924 by St Barbe
Baker, carried out substantial tree planting programmes.176 Other nota-
102
1914–1939
ble environmental INGOs from the 1920s include the International

Committee for Bird Preservation (1922, the precursor to BirdLife Inter-
national, ‘the World’s largest partnership of conservation organisa-
tions’),177 the International Bureau of Societies for the Protection of
Animals and Anti-Vivisection Societies (1925), and the International
Humanitarian Bureau of Animal Lovers (1928). Although INGOs took
part in several international environmental conferences in the interwar
years, their impact was limited.178 Nevertheless, the educational activi-
ties of organizations such as the International Humanitarian Bureau of
Animal Lovers, which ‘desired to show the civilising influence and impor-
tance of the movement for the protection of animals and humane edu-
cation in relation to human character and international peace’,179 are
worth noting.
â•… Amongst the most prominent aspects of INGO activities in the 1920s
was the promotion of what at the time was often termed ‘moral disar-
mament’, and what Akira Iriye has subsequently described as ‘cultural
internationalism … a variety of activities undertaken to link countries
and peoples through the exchange of ideas and persons, through schol-
arly cooperation, or through efforts at facilitating cross-national under-
standing’.180 Particular effort was dedicated to the revision of textbooks,
including a Franco-German ‘international institute for textbook revision
in the cause of peace’, formed in 1926 and based in Amsterdam.181 Â�Iriye’s
key example of an organization dedicated to cultural internationalism is
the Institute of Pacific Relations, which was set up in Honolulu in 1925
‘to study the conditions of life of the Pacific peoples with a view to the
improvement of their mutual relations’.182 Although educational and
research activities such as these were widespread in the 1920s, not all
educational and research INGOs in this period promoted cultural inter-
nationalism, the most notorious example being the International Feder-
ation of Eugenics Organizations, established in 1924.
â•… Cultural internationalism was a component of the exceptionally diverse
international peace movement, in which participated a vast array of sec-
tors of transnational civil society in the decade following the First World
War, in addition to organizations for which the promotion of peace was
their primary purpose. Given their direct experience of the violence of
the First World War, ex-service personnel’s INGOs were central to the
large ‘secondary’ peace movement that developed in the 1920s.183 The
Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Service Men (FIDAC) that was created
103
in November 1920 and claimed a membership of 8 million by 1929, for

instance, described its ‘main object’ as ‘the prospect of peace’.184 This orga-
nization was joined in 1925 by the International Conference of Associ-
ations of Disabled Soldiers and Ex-Servicemen (CIAMAC), with a
membership of 2.5 million by 1929, which (unlike FIDAC) sought to
unite allied and defeated ex-service personnel in the promotion of Franco-
German rapprochement.185
â•… Most of the principal sectors of transnational civil society in the 1920s
dedicated at least part of their activities to the promotion of peace. In
the case of the women’s movement, for instance, the ICW convened an
international conference on the causes of war in 1924, in conjunction
with the British Empire Exhibition in London, and in 1927 the IAW
convened a peace study conference in Amsterdam.186 In respect of the
labour movement, IFTU organized a World Peace Congress in The
Hague in 1922, and the LSI conducted a mass petition campaign for dis-
armament in 1929.187
â•… A key aspect of the promotion of peace in Europe in the 1920s was
the development of organized pan-Europeanism. At the core of this
movement was Austrian Count Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi,
who argued that ‘between the “national” period of humanity and the
period that will come one day of the organisation of the whole world as
a single federation of States, we must pass through a “continental period”,
a time when narrow national patriotism changes into patriotism for the
whole world’.188 He set up in 1923 the International Pan-European Union
which was joined in 1926 by the Association for European Cooperation
to promote a united Europe ‘to prevent war, … to prevent economic ruin,
[and] … to defend Europe from the Bolshevik danger’.189
â•… The principal INGOs of the primary peace movement of the interwar
period differed considerably from those preceding the First World War.
Although organizations such as the International Peace Bureau and the
Inter-Parliamentary Union continued to operate, their activities were
dwarfed by those of newer bodies, such as the International Federation
of League of Nations Societies and the Women’s International League
for Peace and Freedom, which were particularly adept at lobbying the
institutions of the League of Nations. The IFLNS, for example, sent a
delegation to be received by the President of the League of Nations
Assembly each year from 1923; had its resolutions printed in the League
of Nations Assembly Journal; and successfully lobbied for the circulation
104
1914–1939
of summaries of INGO communications by the League of Nations

Â�Secretariat to the members of the League of Nations Council.190
â•… With Geneva being the seat of the League of Nations, the hub of
INGO activity in the 1920s had shifted to there from Brussels. Numer-
ous INGOs, such as WILPF and WSCF, chose to relocate to Geneva.
Others, such as the Friends’ International Service and the ICW, set up
special offices in Geneva to lobby the League of Nations. Several new
organizations for the study of international affairs were set up in Geneva
in the 1920s, such as the Geneva Research Centre and the Graduate
Institute of International and Development Studies, both established in
1920. At the end of the decade, the Federation of International Semi-
Official and Private Institutions (FIIG) was founded in Geneva to pro-
mote the common interests of the INGOs based there, which had
multiplied tenfold between 1920 and 1926.191 FIIG aimed in particular
to secure privileges for INGO representatives from the cantonal author-
ities and from the League of Nations, such as in respect of access to
observers’ seats and League of Nations documentation—facilities that
were later to become aspects of consultative status for INGOs at the
United Nations.192
â•…The Handbook of International Organisations published in 1929 by the
League of Nations contained entries for 478 international organizations,
of which more than nine-tenths were non-governmental.193 Approxi-
mately 300 INGOs had been established during the 1920s alone.194 Not
only had the number of INGOs grown substantially, but so too had their
size: the International Co-operative Alliance, which in 1913 had 2 mil-
lion members, claimed by 1929 a membership of 56 million people with
a capital of just under £1 billion.195 Many INGOs had exerted signifi-
cant influence in the 1920s, with international agreements as varied as
the Dawes Plan and the Declaration on the Rights of the Child stem-
ming largely from non-governmental initiatives. During the 1920s,
INGOs had not only influenced intergovernmental policy, but also car-
ried out independent policy initiatives of their own in a diverse range of
fields including business arbitration, environmental conservation, human-
itarian assistance and protection of minorities.
â•… The expanded scale and influence of INGOs in the 1920s took place
in the context of technological, economic, social and political develop-
ments, towards many of which INGOs themselves in part contributed.
Technological developments that improved international communica-
105
tions in this decade, such as radio broadcasting and air travel, were accom-
panied by new INGOs like the IBU and IATA, which played a key role
in their governance. The context of post-war economic recovery was in
part facilitated by INGO initiatives such as the ICC’s role in the Dawes
Plan. Also important were wider social and political developments, such
as the enhanced political role of women in many countries; as one fem-
inist pamphlet published in 1915 argued, an increased role for ‘woman’
in political life was significant because ‘she has neither part nor share in
the slaughter of humanity, and she may speak where man dare not …
because to her has fallen the task of bringing into the world those human
souls and bodies which in war are but food for cannon, [she] is able to
realize what man is not able.’196 The context of the First World War was
particularly important in the mobilization of INGOs in the decade fol-
lowing the armistice, given both the short-term humanitarian conse-
quences of the conflict that many INGOs aimed to address, and the
long-term desire to prevent the war’s recurrence which, through their
international work, many INGOs aimed to render possible. The spread
of democratic institutions at the national level in many countries follow-
ing the First World War provided greater scope for associational activi-
ties, both national and transnational, and the ‘Wilsonian’ ideals associated
with the 1919 Paris peace settlement provided legitimacy for many of
the goals pursued by INGOs in the following decade. Amongst the most
important contextual factors of all was the work of the League of Nations
in Geneva, with Alfred Zimmern arguing in 1929 that the League of
Nations had ‘brought to the table both new subjects of international dis-
cussion and new types of men to deal with them’, including ‘non-Â�
governmental experts nominated by responsible international bodies,
such for instance as the International Chamber of Commerce’.197
From Consolidation to Collapse, 1930–1939

In the opening years of the 1930s, the secretary of the Quaker Interna-
tional Centre in Geneva (and later chairman of the International
Â�Consultative Group), Bertram Pickard, observed that Geneva had become
‘the world’s capital … the most important and strategic centre for pri-
vate international organisations of every sort and size’.198 By this time,
he argued, the ‘galaxy’ of INGOs now in existence covered ‘every con-
ceivable field—as well as some almost inconceivable! … ranging as they
106
1914–1939
do from big and powerful organisations like the Red Cross and the Inter-
Parliamentary Union, to the obscure and sometimes dubious organisa-
tion with high-sounding programme, imposing letter-head, a Secretary
and President perhaps and—that is all!’199 In this context, as in the open-
ing years of the twentieth century, components of transnational civil soci-
ety were developing ambitions that exceeded their means. Pickard noted
how at the turn of the decade Paul Otlet of the Union of International
Associations was putting forward ‘an ambitious proposal for what he calls
a Mundaneum at Geneva … which would comprise a great University,
Exhibition, Library, and House of International Organisations …
designed to be a scientific, documentary and educational World Centre,
representative of organised humanity as distinct from the organisation
of Governments in the League of Nations’—a resurrection of his pro-
posals for a ‘world centre’ in Brussels from 1911 to 1913.200 The follow-
ing paragraphs will explore the development in the early 1930s of large
transnational coalitions of INGOs, especially around the World Disar-
mament Conference of 1932–4, which made grand claims with respect
to their representativeness. This chapter will then conclude with a dis-
cussion of how, as the 1930s developed, INGOs lost influence at the
League of Nations, became increasingly exploited by governments, and
fragmented along the geopolitical divisions of the period.
â•… The initial years of the 1930s witnessed the continuation of many of
the trends with respect to the expansion of transnational civil society that
had taken place in the 1920s. The rate of organizational formation
remained high in these years, and included significant new women’s orga-
nizations in 1930 such as Equal Rights International, the International
Federation of Business and Professional Women and the Pan-American
Women’s Association. The continued expansion of transnational civil
society beyond Europe in this period is reflected in the convening in
Â�January 1931 of the All-Asian Women’s Conference in Lahore, which
‘was originated by Mrs. Cousins, International Representative of the
Women’s Indian Association of Madras after her world tour’, and which
sent a representative to liaise with the League of Nations in Geneva.201
The continuing development of inter-organizational cooperation among
INGOs in the same years is reflected in the creation of a Liaison
Â�Committee of Women’s International Organizations—including the
International Council of Women, the International Alliance of Women
and the World’s Alliance of YWCAs—in London in November 1930,
107
in order to render possible ‘special conferences or demonstrations to be

held jointly when matters of international importance arise’.202
â•… The single most significant international issue to transnational civil
society at the beginning of the 1930s was the pursuit of international
disarmament through the League of Nations, which was organizing the
World Disarmament Conference due to open in February 1932. No
sooner had the Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organi-
zations transformed itself from a temporary to a permanent organiza-
tion in February 1931, than it decided that it ‘should concentrate its
activities for the present year on work to ensure the success of the Dis-
armament Conference’, and set up a Disarmament Committee of
Â�Women’s International Organizations for this purpose.203 It was joined
that year by Disarmament Committees of Christian, Students’ and
League of Nations Associations, as well as a Joint Disarmament Com-
mission established by the International Federation of Trade Unions and
the Labour and Socialist International.204 The following year there were
also established ‘inter-organizational councils’ of US, British and French
NGOs based in Geneva.205
â•… At the opening of the World Disarmament Conference in February
1932, each of the transnational Disarmament Committees took part in
what was billed as ‘an event unique in the history of mankind’—a special
session of the official conference at which ‘the delegates accredited from
fifty nations sat in their assigned places and listened to the voice of 200
million people united in the demand for international peace, and for free-
dom from the heavy load of arms under which the world is now groan-
ing’.206 The delegates were presented with what may have been the largest
international petition ever to have been circulated in terms of the pro-
portion of the world’s population that signed it: the petition demanding
the success of the World Disarmament Conference circulated by the
Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, which acquired
the signatures of more than 12 million people in more than fifty territo-
ries, including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Ceylon, Chile,
Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Fiji, Haiti, Hawaii, India, Indonesia, Jamaica,
Japan, Madagascar, Mexico, New Zealand, Newfoundland, Nigeria,
Â�Palestine, South Africa, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Uruguay, the USA and
numerous European countries.207 They also heard from representatives
from each of the Disarmament Committees of Christian, League of
Nations, Students’, and Women’s Organizations, as well as the Interna-
108
1914–1939
tional Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations, the International

League for the Rights of Man and Citizenship, the Labour and Social-
ist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions.208 The
journal produced jointly by the leadership of many of these organizations
to cover the proceedings of the World Disarmament Conference claimed
that at this special session of the Conference, ‘the “public opinion of the
world” so often rightly or wrongly invoked, was in evidence’.209
â•… In July 1932, each of the Disarmament Committees, together with
CIAMAC, joined forces to form an International Consultative Group
(for Peace and Disarmament), which with a claimed combined member-
ship of 100 million people described itself as ‘the largest and most effec-
tive effort to mobilize public peace opinion yet attempted in the realm
of peace organisation. Never before has there been an international co-
ordinated effort on so wide and effective a scale.’210 This organization’s
principal achievement was a coordinated global demonstration for dis-
armament in October 1933, with over 1,000 demonstrations for disar-
mament taking place in each of France, the United Kingdom and the
United States, and over 6,000 organizations in thirty countries sending
messages of support to a mass demonstration in Geneva on 15 October
1933, to which the British and French Prime Ministers, the Chairman
of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Soviet Union and the US
Secretary of State all sent messages of support.211 However, these efforts
came too late: the day before the mass demonstration in Geneva, Hitler
had already pulled Germany out of both the World Disarmament Con-
ference and the League of Nations.
â•… Many statesmen felt that INGOs had too much influence in the delib-
erations of the World Disarmament Conference.212 The numerous incon-
sistencies in their propaganda for disarmament led statesmen such as
British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to complain in October
1932 that INGO leaders should ‘take the trouble just to think out what
are the problems of negotiation as well as the joys of declaration’.213 When
the World Disarmament Conference reconvened in 1933, there was no
special session for INGOs to present to delegates their demands; the
International Consultative Group noted in March 1933 that ‘the dele-
gates were not sympathetic to such public demonstrations and were tired
of expressions of public opinion’.214 Claims to represent the ‘public opin-
ion of the world’ by coalitions of INGOs lobbying the World Disarma-
ment Conference were by then looking increasingly hollow.
109
â•… As Charnovitz has pointed out, ‘After 1932 only a few new episodes
of NGO involvement occurred within the League’.215 Amongst the most
notable occurred in 1935 when ‘in response to the request of the Latin
American delegations, the Council invited fifteen transnational wom-
en’s organisations to present statements on the nationality and status of
women’.216 The Latin American request was in response to the efforts
of ‘US feminists working through the Inter-American Commission of
Women’217 that had been set up in 1928 at the sixth Pan-American
Conference.218 As Carol Miller has noted, ‘Throughout 1936 and 1937
the League received information from member states and women’s
organisations that generated the publication of several hundred pages
of data on the worldwide status women’,219 but efforts towards League
of Nations conventions on women’s rights and nationality proved to be
unsuccessful.220
â•… In his pioneering study of INGOs, White found ‘In the latter years of
the League’s existence, … considerable dissatisfaction among the INGOs
regarding what they considered to have been a growing tendency of the
League to withdraw from collaboration and co-operation’.221 A particu-
larly significant development occurred in 1936 when the non-govern-
mental assessors were removed from the League of Nations Committee
on Social Questions.222 White posited that ‘this may have been due to
the fact that as certain ways of doing things became firmly established,
officials became more and more reluctant to accept proposals which would
upset the established routine or which would mean additional work’.223
Pickard argued that INGOs at the time believed that it was ‘because as
Munich approached, governments and inter-governmental agencies
tended to cold shoulder NGOs as a bit of a nuisance’.224
â•… Before the decline of INGO relations with the League of Nations, the
Great Depression already had a detrimental impact. White found that
‘beginning in 1932, the great decline in income slowed down the exten-
sion of activities for several years’.225 From 1932 onwards, the rate of new
INGO formation was slower than in the 1920s: the number of INGOs
established in the second half of the 1930s was little more than half the
figure for the late 1920s.226 Although several significant new INGOs
were established, including the International Youth Hostel Federation
in 1932, the International Federation of Film Producers’ Associations in
1933, the International Union Against Cancer in 1934, Alcoholics
AnonyÂ�mous World Services in 1935 and the Ford Foundation in 1936,227
many of the new INGOs of this period reflected fragmentary trends.
110
1914–1939
â•… Amongst the international organizations with the highest rate of new
formations in the 1930s were international cartels. According to one
contemporary estimate: of 81 cartels surveyed in 1936, 17 of them were
formed in 1930–2 and 28 in 1933–5 (in contrast to 27 in the 1920s).228
The League of Nations cited estimates of the total number of interna-
tional cartels in the interwar years that were far greater, about 1,200 by
the late 1930s, and quoted estimates claiming that ‘42 per cent of world
trade between 1929 and 1937 was cartelized or influenced by loosely-
knit associations or conferences’.229 It outlined the different perspec-
tives on international cartels, from those who viewed them ‘as public
dangers, disrupting the competitive forces of the market, working for
the sole benefit of their members, disregarding the common interest,
and damaging world trade and the world economy’ to those who
regarded international cartels as ‘attempts to establish order in an
Â�otherwise chaotic situation, putting an end to the ruinous struggle for
export outlets by granting to each member country a certain share in
the world’s markets’.230
â•… Hara and Kudo claim that ‘it is within the process of economic recon-
struction after the First World War that the full-scale establishment of
international cartels can first be observed’.231 Amongst the factors respon-
sible for the development of international cartels in this period they cite
‘the imbalance that arose between production and consumption … caused
by the construction or enlargement of production facilities to meet the
urgent demand that arose during the war’, the ‘international agreements
concerning patent rights and production method exchanges’ in this period,
and ‘the intensification of international competition’ leading to efforts to
‘set up international cartels in order to preserve their domestic markets for
domestic producers’.232 In the 1930s, the last of these motivations appeared
to predominate. Hexner noted that the National Socialist Government of
Germany ‘looked upon all international economic mechanisms as instru-
ments with which to increase its war potential and to weaken its future
adversaries’ and quoted (with a degree of scepticism) authors attributing
‘the destruction of the Weimar Republic to cartels’.233
â•… During the interwar years the practice of ‘state manipulation’ of INGOs
became exceptionally prevalent, extending far beyond the use of interna-
tional cartels by National Socialist Germany.234 The practice was partiÂ�
cularly evident among the member branches of the International
Federation of League of Nations Societies. Commonly considered at the
111
time to be the pre-eminent INGO for international peace in the inter-

war years, the IFLNS managed to acquire member branches in forty coun-
tries by 1930.235 Some member branches had considerable memberships
and independence from government: with a peak membership of 406,868
in 3,040 branches in 1931, the League of Nations Union in Great Â�Britain
was ‘undoubtedly the most substantial peace association in history’.236
Elsewhere, however, the state of the League of Nations associations was
very different. They were commonly dependent on their respective gov-
ernments for assistance: in the case of the Czech League of Nations move-
ment, the Czech government is reported to have supported both a
‘national’ Czech League of Nations Union (run from the offices of the
Prague Fascist Club and whose leadership was reported to have ‘no faith
in the League or international cooperation’ and ‘no records of member-
ship’)237 as well as more pacificist League of Nations societies within the
country in order to play them off against each other as it saw fit.238 In
many countries, including in Czechoslovakia, different League of Nations
Societies represented different ethnic groups, and a particularly common
practice was to exploit League of Nations societies in the pursuit of the
demands of different nationalities across central and eastern Europe. In
the case of the Bulgarian League of Nations society, for instance, the orga-
nization was reported by the IFLNS to have been composed largely of
emigrants from territory detached from Bulgaria in the Treaty of Neuilly
and was ‘rather a Society for minorities and treaty revision rather than a
full collaborator in our work for the League of Nations’.239
â•… Governmental manipulation of private associations was evident long
before the crises of the 1930s. Rosenberg has argued that in the 1920s
the US ‘government undertook … vigorous steps to shape the interna-
tional impact of private citizens and groups’ and especially under Hoover
often ‘informally awarded a private group or corporation official bless-
ing or monopolistic privileges in return for carrying out some element
of American foreign policy’.240 Elaborating on this argument, Suri claims
that this resulted in restructuring ‘the economies of Latin American and
Asian countries along lines that benefited exporters in the United States’
and ‘disempowered local citizens’.241
â•… In the 1930s, while the US government turned increasingly away from
these practices and towards ‘official cultural and economic agencies’,242
more generally INGOs became increasingly caught up in the interna-
tional contest among Fascist, Communist and capitalist states. Within
112
1914–1939
Germany from 1925, Hoffman has argued ‘the far Right permeated bour-
geois and workers’ associational culture, which had been predominantly
liberal or socialist before 1914. In other words, the Nazis conquered
Â�German civil society from within.’243 Following the assumption of power
by Hitler in Germany in 1933, Mussolini believed that ‘fascism has
become a universal phenomenon … The dominant forces of the nine-
teenth century, democracy, socialism, liberalism have been exhausted …
the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fas-
cist.’244 In June 1933, he set up the Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità
di Roma (CAUR) as a Fascist rival to the Communist International,
aiming ‘to cull statements of allegiance from various foreign movements
calling themselves “fascist”, and to integrate these “fascisms” into a loose
organization which paid fealty to the genius of Mussolini and the lead-
ership of Italian fascism’.245 CAUR organized an international congress
of Fascist groups in Montreux in December 1934, attended by delegates
from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, Ireland, Lithuania,
the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Sweden and
Â�Switzerland, as well as Italy.246 CAUR’s director claimed that ‘nothing
prevents … all our nationalisms from proclaiming the universality of fas-
cist doctrine on certain fundamental points … And so the “super-national”
idea harmonizes perfectly with the national idea.’247 Leeden has argued
that, at this congress, ‘There was virtually unanimous support for the
notion of an International which would unite the forces of youth on the
continent against the dual enemies of Bolshevik materialism and capi-
talist egotism’, and ‘the Congress provided for the creation of a perma-
nent commission for universal fascism … to be the Secretariat for the
Fascist International, a supreme co-ordinating committee for fascistic
propaganda and communication’.248
â•… Mussolini’s ability to charm international youth organizations in the
mid 1930s appeared to be considerable, and in May 1935 he was appar-
ently recognized as ‘the spiritual head of youth’ by the leadership the
International Confederation of Students, Pax Romana, and the Federa-
tion of Jewish Students.249 However, as Morgan has pointed out, the
experience of the Montreux congress ‘seems to provide further and con-
clusive evidence of the impossibility of organising a fascist International’:
the congress split on the issue of race, and ‘the permanent commission
met twice only, in early 1935’.250 CAUR lost the support of the Italian
regime, since it was thought that ‘the foreign movements with whom the
113
CAUR were dealing were not in the least interested in participating in

a great work of fascist indoctrination, but only in Italian lire’.251
â•… As Morgan has noted, ‘No German Nazi representative attended
Montreux and, apparently, nobody from Germany was invited’.252 National
Socialist Germany financed alternative projects, such as the ‘International
Action of Nationalisms’, which held an international meeting in Decem-
ber 1934 in Zurich and had a membership including Dutch, English,
French, German, Irish and US representatives: its oxymoronic slogan was
‘Nationalists of all countries, unite!’253
â•… The best-known exploitation of an INGO by Nazi Germany came in
the form of the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Arnd Krüger has described how
International Olympic Committee founder ‘Coubertin … welcomed the
Nazi Olympics as fulfilling his ideals … [and] several aspects of the 1936
Olympics have become essential parts of future Games, such as the torch
relay, [and] the Olympic bell (with the swastika) alongside the Olympic
rings—a harbinger of corporate sponsorship’.254 The German Olympic
Committee that was supposed to organize the Games ‘was under the
direct control of the Reichssportführer’, Hans von Tschammer und Osten,
‘whose storm troopers had killed several workers’ sportsmen and chil-
dren’.255 A Propaganda Committee was established as a part of the Games’
Organizing Committee and its ‘concerted propaganda effort … made
the Olympic Games of Berlin the first truly modern Games … the first
live television coverage of any sports meet was in Berlin at the time of
the Olympics … [and the] interior propaganda was so successful that
until the early 1970s very little criticism was voiced against these Games
inside Germany’.256 Krüger concludes that ‘the Nazis used the cover of
the Olympic excitement to carry out the normal and more questionable
affairs of state … and as the party that accompanied the Olympic pause
continued, so more quietly were the concentration camps filled’.257 While
opposition to the Berlin Games was expressed through organizations
such as the International Committee for the Defence of the Olympic
Idea, the boycott movement over the issue of the treatment of Jews proved
to be a failure258 and the International Olympic Committee President
hailed the Nazi Games as ‘the best ever’.259
â•… Much of the opposition to Fascism in the 1930s was organized through
Communist front organizations. Willi Muenzenberg, ‘founder of the
Communist Youth International and architect of the front organiza-
tions’,260 chaired the ‘First International Anti-Fascist Congress’ in Â�Berlin
114
1914–1939
in March 1929, which aimed ‘at rallying the broad masses of the work-
ers and the intellectuals in all countries to mass action against Â�Fascism’.261
Three years later, on the initiative of the political commission of the ExeÂ�
cutive Committee of the Communist International, a conference was
held in the same city in March 1932 ‘to plan a campaign against impe-
rialist war, which would become “the starting-point of an effort to win
over new masses by party slogans”’.262 The result is what became known
as the ‘Amsterdam-Pleyel movement’, named after the International
Congress against War held in Amsterdam in August 1932, which estab-
lished the World Committee against Imperialist War;263 and the Euro-
pean Anti-Fascist Workers’ Congress, held in the Pleyel Hall in Paris in
June 1933, which created the European Workers’ Anti-Fascist Union.264
The organizations established by these conferences merged in August
1933 to form the ‘Joint World Committee against Imperialist War and
Fascism’, later abbreviated to World Committee against War and Â�Fascism,
which aimed no lower than ‘to co-ordinate the actions in the whole world
against war and fascism’ and appealed ‘to the hand and brain workers in
all parties, the trade unions of all tendencies, to the peasants and mem-
bers of the middle classes, to the youth and the women’.265 The World
Committee organized several international anti-Fascist congresses in
1933 and 1934, aiming to coordinate the anti-Fascist work of youth,
women and students, respectively, and spawned an array of committees
such as the Women’s World Committee against War and Â�Fascism and
the World Students’ Committee against War and Fascism. Although
commonly regarded as ‘a fellow travelling organization of limited creÂ�
dibility’,266 the World Committee achieved some success in appealing
beyond the Communist movement, counting among its British women
supporters Vera Brittain, Charlotte Despard, Sylvia Pankhurst, Marga-
ret Storm Jameson and Ellen Wilkinson.267
â•… Another front organization formed in 1933 that was to attract ‘a wide
array of international notables’ was the World Committee for the Relief
of the Victims of German Fascism.268 This organization was set up by
Muenzenburg following the burning of ‘objectionable’ books by the Nazis
in May 1933,269 and was to become well-known for circulating The Brown
Book of the Hitler Terror, which contained vivid images of people mur-
dered by the Nazis and purported to prove that ‘It was the morphia-fiend
Goering who set fire to the Reichstag’.270 Muenzenberg biographer Sean
McMeekin has argued that, despite clear evidence that the book ‘was, in
115
short, a fraudulent hack job’, until the 1960s ‘most historians adopted the
Brown Book’s thesis about Goebbels planning and executing the Â�Reichstag
fire by sending a team of conspirators through Goering’s “secret tun-
nel”’.271 Muenzenberg’s ‘Commission of Inquiry into the Origins of the
Reichstag Fire’, which staged a counter-trial in London in September
1933 to support the Brown Book’s case, is also credited with having pro-
vided ‘the first international citizens’ tribunal’.272
â•… Following the success of his Brown Book campaign, Muenzenberg
‘seemed in many ways to be losing his political touch’.273 The develop-
ment of the Popular Front in 1934, however, provided the context for
continued proliferation of Communist front organizations into the later
1930s. The peace movement was amongst the most affected transnational
social movements, especially following the entry of the Soviet Union into
the League of Nations in 1934. With the work of the International Con-
sultative Group fading into irrelevance following the collapse of the
World Disarmament Conference, a new effort to coordinate the peace
work of multiple INGOs came in the form of the International Peace
Campaign (IPC), formally launched in March 1936. Claiming in the
late 1930s to be ‘at the present time the most powerful expression of
international public opinion’, the IPC achieved the support of forty
INGOs with a combined membership estimated to encompass 400 mil-
lion people.274 Supporting organizations included ICG members, such
as CIAMAC, the IFLNS and the Disarmament Committee of Â�Women’s
International Organizations; the International Co-operative Alliance;
the International Alliance of Women; international trade secretariats;
the World Jewish Congress; and numerous international peace societ-
ies.275 It had national committees in forty countries, and its international
congress in Brussels in September 1936 brought together 4,100 dele-
gates and was hailed by Britain’s Daily Herald as ‘the greatest peace con-
gress in history’.276 The IPC promoted a four-point programme
emphasizing ‘the sanctity of treaty obligations’, disarmament, League of
Nations actions ‘for the remedying of international conditions that might
lead to war’, and especially ‘strengthening the League of Nations for the
prevention and stopping of war by the more effective organization of
Collective Security and Mutual Assistance’.277 Although able to coordi-
nate substantial transnational campaigns in favour of collective security
and boycotting Japanese goods in 1937–8, the IPC swiftly collapsed the
following year after the announcement of the Nazi–Soviet Pact.278 The
116
1914–1939
international bureau of the IPC in Geneva was predominantly staffed by

Communist agents, including its principal organizer Louis Dolivet (pre-
viously of the World Committee against War and Fascism), who aimed
to ensure that the organization’s efforts were consistent with the objec-
tives of Soviet foreign policy.279
â•… As well as stimulating the proliferation of front organizations in the
late 1930s, the growing number of Fascist governments in this period
also had a detrimental effect upon the membership of more independent
INGOs. White argued that the rise of Fascism in Germany ‘led to the
withdrawal of important national groups from certain organizations,
especially those dealing with international relations, labor, reform, and
religious matters’, including the loss of German membership of IFTU
in 1933 and Rotary International in 1937, although German groups ‘con-
tinued to participate in cartels and in organizations concerned with eco-
nomic, scientific and health questions, sports, and general technical or
administrative matters’.280 The explanation for the prohibition of Â�German
membership of Rotary International in 1937 provided by the Nazi Chief
Justice Walter Buch was that the ban was ‘based primarily on the form
of its organization. Rotary spreads around the earth. It is divided into a
large number of districts … organized under a common President …
With that arises a condition in which a foreigner may give orders to a
community in Germany which might produce conflicts of conscience in
Germans respecting their duties to their nation.’281 Especially following
the 1937 war, Japanese members of INGOs were confronted with a sim-
ilar situation.282
â•… Although many INGOs found their memberships squeezed as a result
of the ascent of Fascism, a significant number strengthened their resolve
in the face of the developing threat.283 Having lost 5 million members in
1933, IFTU subsequently doubled its membership by 1937, as its remain-
ing member organizations conducted effective recruitment drives and
new groups joined, such as Indian unions in 1934 and the American
Â�Federation of Labor in 1937.284 While much of the movement against
Fascism became polarized as a result of penetration by front organiza-
tions, the common threat stimulated among liberal INGOs a ‘process of
interchange and of deepening our consciousness of belonging together’.285
â•… The atrocities of Fascist governments also stimulated the formation of
several significant new INGOs to address the consequences. The Inter-
national Rescue Committee traces its origins to the formation of an
117
American branch of the International Relief Association in 1933 ‘to help

save anti-Nazi leaders targeted by the Gestapo, and to guide those in
imminent danger to safety in free countries’.286 The International Insti-
tute of Social History, for its part, was established in the Netherlands in
1935 ‘to act as a safehouse for radical and working class literature, not
least of all from Germany’.287 The geographical scope of its collections
expanded during the 1930s ‘according to the further expansion of
national-socialism’.288
â•… A particularly large number of organizations were established to con-
front the persecution of Jews in Germany, such as the Non-Sectarian
Anti-Nazi League to Champion Human Rights and World Jewish Relief
in 1933. Three years later the First World Jewish Congress took place in
Geneva and formed a permanent organization, the purposes of which
were to include promotion of ‘Jewish representation to the outside world
… the new emancipation … economic equality … immigration possibil-
ities … struggle against Hitlerism … [and] legal and economic defence’.289
â•… The developing repression and ‘bureaucratization’ in the Soviet Union
in the 1930s was also confronted by new INGO activity. The best-known
is the work of the international Trotskyite movement, beginning with
the formation of the International Left Opposition in Paris in April
1930, which proclaimed that ‘the regime dominant in Russia and the
[Communist] International are moving towards catastrophe’.290 Having
initially considered itself to be a ‘fraction’ within the Communist Inter-
national, by 1933 Bauer of the International Left Opposition adhered
to a declaration ‘on the necessity and principles of a new International’
on account of the ‘slavish dependence of the sections of the Comintern
on the Soviet leadership’ and the Comintern’s becoming ‘not only inca-
pable of fulfilling its historic role but also … more and more of an obsta-
cle in the way of the revolutionary movement’.291 The Fourth International
(World Party of the Socialist Revolution) was eventually established at
a congress in France in September 1938.292 From the outset Trotsky
admitted that ‘we are a weak International … we have no reason to boast
that we are strong, but we are what we are’.293
â•… With transnational civil society in Europe split by the ideological divi-
sions of capitalism, Communism and Fascism, transnational civil soci-
ety elsewhere showed growing independence in the 1930s. The
organization that ‘was and remains the leading arbiter in questions of
Arabic terminology’, the Academy of the Arabic Language in Cairo, was
118
1914–1939
established in 1932.294 This period also witnessed the activities of the

World Society in Shanghai, the co-founder of which—Lee Shih-tseng—
created the Sino-International Library in 1933.295 The Islamic Research
Association, created in February 1933 in Mumbai, was ‘mainly at the ini-
tiative and through the efforts of the famous scholar of Islamic studies
and Arabicist, Mr. Asaf Ali Asghar Fyzee’,296 and in 1935 the Interna-
Â€
tional Academy of Indian Culture in New Delhi was established by

another eminent Indian professor, Raghuvira.297 Japan witnessed a num-
ber of new foundations: the Asahi Glass Foundation in 1933 to promote
research into applied chemistry,298 the Society for Oriental Researches
in 1935, the Arachnological Society of East Asia and the Society for
Research in Asiatic Music in 1936, and the Institute of Oriental Clas-
sics in 1938.299
â•… With respect to religious INGOs, in Cameroon in 1934 the African
Protestant Church was created with the initial aim ‘to conduct church
services, and have church publications including the Bible available in
the local language (and not the Bulu used by the missionaries)’; it was
to evolve ‘to embrace members of a wide range of ethnic groups—
Ngoumba, Batanga, some Pygmies, Bamileke, and even Bulu’.300 Two
years later, the Divine Life Society was founded in India by Swami Siv-
ananda Saraswati, whose work ‘popularized the belief that advaita vedanta
contains the spiritual truth underlying all religions’, in a similar fashion
to Ramakrishna Math.301 In 1938, Rissho Kosei-kai—the Society of the
Community of Believers in Accordance with Buddhist Principles—was
created in Japan by two former members of Reiyukai,302 aiming at ‘the
revival of true Buddhism as the means to bring full enlightenment to
every individual’.303
â•… As for regional organizations, by far the most impressive growth in the
1930s took place in South America. The expansion in the number of Latin
American women’s organizations was particularly notable, and included
the Club Internacional de Mujeres in 1933, the United Women of the
Americas in 1934, and the Unión Femenina Ibero-Americana in 1936.304
South America also played an important role in the development of
INGOs at the global level: amongst the best-known examples is Uru-
guay’s facilitation of FIFA’s first World Cup in 1930. As Goldblatt has
noted, Uruguay was ‘the only country prepared to put its money on the
table’, having won the football event in the 1928 Olympic Games.305
â•… When confronted with the pressures that culminated in the Second
World War, European transnational civil society experienced in the late
119
1930s some of the most ambitious efforts to bridge global divisions.

Amongst the most significant was the agreement by leading ecumenical
organizations in 1937 to unite ‘in a body representative of the Churches
and caring for the interests of each movement’,306 although it took until
1948 for the World Council of Churches—‘the broadest and most inclu-
sive among the many organized expressions of the modern ecumenical
movement’—to be established.307 An even bolder organization was cre-
ated in 1936: the World Congress of Faiths, which aimed towards ‘that
essential basis of all religions upon which any firm World Fellowship can
be founded and the peace of the world secured’.308
â•… Possibly the most ambitious objectives were put forward by the first
organizations promoting ‘world government’. The pioneer organization
in this field is generally held to be the Campaign for World Govern-
ment, set up in 1937 in the United States by Rosika Schwimmer and
Lola Maverick Lloyd, which published calls for ‘the preliminary steps
necessary for a representative World Convention to draft the … consti-
tution for an all-inclusive … Federation of Nations’.309 The following year
saw the establishment in the United Kingdom of Federal Union, which
‘experienced “an arduous struggle for recognition. The project was ridi-
culed by nine out of ten people talked to; the tenth expressed sceptical
sympathy.”’310 However, after the publication of Clarence Streit’s Union
Now: A Proposal for a Federal Union of the Democracies of the North Â�Atlantic
in 1939, Federal Union’s popularity increased significantly, attracting
2,000 members by July 1939.311
â•… The position of the world federalist movement in 1939 was in con-
trast to many of the other sectors of transnational civil society. In May
of that year, Théodore Ruyssen, secretary general of the International
Federation of League of Nations Societies, produced a paper addressing
the question: ‘Is unofficial international collaboration passing through a
crisis?’312 He argued that, following the adjournment of the World Dis-
armament Conference in 1934, despite an increase in the number of
INGOs, ‘in vain through the past five decisive years have efforts been
sustained by the unofficial organisations; in vain have they communi-
cated to the League of Nations and to the Governments the resolutions
and appeals of their countless congresses’.313 He observed that ‘the mea-
gre fruits of unofficial international activity’ could not be attributed ‘to
the hostility of the totalitarian states alone’, since ‘even in the countries
remaining faithful to liberal doctrine and to working democratic insti-
120
1914–1939
tutions the influence of private initiative, mainly in the field of interna-

tional policy, is today less efficacious than it was just a short time ago’.314
â•… When he surveyed the leaders of pre-eminent INGOs at the time,
Ruyssen found considerable agreement upon the factors they believed to
be responsible for this decline. There was a concentration on the external
political environment in which INGOs operated, such as the way in which
‘gradually in every country more and more functions are concentrated in
the State which feels all the more in a position to make light of popular
grievances or aspirations’. They also noted how governments needed to
make decisions rapidly given the speed of events in the late 1930s, as well
as the increasing degree of governmental control of the media, and the
greater information at the disposal of governments in contrast to private
citizens. There was also acknowledgement of the role of transnational civil
society itself: a number of respondents argued that ‘in the democratic
countries, the Governments put themselves in a situation of obvious infe-
riority to the totalitarian states if they let themselves be buffeted about
by fluctuations of an unstable public opinion deeply divided against itself ’
and that ‘the mediocre success of propaganda undertaken on international
questions has had a depressing effect in certain circles’.315
â•… Factors which had previously facilitated the expansion of transnational
civil society in the short term in the 1920s had worked in the longer term
to contribute towards the inhibitive economic and political environment
of the 1930s. The economic recovery of the 1920s had been in part under-
pinned by unsustainable lending, with the encouragement of INGO ini-
tiatives such as the ICC’s role in the Dawes Plan.316 The post-war
democratizations that had helped open up civil society space had also in
some cases been built upon unsustainable foundations, the proportional
electoral system in Germany for instance facilitating the entry into par-
liament of extremist political parties.317
â•… The divisions in international politics in the late 1930s reflected the
divisions within and between the components of transnational civil soci-
ety at the time. That the world had become divided along ideological
lines reflected the success of transnational movements such as that for
international Communism. As for the liberal internationalist movement,
the claims of some of its leaders to represent the ‘public opinion of the
world’ had underestimated the divisions that existed even before the dete-
rioration of the later 1930s. Furthermore, although liberal internation-
alists failed to bring about a successful conclusion to the World
121
Disarmament Conference, their promotion of disarmament in the 1920s

and early 1930s may have been substantial enough to be one of the fac-
tors contributing towards the rejection of proposals for modest German
rearmament put forward by Weimar Germany’s last moderate leaders,
an outcome which substantially undermined their positions in Â�Germany.318
Once they had been replaced by Hitler’s regime, the residual pro-Â�
disarmament feeling in the remaining liberal states of Europe is claimed—
in the words of Winston Churchill—to have contributed towards making
these states ‘an easy prey’ in the build-up to the Second World War by
acting as one of the factors inhibiting their drive to rearm against the
expansionist threat.319
122
3
1939 TO THE PRESENT DAY
Contrary to conventional wisdom, the evolution of transnational civil

society from the Second World War until the present day did not follow
a straightforward path of linear expansion.1 Instead, the period witnessed
a complex but broadly cyclical pattern of evolution. The first section of
this chapter commences by discussing how the Second World War had
a similar impact to that of the First, including stimulating the formation
of new INGOs beyond Europe and dealing with the conflict’s conse-
quences; and how US-based NGOs played a particularly significant role
in the peace settlement, including the creation of new intergovernmen-
tal organizations, and the human rights provisions of the United Nations
Charter. It then explores the way in which divisions in transnational civil
society contributed towards the intensification of international tensions
at the onset of the Cold War, which in turn further divided transnational
civil society along East–West lines, to be accompanied by divisions on
North–South lines as decolonization took place. The divisions to which
the Cold War and decolonization contributed in turn provided the con-
text for the formation of a new generation of INGOs that were more
geographically dispersed than previously, and that were concerned with
new issues such as nuclear disarmament and bridging the East–West and
North–South divides. The second part of this chapter explores how this
paradoxical impact of the geopolitical divisions of the Cold War period
helped stimulate considerable expansion of transnational civil society
from the 1960s until the 1980s. It looks at the development of INGOs
in the so-called ‘new social movements’ of the period, new transnational
123
networking forms, growing geographical reach of transnational civil soci-

ety, the ascent of transnational corporations as targets for transnational
activism, the development of ‘politics beyond the state’2 and the role of
transnational civil society in the ending of the Cold War. The final sec-
tion of this chapter discusses how, in the 1990s, intergovernmental con-
ferences, neo-liberal economic globalization and the internet provided
significant opportunities for transnational civil society, and facilitated the
formation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, some of which
aimed to adopt more horizontal forms of organization than had been
seen previously, but some of which had ambitions exceeding their means,
not unlike those of the transnational coalitions preceding the two world
wars. This section shows how claims in respect of the development of
‘global’ rather than merely ‘transnational’ civil society in the 1990s proved
to be somewhat hollow given the decline that took place in the subse-
quent decade. The analysis concludes with a discussion of the potential
turning point which transnational civil society is confronting in the sec-
ond decade of the twenty-first century.
The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the
Division of Transnational Civil Society
The commencement of the Second World War was received as a defeat
for internationalists: the new secretary general of the International
Â�Federation of League of Nations Societies remarked in September 1939
that ‘twenty years of endeavour to substitute the rule of law for the arbit-
rament of war, to build an international society … have been spent in
vain’.3 As with the First World War, the Second World War was to have
a greatly detrimental impact upon transnational civil society. The rate of
INGO formation in 1939 was approximately half that of 1938, and
remained at a similarly low level for each of the following five years.4 Orga-
nizations as diverse as the Communist International, the Inter-Allied
Â�Federation of Ex-Servicemen, the International Confederation of Stu-
dents and the International Consultative Group for Peace and Â�Disarmament
failed to survive the conflict.5 Many of the INGOs that endured had to
reduce their activities: the International Alliance of Women, for instance,
had to abandon its London headquarters for financial reasons, to post-
pone many of its meetings and to transfer its journal to the Women’s Pub-
licity Planning Association (which diluted the journal’s content), in
addition to having several of its leaders killed by the Nazis.6
124
â•… In the regions of the world that were relatively unaffected by the war,
on the other hand, new INGOs continued to multiply. The growth rate
in the Americas was particularly high. New formations in 1940 alone
included the Inter-American Bar Association, the Inter-American Sta-
tistical Institute, the Pan-American Association of Ophthalmology, the
Latin American Society for Plastic Surgery and the Chamber of
Â�Commerce of Latin America. A similar number of inter-American orga-
nizations were formed each of the following three years, and in 1944 the
Pan-American Liaison Committee of Women’s Organizations was cre-
ated.7 The opportunity that the conflict in Europe presented for transna-
tional civil society in the Americas is particularly vividly illustrated in the
creation of the Inter-American Statistical Institute in 1940: the war in
Europe was perceived in the Americas to have had such a profound impact
on Europe-based INGOs that it was assumed that many had perished,
including, as Stuart Rice observed, the International Statistical Institute
(ISI, which in fact survives to the present day), so an Inter-American
body was established ‘to carry forward the traditional work of the ISI
within the comparatively peaceful area of North and South America’.8
â•… Beyond the Americas, the volume of new INGOs created during the
Second World War was much smaller; but in Africa these included
the East African Dental Association in 1943, and in Asia the Indian
Â€
Institute of World Culture in Bangalore in 1945. Of greater significance

were new Islamic INGOs formed during the conflict. The Islamic Â�Cultural
Centre, inaugurated in London in 1944, apparently owed its existence
to the British war cabinet’s desire in 1940 to pay ‘tribute to the thou-
sands of Indian Muslim soldiers who had died in battle for the British
Empire during the First World War and whose successors were making
a significant contribution to the current war effort’.9 The year following
this decision, in the context of the increasing likelihood of Indian inde-
pendence, Jamaat-e-Islami was established in Lahore, which ‘stated as
its goal the pursuit of ḥukūmat-e-ilāhiya, an Islamic state’ in contrast to
the secular-liberal state promoted by the Muslim League; following the
partition of India, it developed into a transnational network of political
parties promoting this objective across South Asia.10
â•… Some of the most significant new INGOs to be formed during the
Second World War were pan-Arab. During the 1930s, an increasing
number of societies had been created in Egypt promoting a pan-Arab
identity that encompassed North African as well as Asian Arabic speak-
125
ers, such as the Arab Progress Society in 1930, the Society for Arab Unity
and the Committee for the Spread of Arab Culture the following year,
the Arab Bond Society in 1936, and the Association of Arab Unity and
the Bond of Arabism in 1939.11 Pan-Arab organizations formed else-
where in the 1930s included the Nationalist Action League in Syria in
1933 and al-Muthanna in Iraq in 1935, and in the context of the Â�Palestine
Arab rebellion many of these organizations joined together in 1937 to
form an organization ‘to adopt a nationalist programme of the Arab
nationalist youth from the [Atlantic] Ocean to the [Persian] Gulf ’.12 In
1940, the Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist Party was formed in Syria,
which was to describe itself as ‘a popular national revolutionary move-
ment striving for Arab unity, freedom and socialism’,13 and developed
branches in other countries from 1948.14 With the British government
encouraging pan-Arabism during the Second World War, the Arab Union
Club was reformed in Egypt in 1942 and became a society to promote
the combination of all Arabic-speaking territories ‘under one political
government, while each of them would be able to choose the kind of
regime and way of life she pleases’.15 It aimed ‘from its outset … to form
branches in all Arab countries’,16 which it succeeded in doing in Â�Baghdad,
Beirut, Damascus and Jaffa in addition to Cairo.17 Its objectives were
endorsed by the Egyptian Prime Minister, and all of the territories in
which it had branches (except Palestine) were to become founding mem-
bers of the Arab League.18
â•… Another organization considered to have been a precursor to the Arab
League is the General Arab Women’s Federation, which was established
as a result of the Arab Feminist Conference in Cairo in 1944. This con-
ference was organized by the Egyptian Feminist Union leader Huda
Shaarawi, who in 1938 had convened the Eastern Women’s Conference
for the Defence of Palestine at which an international Permanent Â�Central
Committee of Women for the Defence of Palestine had been estab-
lished.19 By 1944, she was promoting the broader objective of ‘a pan-Arab
feminist union’ to ‘strengthen feminist movements inside individual Arab
countries, while enhancing their participation in the international fem-
inist movement’.20 In the early 1940s, pan-Arab professional congresses
also became increasingly frequent,21 and by the end of the war some of
these were transformed into permanent international organizations, such
as the Union of Arab Pharmacists that dates its establishment to 1945.22
â•… In Europe and North America, many of the most significant INGOs
created during the Second World War were established to deal with the
126
conflict’s humanitarian consequences. Just as the Allied blockade in the

First World War had stimulated the formation of Save the Children in
the UK in 1919, in 1942 the Allied blockade of German-controlled ter-
ritory in the Second World War was to provoke the formation of what
became Oxfam. The Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (Oxfam) was
one of several local Famine Relief Committees set up in Britain in 1942
in response to famine in Greece by ‘religious leaders, Quakers, pacifists
and Idealists’, including figures such as Gilbert Murray of the League of
Nations Union. It is said to have started as a ‘political protest group’,
which ‘only began to collect funds to aid in the relief of occupied Europe
as a positive contribution towards its main objective, establishing the
principle that there was a primary duty to relieve suffering’.23 The initial
objectives of the national Famine Relief Committee set up in May 1942
(five months before the Oxford committee set up in support of it), how-
ever, were put very cautiously: ‘To obtain authentic information as to
food conditions in German-controlled or invaded countries; to promote
schemes for the sending of food, vitamins and medical aid into such
countries, wherever control is possible, in co-operation with existing
organisations.’24 Across the Atlantic the following year, Catholic Relief
Services was formed in response to President Roosevelt’s plans for coor-
dinated dissemination of governmental funds for humanitarian relief in
Europe.25 At the end of the war in 1945, they were joined in Great Â�Britain
by Christian Aid, originally known as Christian Reconciliation in Europe;
and in the United States by CARE, originally known as the Coopera-
tive for American Remittances to Europe, which began life distributing
US army food rations to those in need in Europe.26
â•… Alongside humanitarian relief, an equally important rationale for
INGO formation during the Second World War was the reduction of
the likelihood of another conflict. One perceived avenue towards this
goal was the promotion of intercultural dialogue. In 1941, the East and
West Association was founded by Pulitzer Prize-winning author Pearl
S. Buck and her second husband, aiming to carry out similar educational
Â€
exchange activities between the United States and Asia to those pio-
neered by the Institute of Pacific Relations.27 The same year saw the estab-
lishment of the Council on Intercultural Relations (later renamed
Institute for Intercultural Studies) by US cultural anthropologist Â�Margaret
Mead, which was intended ‘as a clearing house for the study of person-
ality and culture in the various countries of the world’ in order to pro-
127
vide information that could ‘both hasten victory and provide an optimum
setting for postwar reconstruction’.28
â•… Greater in number were the associations promoting a new interna-
tional organization to replace the League of Nations in the post-war era.
The associations that had promoted world government in the late 1930s
were joined in 1940 by a US Federal Union, formed by Clarence Streit,
and by the World Government Association, also based in the United
States and also aiming ‘to promote world government on democratic
principles’.29 The following year World Federation was set up by Ely
Cuthbertson in New York to promote a ‘World Federation Plan’ that
would promote a global federation consisting of eleven regional federa-
tions; and in 1943 the Citizens Conference on International Economic
Union was created to promote free trade, stable currencies and interna-
tional economic union.30 Following the war in 1945 the Committee to
Frame a World Constitution was organized in Chicago, to promote a
highly ambitious plan for a Federal World Republic with tax-raising and
passport-issuing powers.31
â•… More practical were the numerous organizations set up in the United
States during the conflict that were dedicated to studying the problems
of post-war settlement. The most notable of these was the Commission
to Study the Organization of Peace, established by James T. Shotwell and
Â€
Clark M. Eichelberger of the US League of Nations Association in

Â€
November 1939, to ‘review the past … and build upon the history of the
League of Nations plans for an organization of lasting peace’.32 The Com-
mission’s members were described as ‘a who’s who in international rela-
tions scholarship from the fields of education, government, labor and
business’.33 The following year John Foster Dulles formed the Federal
Council of Churches’ Commission on a Just and Durable Peace, ‘to clar-
ify the mind of our churches regarding the moral, political and economic
foundations of an enduring peace’.34 In 1941 these organizations were
joined by the Free World Association, organized by Louis Dolivet of the
International Peace Campaign, which aimed towards ‘educating public
opinion for world organization’ without diminishing sovereignty to the
extent that it ‘would limit or subordinate America or any other coun-
try’.35 The same year saw the formation by former members of the Inter-
national Consultative Group of the Institute on World Organization, to
study ‘political, economic, and social problems relating to world organi-
zation in order to aid in promoting a durable and just peace’,36 and of the
128
Post War World Council by former participants in the Keep America

out of the War Congress.37 Numerous organizations of academics
Â�dedicated to the study of post-war peace problems were also set up, such
as the Universities Committee on Post-War International Problems in
1942 and the Institute on Postwar Reconstruction set up at New York
University the following year.38
â•… The preliminary report issued by the Commission to Study the Orga-
nization of Peace in November 1940 promoted as ‘the alternative to orga-
nization by conquest … organization by consent’, through ‘international
institutions to preserve human freedom, social justice, economic prog-
ress, and political security’ that would ‘assure a dynamic peace with the
minimum sacrifice of national sovereignty’.39 The report advocated not
only international tribunals, international legislative bodies, renunciation
of force and collective security, but also regional organizations, ‘human
and cultural rights … in international covenants’ and economic and social
cooperation.40
â•… Appended to the report was a paper by Walter Lichtenstein which
advocated the distribution of ‘international loans, particularly, those
designed to assist backward [sic] nations in developing their economy’
by an international bank that would also distribute ‘funds … in times of
crisis to assist nations which cannot by their own effort extricate them-
selves from financial difficulties’.41 Two years later, in December 1942,
the economists and other prominent figures who in 1943 were to form
the Citizens Conference on International Economic Union appealed to
the President and Congress of the United States to promote ‘interna-
tional economic union’ through the formation of ‘an international lend-
ing agency’, ‘a currency stabilization agency’, ‘a trade and tariff agency’
and ‘a credit and exchange agency’.42 By this time, planning for post-war
economic stabilization at the British and US Treasuries had become
advanced, and was to result in the formation of the International Â�Monetary
Fund and World Bank at the Bretton Woods conference in 1944. As
G. John Ikenberry has argued, although much of the credit for the estab-
Â€
lishment of these organizations has been attributed to ‘the ideas and

diplomacy of John Maynard Keynes and Harry Dexter White’, they were
‘part of a larger collection of economists and policy specialists’ extending
beyond government and universities and including organizations such
as the Council on Foreign Relations.43 Shoup and Minter date ‘the first
specific mention of the need for both an International Monetary Fund
129
and an International Bank for Reconstruction and Development’ to the

Council’s Jacob Viner’s February 1942 proposal for ‘an international
exchange stabilization board and … an international bank to handle
short-term transactions not directly concerned with stabilization’.44
â•… Since September 1939, the Council on Foreign Relations had
assisted the US Department of State in its post-war planning, and the
Royal Institute of International Affairs played a similar role in the
United Kingdom.45 The Department of State also intended to consult
many other organizations, including groups based outside the US such
as the British League of Nations Union, since it was felt that they
could constitute ‘very helpful allies … to the all-important task of
gaining public support for this Government’s post-war foreign pol-
icy’.46 Among the organizations consulted, the Commission to Study
the Organization of Peace was credited by Dulles with having made
an ‘indispensable contribution to the creation of the United Nations’.47
James Shotwell of this organization took part in the State Depart-
ment’s Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign Policy, which con-
tained ‘individuals from private life’ in addition to civil servants. 48 The
Council on Foreign Relations was represented in this body by its
Â�President Â�Norman Davis, Hamilton Fish (editor of Foreign Affairs)
and Percy Bidwell.49 The Advisory Committee’s Special Subcommit-
tee on International Organization featured James Shotwell as a mem-
ber and Clark Eichelberger, also of the Commission to Study the
Organization of Peace, ‘practically in the capacity of a member’.50
â•… Louis Sohn was to note ‘a remarkable resemblance between a number
of the Commission [to Study the Organization of Peace]’s proposals and
the text of the Charter’ of the United Nations adopted at the San Â�Francisco
conference in 1945.51 A total of 47 of the Commission’s members took
part in the discussions of the conference, and James Shotwell and Clark
Eichelberger presided over the meetings of the consultants to the US
delegation and chaired the committee of consultants on human rights
issues respectively.52 Representatives of 42 ‘private national organizations’
were invited to serve as consultants to the US delegation.53 In her sur-
vey of their work, Dorothy Robins concluded that the consultants were
particularly influential ‘in the Charter provisions promoting education,
human rights, and trusteeship, expanding and raising economic and social
activities to a major position, and incorporating consultative machinery
in Article 71’.54
130
â•… The ‘suitable arrangements for consultation with non-governmental

organizations’ by the Economic and Social Council in Article 71 of the
Charter stemmed from the proposals of the ‘ABLE’ (agricultural, busi-
ness, labour and education) consultants led by Shotwell for the Economic
and Social Council to have ‘direct contact with the groups who, from day
to day, are confronted by the practical results of national and international
economic and social policies’.55 In the formal meeting of the US delega-
tion at which Article 71 was discussed, the representative of the sub-Â�
committee responsible for drafting it stated that they ‘had made an effort
to get as much of the consultant’s [sic] draft into the proposal [for the
text of Article 71] as possible’ and the Secretary of State ‘expressed the
view that the draft would give the consultants about what they wanted’.56
The appeal by the leaders of the February 1945 World Trade Union
Â�Conference that their new organization be granted a special status also
proved significant.57 However, as Douglas Williams has argued, ‘the pro-
fessional diplomats successfully limited what they saw as the damage by
confining the NGOs to the economic and social side of the picture’.58
â•… Possibly the most significant contribution of the consultants at the
San Francisco Conference may have been their contribution to the human
rights provisions of the United Nations Charter. The US Secretary of
State Stettinius informed them that they ‘could justly claim credit for
getting a consideration of human rights into the Charter’.59 The viola-
tion of human rights by the German government during the Second
World War had been important in stimulating INGO mobilization dur-
ing the conflict. Some INGOs, such as CIMADE (the Inter-Movement
Evacuees Committee, which was established on 18 October 1939 to assist
evacuees from Alsace and Lorraine), played an important role in proviÂ�
ding direct assistance to those fleeing persecution.60 Others, such as the
International League for the Rights of Man (established in New York in
1941 to continue the work of the French League for the Rights of Man
whose members had been dispersed by the conflict), focused on inclu-
sion of references to human rights in the post-war peace settlement.61 A
pioneering role has been attributed to H. G. Wells, who promoted a
Â€ Â€
‘Â�Declaration of Rights’ in a letter to The Times of 23 October 1939, and

who is credited with influencing Roosevelt’s advocacy of ‘Four Freedoms’
in January 1941.62 At the San Francisco Conference, the announcement
by US NGO consultants that ‘it would come as a grievous shock if the
constitutional framework of the Organization would fail to make ade-
131
quate provision for the ultimate achievement of human rights and fun-
damental freedoms’ is commonly thought to have been central to the US
delegation’s promotion of the UN Charter’s human rights provisions,
although, as Ian Clark has argued, ‘the essentials of the Consultants’
demands were already embraced in draft amendments’.63
â•… The reference to ‘non-governmental organizations’ in Article 71 of the
United Nations Charter brought the term into common usage. The role
of these organizations in contributing towards this and other compo-
nents of the Charter has commonly been seen as a starting point for anal-
yses of how ‘a close partnership was developing’ between non-governmental
and inter-governmental international organizations, ‘a major challenge
to the geopolitics of the emerging Cold War that was threatening to
divide the world’.64 However, as Bertram Pickard noted, the arrangement
for consultation with the United Nations was ‘not only a denial of inte-
gral participation of certain non-governmental elements as in the ILO
but also in effect a so-far-and-no-further obstacle to any continuance of
the pragmatic but close IGO–NGO partnership developed under the
League’.65 Whereas, he argued, ‘the League’s characteristic consultation
with the NGOs of that day, though non-statutory, took the form never-
theless of “participation without vote,”’ in the United Nations’ arrange-
ments this privilege was ‘jealously reserved … for the specialized agencies,
and expressly denied to NGOs’.66 The term ‘non-governmental organi-
zation’ defined NGOs in terms of what they were not, a less positive
denotation than the terminology of previous eras, such as ‘private inter-
national organization’. By 1945, there was a widespread perception among
governmental policy-makers that ‘private international organizations’ had
had too much influence in the League of Nations era, especially at the
World Disarmament Conference, so the provisions of the UN Charter
expressly limited INGO input to the economic and social spheres.67
â•… Furthermore, some INGOs were to play a role in the exacerbation of
tensions as the Cold War developed in the late 1940s. At the end of the
Second World War, many INGOs were reconstituted: in 1945, for
instance, the International Air Traffic Association was succeeded by the
International Air Transport Association, and the International Â�Federation
of Trade Unions by the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU).
The number of INGOs founded in 1945 was as high as in the early years
of the 1930s, a rate of formation that was to double in the following year
and to be sustained for the following two decades.68 More than twice as
132
many INGOs were formed in the first two decades of the Cold War than
had been formed in any previous two decades,69 but much of the expan-
sion can be accounted for by the division of transnational civil society
along Cold War lines in this period.
â•… A significant number of INGOs split in two in the early 1940s. As
Peter Willetts has argued, ‘several international NGOs came to be more
sympathetic to the communists than Western opinion could tolerate’ and
‘as a result Western groups split from the world organizations and formed
their own rival international NGOs’.70 The best-known example is the
secession of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU) from the WFTU in 1949. In the opening speech of the
Â�ICFTU’s founding conference, H. L. Bullock stated: ‘We are here to
Â€ Â€
learn by our mistakes, and to see more clearly than we did on that ear-
lier occasion the significance of the contemporary conflict between the
democratic and the totalitarian way of life. We must not make the mis-
take of trying to comprehend in our new World Confederation contra-
dictory and irreconcilable objects and aims.’71 The formation of the
WFTU in 1945 had seen unprecedented cooperation between Commu-
nist and non-Communist trade unions, but Christian trade unions did
not take part from the outset, and, as Denis MacShane has argued, the
relationship between the US and Soviet members of the WFTU were
‘ragged from the very outset of the WFTU’s existence’.72 WFTU’s fail-
ure to secure a higher status in the United Nations system than other
non-governmental bodies ‘was a humiliation’, and by the end of 1946
WFTU had ‘failed … to establish its own institutional raison d’être, by
providing services or organizing interventions with effect’.73 The US par-
ticipant in the WFTU, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, was
used by Truman to build support for the Truman Doctrine, and promoted
WFTU as the trade union participant in the distribution of Marshall
Aid, an issue which split the movement and was to lead to the secession
of the ICFTU in 1949. However, MacShane has argued that ‘the con-
frontation within trade unions domestically and internationally was one
of the causes rather than a consequence of the Cold War’ since ‘intra-left
hostility in the trade union movement was deep rooted’.74
â•… Divisions along Cold War lines within transnational civil society that
preceded, and potentially contributed towards, the collapse of US–Soviet
relations were not confined to the international trade union movement.
The numerous Communist front and anti-Communist organizations of
133
the period preceding the Second World War were described in the pre-
ceding chapter. During the conflict, further new organizations exacer-
bated the development of an East–West divide within transnational civil
society, such as the International Monarchist League created in 1943,
which claimed that its founders ‘had seen what had happened in Â�Central
Europe when the Hohenzollern and Habsburg monarchies had been
overthrown, leaving the vacuum to be filled by Nazism, and they feared
that the fall of the Romanian, Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Albanian thrones
would lead to the eastward expansion of the communist domination’.75
â•… At the end of the conflict, a considerable number of new Communist
front INGOs were created. The most significant women’s and youth orga-
nizations to be founded in 1945, for instance, were the World Federa-
tion of Democratic Youth (WFDY ) and the Women’s International
Democratic Federation (WIDF), both of which became perceived to be
Communist front organizations, despite some non-Communist support
and their apparently relatively innocuous founding objectives, respec-
tively: of ‘close international understanding and cooperation amongst the
youth … with respect for the diversity of ideas and national conditions’
and ‘coordination of the activity of millions of women who, during the
last war, got together to oppose with all their might fascism, the cause of
misery and war, to defend the liberty of their peoples’.76 They were joined
the following year by a larger number of Soviet-leaning organizations,
including the International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL),
the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), the International
Union of Students (IUS), the World Federation of Scientific Workers
(WFSW) and the World Federation of Teachers Associations (FISG).77
â•… At the opposite end of the spectrum was the Liberal International,
which was established in 1947 with the objective of uniting ‘not only
political Liberals, but freedom loving people of all nations so that a united
stand might be made against the enemies of democracy’.78 Many of the
Communist front INGOs founded in the mid 1940s found themselves
confronted by the creation in the later 1940s of rival non-Communist
counterparts in their respective fields of activity. In 1946, for instance,
WFDY was confronted by the (re-)formation of the (pro-Western) Inter-
national Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY ); while in 1948 WFDY was
confronted by the creation of the World Assembly of Youth and the IOJ
was confronted by the formation of the International Federation of Free
Journalists (IFFJ). As Willetts has pointed out, the formation of rival
134
pro-Soviet and anti-Communist INGOs in the same fields of activity

spilled over into politics at the United Nations: ‘in ECOSOC the West
used its voting majority against … “communist-front” NGOs’, so in 1950
the IOJ lost its consultative status and the WFDY was demoted to the
lowest category of consultative status; and in 1951 the IUSY was awarded
a higher category of consultative status than WFDY, and the IFFJ was
given the consultative status which the IOJ had lost.79
â•… Hindrances such as these did little to stem the proliferation of
Â�Communist front NGOs in the 1950s. The World Peace Council, cre-
ated in 1949, convened the 1952 International Economic Conference in
Moscow, at which the Committee for the Promotion of International
Trade was established; and the World Congress of Doctors in 1954, at
which the International Medical Association was created. These were
followed by the formation of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity
Â�Organization (AAPSO) and the Permanent International Committee
of Mothers, conceived by the WPC and WIDF respectively. Through-
out the decade, many of the Communist front organizations reported
vast increases in membership, largely on account of population growth
in Communist member countries.80
â•… The apparent growth in membership of Communist front INGOs in
the 1950s disguised the diminishing representation of Western organi-
zations in their membership. In the 1950s, John Clews argues, ‘disillu-
sioned Western students formed the Co-ordinating Secretariat of
National Unions of Students (Cosec) as an alternative to the IUS, fol-
lowed some time afterwards by the International Commission of Jurists
as the non-Communist alternative to the IADL, … [and] Western jour-
nalists … set up the International Federation of Journalists as a demo-
cratic alternative’ to the IOJ.81
â•… The formation of AAPSO in 1958 reflected not only the division of
transnational civil society along Cold War lines, but also the develop-
ment of a further fissure in transnational civil society between North and
South. The Cairo conference of 1957–8 at which AAPSO was created
was described as ‘a striking manifestation of the fundamental changes in
the world, which consist in that the peoples of Asia and Africa, who but
recently were oppressed, enslaved and deprived of elementary human
rights, have now emerged in the world arena, have become an irresist-
ible force that must be reckoned with’.82 The objective of AAPSO, ‘to
promote and strengthen cooperation between the peoples of the two con-
135
tinents’,83 is indicative of the increasingly regional orientation of INGOs

in the period following the Second World War.
â•… Whereas before the Second World War Europe-based INGOs tended
to view their objectives in global terms (even though their memberships
were often predominantly European), after the conflict an increasing
number focused their attention purely on the European region. What
had been the International Broadcasting Union, for instance, was revived
in 1950 as the European Broadcasting Union. Furthermore, a signifi-
cant number of organizations focused on promoting purely European
rather than global economic and/or political cooperation, such as the
European League for Economic Cooperation and the European Union
of Federalists (formed in 1946), and the Socialist Movement for the
United States of Europe and the United Europe Movement (formed in
1947). Although the later formation of the Council of Europe and the
European Coal and Steel Community fell far short of the more ambi-
tious objectives of several of these organizations, the new regional inter-
governmental organizations of the 1940s and 1950s became centres
around which new regional INGOs would be formed, in Europe, the
Arab states and the Americas.
â•… In Africa, as Snyder has noted, ‘the idea of Pan-Africanism was revived
after World War II with the withdrawal of European imperialist pow-
ers from the continent’.84 In 1958, the year of the first Conference of
Independent African States and the formation of the UN Economic
Commission for Africa, the All African People’s Conference took place
in Accra and established a permanent organization aiming both ‘to accel-
erate the liberation of Africa from Imperialism and colonialism’ and ‘to
develop the feeling of one community among the peoples of Africa with
the object to the emergence of a United States of Africa’.85
â•… In Asia, where significant new regional intergovernmental organiza-
tions were yet to be established, indications of a trend towards regional-
ization of INGOs were also evident. A pioneering conference convened
in India in 1947 by the Indian Council of World Affairs led to the estab-
lishment of the Asian Relations Organization.86 The conference was boy-
cotted by the Muslim League, and Nicholas Mansergh noted that ‘it was
clearly revealed throughout the discussions at the Conference that Asia
is not a unit’.87 This was reflected by the evolution of the Asian Relations
Organization, which ‘after ten years of inconsequential existence … was
quietly dissolved in 1957’.88
136
â•… While Indian efforts towards pan-Asian regional organization had lit-
tle effect, Pakistani efforts towards pan-Islamic organization were more
successful. The World Muslim Congress that had been founded in 1926
had ‘practically gone into oblivion’ following the Jerusalem congress of
1931, but ‘after the creation of Pakistan, it was reactivated and it started
functioning from its newly established permanent headquarters in Kara-
chi’.89 In East Jerusalem in 1952, ‘the prime example of a transnational
Islamist political movement’ was formed by Shaykh Taqiuddin al-Â�
Nabhani, who created Hizb ut-Tahrir with the aim of ‘reinstating Islam
through a popular Islamic revolution which would install a Caliph’.90
â•… Split along East–West and North–South lines and with a growing
trend towards regionalization, international non-governmental organi-
zations in the 1950s were less central to international politics than they
had been before the Second World War. Even the United Nations, as
Lador-Lederer observed, generally ‘took account of the nuisance value
of NGOs rather than of their positive nature’.91 Jeremi Suri has further
argued that there is ‘little evidence that’ in the 1940s and 1950s INGOs
‘made much of a tangible difference to policy or everyday life’.92
â•… Despite their divisions, within the sectors in which INGOs operated
in the 1940s and 1950s there were several occasions upon which their
influence was considerable. This was commonly the case when there was
a significant intergovernmental political opportunity structure. One of
the outstanding examples of INGO influence in the 1940s was their con-
tribution to the development of human rights norms, taking further the
commitment by states to human rights in the Charter of the United
Nations, which provided the political opportunity structure for INGO
human rights campaigners. Both the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948 were in large part responses to INGO
pressure.93 René Cassin, the leader of numerous Paris-based INGOs and
‘principal architect of the Universal Declaration’, noted the importance
in the drafting process for the UDHR of the ‘encouragement and assis-
tance’ of INGOs in refining the clauses of the Declaration, especially
women’s INGOs, ‘whose contribution was especially valuable when the
definitive provisions of the Declaration regarding marriage, the family
and children were being worked out’.94 According to Korey, Cassin and
Eleanor Roosevelt also came to the conclusion that, rather than govern-
ments, ‘it was the NGOs who would take on the challenge of transform-
137
ing the words of the Declaration from a standard into reality’.95 Beyond
their input into the UDHR, international women’s NGOs were signifi-
cant in promoting international agreement upon the principle of ‘equal
pay for equal work’ embodied in the 1951 Equal Remuneration Conven-
tion and the broader 1958 Employment (Discrimination) Convention
of 1958.96
â•… INGOs in the 1940s and 1950s were also an important aspect of what
has commonly been described as ‘one of the most significant transfor-
mations of the postwar international scene’97—decolonization. Despite
their often short-lived existences, bodies such as the Asian Relations
Organization and the African and Asian ‘people’s conferences’ have been
credited with an important role in the ‘awakening’ of Asia and Africa.98
Furthermore, non-governmental networks were central to the dissemi-
nation of techniques for resisting colonial rule, with the independence
campaigns of Nkrumah, Kaunda and Nyerere ‘modelled … explicitly on
Gandhian lines’.99
â•… Although one impact of decolonization was to promote the fragmen-
tation of transnational civil society along regional lines, another was to
promote its dispersal beyond its traditional principal loci in Europe and
the Americas. Whereas in 1938 the League of Nations recorded the exis-
tence of just five INGOs with headquarters in Asia and none with head-
quarters in Africa, by 1951 the Union of International Associations
recorded ten INGOs with headquarters in Asia (of which five had had
headquarters in Asia by 1938) and four INGOs with headquarters in
Africa, all of which had been founded after 1941.100
â•… The period following the Second World War also saw the formation
of several of the most significant INGOs that operate in the present day.
This took place in the context of developments such as post-war eco-
nomic recovery, relative political stability in comparison with the war
years, and further improvements in communications, such as commer-
cial jet aeroplane travel from the 1950s. Many of the new INGOs to be
established in the late 1940s and 1950s took forward on a more perma-
nent basis the work of pre-war organizations, with the International
Organization of Standardization created in 1946 building on the work
of the earlier International Federation of National Standardization Asso-
ciations, and the World Medical Association and the International Hotel
and Restaurant Association formed in 1947 taking further the earlier
work of the International Professional Association of Doctors and the
138
International Hotel Alliance respectively. The World Council of Churches,

established in 1948, represented the completion of decades of work by
the Faith and Order and Life and Work movements towards creating a
lasting ecumenical organization; while the joint inter-governmental and
non-governmental International Union for the Conservation of Nature,
set up in 1948, built on the work of the International Office for the Pro-
tection of Nature, established twenty years earlier. The World Veterans
Federation, created in 1950, and the Socialist International, set up the
following year to promote ‘democratic socialism’, succeeded the activi-
ties of the earlier Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Servicemen and the
Labour and Socialist International respectively.101 Other new INGOs,
such as the International Federation of Agricultural Producers, set up in
1946, the World Movement of Mothers and the International Union of
Family Organizations, founded in 1947, and the World Fellowship of
Buddhists, set up in 1950, signified the formation of INGOs on behalf
of new groups of people in the post-war era.
â•… A further set of new INGOs aimed to tackle areas of activity previ-
ously neglected by INGOs. In some cases technological and social devel-
opments were important, such as the growing use of motorized road
transportation, with the International Road Federation being set up in
1948 on account of ‘a pressing need for a new international organization
to attract attention to the growing economic and social importance of
good highways’.102 In other cases mobilization took place in the context
of developing international norms, such as for human rights; the ‘first
postwar worldwide homosexual association’ was established in Amster-
dam in 1951: the International Committee for Sexual Equality.103 A par-
ticularly significant new INGO to be established in 1948–52 was the
International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), which was cre-
ated on account of a perceived need for ‘world-wide co-operation of all
groups and persons to promote knowledge of population trends and world
resources in relation to the standards of family needs’, given the popula-
tion growth in newly decolonized territories such as India, where IPPF’s
inaugural congress took place in 1952.104 IPPF now claims to be ‘one of
the world’s largest organizations’ with ‘more service delivery points than
McDonald’s’ and active in the promotion of sexual and reproductive
health in more than 170 countries.105
â•… Amongst the most significant new organizations of the late 1940s and
1950s were those that were established to address the issues that under-
139
pinned the global divisions along East–West and North–South lines.

Especially concerned with challenging the East–West divide were the
new INGOs for the promotion of international peace. Some viewed the
promotion of global organizations as central to their programme, such as
the World Federation of United Nations Associations that was estab-
lished in 1946 to work ‘for world peace and security through the United
Nations’, and the United World Federalists set up the following year to
unite those with somewhat more ambitious objectives.106 The invention
of the atomic bomb was important in sparking the formation of a new
generation of peace organizations centred around preventing nuclear war,
such as the Federation of Atomic Scientists set up in 1945, and later the
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the National Committee for a Sane
Nuclear Policy (SANE) and the Pugwash Conferences on Science and
World Affairs, all of which were launched in 1957 and spearheaded what
Carter describes as ‘the first wave of protests against nuclear weapons and
nuclear testing [that] can accurately be described as a movement’.107
â•… As regards the North–South divide, INGOs concerned with aid and
international development became increasingly significant in addressing
the issues underpinning this fissure in the 1950s. By this decade, orga-
nizations that had been set up initially to deal with the humanitarian
consequences of the Second World War in Europe were expanding their
activities to assistance to developing countries, with Oxfam sending relief
in response to crop failure in Bihar, India, in 1951, and CARE turning
its attention to South America.108 They were also joined by new charita-
ble INGOs such as World Vision in 1950, War on Want and Caritas
Internationalis in 1951, International Voluntary Services in 1953, Med-
ical Assistance Programs International in 1954 and ATD Fourth World
in 1957. In the mid 1950s, an Overseas Development Office was estab-
lished by the Ford Foundation, the overseas expenditure of which
exceeded that of many UN development agencies, while the formation
in 1957 of the Society for International Development is seen as a land-
mark in the professionalization of INGO involvement in international
development. In 1958, the World Council of Churches is credited with
setting the world’s first target for overseas development assistance at 1
per cent of each high-income country’s GNP.109
â•… In the post-war years, INGOs had contributed both to Cold War ten-
sions and to decolonization, which in turn had contributed towards divi-
sions in transnational civil society. However, the East–West and
140
North–South divisions of the period also formed the context for the emer-
gence of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to challenge these divi-
sions. The new INGOs of the 1940s and 1950s challenging the East–West
and North–South divisions that had emerged both in transnational civil
society and in world politics more generally laid the foundations for the
revitalization of transnational civil society in the subsequent three decades.
The Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society from the 1960s

to the 1980s
It has become widely recognized that the 1960s was for INGOs ‘their
breakout decade in the Cold War’, during which the number of INGOs
more than doubled.110 In many ways, it was the fragmentation of the
period that helped to reinvigorate transnational civil society. As Ian Clark
has argued in respect of the historical development of globalization, ‘the
cold war’s ultimate effect has been one of integration, not disintegration,
and although it created deep fissures between East and West, this served
the purpose of integration within the West, stimulated an attempted
incorporation of the Third World into the First, and may contribute to
a single global system in the cold war’s aftermath’.111 The multiple frag-
mentary forces of the 1960s helped to stimulate a wide range of INGO
responses: competition between East and West in the emerging ‘Third
World’ stimulated the development movement in the ‘first development
decade’; evidence of human rights abuses by Cold War governments
helped mobilize the contemporary international human rights move-
ment; the Cuban Missile Crisis and Vietnam War stimulated the peace
movement in the 1960s; and evidence of humanity’s destruction of the
natural habitat motivated the creation of the contemporary international
environmentalist movement.
â•… The 1960s opened with the publication of a ‘non-Communist mani-
festo’ by Walt Whitman Rostow: his Stages of Economic Growth, which
aimed to address ‘the central challenge of our time … the challenge of
creating, in association with the non-Communist politicians and peo-
ples of the preconditions and the early take-off areas, a partnership which
will see them through into sustained growth on a political and social
basis which keeps open the possibilities of progressive, democratic devel-
opment’.112 As Iriye has argued, although ‘this kind of developmental-
ism was clearly seen as an instrument for waging the Cold War … such
141
ideas could serve internationalist purposes’ and underpinned ‘a vision,

shared by intergovernmental and international nongovernmental orga-
nizations alike, that developing nations of the world should be closely
integrated into the international economy’.113 The result, as Brian Smith
has noted, was a ‘dramatic increase in governmental subsidies’ to inter-
national development NGOs from the 1960s onwards, with governments
increasingly recognising their greater ability ‘to get to the grassroots level
… than foreign governmental agencies’.114
â•… Governments also appeared to be increasingly susceptible to INGO
advocacy on the development issue from the 1960s onwards, with cam-
paigning by War on Want in the UK being credited with having ‘con-
tributed to Britain being, in 1964, the first donor country to have a
separate development ministry’.115 In addition to a growing trend towards
advocacy among development INGOs, there was also a significant
increase in their number from the 1960s onwards.116 New organizations
such as the International Organization for Cultivating Universal Human
Spirit, founded in Japan in 1961, and the Aga Khan Foundation, created
in 1967, reflected their increasing diversity. The result of the prolifera-
tion of development INGOs was a need for greater coordination of their
activities, a purpose which became increasingly served by new collabor-
ative organizations such as the International Council of Voluntary
Â�Agencies, established in 1962 to build on earlier cooperation on refugee
issues.117 Chabbott has further argued that ‘a specialised cadre of inter-
national-development professionals’ emerged from the 1960s onwards
as a result of the increasing professionalization of development INGOs,
supported by the creation of research institutions such as the Institute of
Development Studies, founded at the University of Sussex in 1966.118
â•… The Cold War context was to stimulate in a very different way the
international human rights movement. In the introduction to a landmark
article in The Observer of 28 May 1961 by British barrister Peter Â�Benenson,
it was stated that ‘on both sides of the Iron Curtain, thousands of men
and women are being held in gaol without trial because their political or
religious views differ from those of their Governments’.119 Considering
that ‘the spread of dictatorship, the tensions that have resulted from the
Cold War, and the increasing cleavage between races of different colour,
have combined to make state persecution of the individual the gravest
social problem of the 1960s’, Amnesty International was launched by
Benenson in 1961 officially ‘to mobilize public opinion in defence of
142
those men and women who are imprisoned because their ideas are unac-
ceptable to their governments’.120 As Buchanan has noted, for Benenson
‘1961 was not any old year—it was the anniversary of the emancipation
of the serfs in Russia and the outbreak of the American Civil War’.121
Benenson’s ‘underlying purpose’, which he hoped ‘those who are closely
connected with it will remember, but never publish’, was ‘to find a com-
mon base upon which the idealists of the world can co-operate’, ‘in par-
ticular to absorb the latent enthusiasm of great numbers of such idealists,
who have, since the eclipse of Socialism, become increasingly frustrated’;
he also stated that ‘it matters more to harness the enthusiasm of the help-
ers than to bring people out of prison … Those whom the Amnesty
Appeal primarily aims to free are the men and women imprisoned by
cynicism, and doubt.’122 This has been interpreted as indicating that
Amnesty International was launched to address the ‘unmet demand for
activism among certain populations in the free world’.123
â•… Amnesty International’s initial work concentrated on information-
gathering and letter-writing in respect of political prisoners in the First,
Second and Third Worlds, and within three years 1,367 prisoners had
been ‘adopted’ by its 360 groups, established in fourteen countries, with
329 prisoners released.124 Amnesty International was awarded UN con-
sultative status in 1964 and made use of the procedures later established
by ECOSOC for reporting human rights abuses to the UN Human
Rights Commission.125 As Clark has argued, Amnesty International also
expanded its activities to include promotion of ‘stronger, preventative
international norms concerning prisoner treatment’, most notably in its
1970s campaign against torture, which contributed towards the UN’s
1975 Declaration on the issue.126
â•… With respect to the peace movement, the context of the possibility of
nuclear annihilation evident in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and the
escalation of the Vietnam War in the later 1960s was particularly signif-
icant in its development. At the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, peace
activists in the United States are thought to have staged ‘America’s larÂ�
gest open-air demonstration for peace up to that time’.127 In addition,
Lawrence Wittner has provided evidence that during the Cuban Â�Missile
Crisis the US government’s ‘caution reflected … its sensitivity to public
opinion’, with Kennedy fearing ‘demonstrations, peace groups marching
in the streets, perhaps a divisive public debate’, and ‘US diplomatic mes-
sages—particularly the claim that “sane” people would not fight a nuclear
143
war—illustrated the centrality of the ideas popularized by nuclear disar-

mament groups’.128 He further argues that in the 1960s, ‘pressured by a
worldwide movement and wary of public opinion, the leaders of most
nations ultimately proved capable of making substantial changes in their
nuclear policies’, such as the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963 and the
Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968.129
â•… Despite the apparent influence of the nuclear disarmament movement
in government responses to the Cuban Missile Crisis, in the aftermath
of that crisis the nuclear disarmament movement is generally thought to
have ‘faded away’.130 The Vietnam War, on the other hand, stimulated
new forms of peace activism, such as the ‘teach-in’ pioneered at theÂ�
Â�University of Michigan on 24 March 1965.131 Students played a central
role in the movement against the Vietnam War, forming a Student Mobi-
lization Committee to End the War in Vietnam in 1968.132 That year
witnessed ‘an explosion of revolutionary student movements’, believing
‘that they were taking part in a world-wide struggle against the existing
order in East and West, and in North and South’.133 It is claimed that at
this time there emerged a set of ‘new social movements’ encompassing
peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other forms of activism which
were thought to be ‘a product of a shift to a postindustrial economy’ and
‘different from social movements of the industrial age’, with a focus on
moral, identity and lifestyle concerns rather than economic redistribu-
tion, and a preference for non-institutional political channels and non-
hierarchical forms of organization.134 While what exactly was ‘new’ about
the ‘new social movements’ has been much debated,135 and although, as
this book has described, peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other
forms of activism have extensive previous histories, there are undoubt-
edly some novel characteristics of INGOs formed from the 1960s onwards
in respect of issues such as the environment and feminism.
â•… The establishment of the World Wide Fund for Nature in 1961 to
provide greater financial resources for ‘the already existent but weak
worldwide conservation movement’ may be interpreted as an incremen-
tal development, but was significant in that it provided unprecedented
levels not only of funding to conservationist projects, totalling more than
$5 million in the organization’s first decade, but also of public awareness
of conservation issues.136 Similarly important in transforming public
awareness of environmental issues was the publication of Rachel Â�Carson’s
Silent Spring in 1962, which, together with ‘the effects of affluence, the
144
age of atomic testing, … a series of well publicized environmental disas-

ters, advances in scientific knowledge, and the influence of other social
movements’, has been credited with sparking an ‘environmental revolu-
tion’ in 1962–70, during which a ‘new environmentalism’ developed, which
was more ‘activist and political’ than earlier forms of environmentalism,
and more concerned with a need for humanity to avoid ‘environmental
catastrophe’.137 The result was a new wave of environmentalist INGOs.
Friends of the Earth, established in 1969, broke from the established
conservation movement in having as its ‘specific purpose the task of
Â�waging political battles to protect the environment’.138 Greenpeace, ini-
tially the Don’t Make a Wave Committee that was established in the
same year as Friends of the Earth, broke from traditional environmen-
talism in its use of high-profile non-violent direct actions that ‘use the
media as a weapon’.139
â•… In the 1970s, environmental INGOs played a significant role in preÂ�
parations for the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment,
at which they were permitted to speak at certain sessions and ran paral-
lel conferences and journals, reintroducing to United Nations confer-
ences intergovernmental procedures and activist tactics previously used
at the Hague conferences and those of the League of Nations.140 The key
outcome of this conference, the establishment of the United Nations
Environment Programme in Nairobi, motivated the formation of a net-
work of environmentalist INGOs: the Environment Liaison Center
International in Nairobi in 1974, the same year as the European Envi-
ronmental Bureau was set up to lobby the EU. As McCormick has argued,
Â€
‘the post-Stockholm era saw renewed growth in the formation of new

NGOs’ with ‘2,320 environmental NGOs in less developed countries, of
which 60 per cent had been formed since Stockholm, and 13,000 in more
developed countries, of which 30 per cent had been formed since
Â�Stockholm’ by 1982.141 More generally, the number of INGOs more than
quadrupled between 1972 and 1984, from 2,795 to 12,686.142
â•… Women’s INGOs evolved in the 1960s and 1970s in a similar fashion
to environmentalist INGOs. As with the environmentalist movement,
literature on the subject had a crucial impact, in this case the publication
of The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan in 1963, which ‘has been cred-
ited—or blamed—for destroying, single-handedly and almost overnight,
the 1950s consensus that women’s place was in the home’ and with hav-
ing ‘ignited the women’s movement, launched a social revolution and
145
“transformed the social fabric” of the United States and countries around
the world’.143 The events of 1968 are thought to have been similarly sig-
nificant, promoting mobilization in ‘a decentralized and antihierarchical
organizational form’.144 As Moghadam has argued, the ‘second wave fem-
inism’ that developed in the United States and elsewhere in the 1960s
‘was initially nationally based and nationally oriented’.145 The new inter-
national women’s INGOs of the 1960s consisted primarily of women’s
business and professional associations, such as the International Union
of Women Architects (1963), the International Association of Women
and Home Page Journalists (1964) and the International Federation of
Women’s Travel Organizations.146 The following decade, however, saw
international women’s mobilization transformed.
â•… Established INGOs played an important part in this process, which,
having taken part in the development of the 1967 United Nations
Â�Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in
1967, persuaded the United Nations General Assembly in 1972 to declare
1975 ‘International Women’s Year’, and in the following ‘Decade for
Women’ over a third of women’s INGOs were founded.147 The Mexico
conference in International Women’s Year was important in provoking
the establishment of new women’s INGOs that ‘made it their priority to
mobilize women and co-ordinate local and national activities through
networking’, such as the International Feminist Network and the Inter-
national Women’s Tribune Center set up in 1976, in contrast to earlier
women’s INGOs that restricted networking to an ‘elite’ of ‘those women
active at the international level’.148 New women’s INGOs were also
Â�dedicated to an increasingly broad range of issues, such as development,
domestic violence and the environment.149 With the Decade for Women
coinciding with the second Development Decade, ‘the two events melded
into each other in the sense that a core dimension for grappling with
women’s issues became the concern for “incorporating women into devel-
opment”’, and a result of women’s INGO pressure was the endorsement
of ‘remarkably strong feminist positions … as UN policy for develop-
ment’.150 However, splits between Northern and Southern women’s
INGOs were exacerbated over the development issue, and new women’s
INGOs that aimed to tackle the development issue from a Southern per-
spective were established, such as the Association of African Women for
Research and Development in 1977 and Development Alternatives with
Women for a New Era in 1984.151 Organizations such as Women Â�Living
146
Under Muslim Laws and the Sisterhood is Global Institute (SIGI), both
also formed in 1984, on the other hand, have bridged international divi-
sions in their pursuit of women’s rights in Muslim countries.152
â•… The new forms of networking and more radical forms of activism of
the 1970s extended beyond the women’s and environmentalist move-
ments. In the case of humanitarian INGOs, a more radical form of mobi-
lization is evident in the creation of Médecins Sans Frontières in 1971
‘to ensure medical and surgical aid regardless of the location of the disas-
ter’ by ‘veterans of the 1968 rebellion’ who had joined the French Red
Cross and ‘were horrified not only by the carnage [in Biafra] but also by
the Red Cross principle of neutrality, which ruled out any public con-
demnation’.153 Iriye has argued that ‘as a founder of the organization
wrote, … [MSF] was frankly “subversive”; it would not always wait for,
or go through, government authorization before acting, and it would not
hesitate to publicize its activities or the plight of the people it assisted’.154
The creation of Africare, also in 1971, which ‘was conceived in Africa—
in the Republic of Niger’ and which ‘from the beginning … was always
there to work with the people and not to superimpose a plan for them’,
also marked a novel development in aid organizations, as did the cre-
ation of Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action Group in
1976 to assist health workers in developing countries to gain access to
information.155 A further transformation was evident in the responses to
the famine in Africa in the mid 1980s, when the major Western-based
Muslim charitable organizations Islamic Relief Worldwide and Muslim
Aid were founded in the United Kingdom in 1984 and 1985 respec-
tively.156 However, this is also the point at which humanitarian aid became
a cause célèbre, prompting such ad hoc celebrity-driven coalitions as Live
Aid and USA for Africa, which succeeded in raising considerable sums,
but much of which was used by the Ethiopian government ‘to drive out
suspect populations, what we now call ethnic cleansing, and to resettle
Ethiopians on state-run farms that employed forced labour’.157
â•… As well as witnessing the transformation of existing transnational social
movements, such as for aid and development, human rights, peace, wom-
en’s rights and the environment, the period from the 1960s to the 1980s
also saw the emergence of INGOs representing new issues and sectors
of society. The beginning of this period saw the formation of the orga-
nization that claims to be ‘the only independent and authoritative global
voice for consumers’, Consumers International, which was established in
147
1960 as the International Organization of Consumers Unions (IOCU),

‘to act as a clearinghouse among member organizations for consumer
tests methods, plans and publications of consumer organisations’.158 As
outlined in later paragraphs, IOCU and its regional members were to
play a central role in mobilizing international networks in the 1970s and
1980s.159 Another self-proclaimed unique organization to be established
in the 1960s was Survival International, which claims to be ‘the only
organization working for tribal peoples’ rights worldwide’ and was
founded in 1969 following the publication of an article on the ‘genocide’
of Amazonian Indians.160 A number of other groups of people also
became better-represented by INGOs in subsequent years, such as the
elderly (the International Federation on Ageing was set up in 1973, the
International Federation of Associations of the Elderly in 1980 and
HelpAge International in 1983), homosexuals (the International Â�Lesbian,
Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association was established in 1978)
and the disabled (the Disabled People’s International was established in
1981). Technological advances in this period both facilitated and were
facilitated by INGOs, with computer networking pioneered by non-Â�
governmental organizations such as Human Rights Information and
Documentation Systems International (HURIDOCS, 1982), Interdoc
(1984), PeaceNet (1985), GreenNet (1986), and ultimately the Associ-
ation for Progressive Communications (1987), which ‘for the period from
1989 to 1995 … was the core of the internet’.161
â•… Amongst the most notable trends in the three decades from 1960 was
the greater geographical dispersal of INGOs and their memberships fol-
lowing decolonization in Africa and Asia. According to UIA data,
whereas the proportion of INGOs with members in Europe in 1960 was
approximately four times greater than those with members in Asia and
more than six times greater than those with members in Africa, by 1988
the proportion was only approximately two and a half times greater than
those with members in either Africa or Asia.162 Furthermore, the loca-
tion of INGO secretariats became increasingly dispersed in this period:
data collated by Sikkink and Smith indicates that whereas in 1963 77
per cent of the secretariats of INGOs with social change objectives were
located in Europe in contrast to 6 per cent in ‘any global South country’,
by 1983 this had changed to 68 per cent and 17 per cent respectively.163
Some of the expansion in South-headquartered INGOs is accounted for
by the multiplication of INGOs in issue-areas already well-represented
148
in the region by INGOs, such as religion, with the formation of organi-

zations such as the Muslim World League in Makkah in 1962 and Vishva
Hindu Parishad in Mumbai in 1964. Further evidence of building on
previous trends is provided in the expansion of Latin American INGOs
in this period, with notable new Latin American INGOs including
Â�Confederación Latinoamericana de Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crédito
in 1970 and Servicio Paz y Justicia in 1974. The most remarkable growth
in South-headquartered INGOs took place among the African states
that became independent in the early 1960s, with significant new INGOs
including the Organization of African Trade Union Unity in 1973. A
further key development was the formation of South-centred networks,
such as the Third World Network established in Penang, Malaysia, in
1984 on account of ‘a growing disillusionment and frustration about the
inadequacy of established international agencies (like the UN organisa-
tions) in effectively taking up Third World issues’ and the need to pro-
vide ‘closer co-operation among NGOs in Third World countries’ that
‘have adopted alternative patterns of development that are based on the
fulfilment of self-determined basic needs’.164 Groups such as the Third
World Network contrasted with earlier South-oriented INGOs such as
AAPSO, not only in their more decentralized nature, but also in their
comparative independence from governments. The organization which
helped to create the Third World Network, the Consumers Association
of Penang (a participant in IOCU), helped spawn a wide range of South-
based networks, such as the Pesticide Action Network (1982), the Asia-
Pacific People’s Environmental Network (1983), and the World Rainforest
Movement (1986), reflecting the growing diversity of South-based
INGOs in the period.165 Also reflective of this growing diversity was the
establishment of organizations such as the Arab Organization for Human
Rights in 1983 and the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council estab-
lished three years later.
â•… While decolonization was to have a significant impact on the geo-
graphical dispersal of INGOs, the growth of transnational corporations
(TNCs) in this period was to have a considerable impact on forms of
INGO mobilization. In 1973 the United Nations reported that ‘In the
past quarter of a century the world has witnessed the dramatic develop-
ment of the multinational corporation into a major phenomenon in inter-
national economic relations’, the activities of which ‘rival in terms of scope
and implications traditional economic exchanges among nations’.166
149
Â�
Foreign direct investment quadrupled between 1960 and 1975 and then
more than doubled by 1985, and in 1988 the United Nations described
TNCs as ‘the most important actors in the world economy’ given that
‘the biggest TNCs have sales which exceed the aggregate output of most
countries’.167 It is in the context of a growing European challenge to the
post-war preponderance of US-based TNCs in the early 1970s that the
World Economic Forum developed following ‘a meeting of European
business leaders in January 1971, to “discuss a coherent strategy for Euro-
pean business to face challenges in the international marketplace”’.168
There also developed in the 1970s significant new INGOs to facilitate
international business transactions, such as the Society for Worldwide
Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), a cooperative to facil-
itate international bank transfers set up in 1973 with support from 239
banks from 15 countries.169
â•… The rise of the TNC as a significant economic and political actor in
world politics provided a new target for social change INGOs, alongside
the traditional target of governmental and intergovernmental actors.
During the 1970s a growing number of national NGOs were formed
aimed at promoting corporate social responsibility by corporations based
in their countries, such as the Interfaith Center on Corporate Respon-
sibility (ICCR) created by US churches in 1973. Organizations dedi-
cated to monitoring TNCs were also set up, such as the Transnational
Information Exchange established in 1977. In terms of transnational
activism, a pioneering case of mobilization against a TNC is provided
by the campaign that developed in the 1970s in respect of Nestlé’s mar-
keting of breast milk substitutes in developing countries, highlighted in
War on Want’s 1974 pamphlet The Baby Killer. When published in
Â�German as Nestlé tötet Babys by Swiss NGO Arbeitsgruppe Dritte Welt
(AgDW), Nestlé sued the group for libel, which attracted significant
media coverage and stimulated the formation in 1976 of a transnational
network to gather information on TNC promotion of baby milk.170 The
following year the Infant Formula Action Committee (INFACT) was
created in the United States to boycott Nestlé until it ceased promotion
of infant formulas, a campaign which spread to Canada, New Zealand
and Australia in 1978, the United Kingdom in 1980, Sweden and West
Germany in 1981, and France in 1982.171 Following the WHO/Â�UNICEF
meeting that was convened to discuss the issue in 1979, War on Want,
AgDW, INFACT, ICCR, Oxfam and IOCU formed the International
150
Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN), which aimed ‘to act as a monitor
of corporate activity around the world, using the recommendations of
the October 1979 meeting as a guideline’ and ‘eventually brought together
100 groups working in sixty-five countries’ in every continent.172 Within
two years, the Code of Marketing for Breast Milk Substitutes was adopted
by the World Health Assembly, despite US and corporate opposition.173
Finally, in 1984, Nestlé and the International Nestlé Boycott Commit-
tee, which had been set up by boycotters in 1979 to negotiate with Nestlé,
agreed a joint statement confirming Nestlé’s ‘compliance with the Inter-
national Code’.174
â•… Over the course of the period from the 1960s until the 1980s, INGO
targeting of TNCs contributed to the enrichment of what Paul Wapner
refers to as ‘politics beyond the state’ or ‘world civic politics’, by which
INGOs help shape world affairs not only by influencing states, but also
by ‘working within and across societies themselves’, including by target-
ing corporations.175 The boycotting of slave-grown goods by the British
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in the early nineteenth century was
indicative that ‘politics beyond the state’ is far from new.176 However, it
gained renewed prominence from the 1960s onwards. Amongst the exam-
ples cited by Wapner are the decline in demand for seal pelts following
a campaign by environmentalist INGOs including Greenpeace from the
1960s onwards, which rendered the 1983 EEC ban on seal pelts that fol-
lowed the drop in demand ‘an afterthought and ultimately unnecessary’;
and the cessation of the practice of catching dolphins in the process of
tuna fishing by the three largest tuna companies following the launch-
ing of an international non-governmental campaign by the Earth Island
Institute in 1985.177
â•… Transnational networking targeting governments in the same period
has given rise to another significant concept: the transnational advocacy
network operating through the ‘boomerang pattern’ by which ‘when the
links between state and domestic actors are severed, domestic NGOs may
directly seek international allies to try to bring pressure on their states
from outside’.178 As with ‘world civic politics’, transnational advocacy net-
works date at least to nineteenth-century anti-slavery activism.179 The best-
known examples, however, took place in the late twentieth century, such
as the transnational campaign against apartheid in South Africa and the
network in respect of Argentine disappearances from 1976, where ‘rapid
change occurred because strong domestic human rights organizations doc-
151
umented abuses and protested against repression, and international pres-

sures helped protect domestic monitors and open spaces for their protest’.180
The activities of the Argentine Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza
de Mayo inspired relatives of disappeared elsewhere in Latin America,
leading to the formation in 1981 of the Latin Â�American Federation of
Associations for Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (FEDEFAM),
which lobbied for an international convention on disappearances, and
which in turn inspired the creation of similar associations in other conti-
nents, such as the Asian Federation against Involuntary Disappearance
and the African Network against Forced Disappearances.181
â•… By far the boldest claims with respect to the impact of transnational
non-governmental networking in the period from the 1970s onwards
relate to the processes which ultimately brought about the end of the
Cold War. In the context of the breakdown of détente in the late 1970s
and early 1980s, a ‘second generation’ of INGOs in the nuclear disarma-
ment movement was formed, which brought together peace activists from
both sides of the Iron Curtain. One of the most important initiatives was
launched by US and Soviet physicians, who ‘took advantage of an impor-
tant “opportunity”: the ill health of the Soviet Union’s ageing leaders’,
who approved the sending of a Soviet delegation of physicians to the
1980 conference in Geneva at which International Physicians for Pre-
vention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) was founded.182 In the same year, an
Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament (END) was launched in
Great Britain calling for a Europe free of nuclear weapons and a trans-
national movement to promote this, ‘loyal not to “East” or “West”, but
to each other’.183 The signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
(INF) Treaty seven years later was attributed by Gorbachev to ‘powerful
anti-nuclear initiatives’ such as IPPNW, without which ‘it is unlikely that
this Treaty would have come about’.184 END was to be yet more influ-
ential on account of its forging of ‘citizen-to-citizen links across the East–
West divide, which even opponents of the peace movement conceded
were significant’.185
â•… It may be argued that while peace activism played a role in bringing
the Cold War to an end from the top down on account of its influence
on intergovernmental agreements such as the INF Treaty, the work of
END and human rights groups played a role in bringing the Cold War
to an end from the bottom up, by assisting the citizen mobilization against
the Communist regimes in central and eastern Europe that culminated
152
in the revolutions of 1989. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act sparked the for-
mation of a ‘transnational Helsinki network’ including groups on both
sides of the Cold War divide for the monitoring of its human rights pro-
visions, such as the Moscow Helsinki Group and the US-based Helsinki
Watch (now Human Rights Watch).186 On the day that the former dis-
banded, the latter formed an International Helsinki Federation for
Human Rights (IHR) to ‘defend the rights of beleaguered Helsinki
groups in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, encourage the forma-
tion of Helsinki groups in West European countries where none existed,
and establish a coordinating office in Vienna’.187 Following the revolu-
tions of 1989, Václav Havel told Helsinki Watch, ‘I know very well what
you did for us, and perhaps without you, our revolution would not be’.188
â•… In the period from the 1960s until the 1980s, INGOs had been influ-
ential in transforming national policy (such as in helping provoke the
creation of overseas development ministries), intergovernmental policy
(for instance, in campaigning for intergovernmental agreements against
torture), corporate behaviour (such as in the case of Nestlé’s marketing
of breast milk substitutes) and in developments as varied as the creation
of the internet and the end of the Cold War. INGO numbers had
increased more than tenfold during these three decades, from less
than 1,300 in 1960 to more than 14,000 in 1989.189 This expansion
Â€
included INGOs representing ‘new social movements’ and South-based

institutions such as the Third World Network. INGOs dealt with a
wider range of issue-areas and had become more geographically dis-
persed, and there had developed less hierarchical, networked forms of
cross-border mobilization.
â•… The revitalization of transnational civil society from the 1960s onwards
had taken place in the context of the geopolitical divisions on East–West
and North–South lines. The issues surrounding these divisions, such as
the nuclear arms race and economic inequalities, were the focus for many
of the new INGOs of this period. Also important were scientific discov-
eries, particularly those concerning the natural environment, which trans-
formed transnational action in this field from the 1960s. The emergence
of ‘new social movements’ and their transnational organizations took
place in the context of cultural, social and economic changes, including
the development of ‘youth culture’, ‘post-material’ values and the ‘post-
industrial’ economy. Other economic transformations were also signifi-
cant, with the growing economic and political role of transnational
153
corporations forming the context for greater INGO activity in relation

to these actors. The ‘third wave’ of democratizations190 that took place in
this period expanded national-level political openings, while the conven-
ing of United Nations conferences such as the Stockholm conference
provided the context for revitalized INGO input into global governance.
Developments within transnational civil society itself were also impor-
tant: the apparent failures of earlier movements, for instance, stimulated
the creation of new INGOs such as Amnesty International. Individuals
played a particularly crucial role, whether authors such as Rachel Carson,
Â�
or INGO founders such as Peter Benenson.
From Coalitions to Crisis, 1990 to the Present Day

The end of the Cold War, and the apparent role that transnational civil
society had played in it, facilitated the perception in the 1990s that civil
society could be not only transnational in nature, but even global.191 In
1990, for example, Rein Müllerson argued that ‘it is necessary not only
to get rid of “iron curtains,” but to work together to create a global civil
society’.192 It was widely noted that the notion of civil society had been
critical to those who were ultimately successful in challenging Commu-
nism in central and eastern Europe in the 1980s.193 In a landmark arti-
cle on the ‘emergence of global civil society’ in 1992, Ronnie Lipschutz
argued that its development had been facilitated by states’ loss of sover-
eignty to international and sub-national institutions and governments’
reduced role in welfare provision, and that it was a response to hegemony
of the liberal capitalist world order.194
â•… The idea of an emergent global civil society in the early 1990s fitted
well with the common perception at the time that it was possible to build
a ‘new world order’. US President George H. W. Bush’s speech promot-
Â€ Â€
ing this objective on 11 September 1990 advocated ‘a world where the

rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle’ and a reinvigorated ‘United
Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders’.195 The convening
of multiple United Nations conferences in the early 1990s was a signif-
icant opportunity for ‘global civil society’ to make itself evident. At the
Rio Earth Summit held in 1992, 1,400 non-governmental organizations
were officially accredited, and about 9,000 took part in an unofficial par-
allel forum.196 Representatives of INGOs played an important role in the
official preparations for the conference, and amongst the outcomes of
154
the conference was provision for ‘strengthening the role of major groups’
including INGOs as part of the sustainable development agenda.197 Dis-
cussion of women’s human rights at the Vienna World Conference on
Human Rights the following year and their inclusion as a key compo-
nent of the Declaration arising from the conference reflected the impact
of the Global Campaign for Women’s Human Rights and the Global
Tribunal on Violations of Women’s Human Rights that it organized.198
â•… Consisting of multiple organizations and networks, the Global
Â�Campaign for Women’s Human Rights is an example of a global coali-
tion, a form of mobilization that became increasingly prevalent in the
1990s.199 Amongst the most broad-based to develop was CIVICUS:
World Alliance for Citizen Participation which emerged in 1991–3 on
the initiative of a range of civil society leaders from North and South
America, Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East who aimed to form
‘a global alliance of individuals and organisations which might strengthen
civil society institutions, advocate for the cause of civil society among the
world’s decision-makers and stimulate dialogue among civil society
organisations and across the nonprofit, business and public sectors’.200
Like the Union of International Associations founded eighty years before,
its principal achievements have included the publishing of data on ‘global
civil society’. It achieved a membership of 400 non-governmental orga-
nizations by 1997.201
â•… That year a similar-sized global coalition—the International Campaign
to Ban Landmines—and its organizer Jody Williams were awarded the
Nobel Peace Prize ‘for their work for the banning and clearing of anti-
personnel mines’.202 The Campaign’s extensive role in the negotiations
leading up to the 1997 Ottawa Landmines Convention was described by
the Canadian Foreign Minister as ‘a new type of diplomacy suited to a
new era’.203 The following year saw a similar role played by the Coalition
for an International Criminal Court in the proceedings leading up to the
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.204 In both cases, the
achievements of the coalitions reflected the new opportunities provided
by the post-Cold War context and the coalitions’ working relationship
with intergovernmental bodies and responsive states, as well as the coali-
tions’ well-coordinated and broad-based mobilization.205
â•… Amongst the most frequent targets of transnational coalitions in the
1990s were the international financial institutions: the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund. The transnational coalition that formed
155
in opposition to the World Bank-funded Narmada Dam played an impor-

tant part in encouraging the World Bank not only to launch its first inde-
pendent review into a project funded by it under implementation, but
also to set up in 1993 an inspection panel ‘to provide an independent
forum to private citizens who believe that they or their interests have
been or could be directly harmed by a project financed by the World
Bank’.206 In the same year, Transparency International was established
on the initiative of Peter Eigen, who had previously endeavoured with
little success to pursue an anti-corruption agenda within the World Bank,
as an INGO dedicated to combating international corruption.207
â•… New international agreements and intergovernmental organizations
that reflected the ascendance of the liberal capitalist world order in this
period—such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA,
1994) and the World Trade Organization (WTO, 1995)—provided the
context for the development of what is now commonly referred to as the
‘global justice movement’.208 A key turning point is often viewed to have
been the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, timed to coincide with the launch
of NAFTA in January 1994. This indigenous people’s movement rapidly
developed a solidarity network beyond the borders of Mexico through
pioneering use of the internet. It also convened in 1996 an Interconti-
nental Encounter for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, which
attracted more than 3,000 people from many countries and was to form
the model for the later World Social Forums.209 The following year, a
broad network of non-governmental bodies mobilizing through the inter-
net played an important part in delegitimizing OECD negotiations for
the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, which collapsed in 1998.210
This set the context for the so-called ‘Battle of Seattle’ during the 1999
WTO ministerial meeting in that city. Between 14,000 and 30,000 activ-
ists demonstrated in Seattle on a wide range of issues including environ-
mentalism, human rights and labour rights, the bringing together of
which is a key feature of the global justice movement.211
â•… Transnational corporations were as commonly the targets of transna-
tional campaigns in the 1990s as governments and intergovernmental
organizations. By this time a wide range of strategies had evolved for
attempting to bring about corporate change. These included both con-
frontational methods such as boycotts and shareholder activism (both
notably used against Shell in the mid 1990s) and more cooperative
Â�methods such as codes of conduct, for example the Coalition for Envi-
156
ronmentally Responsible Economies (CERES) principles (1989), and

the Clean Clothes Campaign’s model code (1998).212 In respect of con-
frontational strategies, the internet provided not only a new means of
communication for activists, but also a new means of non-violent coer-
cion through ‘hacktivist’ techniques such as denial of service attacks, web-
site hijacking and defacement, and mass emailing.213 As for cooperative
methods, the decade witnessed remarkable growth in the number of pri-
vate certification schemes, such as the Forest Stewardship Council (1993),
Marine Stewardship Council (1997) and Fairtrade Labelling Organiza-
tions International (1997).
â•… By the turn of the millennium the number of INGOs had expanded
considerably, although growth in the 1990s had been at a slower rate than
in the 1980s. It is estimated that between 1989 and 1999 the number of
INGOs increased by 21 per cent, from 14,333 to 17,364.214 Amongst the
new organizations to be established in this period were bodies aiming to
speak on behalf of previously under-represented groups in transnational
civil society, such as officially unrepresented peoples in the case of the
Unrepresented Peoples and Nations Organization (set up in the Hague
in 1991), peasants in the case of La Via Campesina (established in Mons,
Belgium, in 1993), shack and slum dwellers in the case of Shack/Slum
Dwellers International (founded in South Africa in 1996), and migrants
and asylum seekers in the case of the No Border Network (established
in 1999).215 Other new INGOs aimed to promote previously neglected
ideas: the Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and for
Citizens’ Action (ATTAC) that was established in France in 1998, for
example, drew reinvigorated attention to James Tobin’s 1972 proposal
for a tax on all spot conversions of currencies.216 New transnational issues
on the international agenda also stimulated the formation of new INGOs,
with the issue of HIV/AIDS stimulating the creation of the Interna-
tional Council of AIDS Service Organizations in 1990, the International
Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS in 1992, the Interna-
tional HIV/AIDS Alliance in 1993 and the International AIDS Â�Vaccine
Initiative in 1996.217 In addition, new INGOs were formed as a result of
the development of new technologies, most notably the internet with
respect to which were founded the Internet Society in 1992 to ‘provide
assistance and support to groups and organizations involved in the use,
operation, and evolution of the Internet’ and the Internet Corporation
for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) in 1998, in part ‘to set pol-
157
icy for and direct the allocation of number blocks to regional number
registries for the assignment of Internet addresses’.218 The US govern-
ment paper from which ICANN originated provided the rationale for
its creation: ‘As the Internet becomes commercial, it becomes inappro-
priate for U.S. research agencies … to participate in and fund these func-
Â€
tions … We propose the creation of a private, not-for-profit corporation

(the new corporation) to manage the coordinated functions in a stable
and open institutional framework.’219
â•… The growth rate of INGO formation in the 1990s varied considerably
between different regions of the world. For example, the rate of forma-
tion of new INGOs in Asia was approximately one third higher than
that in western Europe, a contrast which may be attributed in part to the
differences in the rates of population growth and political and economic
development in these regions, as well as the different starting points in
respect of pre-existing numbers of INGOs.220 Organizational forms
which had previously been under-represented in Asia expanded in num-
ber: with respect to the promotion of human rights in the region, for
instance, in 1994 the Asia Pacific Human Rights Information Centre
was set up in Osaka and the Asia Pacific Human Rights NGOs Facili-
tating Team in Bangkok, and four years later the Asia Pacific Human
Rights Network in New Delhi. In 1997 the Asian Network for Free Elec-
tions was established, claiming to be ‘Asia’s first regional network of civil
society organizations’ and aiming ‘to promote and support democratiza-
tion at national and regional levels in Asia’.221 Following the collapse of
the Soviet bloc, the expansion in the number of INGOs founded in east-
ern Europe in the 1990s was even faster (at a rate approximately eight
times greater than that in western Europe), with new formations includ-
ing the Network of East–West Women in Croatia in 1991 and the Envi-
ronmental Partnership for Sustainable Development established in the
same year in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland. Although the expan-
sion of INGOs in Africa was at a similar rate to that in western Europe
in the 1990s, this region also witnessed the formation of significant new
INGOs in this period, such as the African Business Roundtable (1990),
the African Refugees Foundation (1993), Africa Humanitarian Action
(1994), the Africa Infrastructure Foundation (1994) and the African
Women Empowerment Guild (1995). Among Arabic-speaking coun-
tries notable new INGOs included the Arab NGO Network for Envi-
ronment and Development (1990) and the Arab NGO Network for
Development (1996).222
158
â•… The prospect of a new millennium was perceived by many transna-

tional civil society actors to be a significant opportunity to extend their
efforts. Motivated by the belief that ‘the Biblical tradition calls for a Jubi-
lee year, when slaves are set free and debts cancelled’, the first Jubilee
2000 campaign was formally launched in 1996 by a coalition of UK-
based Christian and development INGOs.223 By the year 2000 there were
sixty-nine associated coalitions around the world, and the signatures of
24 million people in more than sixty countries had been acquired for a
petition demanding the cancellation of unaffordable debts of poor coun-
tries.224 It is claimed that the Jubilee 2000 movement ‘achieved levels of
debt cancellation far beyond what its supporters initially thought possi-
ble’ and ‘moved donors to more than double the amount of debt relief on
offer’ through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative of the inter-
national financial institutions.225
â•… In the first year of the new millennium, an even bolder transnational
civil society project was launched: the World Social Forum (WSF). The
progenitor of this initiative was a Brazilian entrepreneur, Oded Grajew,
who had played an important role in promoting corporate social respon-
sibility and wider dialogue between business and civil society in Brazil
through organizations such as the Ethos Institute for Business and Social
Responsibility. At the time of the World Economic Forum in 2000,
Â�Grajew put forward the idea for an alternative forum to ‘show to people
that another globalization is possible. Another world is possible when
you make the first step the social, not the economic.’226 The support of a
range of Brazilian and international NGOs was secured (including the
Landless Workers Movement, the Brazilian Business Association for
Citizenship and ATTAC), as was the financial assistance of the Ford
Foundation and the Workers’ Party-controlled Brazilian regional author-
ities, enabling the first World Social Forum to take place in January 2001,
which brought together 5,000 civil society representatives from 117 coun-
tries in addition to thousands of activists from Brazil.227 The organizers
decided that the Forum should continue as ‘an open meeting place for
reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals,
free exchange of experiences and interlinking for effective action, by
groups and movements of civil society that are opposed to neoliberalism
and to domination of the world by capital and any form of imperialism,
and are committed to building a planetary society directed towards fruit-
ful relationships among Humankind and between it and the Earth’.228
159
â•… The optimism of the World Social Forum’s slogan ‘another world is
possible’ was mirrored in the considerable literature on the ‘rise’ of trans-
national civil society that had developed over the course of the 1990s. In
one study of the subject published at the turn of the millennium, for
instance, Ann Florini argued that ‘the power of transnational civil soci-
ety manifests itself at virtually every stage of policy making’ and ‘trans-
national civil society may be creating the basis of a global polity’.229 New
research centres were established in multiple universities dedicated to
the study of the apparently emerging global civil society, and the Centre
for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Econom-
ics and Political Science used the onset of the new millennium to launch
a series of Global Civil Society yearbooks, the objective of which—‘to pro-
vide the beginnings of a systematic profile of the contours, composition,
and developments of global civil society’—echoed that of the Annuaires
de la Vie Internationale produced by the International Institute of Peace
and the Union of International Associations nearly a century earlier.230
â•… A common characteristic of much of this literature was emphasis upon
apparent achievements of transnational civil society in the 1990s, the sig-
nificance of which may be called into question. For example, one of the
most celebrated apparent achievements was the supposed ‘significant vic-
tory’ of a coalition of peace associations ‘in persuading governments to
adopt UN resolutions asking the International Court of Justice (ICJ), or
World Court, for its first-ever advisory opinion on the legal status of the
threat or use of nuclear weapons’ in 1996.231 The outcome was an ambig-
uous opinion, arguing both that ‘the threat or use of nuclear weapons
would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable
in armed conflict, and in particular the principles and rules of humani-
tarian law’ and that ‘there is in neither customary nor conventional inter-
national law any comprehensive and universal prohibition of the threat
or use of nuclear weapons as such’.232 Moreover, given that—as the Court
itself highlighted in its opinion—the Court ‘states the existing law and
does not legislate’, the World Court Project was of limited significance
in terms of transforming international law, let alone states’ practices.233
â•… The situation was similar in respect of many other celebrated campaigns
of the 1990s, such as the International Campaign to Ban Landmines.
When receiving the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of this organization, Jody
Williams proclaimed that ‘Together we are a superpower!’234 However,
this claim looks somewhat hollow if it is considered that all of the states
160
with a realistic claim to superpower status—China, Russia and the United

States—remain non-signatories to the Ottawa Landmines Convention.
Apparent achievements such as the World Court opinion on nuclear weap-
ons and the Ottawa Landmines Convention seem small, indeed, com-
pared with many of the major developments to which INGOs contributed
in earlier periods of history discussed in this volume.235
â•… Further developments that appeared to signal the ascent of transna-
tional civil society in the 1990s may also be called into question. The
expansion in the number of INGOs, for instance, may reflect a growing
division of transnational civil society into low-membership organiza-
tions. Theda Skocpol observed that at the national level in the United
States ‘between the 1970s and the 1990s older voluntary membership
federations rapidly dwindled, while new social movements and profes-
sionally managed civic organizations took to the field in huge numbers’.236
The same can be said of developments internationally. Older mass-Â�
membership organizations saw participation rates dwindle, especially in
the case of the labour movement: a 1997 International Labour Organi-
zation report indicated that ‘workers’ organizations are experiencing seri-
ous difficulties almost everywhere and are losing members’.237 Even an
organization as venerable as the International Federation of Red Cross
and Red Crescent Societies appears to have seen its membership halve
during the 1990s, following an increase during the 1980s.238
â•… While large-membership organizations commonly witnessed declin-
ing participation, the number of exceptionally specialist INGOs increased
remarkably in the 1990s. Examples from 1993 include the International
Hologram Manufacturers Association, the World Association of Â�Lebanese
Neurosurgeons and the World Potato Congress. This proliferation of spe-
cialist INGOs echoes that which took place in the decade before the
First World War, although many of the concerns of that period, such as
temperance and Esperanto, had long since faded in popularity.
â•… It has commonly been argued that as older, hierarchical, membership-
based INGOs faced declining participation, transnational civil society in
the 1990s increasingly featured more horizontal, decentralized, network-
based forms of mobilization, such as became especially prominent in the
development of the ‘global justice’ movement.239 Some argue that within
this movement there developed ‘submerged networks’ such as the Move-
ment Against Economic Globalization (INPEG) that ‘come to the fore
only around certain campaigns or exercise resistance through a particu-
161
lar lifestyle’.240 It is commonly argued that these ‘attempts to practice pol-

itics in horizontal network-based ways … are meant to be more
participatory and democratic than conventional structures’.241 However,
as David Chandler has argued, the ‘rejection of … mass politics’ that is
characteristic of these forms of mobilization may instead reflect the ascen-
dance of a ‘new breed of post-modern activist [who] is more concerned
to act as a moral individual than to engage in collective political action’.242
â•… As well as being characterized by diminished reliance upon mass mem-
bership politics, transnational civil society in the decade following the
end of the Cold War also featured a growing homogenization of activi-
ties. The dataset on transnational social movement organizations
(TSMOs) produced by Smith and Wiest indicates that the proportion
of TSMOs with a multi-issue focus following 1988 was approximately
double that in the period before 1976.243 Many INGOs that had previ-
ously developed a strong reputation in particular fields broadened the
scope of their activities far beyond their initial areas of concern in the
1990s. In the case of aid and development INGOs, a noted trend was a
growing concern for international advocacy among those that had pre-
viously primarily focused on service delivery. The various national Oxfams,
for instance, united in 1995 to form an international advocacy office in
Washington, DC.244 Oxfam International, which was founded in the
same year, concerned itself not only with issues with which the Oxfams
had traditionally been associated such as emergency relief and aid
Â�distribution, but also issues as varied as peace and security, indigenous
people’s rights and climate change.245 From the opposite direction, orga-
nizations initially primarily concerned with civil and political human
rights increasingly turned their attention to issues such as poverty and
armed conflict, with for instance Amnesty International becoming
increasingly involved in these issues under the direction of Pierre Sané.246
The blurring of agendas became most apparent in the development of
coalitions with the aim of resisting economic neo-liberalism: a Friends
of the Earth spokesperson was quoted in 2002 stating that ‘For the past
10 years we have been locating ourselves more in the bigger economic
debate … By the time that we got to Seattle we are all campaigning on
the same basic trend.’247
â•… However, far from undermining neo-liberal globalization, much of
transnational civil society became co-opted by it.248 In the post-Cold War
era, businesses became increasingly adept at forming INGOs of their
162
own to campaign on the major issues of the era. In 1995, for instance,
the World Business Council for Sustainable Development was created,
which has the aim of promoting ‘business leadership as a catalyst for sus-
tainable development and to support the business license to operate,
innovate and grow in a world increasingly shaped by sustainable devel-
opment issues’.249 As for INGOs of independent origin, these increas-
ingly cooperated with businesses in multi-stakeholder initiatives such as
the Ethical Trading Initiative (1998), the Fair Labor Association (1998),
the Global Reporting Initiative (1997) and Social Accountability Inter-
national (1997). The effect of the homogenization of INGOs’ activities
and their co-optation by business has been a diminishing of genuine
alternatives at the global level.250
â•… At the regional level, on the other hand, divisions within transnational
civil society became increasingly apparent in the 1990s. Divisions in
transnational civil society along East–West lines that had emerged dur-
ing the Cold War continued into the post-Cold War era, even as inter-
governmental relations improved: in respect of the international trade
union movement, for instance, the division between the World Federa-
tion of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions was to continue to the present day.251 As for the North–South
divide, Jackie Smith has noted that whereas ‘before the mid 1980s, most
transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) organized across
the North–South divide … since the mid 1980s data show that more
TSMOs are organized exclusively within either the global North or
South’.252 Whereas 72 per cent of TSMOs formed before 1990 were
transÂ�regional, this was the case in respect of only 47 per cent of those
formed after 1989.253 According to Smith this reflects the seizing of new
regional opportunity structures provided by institutions such as the Euro-
pean Union, but she acknowledges that ‘polarization may … explain …
some of this shift towards regional organizing’.254
â•… Regional polarization of transnational civil society in the decade fol-
lowing the end of the Cold War was exacerbated by many of the activi-
ties of those aiming to work across the North–South divide. While a
convergence of environmentalist and development agendas is suggested
by the ascent of ‘sustainable development’ discourse in the post-Cold War
era, a number of campaigns with this agenda in mind have been vulner-
able to the critique that the environmental dimension has been promoted
at the expense of the alleviation of poverty. This has commonly been
163
observed in relation to campaigns opposing the development of large

dams, such as Nam Theun 2, which faced ‘NGO reports … [that] exag-
gerated the biodiversity importance of the future reservoir basin, much
of which was already degraded’ and which ‘ignored … the extreme impov-
erishment of the local population’, as well as the possibility of much greater
destruction if dam-building were to take place without World Bank safe-
guards.255 Transnational non-governmental campaigns with well-intended
objectives in the 1990s all too commonly had counterproductive out-
comes, such as the promotion in 1993 in the United States of a ban on
textile imports made by child labour that may have ‘forced young girls
into much more abusive forms of work such as street trading, domestic
work, and prostitution’.256 The movement against the Multilaterial Agree-
ment on Investment may also have ‘fought the wrong enemy’ in oppos-
ing an agreement that may have benefited developing economies.257
â•… Much of the infrastructure of transnational civil society in the post-
Cold War years remained geographically limited: three-quarters of
TSMOs, for instance, were still headquartered in the global ‘North’.258
North-based humanitarian and development INGOs were particularly
vulnerable to critique for their questionable legitimacy and accountabil-
ity, given the social divide between those whom they aimed to serve and
those on whom they depended for funding.259 It has commonly been
noted that in the development field in the post-Cold War era there was
‘a rapid growth in NGO service provision, as neoliberal development
policies … emphasized a decreasing role for governments as direct ser-
vice providers’.260 The substantial role for NGOs in some developing
countries may have had the impact of weakening already fragile state
institutions.261 It has even been argued that humanitarian assistance may
have contributed towards the collapse of state structures in 1990s
Â�Somalia.262 The weakening by transnational civil society actors of state
structures in developing countries was one among the many factors that
helped to open up space for illiberal non-state actors. Failed states became
bases for fundamentalist organizations, including groups associated with
al-Qaeda, which was responsible for the terrorist attacks on the United
States of 11 September 2001 that were to have a profound effect upon
international relations, including transnational civil society.263
â•… Whereas between 1999 and 2000 the number of recorded INGOs had
increased from 17,364 to 18,323, the figure dropped in 2001 to 18,067.264
Although INGO numbers appear to have recovered in the subsequent
164
seven years, much of this expansion was accounted for by continued

regional polarization of transnational civil society: estimates indicate that
regional INGOs increased in number at a rate 81 per cent greater than
other INGOs.265 The developing transnationalization of far right and
other extremist groups was a key feature of the polarization of the first
decade of the twenty-first century.266 It has been argued that ‘In terms
of the positions on globalisation, it could be said that the early 2000s
were dominated by regressives and rejectionists (neoliberals, global war-
riors and jihadists, and those who favour a return to the nation state and
sovereignty)’.267 By contrast, many liberal INGOs that had previously
flourished in the late twentieth century were to collapse in the new mil-
lennium. Amongst the most notorious examples was the International
Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which according to its former
President ‘was forced to submit a request of bankruptcy’ in 2007 on
account of the organization’s former financial manager ‘having embez-
zled a large amount of money over several years’.268 Wider aspects of
‘global civil society’ deteriorated in the first decade of the twenty-first
century, too: for instance, World Values Survey data indicate that the
importance attached to ‘tolerance and respect for other people’ in China,
India and the United States, having increased in the 1990s, decreased in
the first decade of the twenty-first century.269
â•… The financial crisis of 2008 further compounded the challenges facing
transnational civil society. After two decades of growth, development aid
originating from non-governmental sources fell in 2009 by 7 per cent.270
For some INGOs, revenues decreased dramatically: the International Fed-
eration of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, for instance, saw net
voluntary contributions decline from CHF 459,569,000 in 2008 to CHF
287,282,000 in 2009.271 INGO numbers declined again, as they had done
in 2001, with an estimated 21,991 operating in 2008 falling to 21,684 in
2009.272 Among the casualties of the financial crisis was Healthlink World-
wide (formerly Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action
Group), which was dissolved following ‘a severe financial shortfall for the
organisation’s running costs’.273 In contrast to the considerable interna-
tional coordination of transnational civil society mobilization in response
to economic globalization in earlier years, it has been argued that ‘the reac-
tion of civil society to the global crisis of 2008 … mainly emerged at the
national level’ in the immediate aftermath of the crisis.274
â•… Much of what had been celebrated in the 1990s as landmark achieve-
ments for transnational civil society turned out in the following decade
165
to have had limited impact. This was especially evident in respect of the
Beijing Platform for Action agreed at the 1995 Fourth World Confer-
ence on Women, in which it was widely thought that ‘the role of NGOs
was highlighted, perhaps more strongly than ever before’ and which was
believed at the time to have ‘established clearly that women are a global
force for the twenty-first century’.275 A decade later, the United Nations
official responsible for supporting the negotiations argued that ‘it seems
that we were wrong … The ten-year review … was barely able to adopt an
anodyne one-page declaration that said that the Platform was still valid.’276
â•… Many of the campaigns that appeared to have been successful in the
1990s were to face insurmountable obstacles in the following decade.
The International Campaign to Ban Landmines, for instance, proved
unable to convince the leading non-signatories to the Ottawa Landmines
Convention—China, Russia and the United States—to adjust their posi-
tion. In some cases, INGOs’ activities may have impeded progress. Nego-
tiations taking forward the climate change arrangements agreed at the
1992 Rio Earth Summit, for example, made greater progress at the 2010
Cancun talks, at which INGOs were comparatively marginalized, than
at the 2009 Copenhagen summit, at which non-governmental lobbying
efforts were greatly more extensive, and following which the Director of
the German NGO Forum on Environment and Development, Juergen
Maier, challenged NGOs ‘to take a self-critical look at themselves and
ask to what extent they actually contributed to the poor result of the cli-
mate negotiations’.277
â•… The large collaborative projects of international non-governmental
actors that had become a key feature of transnational civil society by the
turn of the millennium commonly failed to meet the expectations that
they had raised. In the case of the most ambitious initiative, the World
Social Forum, the first few years of its existence witnessed remarkable
growth: regional social forums were established in Europe and Africa in
2002 and in Asia in 2003, and participation in the global event peaked
at 155,000 in 2005, a year in which large-scale global civil society events
of all types also reached a peak.278 However, despite their events being
held in three locations around the world in 2006, participation in the
WSF declined that year by nearly a quarter.279 It was to fall again when
held in Nairobi the following year, by which time accusations of having
descended into ‘just another NGO fair’ had become prevalent.280 Accord-
ing to Karen Worth and Owen Buckley, the WSF had ‘become a funfair
166
for the expression of ideas from academics and NGO/government work-

ers, which has led to a form of elitism that the WSF attempted to avoid
at its inception’.281 The WSF’s claim that ‘another world is possible’ has
looked increasingly hollow.
â•… New transnational coalitions of NGOs formed in the first decade of
the twenty-first century commonly found that they were unable to build
on the apparent achievements of earlier coalitions. A notable example is
the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) formed in 2004,
which with more than 100 national coalitions and over 300 supporting
organizations from six continents claims to be ‘the world’s largest civil
society movement calling for an end to poverty and inequality’.282 While
its aims echo those of the earlier Jubilee 2000 campaign, GCAP has to
date failed to emulate its achievements. Although GCAP appeared to
play an important role in persuading G8 leaders in 2005 to double Offi-
cial Development Assistance, Willetts has argued that governments ‘in
practice did not deliver on this promise’.283
â•… As for loose, horizontal transnational networks of activists, even highly
extensive examples of these often failed to wield the influence they desired
in the years following the attacks of 11 September 2001. Amongst the
most notable cases were the mobilizations in opposition to the US-led
intervention in Iraq in 2003. On a day of transnationally coordinated
action, 15 February 2003, 16 million people around the world are esti-
mated to have protested against the intervention.284 Hailed by some
authors as ‘a peaceful superpower’, the movement could do nothing to
prevent the invasion that took place the next month.285 In the reconstruc-
tion activities following the US-led invasions of Afghanistan in 2001
and Iraq in 2003, many aid organizations found that they could not effec-
tively carry out humanitarian work and had to leave, their activities par-
alleled by those of US governmental initiatives.286
â•… The resilience of the state in the twenty-first century is an often-noted
phenomenon.287 While there are many aspects to this resilience, several
of the most notable apply to the state’s relationship with INGOs and
transnational civil society. In some respects, governments’ ability to
exclude non-state actors from decision-making may have been enhanced
in the twenty-first century. At the international level, for instance, the
new millennium saw previous consultative mechanisms of intergovern-
mental organizations dissolved, such as the NGO–World Bank Com-
mittee, which was replaced by a World Bank–Civil Society Forum; this
167
Forum has been accused of ‘pitting northern and southern NGOs against
one another’ and having ‘greatly reduced’ the influence of international
NGOs.288 At the national level, governments may also have enhanced
their ability to limit the activities of transnational civil society actors,
such as through legislation requiring compulsory registration of NGOs.289
â•… It may further be argued that governments have increased their capaÂ�
city to manipulate INGOs. Amongst the best-known mechanisms is
making INGOs dependent on governments for funding: between 2008
and 2009 alone government funding of humanitarian NGOs is estimated
to have increased by 10 per cent.290 A more direct means of manipula-
tion has been through initiation of GONGOs (government-organized
non-governmental organizations), recent examples of which may include
the International Council for Democratic Institutions and State Sover-
eignty (apparently a Russian government front organization)291 and Hugo
Chavez’s Bolivarian Circles.292
â•… States’ resilience in the twenty-first century has been commonly under-
pinned by reinvigorated nationalism. Echoing the situation 100 years
before, it has been argued that ‘in the early twenty-first century ethnic
nationalism appears to be the world’s most ubiquitous, intractable and
devastating socio-political force’.293 While much of the evidence for trans-
national civil society may be impressive, the scale of nationalist senti-
ment may be even greater. A comparison between two of the world’s
largest petitions is indicative: whereas that of the internationalist Jubi-
lee 2000 coalition acquired 24 million adherents in 166 countries, a peti-
tion circulated in China five years later opposing Japanese permanent
membership of the United Nations Security Council appears to have
received the support of 41 million people in forty-one countries.294
â•… The limitations of transnational civil society in the first decade of the
new millennium are explained by a range of factors, including dynamics
both external and internal to transnational civil society. As has been out-
lined in the foregoing paragraphs the geopolitical divisions of the twenty-
first century along regional and religious lines formed the context within
which transnational civil society also became increasingly regionally
divided. The economic downturn towards the end of the decade has fur-
ther been shown to have constrained the resources of transnational civil
society actors. More generally, the broad context of globalization, which
in the late twentieth century was facilitative of the flourishing of trans-
national civil society, at the same time facilitated the development of
168
transnational non-state actors that use far from civil methods, such as
global terrorist networks, as well as xenophobic nationalist movements
which may prey on those struggling to compete in the globalized world
economy.295 Even the information technologies which have in some
respects facilitated transnational civil society mobilization have also
proven effective as instruments of governmental monitoring and sup-
pression of civil society activities.296
â•… Transnational civil society itself may have contributed towards the pro-
cesses which limited its operation in the early twenty-first century. The
development of fundamentalist and nationalist groups that challenge the
values of transnational civil society, for instance, may in part be a reac-
tion to a perceived threat to local cultures of the supposedly ‘global’ con-
cerns of transnational civil society actors, which all too commonly have
been susceptible to portrayal as ‘virtually a fifth column for Western inter-
ests’.297 Acceptance of governmental funding by INGOs can enhance
such perceptions, which are compounded by the susceptibility of many
INGOs to accusations of being ‘unelected and accountable only to their
funders’.298 One of the most prominent trends of the twenty-first cen-
tury has been the apparent co-optation of transnational civil society actors
by corporate and governmental agents of neo-liberal globalization, not
only through funding but also through integration in multi-stakeholder
corporate social responsibility schemes. This may have contributed to the
appeal of fundamentalist and nationalist alternatives.
â•… Despite the setbacks of the first decade of the twenty-first century,
transnational civil society actors were not without achievements in this
period. For instance, although there was waning governmental interest
in United Nations global conferences following the ‘mega conferences’
of the 1990s,299 non-governmental access may have increased, such as at
the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg
at which civil society representatives were consulted at multiple stages
of negotiations.300 In addition, although the number of new transna-
tional coalitions of INGOs declined, some of those that were established
were not without impact, such as the Cluster Munition Coalition estab-
lished in 2003 which is credited with playing a role in securing the 2008
Convention on Cluster Munitions.301 In respect of humanitarian relief,
it is thought that, in response to the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsu-
nami of 2004, INGOs ‘broke new ground’ in terms of the extent of their
contribution.302
169
â•… Although the Cold War division of the international trade union move-
ment between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the ‘free’ trade
unions continued into the twenty-first century, other divisions in the
international trade union movement were reconciled, with the ‘Chris-
tian’ trade unions in the World Confederation of Labour joining with
ICFTU in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation
(ITUC). Another notable development in the early twenty-first century
was the proliferation of ‘solidarity economy networks’ that endeavoured
to show how genuine alternatives to neo-liberal economic globalization
were viable, such as the Intercontinental Network for the Promotion of
the Social Solidarity Economy (RIPESS).303 Other novel INGOs took
further the exploitation of new technologies to advance social causes,
notably Avaaz, which ‘operates only through the Internet’, mobilizing
more than 2 million supporters in online petitions on multiple issues,
and which is said to have had an ‘astonishing’ impact at the 2007 Bali
climate change summit, when the Canadian government’s delegation
credited Avaaz with motivating the delegation’s change of position.304
â•… Considerable efforts were also made by existing INGOs to address
criticisms of their accountability and legitimacy. The first decade of the
twenty-first century saw the establishment of new coalitions directly
addressing the issue of INGO accountability, such as the Humanitarian
Accountability Project. In 2006, the International NGOs Accountabil-
ity Charter was launched, aiming to be ‘the authoritative voice and stan-
dard code of practice for all INGOs’.305 Other coalitions made efforts
towards diversifying their membership beyond their rich-country ori-
gins: Publish What You Pay, for example, expanded from a coalition of
six OECD-based groups in 2002 to a global campaign of 600 groups by
2011, four-fifths of which were based in developing countries.306 In the
reverse direction, some INGOs previously based in developing countries
set up fund-raising offices in developed countries: for instance, the
Â�Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), which claims to
be ‘the largest development organisation in the world … employing more
than 60,000 people’ opened ‘resource mobilisation organisations’ in Great
Britain and the United States in 2006.307
â•… The bridging of geographical divides by the transformed structures of
organizations such as BRAC and Publish What You Pay was paralleled
by efforts towards bridging cultural divides by other elements of trans-
national civil society. While peace activism such as that in opposition to
170
the Iraq invasion of 2003 may have failed to prevent the intervention, it
has been credited with helping to challenge perceptions of a so-called
‘clash of civilizations’ at the popular level.308 Possibly the largest petition
ever to have been gathered apparently obtained in 2008 the support of
more than 60 million Pakistanis in opposition to terrorism.309 There were
also numerous new initiatives in the early twenty-first century aimed
specifically at the promotion of intercultural dialogue and understand-
ing, such as the Anna Lindh Foundation established in 2005 and claim-
ing to run ‘the largest and most diverse Network of civil society
organizations involved in the promotion of intercultural dialogue across
the Mediterranean’, and the Global Movements of Moderates launched
in Malaysia in 2012 as ‘a loose confederation of like-minded individu-
als, organisations, state-actors, non-state actors and intelligentsia com-
mitted to promoting an enduring and just peace by beseeching the need
for critical engagement that corresponds to the universal principles of
justice, excellence and equilibrium’.310
â•… In regions of the world that at the time remained dominated by illib-
eral forms of government, there were signs of opening up and develop-
ment of civil society space at the onset of the twenty-first century. In
China, for instance, a 700 per cent increase in social unrest instances was
noted in the decade to 2004, as was ‘growth in registered and unregis-
tered NGOs’.311 In 2007, ‘the world’s largest ever text message campaign’
is credited with resulting in the suspension of plans for the building of
a chemical plant in Xiamen.312 Among Arab countries, numerous ‘Arab
reform’ initiatives were launched in the first decade of the twenty-first
century, with 2004 alone witnessing the Arab NGOs Beirut Summit,
the Doha Declaration of Democracy and Reform, the Alexandria Char-
ter and the Sana’a Declaration.313 Initiatives for the promotion of human
rights in Arab states also multiplied, including the Arab Centre for Inter-
national Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Education (2000) and
the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (2003). More sig-
nificantly, protest movements such as Kifaya in Egypt have been associ-
ated with ‘a new emphasis on political ethics and social civility … to
replace preoccupations with “political Islam” of the 1990s’.314
â•… The Arab Spring of 2011, for which movements such as Kifaya pro-
vided part of the context, featured significant transnational dimensions.
In addition to regional dynamics such as the demonstration effects of
developments in Tunisia upon other Arab countries, there were signifi-
171
cant transregional processes. In the case of the Egyptian revolution, for

instance, activists leading the 6 April youth movement that played a cru-
cial role in organizing demonstrations in January 2011 were trained by
an INGO set up in Serbia in 2003 to ‘support nonviolent democratic
movements through transfer of knowledge on strategies and tactics of
nonviolent struggle … worldwide’.315 A better-known transregional
dynamic in the Arab Spring has been the role of global social media such
as Facebook and Twitter.316 The events in Arab countries were in turn to
influence protest movements further afield, including for political reform
in China and Russia, as well as the ‘Occupy’ movement in the United
States and beyond which claimed to be ‘fighting back against the corro-
sive power of major banks and multinational corporations over the dem-
ocratic process’.317
â•… Given the context of the Arab Spring and its effects, it might appear
that the second decade of the twenty-first century marks the onset of a
new cycle in the evolution of transnational civil society.318 Statistics from
the beginning of the decade may support this assertion. Having previ-
ously fallen, INGO numbers appear to have risen in 2010 by 6.4 per
cent.319 Similarly, it appears that some INGOs recovered in 2010 from
the economic fallout of the 2008 financial crisis, with the International
Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies’ net voluntary con-
tributions in 2010 nearly double those of 2009.320
â•… Despite indications of recovery such as these, transnational civil soci-
ety remains in a fragile state in the second decade of the twenty-first cen-
tury. Many of the efforts towards reform of transnational civil society
actors remain limited: the International NGOs Accountability Charter,
for example, acquired the participation of just twenty-five INGOs as full
members by June 2013.321 Initiatives for reform of international economic
relations, such as ‘solidarity economy networks’, also remain exceptionally
limited. Furthermore, governments have retained considerable ability to
control and curtail civil society actors: four-fifths of the growth of regis-
tered NGOs in China, for instance, is accounted for by the formation of
GONGOs.322 Many of the principal efforts towards intercultural dia-
logue—including the Anna Lindh Foundation and the Global Â�Movement
of Moderates—are also of governmental rather than grassroots origin,
while non-governmental efforts towards transnationalization of the far
right, such as the attempt to create a pan-European ‘anti-Islamic alliance’,
have persisted.323 At the grassroots level, regional and religious divisions
172
continue to limit the prospects for transnational civil society: while new
liberal actors may have been critical to the protests that facilitated the
removal of authoritarian leaders in the Arab Spring, it is religious move-
ments including and inspired by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood that
have tended to benefit electorally.324 As yet, transnational civil society has
not transformed into a truly global civil society.
173
CONCLUSION
Transnational civil society and international non-governmental organi-

zations (INGOs), far from being ‘“new” forces in international politics’
as is all too commonly assumed in existing work,1 have been shown in
this volume to have an extensive history, dating to the eighteenth cen-
tury and even earlier. This volume has further revealed the considerable
significance of these phenomena in the major transformations of world
politics in the last two centuries. From specific developments such as the
French and American Revolutions, the formation of the League of
Nations and United Nations, decolonization and the ending of the Cold
War, to wider phenomena such as democratization and the reduced con-
ceivability of direct great power war, the contemporary history of inter-
national relations is incomplete without taking into account the role of
transnational civil society actors.
â•… The scale of transnational civil society activities in the past has com-
monly exceeded that of such activities in the present, especially if partic-
ipation as a proportion of the world’s population is taken into account.
If one compares, for example, transnational mobilization for disarma-
ment in the early 1930s with ‘global justice’ mobilization in the post-
Cold War era, a greater proportion of the world’s population signed the
1930s women’s disarmament petition than the Jubilee 2000 petition, and
a greater proportion of the world’s population took part in the Interna-
tional Consultative Group than the Global Call to Action against Pov-
erty.2 Transnational civil society may also be more divided in the present
day than in earlier phases: whereas before the Second World War the
majority of INGOs claimed to be universal, the splits which developed
in the Cold War era have in many cases continued in the post-Cold War
era. This is the case with the international trade union movement, which
175
remains divided between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the
International Trade Union Confederation. Furthermore, apparent
achievements of transnational civil society in the post-Cold War era,
such as the Ottawa landmines convention, limited debt reduction agree-
ments and the collapse of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment,
appear small indeed when compared with earlier developments to which
transnational civil society contributed, such as the abolition of the slave
trade and women’s enfranchisement in many countries.
â•… As this volume has also revealed, accounts of the origins of the two
World Wars and the Cold War, and perceptions of a supposed ‘clash of
civilizations,’ are also incomplete without reference to transnational civil
society actors. So, while it has been common to believe that the evolu-
tion of transnational civil society has taken place in a linear pattern, this
volume has suggested an alternative, cyclical account. Peaks of transna-
tional civil society activism were reached in the first decade of the twen-
tieth century, the early 1930s and the late 1990s. In each of these periods,
INGOs formed large coalitions around major issues, and made claims
with respect to their apparently unprecedented significance. In all
three cases, such assertions were followed by periods of contraction and
Â€
fragmentation.
â•… Just as globalization and fragmentation in general terms have tended
to exist in a dialectical relationship,3 so too have liberal transnational civil
society actors and illiberal forms of mobilization, whether internation-
alism and nationalism before the First World War, or ‘global justice’ activ-
ism and religious intolerance in the contemporary era. In its exploration
of each of the three major ‘peaks’ and ‘troughs’ of transnational civil soci-
ety activism, this volume has shown the importance of technological
changes, environmental factors, economic developments, social changes
and external political circumstances, as well as of transnational civil soci-
ety itself in explaining the evolution. In the case of all these factors, there
is an important distinction to be made between short-term and long-
term impacts. In some cases, such as the World Wars, factors that in the
short term have been inhibitive of transnational civil society activities
have in the long term facilitated reconstruction. On the other hand, in
the case of many other factors, while in the short term the impact upon
transnational civil society may have been facilitative, in the long term the
factor has also served to undermine the phenomenon.
176
CONCLUSION
The Three Waves of Transnational Civil Society

Before the mid eighteenth century, the variety of what are now termed
INGOs was limited, consisting of institutions such as religious orders,
charities, missionary societies, merchant associations, fraternal societies
and scientific bodies. The period from the mid eighteenth until the mid
nineteenth centuries was a significant period of transition, as multiple
new INGOs were formed in a greatly expanded variety of fields, includ-
ing, inter alia, anti-slavery, art, communication, communism, coopera-
tion, education, exploration, imperial trading, indigenous rights, lifesaving,
peace, prison reform, republicanism, standardization, vaccination and
women’s emancipation. Although many of these associations were short-
lived and geographically limited in scope, they provided precedents for
the more numerous, more enduring and more diverse INGOs that were
established from the 1870s until the 1890s. At the onset of the twenti-
eth century the number of INGOs could be counted in the hundreds,
and some, such as the International Co-operative Alliance, could count
their membership in the millions. The geographical reach of many INGOs
by this point was already intercontinental, and their influence had been
evident in national policy (in respect of women’s right to vote in Â�Oceania),
international policy (at the 1899 Hague Peace Conference) and trans-
national policy (in the setting of transnational standards such as the pho-
netic alphabet). Following the formation in the first decade of the
twentieth century of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, such as at
the second Hague Conference and in the form of the Union of Interna-
tional Associations, the second decade of the twentieth century, even
before the onset of the First World War, saw INGO formations and
international meetings decline, and dissolutions of INGOs increase
dramatically.4
â•… While some sectors of transnational civil society failed to recover from
the impact of the First World War, for others, particularly INGOs beyond
Europe and those concerned with post-war reconstruction, the First World
War provided new opportunities. Following this conflict, INGO growth
took place at a rate even greater than in the nineteenth century, and many
of the new INGOs of this era were more concerned with practical action
and had a larger membership and financial base than those preceding the
war. Transnational civil society had a significant impact on the Paris peace
settlement, including the creation of the League of Nations. The League
177
of Nations in turn developed an extensive working relationship with

INGOs, exceeding that of the United Nations era, and in the 1920s
INGOs had a wider influence, such as in the development of the Dawes
Plan. As in the period preceding the First World War, however, the 1930s
saw the formation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, such as the
International Consultative Group, just as INGO revenues, memberships
and new formations began to decline, governmental manipulation of
INGOs increased, and transnational civil society became increasingly
polarized along the geopolitical divisions of the period.
â•… The Second World War had a similar impact on transnational civil
society to the First, its initial detrimental consequences counterbalanced
by the facilitation of organizational expansion beyond Europe and in
response to the conflict’s consequences. Sectors of transnational civil soci-
ety played a part in the deterioration of international relations culminat-
ing in the Cold War, a period during which transnational civil society
experienced divisions along not only East–West but also North–South
lines following decolonization in Asia and Africa. Nevertheless, the Cold
War and decolonization also provided the context for even more rapid
expansion in INGO numbers and geographical spread than at any time
previously. The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the devel-
opment of ‘new social movements’, new transnational networks, and new
targets such as transnational corporations and the problems associated
with the North–South and East–West divisions, to the diminution of
which sectors of transnational civil society contributed. At the onset of
the new millennium, INGO numbers were approximately 100 times
greater than a hundred years previously, and in the late twentieth cen-
tury transnational civil society had contributed towards developments
varying from the creation of the internet to the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court. By this time, however, there had again
developed large transnational coalitions of INGOs claiming to represent
wide sectors of transnational civil society, as the divisions that were to
polarize transnational civil society in the first decade of the twenty-first
century became more apparent.
Explaining the Three Waves

In each of the three waves of transnational civil society explored in this
volume, factors identified in the Introduction in Table 1, including the
178
CONCLUSION
technological, environmental, economic, social and political contexts as

well as factors internal to transnational civil society itself, played a role
in the short-term ascent and long-term descent of transnational civil
society.5 With respect to technological factors, periods of rapid growth
in transnational associational activity took place in the context of improve-
ments in communications, such as the electrical telegraph, railways and
the steamship in the nineteenth century, radio and air travel in the 1920s,
and the internet more recently. On the other hand, technological devel-
opments have also provided the context for phases of decline, especially
when harnessed by governments, such as in pursuit of the First and Sec-
ond World Wars or in the monitoring of civil society actors’ electronic
communications more recently. Environmental developments, too, have
been both facilitative of transnational non-state action, given their cross-
border nature that inhibits governments’ abilities to handle them on their
own, and also detrimental when acting as a source of conflict over scarce
resources. Phases of rapid expansion of transnational civil society have
occurred in parallel with phases of increased economic interdependence,
such as in the late nineteenth century and in the period following the
World Wars. In the context of downturns in the economic cycle, such as
in the 1930s and following the financial crisis of 2008, on the other hand,
contraction has also taken place in transnational civil society, with INGO
revenues declining in each of these periods. Social changes, such as urban-
ization, international migration and cognitive liberation of populations
from traditional ways of thinking towards ‘global consciousness’, have
formed the context for phases of expansion of transnational civil society,
but have also provided targets for those still attached to traditional rather
than cosmopolitan ideas.
â•… The external political context has played a particularly vital role in the
evolution of INGOs and transnational civil society. The contrasting short-
term detrimental and long-term facilitative contributions of the World
Wars and the Cold War to the development of transnational civil soci-
ety have been highlighted in the previous section of this chapter. In the
case of many other external political factors, the contrast has been between
short-term facilitative impacts and long-term detriment. The dialectical
relationship between globalization and fragmentation has been especially
significant in the evolution of transnational civil society. In the nine-
teenth century, the consolidation of the nation-state, nationalism and
imperialism each had both short-term facilitative and long-term centrif-
179
ugal impacts on transnational civil society. In the post-war era, decolo-

nization similarly facilitated not only expansion of the geographical reach
and issue-area scope of transnational civil society actors, but also their
division on North–South and regional lines. Political opportunity struc-
tures, such as the world’s fairs, the creation of the League of Nations and
the convening of United Nations global summits, provided foci for
expanding transnational civil society activities in the late nineteenth cen-
tury, 1920s and 1990s respectively. In the long term, however, there was
a detrimental impact when these opportunity structures were withdrawn,
as world’s fairs and United Nations global conferences fell out of favour
and as the League of Nations withdrew from cooperation with INGOs.
â•… Amongst the factors that should not be overlooked in explaining both
the ascent and decline of transnational civil society are dynamics within
transnational civil society itself. In the expansion of transnational civil
society, processes of diffusion have been critical, for instance the emula-
tion of precedents in organizational structure set by INGOs such as the
World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations and the Interna-
tional Statistical Institute in the nineteenth century, and the diffusion of
civil society ideas and non-violent resistance tactics between the West-
ern and Eastern blocs in the years culminating in the ‘revolutions of 1989’.
Also important has been individual leadership, notable examples includ-
ing Henri Dunant in the nineteenth century and Peter Benenson in the
twentieth. In phases of decline, exhaustion (such as demobilization fol-
lowing the success of anti-slavery activism in the nineteenth century)
and factionalization (such as the divisions which took place in the 1930s
and 2000s) have both been important. Also playing a part in phases of
decline has been support in transnational civil society for factors con-
tributing to fragmentation in world politics, such as nationalism in the
late nineteenth century, disarmament in the 1930s and substitution for
the welfare roles of fragile states in the post-Cold War era. Develop-
ments that in the short term may have been indicative of transnational
civil society successes, such as widespread diffusion of nationalist ideas
in the nineteenth century, slow rearmament in liberal states in the 1930s
and diminished governmental authority in fragile states in the 1990s,
may in the long term have acted centrifugally upon transnational civil
society when exploited by illiberal actors.
â•… Cyclicality in the dynamics internal to the evolution of transnational
civil society is evident in multiple aspects. In phases of expansion of trans-
180
CONCLUSION
national civil society, a key rationale for the formation of new INGOs
has been to fill an apparent void left following the demise of earlier
groups: this has been observed particularly prominently in the origins of
Amnesty International. In the reverse direction, a consistent theme in
this volume has been the development of over-ambitious goals among
the leadership of some transnational civil society actors just as circum-
stances have turned against them. In each of the three waves of transna-
tional civil society examined in this volume the demise of transnational
civil society was immediately preceded by the creation of large transna-
tional coalitions of INGOs claiming to speak for ‘the most representa-
tive forces of the different countries’ (in the period before the First World
War), the ‘public opinion of the world’ (in the period preceding the Sec-
ond World War) or ‘global civil society’ (in the period preceding the 11
September 2001 attacks). Such claims revealed detachment from the
developing divisions in transnational civil society and the world’s popu-
lation more generally in each of these phases, which were ultimately to
overwhelm transnational civil society on each occasion.
Future Possibilities
The second decade of the twenty-first century appears to be a hinge point
in the development of transnational civil society. With developments at
the start of the decade including recovering INGO numbers and fund-
ing and the upheavals of the Arab Spring, it might be argued that a new
cycle is beginning, recovering from the divisions that marred transna-
tional civil society in the previous decade. On the other hand, many of
the divisive trends of the early twenty-first century appear to be continu-
ing, such as regionalization of INGOs and considerable popular support
for nationalist and religious fundamentalist social movements. Ironically,
the apparent success of liberal democratic social movements in the pop-
ular uprisings of 2011 may be opening up greater political space for those
who challenge the liberal norms commonly associated with transnational
civil society.
â•… If there are any ‘lessons’ for those claiming to represent transnational
civil society that appear to be justified by the narrative put forward in
this volume, it is that care should be taken not to raise expectations to
an excessive degree. The leadership of INGOs and transnational coali-
tions of INGOs should avoid claims to speak on behalf of ‘the public
181
opinion of the world’ or ‘global civil society’, when such organizations

have only ever represented a segment of the world’s population. Further-
more, those who argue that ‘another world is possible’ need to consider
the failures of their predecessors to build such alternatives. Liberal inter-
nationalists seeking to reform the international system before each of the
two World Wars and Communist idealists who sought an alternative to
capitalist economic relations were to find not only that their alternatives
were to be crushed by the systems to which they were opposed, but also
that their efforts were to worsen the already unpleasant externalities of
the normal operation of the international system and of capitalist eco-
nomic relations, which in turn set back transnational civil society.
â•… For the historian, it is hoped that this volume has helped open up an
exciting research agenda beyond the governmental concerns that have
been the predominant focus for political history over the last two cen-
turies.6 There is a vast volume of primary source material on transnational
civil society actors which remains to be explored, especially in relation to
early INGOs up to the mid nineteenth century. While this book has
endeavoured to provide a perspective extending beyond just the Â�European
and North American contexts that have dominated research into trans-
national civil society to date, there remains considerable potential for
greater exploration of the evolution of transnational civil society in Africa,
Asia and South America. Perhaps most importantly of all, this volume
has highlighted the importance not only of exploring the apparent
achievements of transnational civil society on which existing literature
has tended to concentrate, but also the failures of transnational civil soci-
ety, from which as much may be learned.7
182
pp. [1–3]
NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1.â•‡Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press,
2010), p.â•–316.
2.â•‡Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), p.â•–7.
3.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, in
Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–13.
4.â•‡John Keane, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.â•–8.
5.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–17.
6.â•‡Ann M. Â€Florini and P. Â€J. Â€Simmons, ‘What the World Needs Now?’, in Ann M. Â€Florini
(ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for Inter-
national Exchange, 2000), p.â•–7. For further elaboration of the definition of ‘transnational’
see Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, ‘Transnational Relations and World Politics: An
Introduction’, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), p.â•–331.
7.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.â•–200, 2.
8.â•‡Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.â•–12.
9.â•‡Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements
and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press,
1997).
10.â•‡See, for instance, Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, pp.â•–4, 15.
11.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia,
PA: George S. Â€Ferguson Company, 1933).
12.â•‡‘Chapter X. Â€Economic and Social Council’, http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/
chapter10.shtml, last accessed 29 September 2010.
13.â•‡United Nations document E/INF/23, 30 April 1948, ‘Arrangements of the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations for Consultation with Non-Governmental Organi-
zations: Guide for Consultants’, p.â•–16, cited in Lyman Cromwell White, International
Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York:
Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–3.
14.â•‡The leading repository of data on INGOs—the Union of International Associations—
183
pp. [3–5] NOTES
typically includes only organizations operating in three or more countries (in its categories
A to D), although it also lists ‘internationally-oriented national organizations’ (in its cat-
egory G).
15.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘What Is A Non-Governmental Organization?’, http://www.staff.city.ac.uk/p.
willetts/CS-NTWKS/NGO-ART.HTM, last accessed 2 August 2010.
16.â•‡Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global
Governance (London: Routledge, 2011), p.â•–30.
17.â•‡Q uotations from Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics
(Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–ix; Craig Warkentin, ‘Nongovernmental Orga-
nizations’, in Jan Aart Scholte and Roland Robertson (eds.), Encyclopedia of Globalization
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), p.â•–883; and Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, ‘The Rise
of Civic Transnationalism’, in Srilatha Batliwala and L. Â€David Brown (eds.), Transnational
Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), pp.â•–66–7.
18.â•‡Lester M. Â€Salamon, Helmut K. Â€Anheier and Associates, ‘Civil Society in Comparative
Perspective’, in Lester M. Â€Salamon, Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler,
S. Â€Wojciech Sokolowski and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Non-
profit Sector (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999), p.â•–4;
Kaldor, Global Civil Society.
19.â•‡Paul S. Â€Reinsch, Public International Unions: Their Work and Organization: A Study In
International Administrative Law (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1911), pp.â•–2, 4.
20.â•‡White, Structure of Private International Organizations, p.â•–11.
21.â•‡John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Non-
Governmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999);
Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the
Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), p.â•–11.
22.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–9 and 1910–11
(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1909, 1911).
23.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–4. See also Charles Chatfield, ‘Inter-
governmental and Non-Governmental Associations to 1945’, in Jackie Smith, Charles
Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:
Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997), p.â•–21.
24.â•‡While there is some attention in existing literature to the period preceding 1850, the
coverage remains limited. See, however, Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World
Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of
Participation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law,
183 (1996–7), pp.â•–183–286.
25.â•‡John M. Â€Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2004).
26.â•‡The ‘English School’ of international relations, in particular, had a tendency to discuss the
evolution of world politics in terms of the expansion of European international society; see
Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1984).
27.â•‡Michael Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2011), p.â•–16.
28.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, for instance, limits its coverage to six themes.
184
NOTES pp. [5–10]
29.â•‡Jessica T. Â€Matthews, ‘Power Shift: The Rise of Global Civil Society’, Foreign Affairs, 76/1
(1997), pp.â•–50, 53.
30.â•‡A notable example is Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and
its Limits (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
31.â•‡Ashwani Kumar, ‘Global Civil Society: Emergent Forms of Cosmopolitan Democracy and
Justice’, in Ashwani Kumar and Dirk Messner (eds.), Power Shifts and Global Governance:
Challenges from South and North (London: Anthem Press, 2010), p.â•–45.
32.â•‡Ahmed and Potter, NGOs in International Politics, p.â•–21.
33.â•‡These include Matthews, ‘Power Shift’; Florini, Third Force; and Don Eberly, The Rise of
Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up (New York, NY:
Encounter Books, 2008).
34.â•‡See especially Iriye, Global Community.
35.â•‡Not all existing studies put forward a purely linear perspective: for instance, Charnovitz,
‘Two Centuries’ puts forward a cyclical perspective with respect to INGO influence on
intergovernmental bodies, and Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture notes dips in
INGO foundations in the 1910s and 1930s.
36.â•‡John Boli, ‘International Nongovernmental Organizations’, in Walter W. Â€Powell and Rich-
ard Steinberg, The Non-Profit Sector: A Research Handbook (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 2nd edn, 2006), p.â•–334. Some have noted a diminution since then; see Jackie Smith,
‘Globalization and Transnational Social Movement Organizations’, in Gerald F. Â€Davis,
Doug McAdam, W. Â€Richard Scott and Mayer N. Â€Zald (eds.), Social Movements and
Organization Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–233.
37.â•‡Union of International Associations, ‘L’Union des Associations Internationales et la Con-
stitution d’un Centre International’, in Union of International Associations, Annuaire de
la Vie Internationale. Séconde série. Volume II. Â€1910–1911 (Brussels: Office Central des
Associations Internationales, 1912), pp.â•–33–5.
38.â•‡Khagram and Alvord, ‘Rise of Civic Transnationalism’, p.â•–67.
39.â•‡Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan,
2004), p.â•–3; Helmut Anheier, ‘Measuring Global Civil Society’, in Anheier et al., Global
Civil Society 2001, p.â•–221.
40.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Dis-
armament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.â•–114.
41.â•‡Anheier, ‘Measuring Global Civil Society’, p.â•–229.
42.â•‡Hedley Bull, ‘International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach’, World Politics, 18/3
(1966), p.â•–361.
43.â•‡Numerous publications influenced the composition of this table: see the books cited through-
out this volume. Amongst the most significant were: Akira Iriye, Global Community: The
Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2002); Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists
Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1998); Charles Tilly, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publish-
ers, 2004); Dieter Rucht, ‘The Transnationalization of Social Movements: Trends, Causes,
Problems’, in Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Move-
ments in a Globalizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999), pp.â•–206–22; Michael Edwards
and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001); Joe Bandy and
185
pp. [9–12] NOTES
Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order
(Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005); Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation:
International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997);
Geir Lundestad, ‘Why Does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International
Politics, 41 (2004), pp.â•–265–76; and David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and
Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 1999).
44.â•‡A broad array of literature was taken into account in the production of this analytical
framework, including that on NGO life cycles, social movement cycles of contention, and
the explanatory frameworks in Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries’, and Boli and Thomas, Con-
structing World Culture.
45.â•‡On this point, see especially Manuel Castells’ trilogy, The Information Age: Economy, Society
and Culture (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996–8). See also Jodi Dean, Jon W. Â€Anderson and Geert
Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Technology and Global Civil Society (Abing-
don: Routledge, 2006).
46.â•‡On the role of technology in the development of transnational civil society in the nineteenth
century see Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.â•–44–5.
47.â•‡INGOs dealing with information and communications technology consistently raise con-
cerns about this; see, for instance, Association for Progressive Communications, ‘Three
Cyber Evils in South Korea’, http://www.apc.org/en/news/three-cyber-evils-south-korea,
last accessed 4 October 2010.
48.â•‡Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State Univer-
sity of New York Press, 1996), pp.â•–21, 2.
49.â•‡See, for instance, Peter H. Â€Gleick, ‘Environment and Security: The Clear Connections’,
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 47/3 (April 1991), pp.â•–17–21.
50.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, pp.â•–24–30.
51.â•‡Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.â•–46, 66.
52.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–6.
53.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–27.
54.â•‡Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.â•–112.
55.â•‡Susan D. Â€Moeller, Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War and Death
(New York: Routledge, 1999).
56.â•‡Noha Shawki, ‘Political Opportunity Structures and the Outcomes of Transnational Cam-
paigns: A Comparison of Two Transnational Advocacy Networks’, Peace & Change, 35/3
(2010), pp.â•–381–411.
57.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Movement Sector’, in Smith
et al., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, p.â•–57.
58.â•‡Louis Kriesberg, ‘Social Movements and Global Transformation’, in Smith et al., Transna-
tional Social Movements and Global Politics, pp.â•–4–7.
59.â•‡Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.â•–118.
60.â•‡Smith, ‘Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Social Movement Sector’, p.â•–57.
61.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–7.
62.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–270.
186
NOTES pp. [12–21]
65.â•‡Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Pol-

itics, 41/2 (2004), p.â•–265.
66.â•‡Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp.â•–145–6.
67.â•‡Tarrow has noted transnational processes such as global issue framing and transnational
diffusion in The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005).
68.â•‡Tarrow, Power in Movement, pp.â•–147–8.
69.â•‡On the resources available to the transnational historian, see Thomas Richard Davies,
‘Researching Transnational History: The Example of Peace Activism’, in Bob Reinalda
(ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Non-State Actors (London: Ashgate, 2011),
pp.â•–35–46.
70.â•‡Notable (and often overlooked) exceptions include James H. Â€Billington, Fire in the Minds
of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers,
1999); and W. Â€H. Â€van der Linden, The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amster-
dam: Tilleul, 1987).
71.â•‡This is beginning to be addressed; see, for instance, Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism
Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tau-
ris, 2011).
1.â•‡EMERGENCE TO 1914
1.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center

(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), p.â•–6.
2.â•‡S. Â€G. Â€Wilson, ‘Voluntary Associations: An Overview’, in John S. Â€Kloppenborg and Stephen
G. Â€W ilson (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World (London: Routledge,
1996), p.â•–3.
3.â•‡The Sovereign Constantinian order has the earliest foundation date in the database of the
Union of International Associations. Its history is introduced in Sacred Military Constantin-
ian Order of Saint George, ‘History of the Constantinian Order’, http://www.constantini-
anorder.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23&Itemid=18, last accessed
11 October 2010.
4.â•‡John Boli and David V. Â€Brewington, ‘Religious Organizations’, in Peter Beyer and Lori
Beaman (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), p.â•–214.
5.â•‡The St John Ambulance movement was created in 1877 by a revived British-based Order
of St John, a distinct organization from the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint
John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes, and of Malta.
6.â•‡Moravian Archives, ‘Unity Statutes of 1464’, p.â•–2, http://www.moravianarchives.org/images/
pdfs/Unity%20Statutes%20of%201464.pdf, last accessed 13 October 2010. On the history
of the Moravian Church, see Edmund de Schweinitz, Â�History of the Church Known as the
Unitas Fratrum or the Unity of the Brethren (Bethlehem, PA: Moravian Publication Office,
1885).
7.â•‡John Philip Jenkins, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the
Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia—And How It Died (New York: HarperCollins,
2008).
187
pp. [21–22] NOTES
8.â•‡John Obert Voll, ‘Islam as a Special World-System’, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994),
pp.â•–221–2. For an assessment of the emergence of tariqahs, see J. Â€Spencer Trinningham,
The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
9.â•‡Brian T. Â€Froehle, ‘Religious Orders’, in Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina
List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.â•–1303.
10.â•‡H. Â€Larry Ingle, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1994).
11.â•‡Richard L. Â€Greaves, ‘The “Great Persecution” Reconsidered: The Irish Quakers and the
Ethic of Suffering’, in Muriel C. Â€McClendon, Joseph P. Â€Ward and Michael MacDonald
(eds.), Protestant Identities: Religion, Society and Self-Fashioning in Post-Reformation England
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), p.â•–232.
12.â•‡Martin Ceadel, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International
Relations, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p.â•–148.
13.â•‡Their website is located at http://famvin.org, last accessed 13 October 2010.
14.â•‡International Association of Charities, ‘History’, http://www.aic-international.org/content.
php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010.
15.â•‡Association Internationale des Charités, AIC Info, 16 (2009), p.â•–8.
16.â•‡Pierre Coste (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents, vol.â•–xiii
(Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1924), document 126, p.â•–423.
17.â•‡International Association of Charities, ‘History’, http://www.aic-international.org/content.
php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010.
18.â•‡Kerry O’Halloran, ‘Charity and Religion’, in Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina
List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.â•–111.
19.â•‡Dana L. Â€Robert, Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).
20.â•‡Their websites are at http://www.newenglandcompany.org and http://www.spck.org.uk
respectively. On the New England Company, see William Kellaway, The New England
Company, 1649–1776: Missionary Society to the American Indians (London: Longman, 1961);
and on the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, see W. Â€O. Â€B. Â€Allen and Edmund
McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge,
1698–1898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1898).
21.â•‡A brief introduction to the All Indian Pueblo Council is provided in Mathew Martinez,
‘All Indian Pueblo Council’, http://www.newmexicohistory.org/filedetails.php?fileID=416,
last accessed 14 October 2010.
22.â•‡Jessica L. Â€Harland-Jacobs, Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 1717–
1927 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p.â•–104; Peter Clark,
British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Clar-
endon Press, 2000), p.â•–321.
23.â•‡Royal Society, List of Fellows of the Royal Society, 1660–2007 (London: Royal Society Library
and Information Service, 2007).
24.â•‡Roberta Dessi and Sheilagh Ogilvie, Social Capital and Collusion: The Case of Merchant Guilds
(CESifo Working Paper No.â•–1037 (Munich: CESifo, 2004), p.â•–6. On merchant guilds, see
Sheilagh Ogilvie, Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000–1800 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2011).
188
NOTES pp. [23–26]
25.â•‡Robert Henke and Eric Nicholson (eds.), Transnational Exchange in Early Modern Theater
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008).
26.â•‡Alexander Johnson, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recov-
ery of Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris
(London: John Nourse, 1773).
27.â•‡Clayton Evans, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft
and Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003), pp.â•–15–18.
28.â•‡Evans, Rescue at Sea, p.â•–269.
29.â•‡G. Â€R. Â€G. Â€Worcester, The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute
Press, 1971), p.â•–311.
30.â•‡Amanda Bowie Moniz, ‘Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic’, GHI Bulletin
Supplement, 5 (2008), pp.â•–10–14, 15–16.
31.â•‡Joseph-Alexandre-Victor d’Hupay, Alcoran républicain, ou Institutions fondamentales du
gouvernement populaire ou légitime, pour l’administration, l’education, le mariage et la religion
(Fuveau: Généralif, 1795). See also James H. Â€Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins
of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999), p.â•–79.
32.â•‡John Oswald, Review of the Constitution of Great Britain. Third Edition. (Paris: Gillet &
Co., 1792), p.â•–31. On John Oswald’s work in Paris see David V. Â€Erdman, Commerce des
Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790–1793 (Columbia, MO: University of
Missouri Press, 1986).
33.â•‡Bernard Vincent, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions
(Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2005); Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–73;
R. Â€R. Â€Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and Amer-
ica, 1775–1800. 1: The Challenge (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959), p.â•–245.
34.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–39; ‘A Copy of a Letter written to H. Â€Bancal (April
the 15th 1791) by M. Â€Fauchet for the Confederation of the Friends of Truth’ (in English),
folio 190, Roland papers, NAF 9534, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris; Bulletin des
Amis de la Verité, l’an premier de la République, p.â•–4. Details of its work are provided in its
journal, La Bouche de Fer (1790–1791).
35.â•‡Gary Kates, ‘“The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate”: The Cercle
Social and the Rights of Women, 1790–91’, in Harriet B. Â€Applewhite and Darline G. Â€Levy
(eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University
of Michigan Press, 1990), pp.â•–172–3.
36.â•‡References to these organizations can be found in Mary Thale (ed.), Selections from the
Papers of the London Corresponding Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983),
pp.â•–21, 398.
37.â•‡Universal Society of the Friends of the People, Universal Society of the Friends of the People
(London: Universal Society of the Friends of the People, 1892), p.â•–2.
38.â•‡George Edwards, Form and Foundation, Views and Laws, proposed for the Consideration of
the Members of An Universal Society ([London], [1792]), pp.â•–1, 15.
39.â•‡Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in
1775 until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784
(Norwich: W. Â€Chase, 1784), pp.â•–3, 63.
40.â•‡William Frederick Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions before the year 1800 (Cincinnati: Robert
189
pp. [26–29] NOTES
Clarke, 1873), pp.â•–43–4; Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery,
Constitution of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia,
PA: Joseph James, 1787), article vi; Clark, British Clubs and Societies, p.â•–210.
41.â•‡Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions, p.â•–43.
42.â•‡Société des Amis des Noirs, Discours sur la Nécessité d’établir à Paris une Société pour concourir,
avec celle de Londres, à l’abolition de la traite de l’esclavage des Negres. Prononcé le 19 février
1788, dans une Société de quelques amis, rassemblés à Paris, à la prière du Comité de Londres
(Paris: Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788).
43.â•‡On the history of the West India Committee, see Douglas Hall, A Brief History of the West
India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1971).
44.â•‡Its website is at http://www.asiaticsocietycal.com. On the Asiatic Society’s early history,
see O. Â€P. Â€Kejariwal, The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of India’s Past, 1784–1838
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing for Science: The
Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995).
45.â•‡Robin Hallett (ed.), Records of the African Association, 1788–1831 (London: Thomas Nelson,
1964).
46.â•‡Richard H. Â€Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the
Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
47.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, Address of the Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the
Small-Pox (London: W. Â€Phillips, 1803), p.â•–18.
48.â•‡Annual Register, 1806, p.â•–407.
49.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox
(London: James Swan, 1817), pp.â•–22–6.
50.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society, p.â•–6.
51.â•‡Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, Report of the Committee of the Society for
the Improvement of Prison Discipline and for the Reformation of Juvenile Offenders, 1820
(London: T. Â€Bensley, 1820), p.â•–xxxviii.
52.â•‡Trygve Lie, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document
E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950, section 12, p.â•–12.
53.â•‡I bid., section 13, p.â•–12.
54.â•‡Adam Zamoyski, Rites of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna (London:
Harper Press, 2007), p.â•–200.
55.â•‡‘General Treaty signed in Congress at Vienna, June 9, 1815; with the Acts thereunto
annexed’, The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time, vol.â•–xxxii (Lon-
don: T. Â€C. Â€Hansard, 1816), p.â•–200.
56.â•‡Ceadel, Origins of War Prevention, pp.â•–141–51.
57.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 12.
58.â•‡New York Peace Society, ‘Origin of Peace Societies in this Country’, Advocate of Peace, 2,
1838, p.â•–157.
59.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Rela-
tions, 1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.â•–23.
60.â•‡I bid., chapter 2.
61.â•‡Revue Encyclopédique, vol.â•–27 (1825), pp.â•–21–2.
62.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–1 (1819), p.â•–17.
190
NOTES pp. [29–32]
63.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–1 (1819), p.â•–15.

64.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–36 (1827), p.â•–255.
65.â•‡Quoted in The Crisis and National Co-Operative Trades’ Union and Equitable Labour Exchange
Gazette, 25/3 (15 February 1834), p.â•–207.
66.â•‡The Annual Subscription Charities and Public Societies in London (London: John Murray,
1823), pp.â•–103–4.
67.â•‡Association of All Classes of All Nations, Constitution of the Association of All Classes of All
Nations (Manchester: A. Â€Heywood, 1837), p.â•–2.
68.â•‡Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, third series, vol.â•–51 (London: Hansard: 1840), cols. 1184,
1186.
69.â•‡Tuba Agartan, Woo-Young Choi and Tu Huynh, ‘The Transformation of the Capitalist
World, 1750–1850’, in William G. Â€Martin (coordinator), Making Waves: Worldwide Social
Movements, 1750–2005 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008), p.â•–29.
70.â•‡John Saunders (ed.), The People’s Journal, vol.â•–2 (London: People’s Journal Office, 1847),
p.â•–29.
71.â•‡International Association, Journal of the International Association (Glasgow: Rutherglen,
1834), p.â•–7.
72.â•‡Société d’Enseignement Universel, Procès-verbal de la Séance Publique tenue à l’Hôtel-de-Ville
(Salle Saint Jean) le 17 Janvier 1836 (Paris: Mansut Fils, 1836), pp.â•–8–11.
73.â•‡Roland Sarti, Mazzini: A Life for the Religion of Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997),
p.â•–80.
74.â•‡For an in-depth exploration of this theme in respect of Young Europe, see Karma Nabulsi,
‘Patriotism and Internationalism in the “Oath of Allegiance” to Young Europe’, European
Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), pp.â•–61–70.
75.â•‡Giuseppe Mazzini, Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini. Vol.â•–III. Â€Autobiographical and Polit-
ical (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1891), p.â•–33.
76.â•‡Q uoted in Alejandro Colas, International Civil Society: Social Movements in Global Politics
(Cambridge: Polity, 2002), p.â•–55.
77.â•‡Murray N. Â€Rothbard, ‘Karl Marx: Communist as Religious Eschatologist’, Review of
Austrian Economics, 4 (1990), p.â•–164.
78.â•‡W. Â€H. Â€van der Linden, The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul,
1987), pp.â•–245, 250–1; Arthur Lehning, ‘Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies’,
International Review of Social History, 1 (1956), p.â•–120.
79.â•‡Friedrich Engels, ‘On the History of the Communist League’, reproduced at http://www.
marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/communist-league/1885hist.htm, last accessed 18
October 2010.
80.â•‡Michael Löwy, The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx (Leiden: Brill, 2003), p.â•–132.
81.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, pp.â•–182, 254, 255; John Fletcher Clews Harrison,
Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America: The Quest for the New Moral World
(London: Routledge, 1969), p.â•–175.
82.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–254.
83.â•‡A. Â€Müller Lehning, ‘The International Association (1855–1859)’, International Journal for
Social History, 3 (1938), p.â•–222.
84.â•‡Journal de la Société Générale des Naufrages et de l’Union des Nations, 1 (October
1835), pp.â•–1–15.
191
pp. [32–34] NOTES
85.â•‡United Society of Nations for the Purpose of Saving the Lives of Shipwrecked Persons
and their Property, with that of Commercial Traders, ‘Constitutive Statutes’, The Naval
Magazine, 2 (1837), p.â•–600.
86.â•‡M. Â€Montbrion (ed.), Dictionnaire Universel du Commerce, de la Banque et des Manufac-
tures, 4th edn, vol.â•–2, H-Z (Paris: Adolphe Delahays, 1851), p.â•–421.
87.â•‡United Society, ‘Constitutive Statutes’, p.â•–600.
88.â•‡Augusta Liancourt, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt,
founder of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe
(London: Whittacker & Co., 1877).
89.â•‡Contrasting accounts are provided in L’International: Journal des Intérêts Communs des
Peuples Civilisés from October 1842 and in the Mémoires Officiels de la Société Internatio-
nale des Naufrages of 1842.
90.â•‡Minute Book 1, HSS.Brit.Emp.S.20.E2/6, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
Archives, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, p.â•–1 (italics not present in original text).
91.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and For-
eign Anti-Slavery Society (London: Johnston and Barrett, 1840), p.â•–5.
92.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, A Chronological Summary of the Work of the Brit-
ish & Foreign Anti-Slavery Society during the Nineteenth Century, 1839–1900 (London:
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1901), p.â•–2.
93.â•‡BFASS, Chronological Summary, p.â•–3; see also Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Par-
ticipation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law,
183 (1996–7), p.â•–192.
94.â•‡Douglas H. Â€Maynard, ‘The World’s Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840’, Mississippi Val-
ley Historical Review, 47/3 (1960), p.â•–456.
95.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Conven-
tion (London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841), p.â•–12.
96.â•‡Maynard, ‘World’s Anti-Slavery Convention’, p.â•–469.
97.â•‡Douglas Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Move-
ment’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), p.â•–220.
98.â•‡Elizabeth Frost-Knappman and Kathryn Cullen-DuPont, Women’s Suffrage in America
(New York: Facts on File, 2005), p.â•–49.
99.â•‡Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Â€Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage (eds.), History of
Woman Suffrage (Rochester, NY: Susan B. Â€Anthony, 1887), p.â•–61.
100.â•‡Clare Midgley, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (London: Rout-
ledge, 1992).
101.â•‡Jane Potter, ‘Valiant heroines or pacific ladies? Women in war and peace’, in Deborah
Simonton (ed.), The Routledge History of Women in Europe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004),
p.â•–273.
102.â•‡Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Soci-
ety, 1843), p.â•–2.
103.â•‡Thomas Beggs, The Proceedings of the World’s Temperance Convention (London: Charles
Gilpin, 1846), pp.â•–131–7.
104.â•‡Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement’,
pp.â•–223–4.
192
NOTES pp. [34–36]
105.â•‡Evangelical Alliance, Report of the Proceedings of the Conference (London: Partridge and
Oakey, 1847), p.â•–286.
106.â•‡This was organized by Georg Varrentrapp, who had visited Britain and wished to promote
the solitary system; see Sebastian Scheerer, ‘The Delinquent as a Fading Category of
Knowledge’, in Vincenzo Ruggiero, Nigel South and Ian Taylor (eds.), The New European
Criminology: Crime and Social Order in Europe (London: Routledge, 1998), p.â•–428.
107.â•‡The economists’ meeting was organized by the Belgian Association for Commercial
Liberty, which had been created in 1846 and was inspired by the work of Britain’s anti-
Corn Law movement, which had been operating since the late 1830s; see Association
Belge pour la Liberté Commerciale, Congrès des Économistes réuni à Bruxelles (Brussels:
Deltombe, 1847). The International Association for Customs Reform aimed to create
branches in Britain, France, Germany, Sardinia, Spain and Switzerland, but remained
predominantly Belgian; see Association Internationale pour les Réformes Douanières,
Congrès International des Réformes Douanières (Brussels: Weissenbruch, 1857), p.â•–xviii; van
der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.â•–605.
108.â•‡Annales de la Charité, 1858, pp.â•–282–3. Plans for the creation of such an organization can
be traced to Edouard Ducpetiaux, Projet d’Association pour le Progrès des Sciences et la
Réalisation des Réformes Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843).
109.â•‡Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2006), p.â•–42.
110.â•‡L’Organisateur du Travail, 9 avril 1848, p.â•–1.
111.â•‡Harry Liebersohn, ‘1848’, in Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave
Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p.â•–1. On
early transnational connections between feminist activists see Bonnie S. Â€Anderson, Joyous
Greetings: The First International Women’s Movement, 1830–1860 (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 2000).
112.â•‡Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, pp.â•–322–53.
113.â•‡Louis L. Â€Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT:
Greenwood, 1984), p.â•–22.
114.â•‡F. Â€ d’Olincourt, Société Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de l’Industrie et
du Commerce. Statuts (Paris, Imprimerie Lacour et Cie, August 1851), p.â•–3.
115.â•‡Annales de la Charité (1858), p.â•–283.
116.â•‡James Yates, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for
Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and
Daldy, 1856).
117.â•‡Frédéric Le Play (dir.), Les Ouvriers des Deux Mondes, Tome Premier (Paris: J. Â€Claye, 1857),
pp.â•–9, 19. Its present-day successor is the Société d’économie et de science sociales.
118.â•‡Clarence Prouty Shedd, History of the World’s Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations
(London: SPCK, 1955), p.â•–16.
119.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes,
Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–4.
120.â•‡Shedd, History of the WYMCA, pp.â•–113–14, 102.
121.â•‡Young Men’s Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August,
1855 (London: Young Men’s Christian Association, 1856), esp. pp.â•–17, 20, document 7672,
archives of the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations, Geneva.
193
pp. [37–39] NOTES
122.â•‡B’nai B’rith International traces its origins to a New York Jewish fraternal organization
set up in 1843, but its development as an international organization dates to the 1880s:
Hasia R. Â€Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000 (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 2004), p.â•–191.
123.â•‡Alliance Israélite Universelle, Alliance Israélite Universelle (Paris: A. Â€Wittersheim, 1860),
p.â•–22; Narcisse Leven, Cinquante Ans d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1910,
Tome Premier (Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan, 1911), p.â•–69.
124.â•‡Elie Kedourie, ‘The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1960’, in Elie Kedourie, Arab
Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.â•–75, 78.
125.â•‡Lazar Focsaneanu, ‘Le Droit International de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique’,
Annuaire Français de Droit International, 12/12 (1966), p.â•–390. The present International
Council of Ophthalmology dates to 1927.
126.â•‡Le Dr Â€Warlomont, Congrès D’Ophthalmologie de Bruxelles. Compte-Rendu (Paris: Victor-
Masson, 1858), pp.â•–vii-viii. The initial members of the Society are listed in Annales
d’Oculistique, 23 (1860), p.â•–252.
127.â•‡Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales, Congrès de Bruxelles
(Brussels: A. Â€Lacroix, 1863). An Académie Inter-Nationale des Sciences Appliquées aux Arts
et Manufactures also appears to have operated in the early 1860s: L’Inter-National: Monit-
eur Officiel de l’Académie Inter-Nationale des Sciences des Arts et Manufactures, 1/1 (5 Janu-
ary 1861), p.â•–2.
128.â•‡Letter of the comité fondateur of the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences
Sociales, 15 May 1862, documents of the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences
Sociales, file 147b R 3, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels.
129.â•‡Caroline Moorehead, Dunant’s Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross
(New York: Carroll and Graf, 1999).
130.â•‡‘Preface’, in Henri Dunant, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Â€Win-
ston, 1911), pp.â•–v-vi.
131.â•‡David P. Â€Forsythe, The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–17.
132.â•‡International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Resolutions of the Geneva International
Conference: Geneva, 26–29 October 1863’, http://www.icrc.org/IHL.nsf/52d68d14de6
160e0c12563da005fdb1b/1548c3c0c113ffdfc125641a0059c537?OpenDocument, last
accessed 22 October 2010.
133.â•‡International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Dates of Foundation of National Societies
from 1863 to 1963’, International Review of the Red Cross, 5/54 (1965), p.â•–500.
134.â•‡General Council of the First International, The General Council of the First International,
1866–1868: Minutes (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p.â•–261.
135.â•‡International Working Men’s Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International
Workingmen’s Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anni-
versary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924), p.â•–12.
136.â•‡Jacques Freymond and Miklós Molnár, ‘The Rise and Fall of the First International’, in
Milorad M. Â€Drachkovitch (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943 (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1966), pp.â•–21, 35.
137.â•‡Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the Anarchists (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985),
pp.â•–250–1.
194
NOTES pp. [39–40]
138.â•‡John B. Â€Andrews, ‘Nationalisation (1860–1877)’, in John R. Â€Commons (ed.), History of

Labour in the United States, vol.â•–2 (Washington, DC: Beard Books, 2000), pp.â•–45, 86–7.
139.â•‡See Introduction.
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), p.â•–51.
141.â•‡Betty Fladeland, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Cooperation (Urbana, IL:
University of Illinois Press, 1972), pp.â•–388–9, 405, 386.
142.â•‡Howard Temperley, British Anti-Slavery, 1833–1870 (Columbia, SC: University of South
Carolina Press, 1972), pp.â•–256–7.
143.â•‡Ligue Internationale de la Paix, Premier Bulletin (Paris: Frédéric Passy, 1867); Ceadel,
Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–79–81; van der Linden, International Peace Movement, pp.â•–639–
73.
144.â•‡Grégoire Wyrouboff, Le Congrès de la Paix (Versailles: Cerf, 1867); Sudhir Hazareesingh,
Intellectual Founders of the Republic: Five Studies in Nineteenth-Century French Political
Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–251.
145.â•‡Henry Richard quoted in Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–80.
146.â•‡Richard J. Â€Evans, The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and
Australasia, 1840–1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977), p.â•–247.
147.â•‡Marie Goegg, ‘Proposition de créer une Association Internationale des Femmes, en con-
nexion avec la Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté’, Les États-Unis d’Europe (1868), p.â•–38.
148.â•‡Bob Reinalda, ‘The International Women’s Movement as a Private Political Actor between
Accommodation and Change’, in Karsten Ronit and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private
Organizations in Global Politics (Abingdon: Routledge, 2000), p.â•–171.
149.â•‡Bob Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present
Day (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–151.
150.â•‡Internationale Hotelier Veeinigung, ‘History’, http://www.i-hv.de/geschichte.html, last
accessed 27 October 2010. On the organization’s history, see Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-
Verein, 60 Jahre Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 1869–1929 (Köln: Dumont, 1929).
151.â•‡Resolutions quoted in Alexander Russel, Egypt: The Opening of the Great Canal (Edinburgh:
Scotsman, 1869), pp.â•–48–9. An earlier ‘international’ commercial convention was the
Portland International Commercial Convention of 1868, which was ‘for the purpose of
concentrating public attention upon Portland Harbor, as the cheapest port’: J. Â€M. Â€W. Â€Yer-
rinton, Proceedings of the International Commercial Convention held in the City of Portland,
ME, August 4th and 5th 1868 (Portland: B. Â€Thurston, 1868), p.â•–3.
152.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale. Séconde série. Volume
I. Â€1908–1909 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1909), p.â•–941.
These were preceded by overseas chambers of commerce (e.g. British chambers of com-
merce in Bengal and Canton established in 1834), and East India and China Associations
set up in London in 1836 and Liverpool in 1839 to assist British chambers of commerce
in Asia; see Ian Nish, ‘British Mercantile Cooperation in the India-China Trade from the
End of the East India Company’s Trading Monopoly’, Journal of South East Asian History,
3 (1961), pp.â•–74–91.
153.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–687.
154.â•‡Cercle Artistique, Littéraire et Scientifique d’Anvers, ‘Congrès Artistique’, Revue Uni-
verselle des Arts, 3 (1861), p.â•–133. An earlier INGO of artists was the Association Interna-
195
pp. [40–43] NOTES
tionale des Artistes set up by Paul Justus in Paris in 1849; see Association Internationale
des Artistes, Exposé des Motifs (Paris: Association Internationale des Artistes, 1849).
155.â•‡Commission Permanente des Étudiants de Liège, Congrès International des Étudiants
(Brussels: Bauvais, 1866), p.â•–12.
156.â•‡Congrès Médical International de Paris, Congrès Médical International de Paris (Paris:
Victor Masson, 1868), p.â•–1.
157.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–1286;
the French Archaeological Society had been convening international archaeological con-
gresses since 1845: Société Française d’Archéologie, Séance Académique Internationale
(Caen: A. Â€Hardel, 1863), p.â•–4.
158.â•‡The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland in 1823, the American Oriental
Society in 1842, and the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft in 1845.
159.â•‡Royal Geographical Society, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol.â•–1 (London: John
Murray, 1832), p.â•–257.
160.â•‡Rev. David Abeel, ‘An Appeal to Christian Ladies in Behalf of Female Education in China
and the Adjacent Countries’, in Society for Promoting Female Education in the East,
History of the Society for Promoting Female Education in the East (London: Edward Suter,
1847), pp.â•–261–2.
161.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 272.
162.â•‡Charles Swaisland, ‘The Aborigines Protection Society, 1837–1909’, in Howard Temper-
ley (ed.), After Slavery: Emancipation and its Discontents (London: Frank Cass, 2000),
p.â•–265.
163.â•‡Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.â•–918.
164.â•‡P. Â€N. Â€Chopra, B. Â€N. Â€Puri, M. Â€N. Â€Das and A. Â€C. Â€Pradhan, A Comprehensive History of
Modern India (New Delhi: Sterling, 2003), p.â•–157.
165.â•‡East India Association, ‘Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Inter-
ests’, Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), p.â•–8.
166.â•‡Agartan et al., ‘Transformation of the Capitalist World’, pp.â•–25–9.
167.â•‡John M. Â€Owen IV, The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and
Regime Change, 1510–2010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), p.â•–211. See
also Azzam Tamimi, ‘The Origins of Arab Secularism’, in John L. Â€Esposito and Azzam
Tamimi (eds.), Islam and Secularism in the Middle East, pp.â•–13–28.
168.â•‡Kemal H. Â€Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Com-
munity in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp.â•–21, 23.
169.â•‡Oliver Scharbrodt, Islam and the Baha’i Faith: A Comparative Study of Muhammad ‘Abduh
and ‘Abdul Baha ‘Abbas (London: Routledge, 2008), pp.â•–34–7.
170.â•‡Peter Smith, An Introduction to the Baha’i Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2008), p.â•–25.
171.â•‡J. Â€C. Â€L. Â€Sismondi, ‘L’Amérique’, Revue Encyclopédique, 33 (1827), p.â•–17. An alternative
translation is provided in R. Â€R. Â€Palmer, From Jacobin to Liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien de
Paris, 1775–1848 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p.â•–192.
172.â•‡Q uoted in Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origin of the International Organization Move-
ment’, p.â•–220.
173.â•‡Q uoted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition
(London: Verso, 1998), p.â•–39.
196
NOTES pp. [43–46]
174.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–12–14.

175.â•‡John Culbert Faries, The Rise of Internationalism (New York: W. Â€D. Â€Gray, 1915), p.â•–75.
176.â•‡Beyond the ‘British and Foreign’ organizations already mentioned, there were the British
and Foreign Bible Society created in 1804, the British and Foreign School Society formed
in 1808, and the British and Foreign Sailors’ Society established in 1818. Similarly titled
organizations appeared elsewhere, such as the French and Foreign Bible Society that was
formed in Paris in 1833.
177.â•‡See, for instance, Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organiza-
tions 1981 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1981), section U. Â€See also
Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Con-
grès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.â•–viii.
178.â•‡The data-gathering of the Union of International Associations in the years before the
First World War concentrated on the period from the 1870s onwards.
179.â•‡Existing historical accounts of INGOs have commenced with the 1870s: see, for example,
the chapters in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture:
International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer-
sity Press).
181.â•‡F. Â€S. Â€L. Â€Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, 1815–1914 (Leyden: A. Â€W. Â€Sythoff, 1963),
pp.â•–122, 229, 235; Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, pp.â•–97–102.
182.â•‡A. Â€P. Â€R. Â€Howatt and Richard C. Â€Smith (eds.), Modern Language Teaching: The Reform
Movement, vol.â•–3 (London: Routledge, 2002), p.â•–xxvii.
183.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards: A Workers’ Education Manual.
Fourth (revised) edition (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1998), p.â•–5.
184.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–201–2.
185.â•‡Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la
Propriété Industrielle, Statuts—Règlement (Paris: Association Universelle pour l’Adoption
de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la Propriété Industrielle, 1857), p.â•–4.
186.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–127.
187.â•‡B. Â€Zorina Khan, The Democratization of Invention: Patents and Copyrights in American
Economic Development, 1790–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–302.
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Isabella Löhr, Die Globalisierung Geistiger Eigentumsrechte (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 2010), pp.â•–67–70. Its efforts succeeded those of earlier meetings, such as the
Congress on Literary and Artistic Property held in Brussels in 1858; see Édouard Rom-
berg, Compte Rendu des Travaux du Congrès de la Propriété Littéraire et Artistique (Brussels
and Leipzig: Émile Flateau, 1859).
188.â•‡Eckhardt Fuchs, ‘The International Catalogue of Scientific Literature as a Mode of Intel-
lectual Transfer: Promises and Pitfalls of International Scientific Co-operation before
1914’, in Christophe Charle, Jürgen Schriewer and Peter Wagner (eds.), Transnational
Intellectual Networks: Forms of Academic Knowledge and the Search for Cultural Identities
(Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2004), pp.â•–167–8, 172.
189.â•‡W. Â€Boyd Rayward, ‘The Origins of Information Science and the International Institute
of Bibliography/International Federation for Information and Documentation’, in Trudi
197
pp. [46–48] NOTES
Bellardo Hahn and Michael Buckland (eds.), Historical Studies in Information Science
(Medford, NJ: Information Today, 1998), pp.â•–23–4.
190.â•‡Rayward, ‘Origins of Information Science’, p.â•–24.
191.â•‡W. Â€Boyd Rayward, ‘Visions of Xanadu: Paul Otlet (1868 to 1944) and Hypertext’, Jour-
nal of the American Society for Information Science, 45/4 (1994), pp.â•–235–50.
192.â•‡For instance, a Universal Language Society operated in Madrid in the 1860s to promote
the ‘universal language’ developed by Bonifacio Sotos Ochando: Société de la Langue
Universelle, ‘Note de la Société de la Langue Universelle établie à Madrid’, Bulletin de la
Société de la Langue Universelle, 1 (1861), p.â•–30. See also Andrew Large, The Artificial
Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).
193.â•‡Umberto Eco, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), p.â•–319.
194.â•‡Peter Glover Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982), pp.â•–45–6.
195.â•‡Eco, Search for the Perfect Language, p.â•–319.
196.â•‡Lejzer Ludwik Zamenhof, ‘The Making of an International Language’, in J. Â€C. Â€O’Connor,
Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Student’s Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming
H. Â€Revell), p.â•–7.
197.â•‡Universala Esperanto-Asocio, ‘An Update on Esperanto, December 2009’, http://www.
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198.â•‡Charles E. Â€Sprague, Hand-book of Volapük (New York: Charles E. Â€Sprague, 1888), p.â•–vii.
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200.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–539–
40; Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.â•–106.
The organization began life as the Institution Ethnographique: Léon de Rosny, ‘But de
l’Institution’, Bulletin Officiel de l’Institution Ethnographique, 1 (1876–7), pp.â•–109–12.
204.â•‡Elisabeth Crawford, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 1880–1939: Four Studies
of the Nobel Population (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p.â•–39.
205.â•‡Peter Alter, ‘The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 1897–1919’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 34/2 (1980), p.â•–245.
206.â•‡Quotations in Alter, ‘Royal Society and the International Association of Academies’,
pp.â•–246, 253.
207.â•‡International Statistical Institute, ‘Statuts de l’Institut International de Statistique’, in
Bulletin de l’Institut International de Statistique. Tome I (Rome: Imprimerie Héritiers Botta,
1886), p.â•–17. Uniform statistical methods had earlier been a key objective of the 1853
international statistical congress: Commission Centrale de Statistique de Belgique, Compte
Rendu des Travaux du Congrès Général de Statistique réuni à Bruxelles les 19, 20, 21 et 22
Septembre 1853 (Bruxelles: M. Â€Hayez, 1853), p.â•–143.
208.â•‡Réné Worms, Annales de L’Institut International de Sociologie. I (Paris: V. Â€Giard & E. Â€Brière,
1895), p.â•–vi.
209.â•‡Brian Cotterell, Fracture and Life (London: Imperial College Press, 2010), p.â•–189.
210.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909,
pp.â•–1023–4.
211.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.â•–189–93.
198
NOTES pp. [48–50]
212.â•‡Julien Duchateau, Une Création Scientifique Française: Le Premier Congrès International des
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214.â•‡Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World’s Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation (Berkeley,
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215.â•‡Asiatic Society of Japan, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.asjapan.org/About/welcome.htm,
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216.â•‡Rodrigo Fernos, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Con-
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217.â•‡Fernos, Science Still Born, pp.â•–8, 10, 13.
218.â•‡Hans Pretzsch, Forest Dynamics: Growth and Yield (Berlin: Springer 2009), pp.â•–104–5;
Hans-Jürgen Bolle, International Radiation Commissions, 1896 to 2008: Research into Atmo-
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220.â•‡Nico Schrivjer, Development without Destruction: The UN and Global Resource Management
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010), p.â•–20.
222.â•‡Otto Herman, The International Convention for the Protection of Birds (Budapest: Victor
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223.â•‡World League for Protection of Animals, ‘About the World League for Protection of
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224.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.â•–190–3.
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Politics of Segregation’, História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos, 10/1 (2003), pp.â•–161–77.
226.â•‡Ligue Internationale des Antivaccinateurs, Convent. de Décembre 1880 tenu à Paris les 10,
11, 12 et 13 (Paris: Bureaux du Réveil Médical, 1881). On this organization, see Pierre
Darmon, La Longue Traque de la Variole: Les Pionniers de la Médecine Préventive (Paris:
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227.â•‡American Dental Society of Europe, ‘History of the Society’, http://www.ads-eu.org/
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228.â•‡E. Â€ Sauvez, IIIe Congrès Dentaire International, Paris, 8 au 14 Aout 1900: Comptes Rendus
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229.â•‡Barbara L. Â€Brush, Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses,
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230.â•‡International Congress of Hygiene and Demography, Congrès International d’Hygiène, de
Sauvetage, et d’Économie Sociale, Bruxelles, 1876 (Paris: Germer Baillière, 1877), pp.â•–xvii-xix.
This was a successor to the Brussels hygiene congress of 1852.
231.â•‡Angus McLaren, Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Croom Helm,
1978), p.â•–107.
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232.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale: Séconde série. Volume

II. Â€1910–1911 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1912), p.â•–1067.
233.â•‡Lionel Rose, The Erosion of Childhood: Childhood in Britain, 1860–1918 (London: Rout-
ledge, 1991), p.â•–235.
234.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1908–1909, pp.â•–831–
8; Richard F. Â€Wetzell, ‘From Retributive Justice to Social Defence: Penal Reform in
Fin-de-Siècle Germany’, in Suzanne Marchand and David Lindenfeld (eds.), Germany
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1993), p.â•–34. A permanent committee was formed in 1900: Union of International Asso-
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236.â•‡John H. Â€Weiss, ‘Origins of the French Welfare State: Poor Relief in the Third Republic,
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237.â•‡James Joll, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974), p.â•–33.
238.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 35.
239.â•‡Rosa Luxemburg, ‘What Are the Origins of May Day?’, in Selected Political Writings of
Rosa Luxemburg (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), pp.â•–315–16.
240.â•‡International Socialist Bureau, Cinquième Congrès Socialiste International tenu à Paris du
23 au 27 Septembre 1900. Compte Rendu Analytique Officiel (Paris: Société Nouvelle de
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241.â•‡Geert van Goethem, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation
of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), p.â•–111.
242.â•‡Leon A. Â€Dale, ‘International Trade Secretariats’, Industrial Relations, 22/1 (1967), p.â•–100.
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244.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911, pp.â•–1305,
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245.â•‡Walther Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945
(Brussels: Institut E. Â€Vandervelde, 1964), pp.â•–31–6.
246.â•‡Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism, p.â•–98.
247.â•‡Van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–111.
248.â•‡International Co-operative Alliance, Report of the First International Co-operative Congress
(London: P. Â€S. Â€King and Son, 1895), p.â•–3.
249.â•‡Q uoted in ICA, Report, p.â•–49.
250.â•‡ICA, ‘Introduction to ICA’, http://www.ica.coop/ica/index.html, last accessed 7 May 2012.
251.â•‡ICA, Report, pp.â•–38, 52–3.
252.â•‡Commission Internationale d’Agriculture, Congrès International d’Agriculture tenu à Paris
du 4 au 11 Juillet 1889 (Paris: Lahure, 1889).
253.â•‡Peter Koch, 125 Years of the International Union of Marine Insurance: From an Alliance of
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H2714d.
255.â•‡Cercle de la Librairie, Congrès International des Éditeurs (Paris, 15–18 Juin 1896) …
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NOTES pp. [53–54]

258.â•‡Robert Sylvester, ‘Historical Resources for Research in International Education’, in Mary
Hayden, Jack Levy and Jeff Thompson (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Research in Interna-
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262.â•‡Sylvester, ‘Historical Resources’, p.â•–14.
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266.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938 (Geneva: League of
Nations, 1938), p.â•–142.
267.â•‡International Railway Congress Association, Congrès des Chemins de Fer, Bruxelles: 8 au 15
Août 1885, Compte Rendu Général (Brussels: P. Â€Weissenbruch, 1886), p.â•–vi; Union of
International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–959–60.
268.â•‡Union International Permanente des Tramways, Assemblée Générale des 24 et 25 Septembre
1886. Procès-Verbal (Brussels: Guyot, 1886), pp.â•–6–16; International Association of Public
Transport, ‘The International Association of Public Transport Turns 125!’, http://www.
uitp.org/about/history.cfm, last accessed 12 November 2010.
269.â•‡Kamil A. Â€Bekiashev and Vitali V. Â€Serebriakov, International Marine Organizations (The
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1981), p.â•–217.
270.â•‡Alliance Internationale de Tourisme, AIT: 100 Years of Mobility, 1898–1998 (Geneva:
Alliance Internationale de Tourisme, 1998).
271.â•‡Alfred Fried, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1907 (Monaco: Institut International de la
Paix, 1907), p.â•–183. Some date the International Yacht Racing Union to 1875, but this
organization was not created until 1907; the English Yacht Racing Association was set
up in 1875.
272.â•‡Tony Collins, A Social History of English Rugby Union (London: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–158.
273.â•‡Q uoted in Melchior de Polignac, ‘Baron Pierre de Coubertin’, Bulletin du Comité Inter-
national Olympique, 6 (1947), p.â•–13.
274.â•‡International Olympic Committee, ‘Le Congrès de Paris’, Bulletin du Comité International
des Jeux Olympiques, 1/1 (1894), pp.â•–1–2.
275.â•‡Christopher R. Â€Hill, Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta, 1896–1996 (Manchester: Man-
chester University Press, 1996), pp.â•–23–9.
276.â•‡Pierre de Coubertin, Timoleon J. Â€Philemon, N. Â€G. Â€Politis and Charalambos Anninos,
The Olympic Games in 1896 (Athens: Charles Beck, 1897), p.â•–11.
277.â•‡Q uoted in Neal Ascherson, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (Lon-
don: Granta, 1999), pp.â•–91–2, 98.
201
pp. [54–57] NOTES
278.â•‡Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial
Africa (London: Pan Macmillan, 1999), p.â•–87.
279.â•‡Edmund D. Â€Morel, King Leopold’s Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company,
1905), pp.â•–ix, 136; Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost, p.â•–173.
280.â•‡Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe
and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974), pp.â•–176–7.
281.â•‡Q uotations from Geiss, Pan-African Movement, pp.â•–177–8, 180, 191–2.
282.â•‡Q uoted in Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.â•–46.
283.â•‡Sven Saaler, ‘Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History: Overcoming the Nation, Creat-
ing a Region, Forging an Empire’, in Sven Saaler and J. Â€Victor Koschmann (eds.), Pan-
Asianism in Modern Japanese History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p.â•–3.
284.â•‡Saaler, ‘Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History’, p.â•–4.
285.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.â•–119–23.
286.â•‡C. Â€Ernest Dawn, ‘The Origins of Arab Nationalism’, in Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson,
Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Â€Simon (eds.), The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p.â•–8.
287.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.â•–135.
288.â•‡Azmi Özcan, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden:
Brill, 1997), p.â•–24.
289.â•‡There were numerous organizations of the same name throughout Indian cities in the late
nineteenth century, the first of which appears to have been formed in Bombay in 1876:
Özcan, Pan-Islamism, p.â•–69n.
290.â•‡Shaikh Mushir Hosain Kidwai, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908), p.â•–1.
292.â•‡Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 1897–1947
( Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947), p.â•–73.
293.â•‡Q uoted in Richard Hughes Seager (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the
World’s Parliament of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993), p.â•–5.
294.â•‡Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was
Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005),
p.â•–266; Seager, Dawn of Religious Pluralism, pp.â•–5–8.
295.â•‡Cyrus R. Â€Pangborn, ‘The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitaliza-
tion Movement’, in Bardwell L. Â€Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of
Religions (Leiden: E. Â€J. Â€Brill, 1976), pp.â•–108–10.
296.â•‡International Association for Religious Freedom, ‘The Beginning’, http://www.iarf.
net/2008site/AboutUs/OurPriorities/History/vi_hi_beginning.htm, last accessed 23
November 2010.
297.â•‡Thomas E. Â€Fitzgerald, The Ecumenical Movement: An Introductory History (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 2004), pp.â•–66–9; Ruth Rouse and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the
Ecumenical Movement: Volume 1, 1517–1948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
298.â•‡‘Minutes of the Meetings held in Connection with the Formation of the World’s Student
Christian Federation, Wadstena, Sweden, August 17–19, 1895’, box 213.01.1, World
Council of Churches Archives, Geneva.
299.â•‡George S. Â€Railton, Twenty-One Years’ Salvation Army (London: Salvation Army Publish-
ing Offices, 1889), p.â•–255.
202
NOTES pp. [57–59]
300.â•‡H. Â€P. Â€Blavatsky, The Original Programme of the Theosophical Society and Preliminary Mem-
orandum of the Esoteric Section (Adyar, Madras: Theosophical Publishing House, 1966),
p.â•–2.
On the Freethinkers’ International, see Daniel Laqua, ‘“Laïque, Démocratique et Sociale”?
Socialism and the Freethinkers’ International’, Labour History Review, 74/3 (2009),
pp.â•–257–73.
302.â•‡Q uoted in Colin David Campbell, Toward a Sociology of Religion (London: Macmillan,
1971), p.â•–74.
303.â•‡Hunt Janin, The India-China Opium Trade in the Nineteenth Century ( Jefferson, NC:
McFarland and Company, 1999), p.â•–178.
304.â•‡Annie Stora-Lamarre, ‘Censorship in Republican Times: Censorship and Pornographic
Novels Located in L’Enfer de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 1800–1900’, in Lisa Z. Â€Sigel
(ed.), International Exposure: Perspectives of Modern European Pornography, 1800–2000
(Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005), pp.â•–60–1. An International Bureau against
Immoral Literature had been formed in 1893.
305.â•‡Q uoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–268.
307.â•‡World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, ‘Constitution and By-Laws of the World’s
W.C.T.U.’, in World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, Minutes of the Second Bien-
nial Convention (Chicago, IL: Woman’s Temperance Publishing Association, 1893), p.â•–296.
308.â•‡Ian R. Â€Tyrrell, Woman’s World/Woman’s Empire: The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union
in International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
Press, 1991), p.â•–223.
309.â•‡Melanie Nolan and Caroline Daley, ‘International Feminist Perspectives on Suffrage: An
Introduction’, in Carline Daley and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International
Feminist Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p.â•–13.
310.â•‡National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assem-
bled by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America,
March 25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Â€Darby, 1888), p.â•–451.
311.â•‡Richard Evans, The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and
Australasia, 1840-1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977), p. 250.
312.â•‡Evans, The Feminists, pp.â•–246–7. France was nevertheless important in the development
of women’s participation in freemasonry, with the creation of the International Order of
Co-Freemasonry in 1893.
313.â•‡Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.â•–62.
314.â•‡Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman’s Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia
during British Colonial Rule (London: Routledge, 1995), pp.â•–55–6.
315.â•‡Article 2 of its constitution, quoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–277.
316.â•‡T. Â€ Fallot, Une Noble Entreprise: L’Union Internationale des Amies de la Jeune Fille (Valence:
A. Â€Ducros, 1902), p.â•–77; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–278. Similar objectives were
pursued by the Travelers’ Aid Societies that developed in late-nineteenth-century USA
and by the Catholic Association for the Protection of Girls, created in 1897.
317.â•‡Josephine E. Â€Butler, The New Abolitionists: A Narrative of a Year’s Work, Being an Account
203
pp. [60–62] NOTES
of the Mission undertaken to the Continent of Europe by Mrs Josephine E Butler, and of the
Events Subsequent Thereupon (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876), p.â•–103.
318.â•‡Stephanie A. Â€Limoncelli, The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to
Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010),
pp.â•–44, 46.
319.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–280; Limoncelli, Politics of Trafficking, p.â•–46.
320.â•‡Paula Bartley, Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 1860–1914 (London: Rout-
ledge, 2000), p.â•–156.
321.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–203; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe,
p.â•–280.
322.â•‡National Vigilance Association, The White Slave Trade: Transactions of the International
Congress of the White Slave Trade Held in London on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd June 1899 (Lon-
don: Office of the National Vigilance Association, 1899), pp.â•–13–18; Minutes of the Inter-
national Congress on the White Slave Traffic held at Westminster Palace Hotel on June 21st,
22nd and 23rd 1899, 4IBS/1/1, Box FL192, Archives of the International Bureau for the
Suppression of Traffic in Persons, Women’s Library, London; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries
of Participation’, p.â•–203.
323.â•‡Harriet Hyman Alonso, Peace as a Women’s Issue: A History of the U.S. Â€Movement for World
Peace and Women’s Rights (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993), pp.â•–45–6, 49,
54.
324.â•‡Sandi Cooper, ‘The Work of Women in Nineteenth Century Continental European Peace
Movements’, Peace & Change, 9/4 (1983), pp.â•–19–20.
325.â•‡Le Désarmement Général: Organe de la Ligue Internationale des Femmes pour le Désarmement
Général, 1/1 ( July 1896), p.â•–7.
326.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–137.
327.â•‡Ralph Uhlig, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 1889–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Ver-
lag, 1988), p.â•–69.
328.â•‡Cesar Facelli and Antonio Teso, Troisième Congrès International de la Paix (Rome: Unione
Cooperativa Editrice, 1892), pp.â•–114–18.
329.â•‡The ‘for Arbitration’ part of the latter organization’s name was dropped in 1908. Ceadel,
Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–137–8.
330.â•‡Organizations for international law were preceded by the creation of a Society for Com-
parative Legislation in Paris in 1869; see Peter Cruz, Comparative Law in a Changing
World (London: Cavendish Publishing, 2nd edn 1999), p.â•–15.
331.â•‡International Law Association, Reports of the First Conference held at Brussels, 1873, and of
the Second Conference held at Geneva, 1874 (London: West, Newman & Co., 1903), p.â•–44.
332.â•‡Institute of International Law, Annuaire de l’Institut de Droit International. Première Année
(Gand: Bureau de la Revue de Droit International, 1877), pp.â•–18–19 (translation from
http://www.idi-iil.org, last accessed 9 April 2010, where present text of statutes is identi-
cal to original).
333.â•‡Masaharu Yanagihara, ‘Message from the President, Oct. 2009’, http://wwwsoc.nii.ac.jp/
jsil/english_contents/president/index.html, last accessed 18 November 2010.
334.â•‡The earlier Berlin Congress of 1878 is notable for being the first intergovernmental meet-
ing to adopt a specific procedure for receiving petitions; see Lie, Right of Petition, section
15, p.â•–17. Another precedent was set at the 1889–90 Brussels Slave Trade Conference,
204
NOTES pp. [62–65]
lobbied by the BFASS and the Aborigines Protection Society, which resulted in a treaty
that included a clause aiming to ‘encourage, aid and protect’ private abolitionist societies;
see Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–196.
335.â•‡Sandi Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 1815–1914 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1991), pp.â•–91, 94.
336.â•‡Merze Tate, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907
(New York: Macmillan, 1942), pp.â•–70–3.
337.â•‡Thomas K. Â€Ford, ‘The Genesis of the First Hague Peace Conference’, Political Science
Quarterly, 51/3 (1936), p.â•–381.
338.â•‡Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–98.
339.â•‡Ute Kätzel, ‘A Radical Women’s Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka,
Initiator of the First Worldwide Women’s Peace Demonstration in 1899’, Journal of
Women’s History, 13/3 (2001), p.â•–51.
341.â•‡I bid., p.â•–197; Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–98.
342.â•‡Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, p.â•–69.
343.â•‡Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–103.
345.â•‡At the first international cooperative congress, Owen Greening estimated the movement’s
membership in 1895 to be 5 to 6 million, or 20 million if the family members of each
individual member were to be included: ICA, Report, p.â•–49.
346.â•‡Katharine L. Â€Stevenson, A Brief History of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union: Out-
line Course of Study for Local Unions (Evanston, IL: The Union Signal, 1907), p.â•–56.
347.â•‡Paul Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Pol-
itics’, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.â•–311–40.
348.â•‡Angus Maddison, Monitoring the World Economy, 1820–1992 (Paris: Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development, 1995), p.â•–239.
349.â•‡Imre Ferenczi and Walter F. Â€Willcox, International Migrations, Volume I: Statistics (New
York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929), pp.â•–231–2.
350.â•‡See, for example, the figures in Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International
Organizations 1981, section U; and Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of
International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 Decem-
ber 2011. Speeckaert noted a rise in INGO foundations from forty in the 1880s to seventy-
three in the 1890s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii.
352.â•‡Frederick W. Â€ Haberman, Nobel Lectures in Peace, 1901–1925 (Singapore: World Scientific
Publishing, 1999), pp.â•–3–4.
353.â•‡Colette Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.),
Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stan-
ford, CA: Stanford University Press), p.â•–229. A year before the formation of the Carnegie
Foundation, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace was created ‘to hasten the
abolition of international war’, the Board of Trustees of which chose to concentrate its
attention upon educational and scientific activities: Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, Epitome of the Purpose, Plans and Methods of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1919), pp.â•–7–8.
205
pp. [65–68] NOTES
The Carnegie Endowment was preceded by other organizations for the study of interna-
tional relations, such as the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Internationales and the Association for
International Conciliation, created in Paris in 1904 and 1905 respectively.
354.â•‡Chesley R. Â€Perry, ‘A Page From Rotary History’, The Rotarian, February 1931, p.â•–43.
355.â•‡The Rotarian, September 1912.
865, 889; Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the
Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002),
p.â•–15; Société Universelle de la Croix Blanche de Genève, Compte-Rendu des Travaux du
1er Congrès International pour la Répression des Fraudes Alimentaires et Pharmaceutiques,
Genève, les 8–12 Septembre 1908 (Geneva: Isaac Soullier, 1909).
357.â•‡Its activities were preceded by the largely unsuccessful attempts from 1889 to form an
international Vegetarian Federal Union in London: International Vegetarian Union,
‘Vegetarian Federal Union, 1889–1911’, http://www.ivu.org/history/vfu/index.html, last
accessed 23 November 2010.
358.â•‡These were known at the time as the International Association of Refrigeration and the
Permanent International Association of Road Congresses.
359.â•‡Comité Central de l’Exposition du Travail à Domicile, 1er Congrès International du Travail
à Domicile réuni à Bruxelles en Septembre 1910. Compte Rendu des Séances (Louvain: Charles
Peeters, 1911); Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
1908–1909, pp.â•–1117–18.
360.â•‡Pierre-Yves Saunier, ‘Sketches from the Urban Internationale, 1910–50: Voluntary Asso-
ciations, International Institutions and US Philanthropic Foundations’, International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 25/2 (2001), pp.â•–380–403.
361.â•‡International Federation of Trade Unions, First Special International Trade Union Congress,
London, November 22–27, 1920 (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1920), pp.â•–2–3.
362.â•‡Van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–15.
363.â•‡Q uoted in van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–16.
364.â•‡Negib Azoury, Le Réveil de la Nation Arabe dans l’Asie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905), pp.â•–245–
6.
365.â•‡Brief information on most of the organizations listed in this paragraph is available at
Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’,
http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010.
366.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, pp.â•–230–4.
367.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards, p.â•–5. Plans for much more
extensive labour standards were cut short by the onset of the First World War: Lyons,
Internationalism in Europe, pp.â•–154–5.
368.â•‡Tate, Disarmament Illusion, p.â•–34.
369.â•‡Caroline E. Â€Playne, Bertha von Suttner and the Struggle to Avert the World War (London:
George Allen and Unwin, 1936), p.â•–155; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’,
p.â•–197.
370.â•‡Ascherson, King Incorporated, pp.â•–254, 259.
371.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–207–10.
372.â•‡W illiam O. Â€Walker III, Opium and Foreign Policy: The Anglo-American Search for Order in
Asia, 1912–1954 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), p.â•–15.
206
NOTES pp. [68–72]
373.â•‡National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suf-
frage Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in
connection with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New
York: International Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902), p.â•–17. The women’s movement
was also joined by more traditionalist INGOs in this period, such as Pro Gentilezza, a
women’s INGO formed in Rome in 1910 that aimed to promote ‘la propre gentilesse’:
Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911.
374.â•‡Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904), p.â•–5.
375.â•‡International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel
Cecil, London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International
Electrotechnical Commission, 1906), p.â•–6.
376.â•‡International Dairy Federation, Congrès International de Laiterie organisé par la Société
Nationale de Laiterie de Belgique, Bruxelles, 8, 9, 10 et 11 Septembre 1903: Compte Rendu des
Séances; Voeux Émis (Brussels: K. Â€Brants & Co., 1904), pp.â•–1–3, 147–8, 159–60.
377.â•‡International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of
Master Cotton-Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings
of the First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners’
and Manufacturers’ Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zürich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London:
Marsden, 1904), p.â•–60.
379.â•‡Erik Bergvall (ed.), The Fifth Olympiad: The Official Report of the Olympic Games of Stockholm
1912 (Stockholm: Wahlström and Widstrand, 1913), pp.â•–420–1.
380.â•‡These statistics are based on calculations using the data in the Union of International
Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations. Speeckaert estimated the increase to
be from 73 in the 1890s to 192 in the 1900s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Interna-
tionales, p.â•–viii.
381.â•‡Details of these bodies can be found in the 1908–1909 and 1910–1911 editions of the
Union of International Associations’ Annuaire de la Vie Internationale.
382.â•‡‘Historique de l’Union des Associations Internationales’, box PP-PO-210, Union of
International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons.
383.â•‡Georges Patrick Speeckaert, ‘A Glance at Sixty Years of Activity (1910–1970) of the Union
of International Associations’, in Union of International Associations, Union of Interna-
tional Associations, 1910–1970: Past, Present, Future (Brussels: Union of International
Associations, 1970), p.â•–27.
384.â•‡‘Letter of Invitation’, in Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial
des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 9–11 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des
Associations Internationales, 1911), p.â•–10.
385.â•‡Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial des Associations Interna-
tionales 1910, pp.â•–831–7, 839–74.
386.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations, pp.â•–7, 11.
387.â•‡Union of International Associations, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales,
Bruxelles, 15–18 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), pp.â•–ii,
cxlvi.
388.â•‡Q uoted in Joll, Second International, p.â•–156.
389.â•‡Boston Chamber of Commerce, Fifth International Congress of Chamber of Commerce and
207
pp. [72–75] NOTES
Commercial and Industrial Associations, September and October 1912 (Boston, MA: Boston
Chamber of Commerce, 1913), p.â•–10.
390.â•‡Norman Angell, Europe’s Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent
& Co., n.d.), p.â•–118.
391.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 120.
392.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 104.
393.â•‡Q uoted in Olga Hess Hankin and H. Â€H. Â€Fisher, The Bolsheviks and the World War: The
Origins of the Third International (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1940), pp.â•–56–7.
394.â•‡Hoffman, Civil Society, pp.â•–76–7.
395.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–334.
396.â•‡Q uoted in Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008),
p.â•–50.
397.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 51.
398.â•‡Richard Evans, Rereading German History, 1800–1996: From Unification to Reunification
(London: Routledge, 1997), p.â•–147.
399.â•‡Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics I: Papers Communicated to the First
International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1912), pp.â•–xi-xvii.
400.â•‡Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First
International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913), pp.â•–5, 189.
401.â•‡Paul Rich, ‘“The Baptism of a New Era”: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the
Liberal Ideology of Race’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), p.â•–534.
402.â•‡Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First
Universal Races Congress (London: P. Â€S. Â€King, 1911), p.â•–2.
403.â•‡Michael D. Â€Biddiss, ‘The Universal Races Congress of 1911’, Race, 13/1 (1971), pp.â•–38,
45.
404.â•‡Jean Pélissier and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale
Lituanienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau d’Informations de Lituanie,
1918), p.â•–206.
405.â•‡On the early history of the Office Central see Les Annales des Nationalités,1/2 ( Juin-
Juillet 1912), pp.â•–66–9.
406.â•‡Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), rear inside cover.
407.â•‡D. Â€R. Â€Watson ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, Eng-
lish Historical Review, 110, 1995, p.â•–1191.
408.â•‡Les Annales des Nationalités, 1/1 ( Janvier 1912), p.â•–1; Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1
( Janvier 1913), p.â•–54.
409.â•‡Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), p.â•–37.
410.â•‡Paul Otlet, ‘A World Charter’, Advocate of Peace, 79/2 (1917), p.â•–44.
411.â•‡The plans for the third conference are in Union of International Associations, Les Congrès
de 1915 à San Francisco: La 3e Session du Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales
(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
412.â•‡Otlet’s documentation of this event is in boxes PP-PO-168, PP-PO-169 and PP-PO-236,
Union of International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons. The proceedings are
in Union of Nationalities, Compte Rendu de la IIIme Conférence des Nationalités réunie à
Lausanne 27–29 Juin 1916 (Lausanne: Office Central de l’Union des Nationalités, 1917).
413.â•‡Alfred Erich Senn, ‘Garlawa: A Study in Emigré Intrigue, 1915–1917’ (1967), pp.â•–418–20.
208
NOTES pp. [75–78]
414.â•‡Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central’, p.â•–1198; Georges-Henri Soutou, ‘Jean
Pélissier et l’Office Central des Nationalités, 1911–1918: Renseignement et Influence’,
Rélations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.â•–153–74.
415.â•‡Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central’, p.â•–1205; Senn, ‘Garlawa’, p.â•–424.
416.â•‡John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of
International Non-Governmental Organization’, American Sociological Review, 62/2 (1997),
p.â•–175; Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–24.
417.â•‡Calculations based on UIA data. Speeckaert noted a fall from 131 INGO foundations in
1905–9 to 112 in 1910–14: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii.
418.â•‡Union of International Associations, ‘Un siècle de Réunions internationales’, Monthly
Review ( January 1949), p.â•–6.
419.â•‡Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Cen-
tury (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp.â•–47–8.
421.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center,
p.â•–6.
422.â•‡On the promotion of nationalism by transnational civil society actors in the early twen-
tieth century, see the above discussion of LIPL, the Union of International Associations
and the Union of Nationalities.
423.â•‡Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience, p.â•–72.
2.â•‡1914–1939
1.â•‡Some recent work is addressing this deficit: see, for instance, Thomas Richard Davies, The
Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World
Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007); and Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured:
Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 2011).
2.â•‡Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2006), p.â•–82.
3.â•‡See, for instance, Zara Steiner, The Lights that Failed: European International History 1919–
1933 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
4.â•‡Philip Marshall Brown, International Society: Its Nature and Interests (New York: Macmillan,
1923), p.â•–120. See also Pitman Potter, An Introduction to the Study of International Organiza-
tion (New York: The Century Co., 1922), pp.â•–289–301; and Lyman Cromwell White, The
Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA: George S. Â€Ferguson Com-
pany, 1933), pp.â•–11–12.
5.â•‡Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.â•–6.
7.â•‡Calculations based on Union of International Associations (UIA) data. Speeckaert estimated
a decline in INGO foundations from 112 in 1910–14 to 51 in 1915–19: Georges Patrick
Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brus-
sels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.â•–viii.
8.â•‡Edmund David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp.â•–16–17.
209
pp. [78–82] NOTES
9.â•‡Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (London: Frank Cass, 1967),
p.â•–129.
10.â•‡Peter Macalister Smith, International Humanitarian Assistance: Disaster Relief Actions in
International Law and Organization (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1985), pp.â•–11–12.
11.â•‡Near East Foundation, ‘Near East Foundation Celebrates 90th Year’, http://www.neareast.
org/images/uploads/90thanniv_1.pdf, last accessed 2 December 2010, p.â•–1.
12.â•‡Federación Odontológica Latinoamericana, ‘Un poco de Historia…’, http://www.folaoral.
com/quienes_somos_historia.htm, last accessed 2 December 2010.
13.â•‡Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, ‘History’, http://www.bori.ac.in/history.htm, last
accessed 2 December 2010.
14.â•‡East African Women’s League, ‘Formation of the EAWL’, http://www.eawl.org/Forma-
tion%20of%20the%20EAWL.html, last accessed 2 December 2010.
15.â•‡R. Â€Craig Nation, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist
Internationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989), pp.â•–99–101.
16.â•‡Q uoted in Nation, War on War, p.â•–101.
17.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 101.
18.â•‡Robert V. Â€ Daniels, A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the
World (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 1987), p.â•–5.
19.â•‡Quoted in Daniel Gorman, ‘Ecumenical Internationalism: Willoughby Dickinson, the
League of Nations, and the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship Through
the Churches’, Journal of Contemporary History, 45/1 (2010), p.â•–57.
20.â•‡World Union of Women for International Concord, The World Union of Women for Inter-
national Concord Founded at Geneva, Switzerland, February 1915 (Geneva: World Union of
Women for International Concord, 1915), p.â•–3.
21.â•‡International Women’s Committee of Permanent Peace, International Congress of Women,
The Hague, 28th April—May 1st 1915: Report (Amsterdam: International Women’s Com-
mittee for Permanent Peace, 1915), p.â•–42.
22.â•‡Q uoted in Leonard Woolf (ed.), The Framework of a Lasting Peace (London: George Allen
and Unwin, 1917), p.â•–63.
23.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Rela-
tions, 1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.â•–204.
24.â•‡Léon Bourgeois, Pour la Société des Nations (Paris: Bibliothèque-Charpentier, 1910).
26.â•‡Q uoted in Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–206.
27.â•‡Q uoted in League to Enforce Peace, Enforced Peace: Proceedings of the First Annual National
Assemblage of the League to Enforce Peace (New York: League to Enforce Peace, 1916), p.â•–8.
28.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 163.
29.â•‡Leonard Woolf, International Government (New York: Brentano’s, 1916), p.â•–166.
30.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 166.
31.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 173.
32.â•‡David Hunter Miller, The Drafting of the Covenant, Volume One (New York: G. Â€P. Â€Putnam’s
Sons, 1928), p.â•–iii.
33.â•‡League of Nations Journal and Monthly Report, February 1919, p.â•–72.
34.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, The League of Nations Societies and their International Federation: Raison
210
NOTES pp. [82–84]
d’etre, Activities, Results (Brussels: International Federation of League of Nations Societies,

1930), p.â•–12.
35.â•‡Donald Birn, The League of Nations Union, 1918–1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981),
pp.â•–12, 15. On the work of the IFLNS, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Internationalism in a
Divided World: The Experience of the International Federation of League of Nations
Societies, 1919–1939’, Peace & Change, 37/2 (2012), pp.â•–227–52.
36.â•‡D. Â€R. Â€Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, English
Historical Review, 110 (1995), p.â•–1204.
37.â•‡Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’,
Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), p.â•–214.
38.â•‡Christian Raitz von Frentz, A Lesson Forgotten: Minority Protection under the League of
Nations, The Case of the German Minority in Poland, 1920–1934 (Münster: Lit Verlag, 1999),
p.â•–49.
39.â•‡International Anti-Opium Association in Peking, The War Against Opium (Tientsin: Tien-
tsin Press, 1922), p.â•–iii.
40.â•‡Naoko Shimazu, Japan, Race and Equality: The Racial Equality Proposal of 1919 (London:
Routledge, 1998), pp.â•–51–2; David Hunter Miller, The Drafting of the Covenant, Volume Two
(New York: G. Â€P. Â€Putnam’s Sons, 1928), p.â•–325; see also Ian Clark, International Legitimacy
and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p.â•–96.
41.â•‡Independent Labour Party, International Socialism and World Peace: Resolutions of the Berne
Conference, February 1919 (London: Independent Labour Party, 1919), p.â•–4.
42.â•‡Miller, Drafting of the Covenant, Volume One, p.â•–273.
43.â•‡Independent Labour Party, International Socialism and World Peace, pp.â•–5–15.
44.â•‡Q uoted in Geert van Goethem, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International
Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), p.â•–18.
45.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards: A Workers’ Education Manual.
Fourth (revised) edition. (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1998), p.â•–6.
46.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–215; International Labour Office, Interna-
tional Labour Standards, pp.â•–7–8.
47.â•‡Charles Howard Ellis, The Origin, Structure and Working of the League of Nations (London:
George Allen and Unwin, 1928), p.â•–220; see also Clark, International Legitimacy and World
Society, p.â•–122.
48.â•‡Arnold Whittick, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979),
p.â•–70; ‘Secretary’s Notes of a Conversation held in M. Â€Pichon’s Room at the Quai d’Orsay,
Paris, on Thursday 13 February 1919 at 3pm’, in United States Department of State, Papers
relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States: The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Volume
III (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1943), pp.â•–1022–3.
49.â•‡James T. Â€Shotwell (ed.), The Origins of the International Labor Organization, Volume Two:
Documents (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934), pp.â•–273–85, 412.
50.â•‡Miller, Drafting of the Covenant, Volume Two, pp.â•–361–2.
51.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–725, 739.
52.â•‡Gertrude Bussey and Margaret Tims, Pioneers for Peace: Women’s International League for
Peace and Freedom, 1915–1965 (London: WILPF British Section, 1980), pp.â•–29–33.
54.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 222.
211
pp. [84–88] NOTES
55.â•‡Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, International Trade Conference,

1919 (Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, [1919]), pp.â•–9–10.
56.â•‡George L. Â€Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace: Twenty Years of Business Diplomacy through the
International Chamber of Commerce (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), pp.â•–36–7.
57.â•‡Chamber of Commerce of the USA, International Trade Conference, pp.â•–470–1.
58.â•‡Quoted in White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–36.
59.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 5.
60.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, ‘Home’, http://www.
ifrc.org/, last accessed 8 December 2010.
Nations, 1938), p.â•–84.
62.â•‡League of Red Cross Societies, Proceedings of the Medical Conference held at the invitation
of the Committee of Red Cross Societies, Cannes, France, April 1 to 11, 1919 (Geneva: League
of Red Cross Societies, 1919), pp.â•–18–19, held in the International Federation of Red Cross
and Red Crescent Societies archives, Geneva; Amanda Bowie Moniz, ‘Labours in the Cause
of Humanity in Every Part of the Globe’: Transatlantic Philanthropic Collaboration and the
Cosmopolitan Ideal, 1760–1815 (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2008), p.â•–286.
63.â•‡Clare Mulley, The Woman who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb (Oxford:
Oneworld, 2009), p.â•–246.
64.â•‡Union Internationale de Secours aux Enfants, ‘Fondation de l’Union’, Bulletin de l’Union
Internationale de Secours aux Enfants, 1/1–2 (10–20 January 1920), pp.â•–1–12; quotation from
Mulley, Woman who Saved the Children, p.â•–298.
65.â•‡Arthur Schuster (ed.), International Research Council: Constitutive Assembly held at Brussels,
July 18th to July 28th, 1919, Reports of Proceedings (London: Harrison & Sons, 1920), p.â•–222.
66.â•‡Frank Greenaway, Science International: A History of the International Council of Scientific
Unions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp.â•–26–8.
67.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–105.
68.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–112–13.
69.â•‡Institute of International Education, First Annual Report of the Director (New York: Institute
of International Education, 1920), p.â•–2.
70.â•‡Institute of International Education, ‘A Brief History of IIE’, http://www.iie.org/en/Who-
We-Are/History, last accessed 9 December 2010.
71.â•‡Institute of International Education, First Annual Report, p.â•–1.
72.â•‡E. Â€D. Â€Adams, The Hoover War Collection at Stanford University California: A Report and an
Analysis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1921), p.â•–8; Hoover Institution, ‘About the
Hoover Institution’, http://www.hoover.org/about/herbert-hoover, last accessed 9 Decem-
ber 2010.
73.â•‡Q uoted in M. Â€L. Â€Dockrill, ‘The Foreign Office and the “Proposed Institute of International
Affairs 1919”’, International Affairs, 56/4 (1980), pp.â•–666–7.
74.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 666.
75.â•‡Inderjeet Parmar, ‘Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the
Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations’, International
Relations, 16/1 (2002), pp.â•–53–75.
76.â•‡David Long and Brian C. Â€Schmidt (eds.), Imperialism and Internationalism in the Discipline
of International Relations (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005), p.â•–6.
212
NOTES pp. [88–92
77.â•‡Estimates derived from UIA data.

Nations, 1929), p.â•–88; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–128.
79.â•‡This organization provides a survey of its activities in International Fellowship of Recon-
ciliation, ‘IFOR History Highlights’, http://www.ifor.org/index.html, last accessed
9Â€December 2010.
80.â•‡Details of the Society for a League of Religions are provided in League of Nations Search
Engine, ‘Society for a League of Religions’, http://www.lonsea.de/pub/org/333, last
accessed 9 December 2010.
81.â•‡‘Minutes of the Meeting of Delegates held at Bedford College, London, Wednesday, July
14th, 1920’, International Federation of University Women Archives, Aletta, Amsterdam.
82.â•‡World League against Alcoholism, International Convention, Toronto, Canada, November
24th –29th, 1922 (Westerville, OH: American Issue Press, 1922), p.â•–494.
83.â•‡Ian Tyrrell, Reforming the World: The Creation of America’s Moral Empire (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 2010), pp.â•–209–210.
84.â•‡Tyrrell, Reforming the World, pp.â•–220, 226.
85.â•‡Balabanova quoted in Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Doc-
uments, Volume I, 1919–1922 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p.â•–6.
86.â•‡Q uoted in Degras, Communist International, p.â•–16.
87.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–17, 19.
88.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 23.
89.â•‡Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in
India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), pp.â•–74–6.
90.â•‡Minault, Khilafat Movement, pp.â•–80–1.
91.â•‡Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe,
and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974), pp.â•–239–40.
92.â•‡Estimates from UIA, Yearbook of International Organizations.
94.â•‡Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii; White, International Non-Gov-
ernmental Organizations, p.â•–214.
95.â•‡Source of membership data: League of Nations, Handbook of International Organizations
(Associations, Bureaux, Committees, etc.), 1938 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1938), except
where otherwise indicated.
97.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi (Geneva: Vox Populi Committee, 1932), p.â•–20.
98.â•‡Lewis L. Â€Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p.â•–202.
99.â•‡‘International Co-operative Women’s Guild, December 1931’, dr. 50/33895/31137,
R.3604, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
100.â•‡Founding dates from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International
Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010.
101.â•‡Robert Cecil, A Great Experiment: An Autobiography (London: Jonathan Cape, 1941). On
this theme, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘A “Great Experiment” of the League of Nations
Era: International Nongovernmental Organizations, Global Governance, and Democracy
213
pp. [93–95] NOTES
Beyond the State’, Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Orga-
nizations, 18/4 (2012), pp.â•–405–23.
103.â•‡Note by Baker, 13 February 1920, R.1007, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
104.â•‡Drummond to Monnet, 23 June 1919, R.1332, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
105.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the
International Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966), pp.â•–54, 143.
106.â•‡For a list of INGO conferences attended by League delegates, see ‘Représentation du
Secretariat aux divers congrès, conférences, etc. auxquels il a été invité’, R.1600, League
of Nations Archives, Geneva; for the discussions leading to decision to provide summaries
of INGO communications to the Council, see dossier 27124, R.1598, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva; on INGO deputations, see Alexandre Berenstein, Les Organisations
Ouvrières: Leurs Compétences et Leur Rôle dans la Société des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936),
pp.â•–239–40; on the appointment of INGO representatives as assessors, see White, Inter-
national Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–248–52; on the League and INGOs in
general, see Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–220–37.
107.â•‡Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis
(London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.â•–260.
108.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–217, 219.
109.â•‡F. Â€P. Â€Walters, A History of the League of Nations (London: Oxford University Press, 1965),
p.â•–190.
110.â•‡Statement by the ICIC director Julien Luchaire, ‘Réunion des Grandes Associations
Internationales pour l’Education de la Jeunesse. Prémière Réunion du 10 Décembre 1925’,
Comité d’Entente des Grandes Associations Internationales records, FOL-R-829(1),
Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris.
111.â•‡Walters, History of the League of Nations, p.â•–100.
112.â•‡League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation (Geneva: League of Nations, 1930),
p.â•–269.
113.â•‡Peter Walker and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge,
2009), pp.â•–26–7.
114.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, ‘90 Years of Improv-
ing the Lives of the Most Vulnerable’, http://www.ifrc.org/meetings/events/
solferino/156400-IFRC-historical-EN_LR.pdf, last accessed 15 December 2010, p.â•–4.
115.â•‡Q uoted in Walker and Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World, pp.â•–29–30.
116.â•‡League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation, p.â•–281.
120.â•‡Linda Guerry, ‘A Transnational Approach to Migration: The Service International d’Aide
aux Émigrantes and its Marseilles Office in the First Half of the 20th Century’, Paper
presented at the annual meeting of the Seventeenth International Conference of the
Council for European Studies, Grand Plaza, Montreal, Canada, 15 April 2010, p.â•–4.
121.â•‡Guerry, ‘A Transnational Approach to Migration’, p.â•–4; White, International Non-Govern-
mental Organizations, p.â•–178.
214
NOTES pp. [95–98]
123.â•‡Valery Bazarov, ‘HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in
Europe, 1933–41’, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.â•–69–78.
124.â•‡Mulley, Woman Who Saved the Children, p.â•–298.
125.â•‡Dominique Marshall, ‘The Construction of Children as an Object of International Rela-
tions: The Declaration of Children’s Rights and the Child Welfare Committee of the
League of Nations, 1900–1924’, The International Journal of Children’s Rights, 7/2 (1999),
pp.â•–103–4, 129.
126.â•‡International Conference on Social Work, First International Conference on Social Work,
Paris, July 8th—13th 1928, Volume I (Paris: International Conference on Social Work,
1928), p.â•–23.
128.â•‡‘Statuts de la Fédération’, Cahiers des Droits de l’Homme, 1922, p.â•–305; League of Nations,
Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–85; Henri Sée, Histoire de la Ligue des
Droits de l’Homme (1898–1926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, 1927), pp.â•–191–222.
129.â•‡Article 1 of the constitution of the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, Records of the Assembly
General of 4 June 1898, F Δ Rés 842/2, Ligue des Droits de l’Homme papers, Bibliothèque
de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine, Nanterre.
130.â•‡Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l’Homme, ‘Les Grands Combats de
la FIDH’, http://www.fidh.org/IMG/article_PDF/article_a448.pdf, last accessed 16
December 2010, p.â•–1.
131.â•‡Jan Herman Burgers, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea
in the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–450–3.
133.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–195; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centu-
ries of Participation’, pp.â•–229–30.
134.â•‡Report by Willoughby Dickinson to the Federation Council, 17 February 1923, box P.99,
Archives of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva.
135.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, ‘The Federation’s Action in Minority Questions’, Bulletin of the Inter-
national Federation of League of Nations Societies (1938), pp.â•–42–3.
136.â•‡International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism, ‘Histoire de la LICRA’, http://
www.licra.org/fr/histoire-licra, last accessed 2 March 2012; quotations are from the orga-
nization’s statutes in Ligue Internationale contre l’Antisemitisme, Bulletin de la LICA, 3–4
(1929), p.â•–3.
137.â•‡Whittick, Woman into Citizen, p.â•–75.
138.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World, p.â•–47; League of Nations,
Ten Years of World Cooperation, p.â•–291.
139.â•‡Minutes of the first preliminary meeting of the Joint Standing Committee of International
Women’s Organizations, London, 7 July 1925, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s
International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amster-
dam.
140.â•‡Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report
of the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International
for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929), p.â•–6.
215
pp. [98–101] NOTES
141.â•‡Leila J. Â€Rupp, ‘Constructing Internationalism: The Case of Transnational Women’s Orga-

nizations, 1888–1945’, The American Historical Review, 99/5 (1994), p.â•–1580.
142.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck, and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), p.â•–70.
144.â•‡Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986), p.â•–151.
146.â•‡Martin Kramer, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Colum-
bia University Press, 1986), pp.â•–86–122.
147.â•‡‘The Organic Law of the General Moslem Congress as passed at the 14th Meeting held
on Tuesday, the 15th December, 1931’, in Anita L. Â€P. Â€Burdett (ed.), Islamic Movements
in the Arab World, 1913–1966, vol.â•–2 (Slough: Archive Editions, 1998), p.â•–486.
148.â•‡Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.â•–139–40.
149.â•‡Q uoted in Brynjar Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic
Mass Movement, 1928–1942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998), pp.â•–37–8.
150.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 155–6.
151.â•‡Selma Botman, Egypt from Independence to Revolution, 1919–1952 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse
University Press, 1991), pp.â•–116–17.
152.â•‡Q uoted in Kramer, Islam Assembled, p.â•–175.
153.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 71.
154.â•‡Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Volume 2, 1923–
1928 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p.â•–354.
155.â•‡Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919-1943: Documents, Volume 3, 1929-
1943 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p. 17.
156.â•‡Red International of Labour Unions, ‘Constitution of the Red International of Labour
Unions’, http://www.marxists.org/history/international/profintern/1921/constituÂ�tion.
htm, last accessed 20 December 2010.
157.â•‡Rainer Baudendistel, Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the Italo-
Ethiopian War, 1935–1936 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), p.â•–22.
158.â•‡Q uoted in Michel Caillat, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-François Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, ‘Une
Source Inédite de l’Histoire de l’Anticommunismeâ•–: Les Archives de l’Entente Interna-
tionale Anticommuniste (EIA) de Théodore Aubert (1924–1950)’, Matériaux pour l’Histoire
de Notre Temps, 73 (2004), p.â•–28.
159.â•‡Entente Internationale contre la IIIe Internationale, Vade-Mecum Anti-Bolchevique (Paris:
Union Civique, 1927), front inside cover.
160.â•‡Joseph D. Â€Dwyer (ed.), Russia, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: A Survey of Holdings
at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution
Press, 1980), p.â•–184.
161.â•‡The New Republic, 107 (1942), p.â•–132.
162.â•‡Walther Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945
(Brussels: Institut E. Â€Vandervelde, 1964), p.â•–61.
163.â•‡Lewis L. Â€Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p.â•–202.
165.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 85.
216
NOTES pp. [101–105]
166.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, p.â•–146.

168.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, p.â•–244; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’,
pp.â•–223–4.
169.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, ‘Peace by Pieces: The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations’,
Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 264 (1949), p.â•–89.
171.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, pp.â•–317, 326.
173.â•‡Craig N. Â€Murphy and JoAnne Yates, The International Organization for Standardization
(ISO): Global Governance through Voluntary Consensus (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–16.
174.â•‡Camille Allaz, The History of Air Cargo and Airmail from the 18th Century (London: Chris-
topher Foyle Publishing, 2004), p.â•–53.
175.â•‡International Broadcasting Union, The Problems of Broadcasting (Geneva: International
Broadcasting Union, 1930); White, International Non-Governmental Organizations,
pp.â•–54–6.
176.â•‡James M. Â€Fitzwilliams, ‘St Barbe Baker: Far-Sighted Pioneer’, Environmental Conserva-
tion, 14/2 (1987), pp.â•–164–8.
177.â•‡BirdLife International, ‘About BirdLife’, http://www.birdlife.org/worldwide/index.html,
last accessed 11 May 2012.
178.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–235–6, 239–41.
180.â•‡Akira Iriye, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1997), pp.â•–2–3.
181.â•‡Iriye, Cultural Internationalism and World Order, p.â•–75.
183.â•‡On the distinction between the ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ peace movement, see Martin
Ceadel, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International Rela-
tions, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp.â•–20–1.
184.â•‡FIDAC: Bulletin of the Allied Legions, 2/1 (1926), p.â•–2.
185.â•‡Elliott Pennell Fagerberg, The ‘Anciens Combattants’ and French Foreign Policy (Ambilly,
Annemasse: Les Presses de Savoie, 1966), p.â•–152.
186.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World, pp.â•–51–2; Whittick, Woman
into Citizen, pp.â•–96–100.
187.â•‡J. Â€Oudegeest, ‘The World Peace Congress’, The International Trade Union Movement, 2/6
(1922), pp.â•–1–5; Labour and Socialist International, Fourth Congress of the Labour and
Socialist International, Vienna, 25th July to 1st August 1931: Reports and Proceedings (Zurich:
Labour and Socialist International, 1932), pp.â•–64–5.
188.â•‡Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, ‘The Pan-European Outlook’, International Affairs,
10/5 (1931), p.â•–638.
189.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 638.
190.â•‡Ruyssen, League of Nations Societies and their International Federation, p.â•–17.
191.â•‡Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève,
La Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève:
217
pp. [105–109] NOTES
Ses Buts et Son Activité (Geneva: Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et
Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève, 1937), pp.â•–3–4.
192.â•‡‘Relations with Private Organisations,’ U9333/5202/70, Foreign Office General Corre-
spondence, National Archives, Kew.
193.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1929; White, Structure of
Private International Organizations, p.â•–15.
194.â•‡Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii.
195.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–33; White, Structure of Private
International Organizations, p.â•–178. The capital figure is for 1930.
196.â•‡Anonymous pamphlet entitled Militarism versus Feminism: An Enquiry and a Policy Dem-
onstrating that Militarism Involves the Subjection of Women (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1915), quoted in Jill Liddington, The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and Anti-
Militarism in Britain since 1820 (London: Virago, 1989), p.â•–100.
197.â•‡Alfred Zimmern, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Win-
dus, 1929), p.â•–341.
198.â•‡Bertram Pickard, ‘Geneva—The World’s Capital’, Friendship: The Journal of the Friends
Hall and Walthamstow Educational Settlement, 12 (October 1931), p.â•–1.
199.â•‡Bertram Pickard, ‘Geneva: The Pivotal Point of International Co-operation’, The World
Outlook, 8 (August 1929), p.â•–59.
200.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 60.
201.â•‡All Asian Women’s Conference, All Asian Women’s Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to
25th January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931), pp.â•–25–6, 165–6.
202.â•‡Minutes of the first meeting of the Temporary Liaison Committee of Women’s Interna-
tional Organizations, London, 4 November 1930, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s
International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Â�Amsterdam.
203.â•‡Minutes of the Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations, Crosby Hall,
London, 12 February 1931, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organi-
zations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
204.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.â•–87–99.
205.â•‡‘Report of the American Committee in Geneva of the League of Nations Association,
September 15th, 1932’, box 34, James T. Â€Shotwell Papers, Columbia University, New York.
206.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi (Geneva: Vox Populi Committee, 1932), p.â•–15.
207.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.â•–233–6.
208.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi, p.â•–15.
209.â•‡Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.â•–6.
210.â•‡‘Memorandum concerning future development’ by Mr Â€and Mrs Pickard, 18 November
1933, box 2, International Consultative Group Archives, League of Nations Archives,
Geneva.
211.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.â•–147.
212.â•‡This had included the appointment of peace campaigners to government delegations, such
as Mary Woolley to the US delegation: Chandor to Roosevelt, 7 October 1933, file OF404,
Roosevelt papers, Roosevelt Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York.
213.â•‡Ramsay MacDonald to Rev Maldwyn Jones, 12 October 1932 (unsent), box 73, Sir John
Simon Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
218
NOTES pp. [109–112]
214.â•‡Minutes of the meeting of 22 March 1933, box 2, International Consultative Group

Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
216.â•‡Carol Miller, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”: inter-war feminists and the League of
Nations’, Women’s History Review, 3/2 (1994), p.â•–231.
217.â•‡Leila J. Â€Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princ-
eton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), p.â•–219.
218.â•‡Francesca Miller, ‘Latin American Feminists and the Transnational Arena’, in Emilie
L. Â€Bergmann (ed.), Women, Culture and Politics in Latin America (Berkeley and Los Ange-
les, CA: University of California Press, 1990), p.â•–17.
219.â•‡Miller, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”’, p.â•–235.
220.â•‡Paula F. Â€Pfeffer, ‘“A whisper in the assembly of nations”: United States’ participation in
the International Movement for Women’s Rights from the League of Nations to the
United Nations’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 8/5 (1985), pp.â•–459–71.
222.â•‡Bertram Pickard, The Greater United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace, 1956), pp.â•–53–4; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations,
pp.â•–254–5.
224.â•‡Pickard, Greater United Nations, p.â•–54.
226.â•‡Speeckaert estimated the number of new INGOs formed in the 1930s at 225, compared
with 295 in the 1920s (including 97 in 1935–9 compared with 163 in 1925–9): Speeckaert,
Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii.
227.â•‡Foundational dates from the websites of the organizations and the Union of International
Associations.
228.â•‡Laurence Ballande, Les Ententes Economiques Internationales: Etude Monographique et
Statistique (Paris: Librairie Technique et Economique, 1937), pp.â•–320–2.
229.â•‡League of Nations, International Cartels: A League of Nations Memorandum (Lake Success,
NY: United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, 1947), p.â•–2.
230.â•‡League of Nations, International Cartels, p.â•–12.
231.â•‡Terushi Hara and Akira Kudo, ‘International Cartels in Business History’, in Akira Kudo
and Terushi Hara (eds.), International Cartels in Business History (Tokyo: University of
Tokyo Press, 1992), p.â•–1.
232.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 1–2.
233.â•‡Ervin Hexner, International Cartels (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1945), pp.â•–12–13.
234.â•‡Jeremi Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, in Patrick Finney
(ed.), Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005),
p.â•–237.
235.â•‡Davies, ‘Internationalism in a Divided World’, p.â•–230.
236.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–272.
237.â•‡‘The movement on behalf of the League of Nations in Central and Eastern Europe and
Turkey’, report by A. Â€von Bodman, IFLNS Special Propaganda Campaign, 1932–3, box
219
pp. [112–115] NOTES
P.107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations

Archives, Geneva.
238.â•‡Report on a visit to the League of Nations Unions in Czechoslovakia in May 1926, box
P. Â€107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva.
239.â•‡‘The movement on behalf of the League of Nations in Central and Eastern Europe and
Turkey’, report by A. Â€von Bodman, IFLNS Special Propaganda Campaign, 1932–3, box
P.107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva.
240.â•‡Emily S. Â€Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural
Expansion, 1890–1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982), p.â•–230.
241.â•‡Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, p.â•–237.
242.â•‡Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream, p.â•–231.
243.â•‡Hoffman, Civil Society, p.â•–83.
244.â•‡Quoted in Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003),
p.â•–168.
245.â•‡Michael Arthur Leeden, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist Interna-
tional, 1928–1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972), pp.â•–109–10.
246.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 114–15.
247.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 116–17.
248.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–117–18, 122.
249.â•‡ Ibid., p.â•–130.
250.â•‡Morgan, Fascism in Europe, pp.â•–168–71.
251.â•‡Leeden, Universal Fascism, p.â•–126.
252.â•‡Morgan, Fascism in Europe, p.â•–169.
253.â•‡Leeden, Universal Fascism, p.â•–113.
254.â•‡Arnd Krüger, ‘Germany: The Propaganda Machine’, in Arnd Krüger and William Murray
(eds.), The Nazi Olympics: Sport, Politics and Appeasement in the 1930s (Urbana and Chicago,
IL: University of Illinois Press, 2003), p.â•–29.
255.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–29, 20.
256.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–21, 27.
257.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 35.
258.â•‡Moshe Gottlieb, ‘The American Controversy over the Olympic Games’, American Jewish
Historical Quarterly, 67 (1972), pp.â•–181–213.
259.â•‡David Clay Large, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: W. Â€W. Â€Norton &
Company, 2007), p.â•–317.
260.â•‡Bernard S. Â€Morris, ‘Communist International Front Organizations: Their Nature and
Function’, World Politics, 9/1 (1956), p.â•–77.
261.â•‡‘The International Anti-Fascist Congress in Berlin’, International Press Correspondence,
1929, p.â•–293. It was convened by the ‘Committee for the Organisation of an Anti-Fascist
Congress’: Willi Muenzenberg, ‘The Forthcoming Anti-Fascist Congress in Berlin’, Inter-
national Press Correspondence, 1929, p.â•–148.
262.â•‡E. Â€H. Â€Carr, The Twilight of Comintern, 1930–1935 (London: Macmillan, 1982), p.â•–387.
263.â•‡‘The International Anti-War Congress’, International Press Correspondence, 1932, p.â•–824.
220
NOTES pp. [115–118]
A precursor to this committee was the ‘Committee for the Defence of the Soviet Union
against Imperialist War-Mongers’: Carr, Twilight of Comintern, p.â•–386.
264.â•‡‘A Congress of the United Anti-Fascist Front’, International Press Correspondence, 1933,
p.â•–574.
265.â•‡‘Amalgamation of the World Committee against Imperialist War with the European
Workers’ Anti-Fascist Union’, International Press Correspondence, 1933, pp.â•–856–7.
266.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2009), p.â•–303.
267.â•‡Jill Liddington, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain
since 1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), p.â•–157.
268.â•‡Sean McMeekin, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Münzenberg, Moscow’s
Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.â•–262.
269.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 262.
270.â•‡World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Ter-
ror and the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933), plates 16 and 17 and
p.â•–142.
271.â•‡McMeekin, Red Millionaire, pp.â•–265, 267.
272.â•‡Arthur Jay Klinghoffer and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens’ Tribunals:
Mobilizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2002), p.â•–21.
273.â•‡McMeekin, Red Millionaire, p.â•–273.
274.â•‡‘Bref aperçu sur le RUP’, by the International Secretariat [Geneva], [c. January 1938], file
186, Rassemblement Universel pour la Paix archives, International Institute of Social
History, Amsterdam.
275.â•‡International Peace Campaign, The Growth and Importance of the International Peace Cam-
paign ([Geneva: International Peace Campaign, 1938]), p.â•–ii.
276.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 4–6.
277.â•‡International Peace Campaign, Structure, Progress and Future of the I.P.C. ([London: Inter-
national Peace Campaign], 1937), p.â•–2.
278.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnationalism: The International Federation
of League of Nations Societies and the International Peace Campaign, 1919–1939 (MPhil
thesis, University of Oxford, 2002), pp.â•–78–80, 89–90.
279.â•‡Thierry Wolton, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993), p.â•–148–58.
281.â•‡Quoted in Otto D. Â€Tolischus, ‘Rotary clubs put under Nazis’ ban’, New York Times,
25Â€August 1937.
283.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 7.
284.â•‡Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années, pp.â•–145, 222–3.
285.â•‡W. Â€A. Â€V isser’t Hooft of the World Student Christian Federation, quoted in White,
International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–7.
286.â•‡Alton Kastner, ‘A Brief History of the International Rescue Committee’ (New York:
International Rescue Committee, [2001]), http://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/
resource-file/history_of_the_IRC.pdf, last accessed 16 June 2011, p.â•–2.
287.â•‡Peter Beilharz, ‘The Amsterdam Archive’, Labour History, 58 (1990), p.â•–93.
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pp. [118–119] NOTES
288.â•‡A. Â€J. Â€C. Â€Rüter, ‘Prof. Mr. Â€N. Â€W. Â€Posthumus’, Bulletin of the International Institute of
Social History, 8/1 (1953), p.â•–4.
289.â•‡Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, Protocole du Premier Congrès Juif Mondial,
Genève, 8–15 Août 1936 (Geneva: Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, 1936),
pp.â•–84–7.
290.â•‡Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of
the Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), p.â•–254.
291.â•‡E. Â€Bauer, J. Â€Schwab, P. Â€J. Â€Schmidt and H. Â€Sneevliet, ‘On the Necessity and Principles
of a New International’, The Militant, 23 September 1933, reproduced at http://www.
marxists.org/history/etol/document/1930s/four.htm, last accesÂ�sed 17 June 2011.
292.â•‡Socialist Workers Party of the United States, The Founding Conference of the Fourth Inter-
national (World Party of the Socialist Revolution): Program and Resolutions (New York:
Socialist Workers Party of the United States, 1939), reproduced at http://www.marxists.
org/history/etol/document/fi/1938–1949/fi-1stcongress/index.htm, last accessed 17 June
2011.
293.â•‡Q uoted in Alexander, International Trotskyism, p.â•–271.
294.â•‡Shlomit Shraybom-Shivtiel, ‘The Development of the Coining System in Hebrew and
Arabic and the Problem of Compound Words’, in Judith Rosenhouse and Ami-Elad
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sowitz, 2001), p.â•–195.
295.â•‡Leu Chien-ai, ‘A Victory for Bibliophiles’, Taiwan Review, 4 January 1995.
296.â•‡Ziyaud-Din A. Â€Desai, Centres of Islamic Learning in India (New Delhi: Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1978), p.â•–85.
297.â•‡S. Â€R. Â€Bakshi and S. Â€K. Â€Sharma (eds.), Delhi Through the Ages (New Delhi: Anmol, 1995),
p.â•–249.
298.â•‡Asahi Glass Foundation, ‘History’, http://www.af-info.or.jp/en/about/index.html, last
accessed 17 June 2011.
299.â•‡Dates are from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organi-
zations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010.
300.â•‡Richard A. Â€Joseph, ‘Church, State and Society in Colonial Cameroun’, International
Journal of African Historical Studies, 13/1 (1980), pp.â•–31–2.
301.â•‡Lise McKean, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago,
IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p.â•–164.
302.â•‡An organization formed in 1920 that describes itself as ‘an international non-profit, non-
religious multicultural humanitarian organization with over 2 million members in 18
countries worldwide’: Reiyukai, ‘What is Reiyukai?’, http://www.reiyukai.org/, last accessed
5 July 2011.
303.â•‡Peter B. Â€Clarke, ‘“Success” and “Failure”: Japanese New Religions Abroad’, in Peter
B. Â€Clarke (ed.), Japanese New Religions in Global Perspective (Richmond: Curzon Press,
2000), p.â•–297.
304.â•‡Shirlene Soto, ‘Women in the Revolution’, in W. Â€Dirk Raat and William H. Â€Beezley
(eds.), Twentieth-Century Mexico (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), p.â•–22.
305.â•‡David Goldblatt, ‘The Odd Couple: Football and Global Civil Society’, in Mary Kaldor,
Martin Albrow, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2006/7
(London: SAGE, 2007), p.â•–161.
222
NOTES pp. [120–123]
306.â•‡Leonard Hodgson, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order, held at Edinburgh,
August 3–18, 1937 (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1937), p.â•–273
307.â•‡World Council of Churches, ‘What is the World Council of Churches?’, http://www.
oikoumene.org/en/who-are-we.html, last accessed 5 July 2011; ‘Constitution for the World
Council of Churches’, box 31.007/2, World Council of Churches Archives, Geneva.
308.â•‡Foreword by Sir Francis Younghusband in A. Â€Douglas Millard (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship:
Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936
(London: J. Â€M. Â€Watkins, 1936), p.â•–11.
309.â•‡Q uoted in Lawrence S. Â€Wittner, Rebels against War: The American Peace Movement, 1933–
1983 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1984), p.â•–134.
310.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–386, citing Federal Union News, December 1944, p.â•–13.
312.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’,
International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10
May 1939, box 7/II, International Consultative Group for Peace and Disarmament
Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
313.â•‡Ruyssen, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’, p.â•–2.
314.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 3.
315.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 8.
316.â•‡Barry J. Â€Eichengreen, Capital Flows and Crises (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004), p.â•–32.
317.â•‡Peter James, The German Electoral System (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p.â•–10.
318.â•‡On the apparent missed opportunities for modest German rearmament under a moderate
leadership, see A. Â€C. Â€Temperley, The Whispering Gallery of Europe (London: Collins, 1938),
chapter 10; F. Â€S. Â€Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946 (Leices-
ter: Leicester University Press, 1986), p.â•–124; Dick Richardson, ‘The Geneva Disarmament
Conference, 1932–1934’, in Dick Richardson and Glyn Stone (eds.), Decisions and Diplo-
macy: Essays in Twentieth Century International History (London: Routledge, 1995), p.â•–71.
Central to the failure of these proposals was the absence from the discussions of French
leader Tardieu, who had put forward an ambitious alternative plan designed to ‘cut the
ground from beneath the feet’ of left-wing proponents of disarmament in advance of
elections; see Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.â•–118.
319.â•‡On the argument that disarmament activism contributed towards a delay in anti-Fascist
rearmament, see Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Â€Churchill, vol.â•–5 (London: Heinemann, 1976),
p.â•–696; and Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–280, 324, 347. Ibid., p.â•–279 notes that in
1930s Britain ‘So strong had pro-disarmament feeling become that Conservatives dared
not voice their doubts about its achievability’. For evidence that frustration with disarma-
ment activism was not limited to British conservatives such as Churchill, see the earlier
discussion in this chapter on reactions to the disarmament mobilization of the 1930s; on
the way in which disarmament activism in the League of Nations era was to contribute
towards the decision of the designers of the UN to limit that organization’s relationship
with NGOs, see Chapter 3.

3.â•‡
1.â•‡A linear pattern is suggested in, inter alia, Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role
of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley,
223
pp. [124–126] NOTES
CA: University of California Press, 2002); Kathryn Sikkink and Jackie Smith, ‘Infrastruc-
tures for Change: Transnational Organizations, 1953–93’, in Sanjeev Khagram, James
V. Â€Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social
Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002),
pp.â•–24–44; and above all in the charts provided in the statistical volume of Union of Inter-
national Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.
be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
2.â•‡Paul Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Poli-
tics’, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.â•–311–40.
3.â•‡Circular 177 by F. Â€E. Â€Figgures, 11 September 1939, Box P.113, International Federation
of League of Nations Societies Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
4.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbooks of International Organiza-
tions. Speeckaert estimated that the number of INGOs founded in 1940–4 (46) was less
than half that in 1935–9 (97): Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Inter-
nationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associa-
tions, 1957), p.â•–viii.
5.â•‡It should be noted that the specific factors influencing the demise of each of these orga-
nizations varied considerably. The Communist International is a special case, given the
close relationship between its operation and Soviet foreign policy.
6.â•‡Arnold Whittick, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979),
pp.â•–147–51.
7.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbooks of International Organiza-
tions.
8.â•‡Stuart A. Â€Rice, ‘The Inter-American Statistical Institute at Age Nineteen’, Review of the
International Statistical Institute, 27, 1/3 (1959), p.â•–1.
9.â•‡Humayun Ansari, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co.,
2004), p.â•–341.
10.â•‡Irfan Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princ-
eton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), p.â•–61.
11.â•‡Israel Gershoni and James P. Â€Jankowski, Redefining the Egyptian Nation, 1930–1945 (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp.â•–23–4.
12.â•‡Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986),
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13.â•‡Gordon H. Â€Torrey, ‘The Ba’th—Ideology and Practice’, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969),
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14.â•‡John F. Â€Devlin, The Ba’th Party: A History from its Origins to 1966 (Stanford, CA: Hoover
Institution Press, 1976), p.â•–15.
15.â•‡Sylvia Kedourie (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 1962), p.â•–51; Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–191.
16.â•‡Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–190. This also notes the formation in 1942 of the Asso-
ciation of Arabism in Cairo with similar objectives.
17.â•‡Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), p.â•–118.
18.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 118.
224
NOTES pp. [126–129]
19.â•‡Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), p.â•–231.
20.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 238.
21.â•‡Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–177.
22.â•‡Union of Arab Pharmacists, homepage, http://www.apharmu.com/, last accessed 12 July
2011.
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Humanitarian Culture (PhD thesis, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, 1998), pp.â•–38–9.
24.â•‡Q uoted in Maggie Black, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam,
1992), p.â•–11.
25.â•‡Robert Wuthnow, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2009), p.â•–121.
26.â•‡Michael N. Â€Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2011), p.â•–114.
27.â•‡Peter Conn, Pearl S. Â€Buck: A Cultural Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
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28.â•‡‘News and Announcements’, American Sociological Review, 8/2 (1943), p.â•–223.
29.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States: An Organization Directory,
3 (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1944), p.â•–114.
30.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–29–30, 113.
31.â•‡Committee to Frame a World Constitution, Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution
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32.â•‡Q uoted in Dorothy B. Â€Robins, Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organiza-
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33.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 27.
34.â•‡Quoted in Mark G. Â€Toulouse, The Transformation of John Foster Dulles: From Prophet of
Realism to Priest of Nationalism (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1985), p.â•–58.
35.â•‡Louis Dolivet, ‘Educating Public Opinion for World Organization’, Annals of the American
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36.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, p.â•–58.
37.â•‡Justus D. Â€Doenecke, ‘Non-Interventionism of the Left: The Keep America out of the War
Congress, 1938–41’, Journal of Contemporary History, 12/2 (1977), p.â•–233.
38.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, pp.â•–57, 108.
39.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New
York: Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1942), pp.â•–8–9.
40.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 10–11.
41.â•‡Walter Lichtenstein, ‘International Financial Organization’, in Commission to Study the
Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs, p.â•–219.
42.â•‡Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, Wanted—An Economic Union of
Nations (New York: Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, 1943), pp.â•–1–8.
43.â•‡G. Â€John Ikenberry, ‘A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-Amer-
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44.â•‡Laurence H. Â€Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign
Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), p.â•–168.
45.â•‡Harley Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, 1939–1945 (Westport, CT: Greenwood,
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46.â•‡Charles W. Â€Yost quoted in Cecelia Lynch, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace
Movements in World Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), p.â•–197.
47.â•‡John Foster Dulles quoted in Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building
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NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973), p.â•–xii.
48.â•‡Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.â•–69, 73.
49.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 73–74.
50.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 108.
51.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, p.â•–xiii.
52.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, pp.â•–xii-xiii.
53.â•‡Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.â•–421–2.
54.â•‡Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.â•–155.
55.â•‡Q uoted in Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.â•–113.
56.â•‡‘Minutes of the Forty-Ninth Meeting of the United States Delegation, held at San Fran-
cisco, Monday, May 21, 1945, 9am’, in United States Department of State, Foreign Relations
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57.â•‡Bill Seary, ‘The Early History: From the Congress of Vienna to the San Francisco Confer-
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Organizations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–26.
58.â•‡Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis
(London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.â•–261.
59.â•‡Quoted in Stephen C. Â€Schlesinger, Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations
(Cambridge, MA: Westview Press, 2003), p.â•–124; and in Robert A. Â€Divine, Second Chance:
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60.â•‡Marc Boegner, Quelques Actions des Protestants de France en faveur des Juifs Persecutés sous
l’Occupation Allemande, 1940–1944 (Paris: CIMADE, n.d.).
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62.â•‡Jan Herman Burgers, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea
in the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–464, 470.
63.â•‡Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
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64.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–43.
65.â•‡Bertram Pickard, The Greater United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
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66.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 72.
67.â•‡Bob Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present
Day (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.â•–316–17.
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68.â•‡John Boli and George Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of Inter-
national Non-Governmental Organization’, American Sociological Review, 62/2 (1997),
p.â•–176.
69.â•‡Boli and Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity’, p.â•–176.
70.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, in Peter Willetts
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U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–34.
71.â•‡International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour
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72.â•‡Denis MacShane, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon
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73.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 128.
74.â•‡I bid., p.â•–5. For evidence of deep-rooted intra-left divisions, see Chapter 2.
75.â•‡Monarchist League, ‘History’, http://www.monarchyinternational.net/history.htm, last
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76.â•‡‘Proposed Constitution of the World Federation of Democratic Youth’, Box 1, World
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International des Femmes. Compte Rendu des Travaux du Congrès qui s’est tenu à Paris du 26
Novembre au 1er Décembre 1945. Première Édition (Paris: Fédération Démocratique Inter-
nationale des Femmes, 1946), p.â•–381.
77.â•‡John C. Â€Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques (London: Methuen, 1964), p.â•–112.
78.â•‡Peter Hughes, ‘The Oxford Conference’, in Viscount Samuel et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches
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don: Herbert Joseph, 1948), p.â•–15.
79.â•‡W illetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, pp.â•–34–5.
80.â•‡Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques, pp.â•–112–14.
81.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 114.
82.â•‡Sharaf Rashidov, ‘Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples’, in Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity
Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957—January 1, 1958 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Pub-
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83.â•‡Rashidov, ‘Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples’, p.â•–20.
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86.â•‡Asian Relations Organization, Asian Relations, being Report of the Proceedings and Documen-
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tures (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), pp.â•–79–80.
89.â•‡Noor Ahmed Baba, ‘OIC and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: It’s Indian Dimension’, in Rajen-
dra M. Â€Abhyankar (ed.), West Asia and the Region: Defining India’s Role (New Delhi: Aca-
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90.â•‡Q uoted in Mohammed Ayoob, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in
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(Leyden: A. Â€W. Â€Sijthoff, 1968), p.â•–396.
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93.â•‡William Korey, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grape-
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95.â•‡ Ibid., p.â•–2.
96.â•‡Nitza Berkovitch, ‘The Emergence and Transformation of the International Women’s
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99.â•‡Michael Randle, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994), pp.â•–54–5.
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101.â•‡‘Statute of the Socialist International’, box 241, Socialist International archives, Interna-
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known as the World Road Federation)—see Chapter 1.
103.â•‡Gert Hekma, ‘Amsterdam’, in David Higgs (ed.), Queer Sites: Gay Urban Histories since
1600 (London: Routledge, 1999), p.â•–83. Its activities were preceded by those of the World
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104.â•‡Margaret Sanger, in Family Planning Association of Great Britain, Proceedings of the
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228
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the Proceedings, 24–29 November, 1952, Bombay—India (Bombay: Family Planning Asso-
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109.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, pp.â•–75–80; Colette Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, in John
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110.â•‡Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, p.â•–239; Iriye, Global
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113.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, pp.â•–80–1.
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115.â•‡Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global
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116.â•‡Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, p.â•–238.
117.â•‡Jacqueline Tong, ICVA at Forty-Something: The Life and Times of a Middle-Aged NGO
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Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System
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229
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Rights Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp.â•–37–69.
127.â•‡Lawrence Wittner, Resisting the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Move-
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128.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 404.
129.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 441.
130.â•‡Carter, Peace Movements, p.â•–78.
131.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 90.
132.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 96.
133.â•‡Carole Fink, Philipp Gassert and Detlef Junker (eds.), 1968: The World Transformed (Cam-
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134.â•‡Nelson A. Â€Pichardo, ‘New Social Movements: A Critical Review’, Annual Review of
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135.â•‡See, for example, the articles in the special issue of Social Forces, 52/4 (1985).
136.â•‡Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State Univer-
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137.â•‡John McCormick, The Global Environmental Movement: Reclaiming Paradise (London:
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138.â•‡Tom Burke, ‘Friends of the Earth and Conservation of Resources’, in Peter Willetts (ed.),
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139.â•‡Paul Watson, quoted in Wapner, Environmental Activism, p.â•–54.
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the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System (London:
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141.â•‡McCormick, Global Environmental Movement, p.â•–101.
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146.â•‡Deborah Stienstra, Women’s Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmil-
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147.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, pp.â•–120, 122.
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Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations
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150.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, p.â•–119; Willetts, Non-Governmental Orga-
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151.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, pp.â•–123–4.
230
NOTES pp. [147–151]
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231
pp. [151–154] NOTES
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173.â•‡Sikkink, ‘Codes of Conduct’, p.â•–822.
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175.â•‡Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State’, pp.â•–311–12.
176.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and Foreign
Anti-Slavery Society (London: Johnston and Barrett, 1840).
177.â•‡Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State’, pp.â•–325, 328.
178.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘Transnational Advocacy Networks in Interna-
tional and Regional Politics’, International Social Science Journal, 51/159 (1999), p.â•–93.
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.â•–41–51.
180.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 107.
181.â•‡Tullio Scovazzi and Gabriella Citroni, The Struggle against Enforced Disappearance and the
2007 United Nations Convention (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.â•–98.
182.â•‡Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), pp.â•–147–51.
183.â•‡Q uoted in Lawrence S. Â€Wittner, Toward Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear
Disarmament Movement, 1971 to the Present (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
2003), p.â•–84.
184.â•‡Q uoted in Evangelista, Unarmed Forces, p.â•–376.
185.â•‡Carter, Peace Movements, p.â•–150.
186.â•‡Sarah B. Â€Snyder, Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2011), p.â•–8.
187.â•‡Jeri Laber, The Courage of Strangers: Coming of Age with the Human Rights Movement (New
York: PublicAffairs, 2002), p.â•–182.
188.â•‡Q uoted in Laber, Courage of Strangers, p.â•–349.
189.â•‡Union of International Associations data indicate an increase from 1,268 in 1960 to 14,333
in 1989.
190.â•‡Samuel P. Â€Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century
(Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
191.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Mary Kaldor and Marlies Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook:
Lessons and Insights, 2001–2011’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Â€Moore and Sabine
Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke:
Palgrave, 2012), p.â•–15.
192.â•‡Rein Müllerson, ‘Right to Survival as Right to Life of Humanity’, Denver Journal of
International Law and Policy, 19/1 (1990), p.â•–50.
193.â•‡Zbigniew Rau (ed.), The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991).
194.â•‡Ronnie Lipschutz, ‘Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Soci-
ety’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), p.â•–399.
195.â•‡George H. Â€W. Â€Bush, ‘Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf
Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit, 1990–09–11’, http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu/research/
public_papers.php?id=2217&year=1990&month=9, last accessed 2 November 2011.
196.â•‡W illetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, p.â•–55.
232
NOTES pp. [155–157]
197.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘From Stockholm to Rio and Beyond: The Impact of the Environmental
Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs’, Review of
International Studies, 22/1 (1996), p.â•–75.
198.â•‡Niamh Reilly, Women’s Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009), p.â•–80; Charlotte Bunch
and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna Tribunal
for Women’s Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Women’s Global Leadership, 1994).
199.â•‡On the nature and operation of global coalitions, see Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational
Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
200.â•‡CIVICUS, ‘Organisational History’, http://www.civicus.org/about-us/brief-history, last
201.â•‡CIVICUS, ‘Organisational History’.
202.â•‡Nobel Media, ‘The Nobel Peace Prize 1997: International Campaign to Ban Landmines,
Jody Williams’, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1997/#, last
203.â•‡Q uoted in Nicole Short, ‘The Role of NGOs in the Ottawa Process to Ban Landmines’,
International Negotiation, 4/3 (1999), p.â•–481.
204.â•‡Marlies Glasius, ‘Expertise in the Cause of Justice: Global Civil Society Influence on the
Statute for an International Criminal Court’, in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut
Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002),
pp.â•–137–68.
205.â•‡See, for instance, Don Hubert, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy
(Providence, RI: Thomas J. Â€Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000), pp.â•–29–38.
206.â•‡Sanjeev Khagram, ‘Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development: Trans-
national Civil Society Organizing Around Big Dams’, in Ann M. Â€Florini (ed.), The Third
Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International
Exchange, 2000), pp.â•–100–1; James D. Â€Wolfensohn, ‘Foreword’, in International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, Accountability at the World Bank: The Inspection Panel
10 Years On (Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
2003), p.â•–vii.
207.â•‡Fredrik Galtung, ‘A Global Network to Curb Corruption: The Experience of Transparency
International’, in Florini, Third Force, pp.â•–22–4.
208.â•‡Donatella Della Porta (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational
Perspectives (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007).
209.â•‡Thomas Olesen, ‘The Zapatistas and Transnational Framing’, in Hank Johnston and Paul
Almeida (eds.), Latin American Social Movements: Globalization, Democratization, and
Transnational Networks (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), pp.â•–179–96.
210.â•‡Jürgen Kurtz, ‘NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The
Failure of the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment’, Melbourne Journal of Inter-
national Law, 3/2 (2002), pp.â•–213–46.
211.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social
Movements’, Mobilization: An International Journal, 6/1 (2001), pp.â•–1–2.
212.â•‡Peter Newell, ‘Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Envi-
ronment’, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London:
Earthscan, 2001), pp.â•–192–8.
213.â•‡Tim Jordan and Paul A. Â€Taylor, Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause? (Abing-
233
pp. [157–159] NOTES
don: Routledge, 2004); Jason Andress and Steve Winterfeld, Cyber Warfare: Techniques,
Tactics and Tools for Security Practitioners (Waltham, MA: Elsevier, 2011), p.â•–197.
214.â•‡By contrast, between 1981 and 1989 the increase had been 53 per cent, from 9,396 to
14,333; and between 1972 and 1981 the increase was 236 per cent, from 2,795 to 9,396.
Data from the Union of International Associations.
215.â•‡Of earlier origin is Homeless International, founded in the United Kingdom in 1989.
216.â•‡Bernard Cassen et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchés (Paris: Syllepse, 1999).
217.â•‡Organizations with earlier foundation dates include the Global Network of People Living
with HIV and AIDS (1986) and the International AIDS Society (1988).
218.â•‡V int Cerf, Bob Kahn and Lyman Chapin, ‘Announcing ISOC’ (1992), http://www.isoc.
org/internet/history/isochistory.shtml, last accessed 16 November 2011; Department of
Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administration, ‘Improvement
of Technical Management of Internet Names and Addresses; Proposed Rule; February
20, 1998’, http://www.ntia.doc.gov/federal-register-notice/1998/improvement-technical-
management-internet-names-and-addresses-proposed-, last accessed 16 November 2011.
219.â•‡Department of Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administra-
tion, ‘Improvement of Technical Management of Internet Names and Addresses’.
220.â•‡Data adapted from ‘Foundation countries of international organizations: 2008’ in Union
of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://
www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 22 September 2011.
221.â•‡Asian Network for Free Elections, ‘ANFREL’s Background’, http://www.anfrel.org/0000/
main_display.asp?submenu_id=2, last accessed 29 November 2011.
222.â•‡All growth rate estimates adapted from Union of International Associations, ‘Foundation
countries of international organizations: 2008’. INGO foundation dates and locations
from Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations: Guide
to Global Civil Society Networks 2007–2008, vol.â•–1 (München: K. Â€G. Â€Saur, 2007).
223.â•‡Ruth Reitan, Global Activism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), pp.â•–76–7.
224.â•‡Marjorie Mayo, Global Citizens: Social Movements and the Challenge of Globalization (Lon-
don: Zed, 2005), p.â•–174.
225.â•‡Carole J. Â€L. Â€Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, ‘Jubilee 2000: Citizen Action Across
the North–South Divide’, in Edwards and Gaventa, Global Citizen Action, p.â•–147; Joshua
William Busby, ‘Bono Made Jesse Helms Cry: Jubilee 2000, Debt Relief, and Moral Action
in International Politics’, International Studies Quarterly, 51/2 (2007), p.â•–249.
226.â•‡‘Interview with Oded Grajew, Initiator and Secretariat Member of the World Social
Forum’, In Motion Magazine, 19 December 2004, http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/
global/ogwsf_int.html#Anchor-The-49575, last accessed 18 November 2011.
227.â•‡‘In His Own Words: A Conversation with Oded Grajew’, Changemakers.net, March 2005,
http://proxied.changemakers.net/journal/300503/oded.cfm, last accessed 18 November
2011; Teivo Teivainen, ‘The World Social Forum and Global Democratisation: Learning
from Porto Alegre’, Third World Quarterly, 23/4 (2002), p.â•–624.
228.â•‡World Social Forum, ‘World Social Forum Charter of Principles’, 10 June 2001, http://
www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/main.php?id_menu=4&cd_language=2, last accessed 18
November 2011. On the origins of the World Social Forum, see Alejandro Peña and
Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the
234
NOTES pp. [160–162]
Workers’ Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum’, New Political Economy, 2013:
DOI 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651.
229.â•‡Ann M. Â€Florini, ‘Lessons Learned’, in Ann M. Â€Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of
Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000),
pp.â•–211, 237.
230.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’,
in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–19. On the purpose of the Annuaires see Alfred
Fried, ‘Préface de la 1re Année’, in Alfred Fried, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1906
(Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1906), pp.â•–5–10.
231.â•‡Motoko Mekata, ‘Waging Peace: Transnational Peace Activism’, in Srilatha Batliwala and
L. Â€David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT:
Kumarian, 2006), p.â•–192; Kate Dewes and Robert Green, ‘The World Court Project: His-
tory and Consequences’, Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 7/1 (1999), p.â•–61.
232.â•‡International Court of Justice, Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory
Opinion of 8 July 1996 (The Hague: International Court of Justice, 1996), p.â•–44.
233.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 15.
234.â•‡John D. Â€Clark, ‘The Globalization of Civil Society’, in James W. Â€St. G. Â€Walker and
Andrew S. Â€Thompson (eds.), Critical Mass: The Emergence of Global Civil Society (Water-
loo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2008), p.â•–17.
235.â•‡In the case of both recent developments (such as the Ottawa landmines convention) and
historic developments (such as the League of Nations Covenant), the role of INGOs in
spurring them needs to be balanced with the role of other factors and actors.
236.â•‡Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civil
Life (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), p.â•–219.
237.â•‡Q uoted in Mark Anner, ‘The Paradox of Labour Transnationalism: Trade Union Cam-
paigns for Labour Standards in International Institutions’, in Craig Phelan (ed.), The
Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang, 2007), p.â•–63.
238.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations
and from the Encyclopedia of Associations: International Organizations indicate a drop from
approximately 250 million at the start of the decade to approximately half that figure at
the end of the decade, in contrast to growth in the 1980s.
239.â•‡John Clark, ‘Conclusions—Globalizing Civic Engagement’, in John Clark (ed.), Global-
izing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003),
p.â•–168.
240.â•‡Meghnad Desai and Yahia Said, ‘The New Anti-Capitalist Movement: Money and Global
Civil Society’, in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil
Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–69.
241.â•‡Marlies Glasius and Jill Timms, ‘The Role of Social Forums in Global Civil Society’, in
Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2005/6
(London: SAGE, 2006), p.â•–190.
242.â•‡David Chandler, ‘Building Global Civil Society “From Below”?’, Millennium: Journal of
International Studies, 33/2 (2004), pp.â•–335, 337.
243.â•‡Jackie Smith and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World-System: The Politics of Crisis
and Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012), p.â•–60.
235
pp. [162–164] NOTES
244.â•‡Ian Anderson, ‘Global Action: International NGOs and Advocacy’, in Barbara Rugendyke
(ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London: Routledge,
2007), p.â•–89.
245.â•‡Reference to all of these issues and more are provided at Oxfam International, ‘Issues We
Work On’, http://www.oxfam.org/en/about/issues, last accessed 7 December 2011.
246.â•‡Daniel Chong, ‘Economic Rights and Extreme Poverty: Moving towards Subsistence’, in
Clifford Bob (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), p.â•–119. See also Paul J. Â€Nelson and Ellen Dorsey,
New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs (Wash-
ington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008).
247.â•‡Quoted in April Carter, Direct Action and Democracy Today (Cambridge: Polity, 2005),
p.â•–106.
248.â•‡Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–18.
249.â•‡World Business Council for Sustainable Development, ‘What is the WBCSD’s Mission?’,
http://www.wbcsd.org/includes/getTarget.asp?type=p&id=Mjk0, last accessed 20 October
2011.
250.â•‡This theme is explored in Alejandro Peña, ISO and Social Standardisation: Uncomfortable
Compromises in Global Policy-Making, http://www.city.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_
file/0019/106822/CUWPTP009A_pena.pdf, last accessed 20 October 2011.
251.â•‡The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions merged with the World Confed-
eration of Labour in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation.
252.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Building Bridges or Building Walls? Explaining Regionalization Among
Transnational Social Movement Organizations’, Mobilization: An International Quarterly,
10/2 (2005), p.â•–251.
253.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 252.
254.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–265, 254.
255.â•‡Thayer Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional
and Political Costs (London: Earthscan, 2005), pp.â•–268–9.
256.â•‡Caroline Harper, ‘Do the Facts Matter? NGOs, Research, and International Advocacy’,
in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan,
2001), p.â•–253.
257.â•‡Edward M. Â€Graham, Fighting the Wrong Enemy: Antiglobal Activists and Multinational
Enterprises (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2000).
258.â•‡Smith and Wiest, Social Movements in the World System, p.â•–62.
259.â•‡Paul J. Â€Nelson, ‘Conflict, Legitimacy, and Effectiveness: Who Speaks for Whom in
Transnational NGO Networks Lobbying the World Bank?’, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sec-
tor Quarterly, 26/4 (1997), pp.â•–421–41.
260.â•‡David Lewis and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–92.
261.â•‡Martin Barber and Cameron Bowie, ‘How International NGOs could do Less Harm and
More Good’, Development in Practice, 18/6 (2008), pp.â•–748–54.
262.â•‡Stephen Knack, ‘Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?’, International Studies Quarterly,
48/1 (2004), p.â•–253; Michael Maren, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid
and International Charity (New York: Free Press, 1997). On the counterproductive impact
of INGO activities in the 1990s, see also Alexander Cooley and James Ron, ‘The NGO
236
NOTES pp. [164–166]
Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy of Transnational Action’,

International Security, 27/1 (2002), pp.â•–5–39.
263.â•‡On fundamentalist groups in Somalia, see Bronwyn Bruton, ‘In the Quicksands of Soma-
lia: Where Doing Less Helps More’, Foreign Affairs, 88/6 (2009), pp.â•–79–94.
264.â•‡Data for type A to G INGOs from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of
ber 2011.
265.â•‡Overall INGO numbers (types A to G) between 2002 and 2006 rose from 18,333 to
21,443, then fell to 21,224 in 2007, recovered to 21,991 in 2008 and fell again to 21,684
in 2009. Between 2001 and 2008 regional INGO numbers (type D) increased from 4,836
to 6,400 (a rise of 32%), while other INGOs rose from 13,231 to 15,591 (a rise of 18%).
Data from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations
Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
266.â•‡Thomas Greven and Thomas Grumke (eds.), Globalisierter Rechtsextremismus? Die Extrem-
istische Rechte in der Ära der Globalisierung (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2006).
268.â•‡Ulrich Fischer, ‘IHF Forced to Close Down, Vienna, 7 December 2007’, http://www.
ihf-hr.org/Statement.07December2007.pdf, last accessed 13 December 2011.
269.â•‡Data from World Values Survey, ‘Online Data Analysis’, http://www.wvsevsdb.com/wvs/
WVSAnalize.jsp, last accessed 15 May 2012. The World Values Survey data on ‘tolerance
and respect for other people’ are often used as a means of gauging less institutionalized
aspects of ‘global civil society’; see, for instance, Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global
Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–22.
270.â•‡Net private grants fell from $23,859,040,000 in 2008 to $22,168,150,000 in 2009. Source:
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD.Stat Extracts, http://
stats.oecd.org, last accessed 13 September 2011.
271.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Annual Report 2009
(Geneva: International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 2009), p.â•–30.
272.â•‡Data from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations
Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
273.â•‡Andrew Chetley, ‘Where Do We Drop the Pebble? Using Participatory Communication
for Social Change’, Participatory Learning and Action, 63 (2011), p.â•–30.
274.â•‡Paulo Gerbaudo and Mario Pianta, ‘Twenty Years of Global Civil Society Events: The
Rise and Fall of Parallel Summits, the Novelty of Global Days of Action’, in Mary Kaldor,
Henrietta L. Â€Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of
Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), p.â•–193.
275.â•‡Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT:
Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–199; Charlotte Bunch and Susana Fried, ‘Beijing ‘95: Moving
Women’s Human Rights from Margin to Center’, Signs, 22/1 (1996), p.â•–200.
276.â•‡John Mathiason, ‘What Went Wrong with the Women’s Revolution? Factors Impeding
Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action’, http://portal.unesco.org/shs/en/
files/8766/11297286721What__Went__Wrong.pdf/What_%2BWent_%2BWrong.pdf,
last accessed 13 December 2011, p.â•–1.
277.â•‡Quotation from Barbara Unmuüßig, ‘NGOs in the Climate Crisis: Processes of Frag-
mentation, Lines of Conflict, and Strategic Approaches’, http://www.za.boell.org/down-
237
pp. [166–168] NOTES
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2013. See also Lili Fuhr and Ingrid Spiller, ‘Where Does International Climate Policy
Stand After Cancún?’, http://www.boell.de/ecology/climate/climate-energy-analysis-
climate-summit-cancun-11142.html, last accessed 13 December 2011.
278.â•‡IBASE (Brazilian Institute of Social and Economic Analyses), An X-Ray of Participation
in the 2005 Forum: Elements for Debate (Rio de Janeiro: IBASE, 2005), p.â•–9; on the peak
in global civil society events in 2005, see Gerbaudo and Pianta, ‘Twenty Years of Global
Civil Society Events’, p.â•–191.
279.â•‡World Social Forum, ‘World Social Forum 2006 Memorial’, http://www.forumsocial-
mundial.org.br/main.php?id_menu=14_6&cd_language=2, last accessed 15 December
2011.
280.â•‡Firoze Manji, ‘World Social Forum: Just Another NGO Fair?’, Pambazuka News, 288, 26
January 2007, http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/39464, last accessed 15 Decem-
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2007 World Social Forum’, in Judith Blau and Marina Karides (eds.), The World and US
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281.â•‡O wen Worth and Karen Buckley, ‘The World Social Forum: Postmodern Prince or Court
Jester?’, Third World Quarterly, 30/4 (2009), p.â•–649.
282.â•‡Global Call to Action against Poverty, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.whiteband.org/en/
about/who-we-are, last accessed 15 December 2011; Global Call to Action against Pov-
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283.â•‡Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics, p.â•–157.
284.â•‡Sidney Tarrow and Donatella della Porta, ‘Conclusion: “Globalization”, Complex Inter-
nationalism, and Transnational Contention’, in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow
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285.â•‡David Cortright, A Peaceful Superpower: The Movement against War in Iraq (Goshen, IN:
Fourth Freedom Forum, 2004).
286.â•‡Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, p.â•–613.
287.â•‡Samy Cohen, The Resilience of the State: Democracy and the Challenges of Globalisation
(London: Hurst & Co., 2006).
288.â•‡Phillip W. Â€Jones and David Coleman, The United Nations and Education: Multilateralism,
Development and Globalisation (Abingdon: RoutledgeFalmer, 2005), p.â•–242.
289.â•‡For examples, see Andrew Galea Debono, ‘Rules and Regulations affecting Civil Society
Space’, http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/advocacy/chogm/chrf2005/rules_regu_
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290.â•‡Government funding of humanitarian NGOs in 2009 is estimated at $2.1 billion, compared
with $1.9 billion in 2008; sourced from Development Initiatives, Global Humanitarian
Assistance Report 2011 (Wells: Development Initiatives, 2011), p.â•–40.
291.â•‡‘Disinformation: Cold-War Propaganda Wars Return’, The Economist, 3 August 2006,
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292.â•‡Moisés Naím, ‘What is a GONGO?’, Foreign Policy, 18 April 2007, http://www.foreign-
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293.â•‡Martin N. Â€Marger, Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn
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294.â•‡Reitan, Global Activism, p.â•–14; Zixue Tai, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Soci-
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295.â•‡On the argument that globalization and fragmentation exist in a dialectical relationship,
see Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International
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296.â•‡Kristin M. Â€Lord, The Perils and Promise of Global Transparency: Why the Information Rev-
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297.â•‡Susantha Goonatilake, ‘Cultural Imperialism: A Short History, Future and a Postscript
from the Present’, in Bernd Hamm and Russell Smandych (eds.), Cultural Imperialism:
Essays on the Political Economy of Cultural Domination (Plymouth: Broadview Press, 2005),
p.â•–47.
298.â•‡Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p.â•–10, citing James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer, Globalization
Unmasked: Imperialism in the 21st Century (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood, 2001).
299.â•‡Michael G. Â€Schechter, United Nations Global Conferences (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005),
p.â•–155.
300.â•‡Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics, pp.â•–51–2.
301.â•‡John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm: A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions was
Won (Geneva: United Nations, 2009).
302.â•‡Karl F. Â€Inderfurth, David Fabrycky and Stephen P. Â€Cohen, ‘The Tsunami Report Card’,
Foreign Policy, 6 December 2005, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/12/05/
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303.â•‡Craig Borowiak, ‘Mapping Solidarity: The Rise of International Solidarity Economy
Networks’, paper presented at the 51st Annual Convention of the International Studies
Association, New Orleans, February 2010. On the civil economy, see Robin Murray,
‘Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta
L. Â€Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflec-
tion (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.â•–144–64.
304.â•‡John W. Â€McDonald with Noa Zanolli, The Shifting Grounds of Conflict and Peacebuilding:
Stories and Lessons (Plymouth: Lexington, 2008), pp.â•–312–13.
305.â•‡International NGO Charter of Accountability, ‘Charter Background’, http://www.ingoac-
countabilitycharter.org/about-the-charter/background-of-the-charter, last accessed 29
September 2011.
306.â•‡Publish What You Pay, ‘Members of Publish What You Pay, 21/03/2011’, http://www.
publishwhatyoupay.org/sites/pwypdev.gn.apc.org/files/Membership%20PDF.pdf, last
accessed 19 October 2011.
307.â•‡Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.brac.net/content/
who-we-are, last accessed 29 September 2011; Bangladesh Rural Advancement Commit-
tee, ‘Who We Are: Evolution’, http://www.brac.net/content/who-we-are-evolution, last
accessed 20 December 2011. For further treatment of the themes of this paragraph, see
Thomas Richard Davies, ‘La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur
239
pp. [171–73] NOTES
L’Aide au Développement’, Revue Internationale de Politique de Développement, 3 (2012),

pp.â•–63–75.
308.â•‡Salma Yaqoob, ‘Global and Local Echoes of the Anti-War Movement: A British Muslim
Perspective’, International Socialism: A Quarterly Journal of Socialist Theory, 100, 4 October
2004, http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=4, last accessed 20 December 2011.
309.â•‡‘Sixty Million Support Petition’, 14 August 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/
south_asia/7560071.stm, last accessed 20 December 2011.
310.â•‡Anna Lindh Foundation, ‘Working as a Network’, http://www.euromedalex.org/networks,
last accessed 20 December 2011; Global Movement of Moderates, ‘Home’, http://www.
gmm2012.org/, last accessed 15 May 2012.
311.â•‡V. Â€Finn Heinrich (ed.), CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society. Volume 1.
Country Profiles (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian, 2007), pp.â•–56, 59.
312.â•‡Jill Timms, ‘Chronology of Global Civil Society Events’, in Ashwani Kumar, Jan Aart
Scholte, Mary Kaldor, Marlies Glaius, Hakan Seckinelgin, Helmut Anheier and Fiona
Holland (eds.), Global Civil Society 2009: Poverty and Activism (London: SAGE, 2009),
p.â•–339.
313.â•‡Mona Yacoubian, Promoting Middle East Democracy II: Arab Initiatives (Washington, DC:
United States Institute of Peace, 2005), pp.â•–5–9.
314.â•‡Jacky Angus, ‘Kifaya as Political Culture: The Egyptian Presidential Election, 2005’, in
Helen James (ed.), Civil Society, Religion, and Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge,
2007), p.â•–277.
315.â•‡Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS), ‘About Us’, http://
www.canvasopedia.org/legacy/content/about/about.htm, last accessed 20 December 2011.
On the role of CANVAS in the Arab Spring, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘The 2011
Uprisings and the Limits of “People Power”’, http://www.city.ac.uk/social-sciences/
international-politics/policy-briefs/the-2011-uprisings-and-the-limits-of-people-power,
last accessed 20 December 2011.
316.â•‡Ethan Zuckerman, ‘The First Twitter Revolution?’, Foreign Policy, 14 January 2011, http://
www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/14/the_first_twitter_revolution, last accessed 20
December 2011.
317.â•‡Occupy Wall Street, ‘About’, http://occupywallst.org/about/, last accessed 20 December
2011.
319.â•‡Data for type A to G INGOs from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of
ber 2011, indicates an increase from 21,684 in 2009 to 23,071 in 2010.
320.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Annual Report 2010
(Geneva: International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 2010), p.â•–21.
321.â•‡There were a further two ‘affiliate’ members: International NGO Charter of Account-
ability, ‘Charter Members’, http://www.ingoaccountabilitycharter.org/list-of-signatories/,
last accessed 24 June 2013.
322.â•‡Heinrich, CIVICUS Global Survey, p.â•–60.
323.â•‡‘EDL takes part in far-right European rally in Denmark’, BBC News, 31 March 2012,
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-17570464, last accessed 15 May 2012.
324.â•‡Marwa Awad and Tamim Elyan, ‘Egypt’s Islamists Claim Sweep of Second Round Vote’,
240
NOTES pp. [175–182]
Reuters, 18 December 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/12/18/us-egypt-elec-

tion-islamist-idUSTRE7BH0MK20111218, last accessed 20 December 2011.
CONCLUSION
1.â•‡Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT:
Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–ix.
2.â•‡See the discussion in Chapter 2 for further details.
3.â•‡Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics,
41/2 (2004), pp.â•–265–76.
4.â•‡The evidence and references for the material in this paragraph are provided in Chapter 1.
For each of the next two paragraphs, see Chapters 2 and 3 respectively.
5.â•‡For more detailed treatment of the themes discussed here in relation to each of the three
waves in turn, see Chapters 1, 2 and 3. On the general framework of explanatory factors, see
the Introduction.
6.â•‡On the transnational history research agenda more generally, see Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves
Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Mac-
millan, 2009).
7.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarma-
ment between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007) explored one example of
a significant unsuccessful transnational civil society campaign. The present volume has
highlighted many other possibilities for exploration.
241
FURTHER READING
For bibliographic details of the items cited in this book, please see the footnotes to the indi-
vidual chapters. Rather than following the chronological approach of the book, this guide to
further reading is divided into different aspects of the history of transnational civil society and
international non-governmental organizations. It provides a selection of secondary texts and a
few especially significant primary sources, each of which is illustrative of the wider material. It
covers a sample of aspects of transnational civil society activities, but it has not been possible
to include here every aspect covered in the text, nor has it been possible to include every pos-
sible source of relevant further reading. The listings should nevertheless be helpful to those seek-
ing to make a start on investigating further the issues covered in this volume.
Abolitionism
Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 (London: Verso, 1988).
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention
(London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841).
David, Huw T., ‘Transnational Advocacy in the Eighteenth Century: Transatlantic Activism
and the Anti-Slavery Movement’, Global Networks, 7/3 (2007), pp.â•–367–82.
Drescher, Seymour, Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge
Â�University Press, 2009).
Fladeland, Betty, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Cooperation (Urbana, IL:
Â�University of Illinois Press, 1972).
Kaye, Mike, 1807–2007: Over 200 Years of Campaigning Against Slavery (London: Anti-Â�Slavery
International, 2005).
Midgley, Clare, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (London: Routledge,
1992).
Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, Constitution of the Pennsylvania
Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia, PA: Joseph James, 1787).
Temperley, Howard, British Anti-Slavery, 1833–1870 (Columbia, SC: University of South
Â�Carolina Press, 1972).
Business
Cutler, A. Claire, Private Power and Global Authority: Transnational Merchant Law in the Global
Â€
Political Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
243
FURTHER READING
Djelic, Marie-Laure, and Sigrid Quack (eds.), Transnational Communities: Shaping Global Eco-
nomic Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
Graz, Jean-Christophe, and Andreas Nölke (eds.), Transnational Private Governance and its
Limits (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008).
Hall, Douglas, A Brief History of the West India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean
Universities Press, 1971).
Hall, Rodney Bruce, and Thomas J. Biersteker (eds.), The Emergence of Private Authority in Global
Â€
Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Mas-
ter Cotton-Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings of the
First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Man-
ufacturers’ Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zürich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London: Marsden,
1904).
Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 60 Jahre Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 1869–1929
(Köln: Dumont, 1929).
Löhr, Isabella, Die Globalisierung Geistiger Eigentumsrechte (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupre-
cht, 2010).
Pigman, Geoffrey Allen, The World Economic Forum: A Multi-Stakeholder Approach to Global Gov-
ernance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007).
Ridgeway, George L., Merchants of Peace: Twenty Years of Business Diplomacy through the Inter-
national Chamber of Commerce (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938).
Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (London:
Routledge, 2000).
Rosenberg, Emily S., Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expan-
sion, 1890–1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982).
Streeck, Wolfgang, Jürgen R. Grote, Volker Schneider, and Jelle Visser (eds.), Governing Inter-
Â€
ests: Business Associations Facing Internationalization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
Cartels
Bardot, Dominique (ed.), International Cartels Revisited, 1880–1980 (Caen: Lys, 1994).
Hexner, Ervin, International Cartels (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1945).
Kudo, Akira, and Terushi Hara (eds.), International Cartels in Business History (Tokyo: Univer-
sity of Tokyo Press, 1992).
League of Nations, International Cartels: A League of Nations Memorandum (Lake Success, NY:
United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, 1947).
Sloan, Edward W., ‘The First (and Very Secret) International Steamship Cartel, 1850–1856’,
in David J. Starkey and Gelina Harlaftis (eds.), Global Markets: The Internationalization of
Â€
the Sea Transport Industries since 1850 (St John’s, Newfoundland: International Maritime
Economic History Association, 1998), pp.â•–29–52.
Wurm, Clemens A., International Cartels and Foreign Policy (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989).
Christianity
Allen, W.O.B., and Edmund McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for
244
FURTHER READING
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698–1898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian

Knowledge, 1898).
Briggs, John, Mercy Amber Oduyoye and Georges Tsetsis (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical
Movement: Volume 3, 1968–2000 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
Fey, Harold Edward, A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 2, 1948–1968 (Geneva:
World Council of Churches, 1987).
Ingle, H. Larry, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York:
Â€

Jenkins, John Philip, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church
in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia—And How It Died (New York: HarperCollins, 2008).
Robert, Dana L., Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).
Rouse, Ruth, and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume
1, 1517–1948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
Shedd, Clarence Prouty, History of the World’s Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations
(Â�London: SPCK, 1955).
Veer, Peter van der (ed.), Conversion to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity (New York:
Routledge, 1996).
Visser’t Hooft, W. A., The Genesis and Formation of the World Council of Churches (Geneva: World
Â€
Council of Churches, 1982).

Wuthnow, Robert, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2009).
Young Men’s Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August, 1855
(London: Young Men’s Christian Association, 1856).
Civil Society
Anheier, Helmut K., Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan, 2004).
Anheier, Helmut, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford:
Kaldor, Mary, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten
Â€
Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012).

Batliwala, Srilatha, and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction
Â€
(Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006).

CIVICUS, Citizens: Strengthening Global Civil Society (Washington, DC: CIVICUS, 1994).
Clark, Peter, British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 2000).
Colas, Alejandro, International Civil Society: Social Movements in World Politics (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 2002).
Edwards, Michael, and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001).
Eberly, Don, The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom
Up (New York, NY: Encounter Books, 2008).
Florini, Ann M. (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan
Â€
Â�Center for International Exchange, 2000).

Hall, John A. (ed.), Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005).
Â€
245
FURTHER READING
Heinrich, V. Finn (ed.), CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society (Bloomfield, CT:
Â€
Kumarian Press, 2007).

Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
Kaldor, Mary, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003).
Keane, John, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
Keck, Margaret E., and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in Inter-
national Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
Laxer, Gordon, and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
Lipschutz, Ronnie, ‘Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society’,
Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), pp.â•–389–420.
Norton, Augustus Richard, Civil Society in the Middle East, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1995–6).
Piper, Nicola, and Anders Uhlin (eds.), Transnational Activism in Asia: Problems of Power and
Democracy (London: Routledge, 2003).
Salamon, Lester M., Helmut K. Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler, S. Wojciech Sokolowski
Â€ Â€
and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (Baltimore, MD:
Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999).
Communications
Bekiashev, Kamil A., and Vitali V. Serebriakov, International Marine Organizations (The Hague:
Â€
Martinus Nijhoff, 1981).

Burri, Monika, Kilian T. Elsasser and David Gugerli (eds.), Die Internationalität der Eisenbahn
Â€
1850–1970 (Zürich: Chronos, 2003).

Bygrave, Lee A., and Jon Bing (eds.), Internet Governance: Infrastructure and Institutions (Oxford:
Dean, Jodi, Jon W. Anderson and Geert Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Tech-
Â€
nology and Global Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).

International Broadcasting Union, The Problems of Broadcasting (Geneva: International Broad-
casting Union, 1930).
International Road Federation, The International Road Federation: Fifty Years of Service, 1948–
1997 (Washington, DC: International Road Federation, 1997).
Leslie, John C., ‘International Air Transport Association: Some Historical Notes’, Journal of
Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 13, 3/4, (1971), pp.â•–319–41.
Rayward, W. Boyd, ‘The Origins of Information Science and the International Institute of Bib-
Â€
liography/International Federation for Information and Documentation’, in Trudi Bellardo

Hahn and Michael Buckland (eds.), Historical Studies in Information Science (Medford, NJ:
Information Today, 1998), pp.â•–22–33.
Tai, Zixue, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2006).
Communism
Alexander, Robert Jackson, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the

Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991).
Brouwé, Pierre, Histoire de l’Internationale Communiste, 1919–1943 (Paris: Fayard, 1997).
Carr, E. H., The Twilight of Comintern, 1930–1935 (London: Macmillan, 1982).
Â€
246
FURTHER READING
Daniels, Robert V., A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the World
(London: I. B. Tauris, 1987).Â€ Â€
Degras, Jane (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Volumes I-III (Lon-
don: Frank Cass, 1971).
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition (London: Verso,
1998).
McDermott, Kevin, and Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism
from Lenin to Stalin (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996).
McMeekin, Sean, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Münzenberg, Moscow’s Secret
Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003).
Morris, Bernard S., ‘Communist International Front Organizations: Their Nature and Func-
tion’, World Politics, 9/1 (1956), pp.â•–76–87.
Nation, R. Craig, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Inter-
Â€
nationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989).

Orth, Robert, International Communist Front Organizations (Pfaffenhofen: Ilmgau, 1963).
Wolton, Thierry, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993).
World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and
the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933).
See also the entries on Socialism.
Consumers
Hilton, Matthew, Choice and Justice: Forty Years of the Malaysian Consumers Movement (Penang:
Universiti Sains Malaysia Press, 2009).
Hilton, Matthew, Prosperity for All: Consumer Activism in an Era of Globalization (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2009).
Mowjee, Tasneem, ‘Consumers Unite Internationally’, in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic
Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003), pp.â•–29–44.
Sim, Foo Gaik, IOCU on Record: A Documentary History of the International Organization of Con-
sumers Unions, 1960–1990 (Yonkers, NY: Consumers Union, 1990).
Cooperatives
Birchall, Johnston, The International Co-operative Movement (Manchester: Manchester Univer-

sity Press, 1997).
Harrison, J. F. C., Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America: The Quest for the New
Â€ Â€
Moral World (London: Routledge, 1969).

International Co-operative Alliance, Report of the First International Co-operative Congress
(Â�London: P. S. King and Son, 1895).
Â€ Â€
Murray, Robin, ‘Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy’, in Mary Kaldor, Hen-
rietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical
Â€
Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.â•–144–64.

Watkins, William Pascoe, The International Co-operative Alliance, 1895–1970 (London: Inter-
national Co-operative Alliance, 1970).
Williams, Richard C., The Co-operative Movement: Globalization from Below (Aldershot: Â�Ashgate,
2007).
247
FURTHER READING
Decolonization
Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957—January 1, 1958 (Moscow:
Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958).
Duara, Prasenjit (ed.), Decolonization: Perspectives from Now and Then (London: Routledge,
2004).
Kimche, David, The Afro-Asian Movement: Ideology and Foreign Policy of the Third World ( Jeru-
salem: Israel Universities Press, 1973).
Patil, Vrushali, Negotiating Decolonization in the United Nations (New York: Routledge, 2008).
Thomas, Darryl C., The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity (New York: Greenwood
Press, 2001).
Development
Chabbott, Colette, ‘Development INGOs’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Con-
Â€
structing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford,

CA: Stanford University Press), pp.â•–222–48.
Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur L’Aide
au Développement’, Revue Internationale de Politique de Développement, 3 (2012), pp.â•–63–75.
Lewis, David, and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development (Abing-
Lindenberg, Marc, and Coralie Bryant, Going Global: Transforming Relief and Development
NGOs (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2001).
Rugendyke, Barbara (ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London:
Routledge, 2007).
Third World Network, Third World: Development or Crisis? Declaration and Conclusions of the
Third World Conference, Penang, 9–14 Nov. 1984 (Penang: Third World Network, 1984).
See also the entries on Humanitarianism.
Education
Alter, Peter, ‘The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 1897–1919’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 34/2 (1980), pp.â•–241–64.
Hayden, Mary, and Jeff Thompson (eds.), International Education: Principles and Practice (Lon-
don: Kogan Page, 1998).
Iriye, Akira, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Uni-
Scanlon, David G. (ed.), International Education: A Documentary History (New York: Colum-
Â€
bia University Press, 1960).

Sylvester, Robert, ‘Historical Resources for Research in International EducaÂ�tion’, in Mary
Hayden, Jack Levy and Jeff Thompson (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Research in Interna-
tional Education (London: SAGE, 2007), pp.â•–11–24.
Environment
Bohlen, Jim, Making Waves: The Origins and Future of Greenpeace (Montréal and London: Black
Rose, 2001).
248
FURTHER READING
Carson, Rachel, Silent Spring (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).

Fitzwilliams, James M., ‘St Barbe Baker: Far-Sighted Pioneer’, Environmental Conservation,
14/2 (1987), pp.â•–164–8.
Frank, David John, Ann Hironaka, John W. Meyer, Evan Schofer and Nancy Brandon Tuma,
Â€
‘The Rationalization and Organization of Nature in World Culture’, in John Boli and George
M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations
Â€
since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–81–99.

Grove, Richard H., Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Ori-
gins of Environmentalism, 1600–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Holdgate, Martin, The Green Web: A Union for World Conservation (London: Earthscan, 1999).
Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904).
McCormick, John, Reclaiming Paradise: The Global Environmental Movement (Bloomington,
IN: Indiana University Press, 1991).
Newell, Peter, ‘Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Environ-
ment’, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earth-
scan, 2001), pp.â•–189–201.
Princen, Thomas, and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics: Linking
the Local and the Global (London: Routledge, 1994).
Scarce, Rick, Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement (Walnut Creek,
CA: Left Coast Press, 2005).
Tyrrell, Ian, True Gardens of the Gods: Californian–Australian Environmental Reform, 1860–1930
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999).
Wapner, Paul, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University
of New York Press, 1996).
Extremism
Caillat, Michel, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-François Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, ‘Une Source Inédite
de l’Histoire de l’Anticommunismeâ•–: Les Archives de l’Entente Internationale Anticommu-
niste (EIA) de Théodore Aubert (1924–1950)’, Matériaux pour l’Histoire de Notre Temps, 73
(2004), pp.â•–25–31.
Greven, Thomas, and Thomas Grumke (eds.), Globalisierter Rechtsextremismus? Die Extremist-
ische Rechte in der Ära der Globalisierung (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2006).
Leeden, Michael Arthur, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International,
1928–1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972).
Morgan, Philip, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003).
Vejvodová, Petra, ‘Transnational Cooperation of the Far Right in the European Union and
Attempts to Institutionalize Mutual Relations’, in Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau (eds.),
The Extreme Right in Europe: Current Trends and Perspectives (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 2012), pp.â•–215–28.
Feminism
All Asian Women’s Conference, All Asian Women’s Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to 25th
January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931).
Anderson, Bonnie S., Joyous Greetings: The First International Women’s Movement, 1830–1860
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
249
FURTHER READING
Berkovitch, Nitza, From Motherhood to Citizenship: Women’s Rights and International Organiza-
tion (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).
Bunch, Charlotte, and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna
Tribunal for Women’s Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Women’s Global Leadership,
1994).
Butler, Josephine E., The New Abolitionists (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876).
Daley, Caroline, and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International Feminist Perspec-
tives (New York: New York University Press, 1994).
Evans, Richard J., The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and Aus-
tralasia, 1840–1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977).
Feree, Myra Marx, and Aili Mari Tripp (eds.), Transnational Women’s Activism, Organizing, and
Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 2006).
Goegg, Marie, ‘Proposition de créer une Association Internationale des Femmes, en connex-
ion avec la Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté’, Les États-Unis d’Europe (1868), p.â•–38.
International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the Inter-
national Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966).
Kates, Gary, ‘“The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate”: The Cercle
Social and the Rights of Women, 1790–91’, in Harriet B. Applewhite and Darline G. Levy
Â€ Â€
(eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University of
Michigan Press, 1990), pp.â•–172–3.
Limoncelli, Stephanie A., The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat
the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010).
Miller, Carol, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”: Inter-war Feminists and the League of Nations’,
Women’s History Review, 3/2 (1994), pp.â•–219–45.
Miller, Francesca, ‘Latin American Feminists and the Transnational Arena’, in Emilie L. Berg-
Â€
mann (ed.), Women, Culture and Politics in Latin America (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA:
University of California Press, 1990), pp.â•–10–26.
Moghadam, Valentine M., Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005).
National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suffrage
Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in connection
with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New York: Inter-
national Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902).
National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assembled
by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America, March
25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Darby, 1888).
Â€
Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report of
the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International
for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929).
Reilly, Niamh, Women’s Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009).
Rupp, Leila J., Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).
Stienstra, Deborah, Women’s Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmillan,
1994).
Tyrrell, Ian, Woman’s World/Woman’s Empire: The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in
250
FURTHER READING
International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1991).
Wellman, Judith, The Road to Seneca Falls: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the First Woman’s Rights
Convention (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2004).
Whittick, Arnold, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979).
Foundations
Arnove, Robert F., Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: Foundations at Home and Abroad
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1982).
Berman, Edward H., The Ideology of Philanthropy: The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford and Rocke-
feller Foundations on American Foreign Policy (Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press, 1986).
Curti, Merle, American Philanthropy Abroad (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1963).
Parmar, Inderjeet, Foundations of the American Century: The Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller Foun-
dations and the Rise of American Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).
Rosenberg, Emily, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion,
1890–1945 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982).
Global governance
Charnovitz, Steve, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’,

Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), pp.â•–183–286.
Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New
York: Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1942).
Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘A “Great Experiment” of the League of Nations Era: International
Nongovernmental Organizations, Global Governance, and Democracy Beyond the State’,
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18/4 (2012),
pp.â•–405–23.
Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève, La
Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève: Ses
Buts et Son Activité (Geneva: Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-
Officielles avec Siège à Genève, 1937).
Ikenberry, G. John, ‘A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American
Â€
Postwar Settlement’, International Organization, 46/1 (1992), pp.â•–289–321.

Lie, Trygve, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document
E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950.
Murphy, Craig N., International Organization and Industrial Change: Global Governance since
1850 (Cambridge: Polity, 1994).
Pickard, Bertram, The Greater League of Nations (Letchworth: Garden City Press, 1936).
Robins, Dorothy B., Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organizations in Forging
the Charter of the United Nations (New York: The Parkside Press, 1971).
Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (Abing-
251
FURTHER READING
Schlesinger, Stephen C., Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations (Cambridge, MA:
Westview Press, 2003).
Shotwell, James T. (ed.), The Origins of the International Labor Organization (New York: Colum-
Â€
bia University Press, 1934).

Willetts, Peter (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisa-
tions in the U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996).
Â€
Zimmern, Alfred, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Windus,
1929).
Global justice
Cassen, Bernard, Tout a Commencé à Porto Alegre: Mille Forums Sociaux (Paris: Mille et Une
Nuits, 2003).
Cassen, Bernard, et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchés (Paris: Syllepse, 1999).
Della Porta, Donatella (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational Per-
spectives (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007).
Kurtz, Jürgen, ‘NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The Failure of
the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment’, Melbourne Journal of International Law,
3/2 (2002), pp.â•–213–46.
Olesen, Thomas, International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globaliza-
tion (London: Zed, 2005).
Peña, Alejandro, and Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social
Responsibility, the Workers’ Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum’, New Polit-
ical Economy, 2013: DOI 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651.
Sen, Jai, and Peter Waterman (eds.), World Social Forum: Challenging Empires (Montréal: Black
Rose, 2007).
Smith, Jackie, Social Movements for Global Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity Press, 2008).
Worth, Owen, and Karen Buckley, ‘The World Social Forum: Postmodern Prince or Court
Jester?’, Third World Quarterly, 30/4 (2009), pp.â•–649–61.
Health
Barrett, Deborah, and David John Frank, ‘Population Control for National Development: From
World Discourse to National Policies’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Con-
Â€
structing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford,

CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–198–221.
Bazin, Hervé, Vaccination: A History, From Lady Montagu to Genetic Engineering (Montrouge:
John Libby Eurotext, 2011).
Brush, Barbara L., Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses, 1899–
1999 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 1999).
Chetley, Andrew, The Politics of Baby Foods: Successful Challenges to an International Marketing
Strategy (London: Frances Pinter, 1986).
Duke-Elder, Sir Stewart, A Century of International Ophthalmology, 1857–1957 (London: Kimp-
ton, 1958).
Ennis, John, The Story of the Fédération Dentaire Internationale (London: Fédération Dentaire
Internationale, 1967).
252
FURTHER READING
Harman, Sophie, Global Health Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012).

Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox
(Â�London: James Swan, 1817).
Suitters, Beryl, Be Brave and Angry: Chronicles of the International Planned Parenthood Federa-
tion (London: International Planned Parenthood Federation, 1973).
Weindling, Paul, International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge:
See also the entries on Humanitarianism.
Hinduism
Katju, Manjari, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
McKean, Lise, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago, IL: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1996).
Pangborn, Cyrus R., ‘The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitalization
Movement’, in Bardwell L. Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religions
Â€
(Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp.â•–98–119.

Williams, Raymond Brady, An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2001).
Homosexuality
Adam, Barry D., Jan Willem Duyvendak and André Krouwel (eds.), The Global Emergence of
Gay and Lesbian Politics: National Imprints of a Worldwide Movement (Philadelphia, PA: Tem-
ple University Press, 1999).
Massad, Joseph, ‘Re-Orienting Desire: The Gay International and the Arab World’, Public Cul-
ture, 14/2 (2002), pp.â•–361–85.
Rupp, Leila J., ‘The Persistence of Transnational Organizing: The Case of the Homophile Move-
ment’, American Historical Review, 116/4 (2011), pp.â•–1014–39.
Human rights
Baehr, Peter R., Non-Governmental Human Rights Organizations in International Relations (Bas-
ingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
Benenson, Peter, ‘The Forgotten Prisoners’, The Observer Weekend Review, 28 May 1961.
Bob, Clifford (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA: Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).
Buchanan, Tom, ‘“The Truth Will Set You Free”: The Making of Amnesty International’, Jour-
nal of Contemporary History, 37/4 (2002), pp.â•–575–97.
Burgers, Jan Herman, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea in
the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–447–77.
Clark, Ann Marie, Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights
Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
Glasius, Marlies, The International Criminal Court: A Global Civil Society Achievement (Abing-
Heartfield, James, The Aborigines’ Protection Society: Humanitarian Imperialism in Australia, New
Zealand, Fiji, Canada, South Africa, and the Congo, 1837–1909 (London: Hurst & Co., 2011).
253
FURTHER READING
Ishay, Micheline R., The History of Human Rights: From Ancient Times to the Globalization Era
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008).
Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay, and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens’ Tribunals: Mobi-
lizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).
Korey, William, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grapevine (New
York: Palgrave, 2001).
Lewis, Norman, ‘From Fire and Sword to Arsenic and Bullets—Civilisation has sent Six Mil-
lion Indians to Extinction’, Sunday Times Magazine, 23 February 1969, reproduced at http://
www.scribd.com/doc/39884822, last accessed 22 August 2011.
Moyn, Samuel, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press,
2010).
Neier, Aryeh, The International Human Rights Movement: A History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Nelson, Paul J., and Ellen Dorsey, New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and
Human Rights NGOs (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008).
Risse, Thomas, Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), The Power of Human Rights: Inter-
Â€
national Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
Sée, Henri, Histoire de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme (1898–1926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de
l’Homme, 1927).
Snyder, Sarah B., Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge
Thomas, Daniel C., The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of
Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
Humanitarianism
Barnett, Michael N., Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
Bass, Gary J., Freedom’s Battle: The Origins of Humanitarian Intervention (New York: Knopf Dou-
bleday, 2009).
Bazarov, Valery, ‘HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in Europe,
1933–41’, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.â•–69–78.
Benthall, Jonathan, and Jérôme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the
Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Â€ Â€
Black, Maggie, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam, 1992).
Coste, Pierre (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents (Paris: Librai-
rie Lecoffre, 1924).
Ducpetiaux, Edouard, Projet d’Association pour le Progrès des Sciences et la Réalisation des Réformes
Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843).
Dunant, Henri, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston, 1911).
Â€
Evans, Clayton, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and
Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003).
Forsythe, David P., The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cambridge:
French Committee on Social Welfare, International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW): 80 Years
of History (Rennes: Presses de l’École des Hautes Études en Santé Publique, 2008).
254
FURTHER READING
Johnson, Alexander, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recovery of
Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris (Lon-
don: John Nourse, 1773).
League of Red Cross Societies, Proceedings of the Medical Conference held at the invitation of the
Committee of Red Cross Societies, Cannes, France, April 1 to 11, 1919 (Geneva: League of Red
Cross Societies, 1919).
Liancourt, Augusta, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt, founder
of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe (London:
Whittacker & Co., 1877).
Maren, Michael, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity
(New York: Free Press, 1997).
Médecins Sans Frontières, ‘Lettre aux 60.000 Médecins’, Bulletin Intérieur de MSF, 1 (1974),
pp.â•–4–6.
Moniz, Amanda Bowie, ‘Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic’, GHI Bulletin Sup-
plement, 5 (2008), pp.â•–9–22.
Moorehead, Caroline, Dunant’s Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross (New
York: Carroll and Graf, 1999).
Mulley, Clare, The Woman who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb (Oxford: One-
world, 2009).
Murdoch, Norman H., The Origins of the Salvation Army (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennes-
see Press, 1994).
Roberts, Henry, ‘Report of the Proceedings of the Congrès Internationale de Bienfaisance’, Jour-
nal of the Statistical Society of London, 21/3 (1858), pp.â•–339–44.
Ryfman, Philippe, La Question Humanitaire: Histoire, Problématiques, Acteurs en Enjeux de l’Aide
Humanitaire Internationale (Paris: Ellipses, 1999).
Smith, Brian H., More than Altruism: The Politics of Private Foreign Aid (PrinceÂ�ton, NJ: Princ-
eton University Press, 1990).
Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in 1775
until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784 (Norwich:
W. Chase, 1784).
Â€
Storr, Katherine, Excluded from the Record: Women, Refugees and Relief, 1914–1929 (Berne: Peter
Lang, 2010).
Tong, Jacqueline, ICVA at Forty-Something: The Life and Times of a Middle-Aged NGO Consor-
tium (Geneva: International Council of Voluntary Agencies, 2009).
Vallaeys, Anne, Médecins Sans Frontières: La Biographie (Paris: Fayard, 2004).
Walker, Peter, and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge,
2009).
See also the entries on Development and Health.
Imperialism
Ascherson, Neal, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (London: Granta,
1999).
Hallett, Robin (ed.), Records of the African Association, 1788–1831 (London: Thomas Nelson,
1964).
255
FURTHER READING
Harland-Jacobs, Jessica L., Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 1717–1927
(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).
Hochschild, Adam, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa
(London: Pan Macmillan, 1999).
Morel, Edmund D., King Leopold’s Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company,
1905).
International relations
Dockrill, M. L., ‘The Foreign Office and the “Proposed Institute of International Affairs 1919”’,
Â€
International Affairs, 56/4 (1980), pp.â•–665–72.

Long, David, and Brian C. Schmidt (eds.), Imperialism and Internationalism in the Discipline of
Â€
International Relations (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005).
Parmar, Inderjeet, ‘Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the
Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations’, International
Relations, 16/1 (2002), pp.â•–53–75.
Parmar, Inderjeet, Think Tanks and Power in Foreign Policy: A Comparative Study of the Role and
Influence of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs,
1939–1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
Shoup, Laurence H., and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Rela-
tions and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). See also the
entries on Global governance.
Islam
Ahmad, Irfan, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princ-
eton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009).
Ansari, Humayun, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co.,
2004).
Ayoob, Mohammed, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World
(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008).
Benthall, Jonathan, and Jérôme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the
Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Â€ Â€
Burdett, Anita L. P. (ed.), Islamic Movements in the Arab World, 1913–1966 (Slough: Archive
Â€ Â€
Editions, 1998).
Cooke, Miriam, and Bruce B. Lawrence (eds.), Muslim Networks: From Hajj to Hip Hop (Â�Chapel
Â€
Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).

Karpat, Kemal H., The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Commu-
nity in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Kidwai, Shaikh Mushir Hosain, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908).
Kramer, Martin, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Columbia
Lia, Brynjar, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement,
1928–1942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998).
Loimeier, Roman, Die Islamischer Welt als Netzwerk (Würzburg: Ergon, 2000).
256
FURTHER READING
Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1982).
Mitchell, Richard Paul, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1993).
Özcan, Azmi, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden:
Brill, 1997).
Rubin, Barry, The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organization and Policies of a Global Islamist Move-
ment (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).
Trinningham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
Â€
Voll, John Obert, ‘Islam as a Special World-System’, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994),
pp.â•–213–26.
Judaism
Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, Protocole du Premier Congrès Juif Mondial, Genève,
8–15 Août 1936 (Geneva: Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, 1936).
Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 1897–1947 ( Jeru-
salem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947).
Garai, George (ed.), 40 Years in Action: A Record of the World Jewish Congress, 1936–1976 (Geneva:
World Jewish Congress, 1976).
Kedourie, Elie, ‘The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1960’, in Elie Kedourie, Arab Political
Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.â•–73–80.
Laqueur, Walter, A History of Zionism (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Â€ Â€
Leven, Narcisse, Cinquante Ans d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1910, Tome Pre-
mier (Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan, 1911).
Labour
Berenstein, Alexandre, Les Organisations Ouvrières: Leurs Compétences et Leur Rôle dans la Société
des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936).
Dale, Leon A., ‘International Trade Secretariats’, Industrial Relations, 22/1 (1967), pp.â•–98–115.
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour Con-
ference and of the First International Congress of the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions, London, November–December 1949 (London: International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, 1949).
Lorwin, Lewis L., Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929).
MacShane, Denis, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1992).
Mason, Paul, Live Working or Die Fighting: How the Working Class went Global (London: Â�Harvill
Secker, 2007).
Phelan, Craig (ed.), The Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang,
2007).
Schevenels, Walther, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945
(Brussels: Institut E. Vandervelde, 1964).
Â€
Silver, Beverly J., Forces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge:
257
FURTHER READING
Van der Linden, Marcel, Transnational Labour History: Explorations (London: Ashgate, 2003).
Van der Linden, Marcel (ed.), The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (Berne: Peter
Lang, 2000).
Van der Linden, Marcel, and Wayne Thorpe (eds.), Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International
Perspective (Aldershot: Scolar, 1990).
Van Goethem, Geert, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation of
Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).
Language
Eco, Umberto, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995).
Forster, Peter Glover, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982).
Kim, Young S., ‘Constructing a Global Identity: The Role of Esperanto’, in John Boli and George
M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations
Â€
since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–127–48.

Large, Andrew, The Artificial Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).
Sprague, Charles E., Hand-book of Volapük (New York: Charles E. Sprague, 1888).
Â€
Zamenhof, Lejzer Ludwik, ‘The Making of an International Language’, in J. C. O’Connor,

Â€ Â€
Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Student’s Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming
H. Revell), pp.â•–7–20.
Â€
Law
Bos, Maarten (ed.), The Present State of International Law and Other Essays: Written in Honour
of the Centenary Celebration of the International Law Association 1873–1973 (Deventer: Klu-
wer, 1973).
Dezalay, Yves, Dealing in Virtue: International Commercial Arbitration and the Construction of
International Legal Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
Harper, J. Ross (ed.), Global Law in Practice (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1997).
Â€
Institute of International Law, Livre du Centenaire, 1873–1973: Évolution et Perspectives du Droit

International (Basle: S. Karger, 1973).
Â€
Koskenniemi, Martti, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law,
1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
Liberalism
Samuel, Viscount Herbert, et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches made at the Oxford Conference in May
1947, as a result of which the Liberal International was inaugurated, and at the First Conference
of the Liberal International at Zurich in 1948 (London: Herbert Joseph, 1948).
Smith, Julie, A Sense of Liberty: The History of the Liberal International, 1947–1997 (London:
Liberal International, 1997).
National self-determination
Mazzini, Giuseppe, Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini. Vol.â•–III. Autobiographical and Political
Â€
(London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1891).
258
FURTHER READING
Nabulsi, Karma, ‘Patriotism and Internationalism in the “Oath of Allegiance” to Young Europe’,
European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), pp.â•–61–70.
Pélissier, Jean, and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale Litu-
anienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau d’Informations de Lituanie, 1918).
Penn, Virginia, ‘Philhellenism in Europe, 1821–1828’, The Slavonic and East European Review,
16/48 (1938), pp.â•–638–53.
Sarti, Roland, Mazzini: A Life for the Religion of Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997).
Senn, Alfred Erich, ‘Garlawa: A Study in Emigré Intrigue, 1915–1917’ (1967), pp.â•–411–24.
Soutou, Georges-Henri, ‘Jean Pélissier et l’Office Central des Nationalités, 1911–1918: Ren-
seignement et Influence’, Rélations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.â•–153–74.
Union des Nationalités, Les Annales des Nationalités, 1912–1918
Watson, D. R., ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, English His-
Â€
torical Review, 110 (1995), pp.â•–1191–1206.
Non-governmental organizations
Ahmed, Shamima, and David M. Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumar-
Â€
ian Press, 2006).

Boli, John, and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovern-
Â€
mental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press).

Chatfield, Charles, ‘Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945’, in Jackie
Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and
Global Politics: Solidarity beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997),
pp.â•–19–41.
Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘The Rise and Fall of Transnational Civil Society: The Evolution of
International Non-Governmental Organizations since the Mid Nineteenth Century’, in
Luc Reydams (ed.), The Global Activism Reader (New York: Continuum, 2011), pp.â•–35–44.
Fried, Alfred, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1905–1907 (Monaco: Institut International de
la Paix, 1905–1907).
International Association, Journal of the International Association (Glasgow: Rutherglen, 1834).
League of Nations, Handbook of International Organizations (Geneva: League of Nations, 1921–
1938). Online version available at: http://www.lonsea.de/
Maynard, Douglas, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement’,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), pp.â•–220–31.
Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internation-
ales, Bruxelles, 9–11 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales,
1911).
Ruyssen, Théodore, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’, Inter-
national Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10 May
1939.
Sikkink, Kathryn, and Jackie Smith, ‘Infrastructures for Change: Transnational Organizations,
1953–93’, in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring
Â€
World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp.â•–24–44.
Skjelsbaek, Kjell, ‘The Growth of International Nongovernmental Organization in the Twen-
Â€
tieth Century’, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), pp.â•–420–42.
259
FURTHER READING
Speeckaert, Georges Patrick, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de
Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957).
Suri, Jeremi, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, in Patrick Finney (ed.),
Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005),
pp.â•–223–46.
Union of International Associations, Annuaires de la Vie Internationale, 1908–1911 (Brussels:
Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1909–11).
Union of International Associations, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles,
15–18 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://
www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center (Brus-
sels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
White, Lyman Cromwell, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Meth-
ods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968).
White, Lyman Cromwell, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA:
George S. Ferguson Company, 1933).
Â€
Willetts, Peter, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global

Governance (London: Routledge, 2011).
Willetts, Peter, Pressure Groups in the Global System (London: Frances Pinter, 1982).
Woolf, Leonard, International Government (New York: Brentano’s, 1916).
Pan-nationalism
Azoury, Negib, Le Réveil de la Nation Arabe dans l’Asie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905).
Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Richard Nikolaus, An Idea Conquers the World (London: Hutchin-
son, 1953).
Dawisha, Adeed, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princ-
eton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
Esedebe, Peter Olisanwuche, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 1776–1991 (Washing-
ton, DC: Howard University Press, 1994).
Geiss, Imanuel, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and
Africa (London: Methuen, 1974).
Kedourie, Sylvia (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press, 1962).
Khalidi, Rashid, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Simon (eds.), The Origins of
Â€
Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991).

Mansergh, Nicholas, ‘The Asian Conference’, International Affairs, 23/3 (1947), pp.â•–295–306.
Porath, Yehoshua, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986).
Saaler, Sven, and J. Victor Koschmann (eds.), Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History (Abing-
Â€

Snyder, Louis L., Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Green-
wood, 1984).
Torrey, Gordon H., ‘The Ba’th—Ideology and Practice’, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969),
pp.â•–445–70.
260
FURTHER READING
Peace
Angell, Norman, Europe’s Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co.,
n.d.).
Beales, A. C. F., The History of Peace: A Short Account of the Organised Movements for Interna-
Â€ Â€
tional Peace (London: G. Bell, 1931).

Â€
Brock, Peter, Pacifism in Europe to 1914 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972).
Brock, Peter, and Nigel Young, Pacifism in the Twentieth Century (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse Uni-
Carter, April, Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945 (Harlow: Long-
man, 1992).
Ceadel, Martin, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International
Relations, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
Ceadel, Martin, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations,
1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Ceadel, Martin, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967 (Oxford: Oxford Uni-
Cooper, Sandi. Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 1815–1914 (New York: Oxford
Cortright, David, Peace: A History of Movements and Ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2008).
Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘Internationalism in a Divided World: The Experience of the Inter-
national Federation of League of Nations Societies, 1919–1939’, Peace & Change, 37/2 (2012),
pp.â•–227–52.
Davies, Thomas Richard, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarma-
ment between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007).
Dewes, Kate, and Robert Green, ‘The World Court Project: History and Consequences’, Cana-
dian Foreign Policy Journal, 7/1 (1999), pp.â•–61–83.
Divine, Robert A., Second Chance: The Triumph of Internationalism in America during World War
II (New York: Athenaeum, 1967).
Evangelista, Matthew, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Foster, Catherine, Women for All Seasons: The Story of the Women’s International League for Peace
and Freedom (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1989).
Hubert, Don, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy (Providence, RI:
Thomas J. Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000).
Â€
Kätzel, Ute, ‘A Radical Women’s Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka, Initiator
Â�
of the First Worldwide Women’s Peace Demonstration in 1899’, Journal of Women’s History,
13/3 (2001), pp.â•–46–69.
Liddington, Jill, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain since
1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989).
Lynch, Cecelia, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace Movements in World Politics
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Mauermann, Helmut, Das Internationale Friedensbüro, 1892 bis 1950 (Stuttgart: Silberburg,
1990).
261
FURTHER READING
Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Society,
1843).
Tate, Merze, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907
(New York: Macmillan, 1942).
Uhlig, Ralph, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 1889–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag,
1988).
Van der Linden, W. H., The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul,
Â€
1987).
White, Lyman Cromwell, ‘Peace by Pieces: The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations’,
Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 264 (1949), pp.â•–87–97.
Wittner, Lawrence S., The Struggle against the Bomb, 3 vols. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1993–2003).
Professions
Evetts, Julia, ‘International Professional Associations: The New Context for Professional Proj-
ects’, Work, Employment & Society, 9/4 (1995), pp.â•–763–72.
International Actuarial Association, Decennial Report: A Profession Poised for the Future (Ottawa:
International Actuarial Association, 2008).
International Actuarial Association, Premier Congrès International d’Actuaires, Bruxelles, 2–6
Septembre 1895. Documents. Deuxième Edition. (Brussels: Imprimerie Bruylant-Christophe
& Compagnie, 1900).
International Federation of Accountants, IFAC: Thirty Years of Progress, Encouraging Quality and
Building Trust (New York: International Federation of Accountants, 2007).
Koops, Willem, and Joachim Wieder (eds.), IFLA’s First Fifty Years: Achievement and Challenge
in International Librarianship (München: Verlag Dokumentation, 1977).
Vago, Pierre, L’UIA, 1948–1998 (Paris: Epure, 1998).
Race
Cronon, Edmund David, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969).
East India Association, ‘Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Interests’,
Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), pp.â•–8–10.
Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First Interna-
tional Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913).
Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First Uni-
versal Races Congress (London: P. S. King, 1911).
Â€ Â€
Marger, Martin N., Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn (Bel-
mont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012).
Rich, Paul, ‘“The Baptism of a New Era”: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the Liberal
Ideology of Race’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), pp.â•–534–50.
Religion
Boli, John, and David V. Brewington, ‘Religious Organizations’, in Peter Beyer and Lori Bea-
Â€
man (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp.â•–205–33.
262
FURTHER READING
Braybrooke, Marcus, A Wider Vision: A History of the World Congress of Faiths, 1936–1996 (Oxford:
Oneworld, 1996).
Currier, Charles Warren, History of Religious Orders (New York: Murphy & McCarthy, 1894).
James, Helen (ed.), Civil Society, Religion, and Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007)
Masuzawa, Tomoko, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was Preserved
in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005).
Millard, A. Douglas (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship: Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of
Â€
Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936 (London: J. M. Watkins, 1936).

Â€ Â€
Seager, Richard Hughes (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the World’s Parlia-
ment of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993).
Smith, Peter, An Introduction to the Baha’i Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
See also the entries on Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism.
Revolution
Ackerman, Peter, and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict (New
York: Palgrave, 2000).
Billington, James H., Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Bruns-
wick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999).
Geggus, David P. (ed.), The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia,
Â€
SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2001).

Halliday, Fred, Revolution and World Politics: The Rise and Fall of the Sixth Great Power (Â�D urham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1999).
Kates, Gary, The Cercle Social, the Girondins, and the French Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Prince-
ton University Press, 1985).
Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA:
Pine Forge Press, 1996).
Palmer, R. R., The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America,
Â€
1775–1800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959).

Randle, Michael, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994).
Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, La Bouche de Fer, 1790–1791.
Vincent, Bernard, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions (Amster-
dam: Editions Rodopi, 2005).
Science
Charle, Christophe, Jürgen Schriewer and Peter Wagner (eds.), Transnational Intellectual Net-
works: Forms of Academic Knowledge and the Search for Cultural Identities (Frankfurt: Cam-
pus, 2004).
Crawford, Elisabeth, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 1880–1939: Four Studies of the
Nobel Population (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
Drori, Gili S., John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez and Evan Schofer (eds.), Science in the
Â€ Â€
Modern World Polity: Institutionalization and Globalization (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 2003).
Erdmann, Karl Dietrich, Toward a Global Community of Historians: The International Historical
263
FURTHER READING
Congresses and the International Committee of Historical Sciences, 1898–2000 (New York:
Berghahn: 2005).
Fernos, Rodrigo, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Congresses,
1898–1916 (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003).
Greenaway, Frank, Science International: A History of the International Council of Scientific Unions
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
International Statistical Institute, ‘Statuts de l’Institut International de Statistique’, in Bulletin
de l’Institut International de Statistique. Tome I (Rome: Imprimerie Héritiers Botta, 1886),
p.â•–17.
Kejariwal, O. P., The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of India’s Past, 1784–1838 (Delhi:
Â€

Lehto, Olli, Mathematics without Borders: A History of the International Mathematical Union
(New York: Springer, 1998).
Nixon, James William, A History of the International Statistical Institute, 1885–1960 (The Hague:
International Statistical Institute, 1960).
Schofer, Evan, ‘Science Associations in the International Sphere, 1875–1990: The Rationaliza-
tion of Science and the Scientization of Society’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.),
Â€
Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stan-

ford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–249–66.
Visvanathan, Shiv, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi:
Service clubs
Kittler, Glenn D., The Dynamic World of Lions International: The Fifty-Year Saga of Lions Clubs
(New York: M. Evans, 1968).
Â€
Nicholl, David Shelley, The Golden Wheel: The Story of Rotary, 1905 to the Present (Estover, Plym-
outh: McDonald & Evans, 1984).
The Rotarian, September 1912.
Social movements
Della Porta, Donatella, and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism:
People, Passions, and Power (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005).
Della Porta, Donatella, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Glo-
balizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999).
Khagram, Sanjeev, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:
Â€
Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Min-
nesota Press, 2002).
Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA:
Pine Forge Press, 1996).
Martin, William G. (coordinator), Making Waves: Worldwide Social Movements, 1750–2005
Â€
(Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008).

McAdam, Doug, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 2001).
264
FURTHER READING
Smith, Jackie, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and
Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).
Smith, Jackie, and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World System: The Politics of Crisis and
Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012).
Tarrow, Sidney, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge:
Tarrow, Sidney, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005).
Tilly, Charles, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers).
Socialism
Braunthal, Julius, History of the International (London: Nelson, 1966–1980).
Day, Alan John, The Socialist International: A Short History (London: Socialist International,
1969).
Devin, Guillaume, L’Internationale Socialiste: Histoire et Sociologie du Socialisme International,
1945–1990 (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1993).
Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943 (Stanford, CA:
Â€
Stanford University Press, 1966).

Foster, William Z., History of the Three Internationals: The World Socialist and Communist Move-
ments from 1848 to the Present (New York: International Publishers, 1955).
International Working Men’s Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International
Workingmen’s Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anniver-
sary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924).
Joll, James, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974).
Lehning, Arthur, ‘Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies’, International Review of
Social History, 1 (1956), pp.â•–112–40.
Lehning, A. Müller, ‘The International Association (1855–1859)’, International Journal for Social
Â€
History, 3 (1938), pp.â•–185–286.

Lichtheim, George, A Short History of Socialism (New York: Praeger, 1970).
Novack, George, Dave Frankel and Fred Feldman, The First Three Internationals: Their History
and Lessons (New York: Pathfinder, 1974).
Sassoon, Donald, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Cen-
tury (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996).
Â€ Â€
Stekloff, G. M., History of the First International (London: Martin Lawrence, 1928).
Â€
Weisser, Henry, ‘Chartist Internationalism, 1845–1848’, Historical Journal, 14/1 (1971),

pp.â•–49–66.
See also the entries on Communism, Cooperatives and Labour.
Sport
Coubertin, Pierre de, Timoleon J. Philemon, N. G. Politis and Charalambos Anninos, The Olym-
Â€ Â€ Â€
pic Games in 1896 (Athens: Charles Beck, 1897).

Goldblatt, David, ‘The Odd Couple: Football and Global Civil Society’, in Mary Kaldor, Mar-
tin Albrow, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2006/7 (Lon-
don: SAGE, 2007), pp.â•–160–84.
265
FURTHER READING
Guttman, Allen, The Olympics: A History of the Modern Games (Champaign, IL: University of
Illinois Press, 2002).
Hill, Christopher R., Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta, 1896–1996 (Manchester: Manchester
International Olympic Committee, ‘Le Congrès de Paris’, Bulletin du Comité International des
Jeux Olympiques, 1/1 (1894), pp.â•–1–2.
Large, David Clay, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company,
Â€ Â€
2007).
Riordan, James, and Arnd Krüger (eds.), The International Politics of Sport in the Twentieth Cen-
tury (London: E. & F. N. Spon, 1999).
Â€ Â€ Â€
Sugden, John, and Alan Tomlinson, FIFA and the Contest for World Football: Who Rules the Peo-
ple’s Game? (Cambridge: Polity, 1998).
Young, David C., The Modern Olympics: A Struggle for Revival (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins
Standardization
Brunsson, Nils, and Bengt Jacobsson, A World of Standards (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2000).
International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel Cecil,
London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International Elec-
trotechnical Commission, 1906).
Loya, Thomas A., and John Boli, ‘Standardization in the World Polity: Technical Rationality
over Power’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: Inter-
Â€
national Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1999), pp.â•–169–97.
Murphy, Craig N., and JoAnne Yates, The International Organization for Standardization (ISO):
Global Governance through Voluntary Consensus (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Tamm Hallström, Kristina, Organizing International Standardization: ISO and the IASC in Quest
of Authority (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 2004).
Yates, James, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for Obtaining
a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and Daldy, 1856).
Transnational history
Benjamin, Thomas, The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and their Shared History
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
Clark, Ian, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
Conrad, Sebastian, and Dominic Sachsenmaier (eds.), Competing Visions of World Order: Global
Moments and Movements, 1880s-1930s (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
Faries, John Culbert, The Rise of Internationalism (New York: W. D. Gray, 1915).
Â€ Â€
Geyer, Martin H., and Johannes Paulmann (eds.), The Mechanics of InterÂ�nationalism: Culture, Soci-
ety, and Politics from the 1840s to the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Held, David, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transforma-
tions: Politics, Economics, Culture (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999).
266
FURTHER READING
Horn, Gerd-Rainer, and Padraic Kelly (eds.), Transnational Moments of Change: Europe 1945,
1968, 1989 (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004).
Howard, Michael, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008).
Iriye, Akira, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Con-
temporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002).
Iriye, Akira, and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
Laqua, Daniel (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between
the World Wars (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011).
Â€ Â€
Lundestad, Geir, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics,

41/2 (2004), pp.â•–265–76.
Lyons, F. S. L., Internationalism in Europe, 1815–1914 (Leyden: A. W. Sythoff, 1963).
Â€ Â€ Â€ Â€
Owen IV, John M., The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime
Change, 1510–2010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
Reinalda, Bob, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Revue Encyclopédique, vols. 1–36, 1819–27.
Risse-Kappen, Thomas (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domes-
tic Structures and International Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Tyrrell, Ian, Reforming the World: The Creation of America’s Moral Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princ-
eton University Press, 2010).
Vertovec, Steven, Transnationalism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Youth
Altbach, Philip, and Norman Thomas Uphoff, The Student Internationals (Metuchen, NJ: Scare-
crow Press, 1973).
Koteck, Joël, Students and the Cold War (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996).
Luza, Radomir, History of the International Socialist Youth Movement (Leyden: A. W. Sijthoff,
Â€ Â€
1970).
Moynihan, Paul, An Official History of Scouting (London: Hamlyn, 2006).
267
INDEX
Abduh, Muhammad: role in Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity

formation of Salafiyyah move- Organization (AAPSO): 149;
ment, 56 aims of, 135–6; formation of, 135
Aborigines Protection Society: Aga Khan Foundation: creation of
54–5; formation of (1837), 41; (1967), 142
merger with BFASS (1909), 41 Agreement for the Repression of the
Academy of the Arabic Language: Circulation of Obscene Publica-
establishment of (1932), 118–19 tions: drafting of, 68
al-Afghani, Jamal al-Din: role in Ahmadiyya Society for the Propaga-
formation of Salafiyyah move- tion of Islam: creation of (1914),
ment, 56 67
Albania: 134
Afghanistan: Independence of
Alcoholics Anonymous World
(1919), 89; Operation Enduring
Services: establishment of (1935),
Freedom (2001–), 167
110
Africa Infrastructure Foundation:
Alexandria Charter: launch of
formation of (1994), 158
(2004), 171
African Association: formation of,
Algeria: Algiers, 25, 48; Oran, 47
55; Pan-African Congress, 55 All African People’s Conference
African Business Roundtable: (1958): 136
formation of (1990), 158 All-Asian Women’s Conference
African Humanitarian Action: (1931): 107
formation of (1994), 158 All-India Khilafat Committee:
African Network against Forced establishment of, 89
Disappearances: 152 All-India Muslim Conference
African Protestant Church: 119 (1919): resolutions of, 89
African Refugees Foundation: All-India Muslim League: boycot-
formation of (1993), 158 ting of Indian Council of World
African Women Empowerment Affairs Conference (1947), 136;
Guild: formation of (1995), 158 formation of (1906), 67
269
INDEX
All India Trade Union Congress: Annales d’Oculistique: 37

formation of (1925), 98 Annales Encyclopédiques: 29
All India Women’s Conference: anti-colonialism: 17, 90; Islamic,
formation of (1927), 98 99–100
All Indian Pueblo Council: origins Anti-Saloon League: 88
of, 22 anti-slavery: 26, 28, 32–3, 44
Alliance Israélite Universelle: Anti-Slavery International: formerly
formation of (1860), 37 BFASS, 4
American Committee for Armenian Antwerp Universal Peace Congress
and Syrian Relief (Near East (1894): adoption of Code of
Foundation): organization of International Arbitration, 62
(1915), 79 Appeal for European Nuclear
American Committee for the Relief Disarmament (END): launch of
of Belgium (CRB): establishment (1980), 152
of (1914), 79 Appropriate Health Resources
American Dental Society of Europe: Technologies Action Group
formation of (1873), 50 (Healthink Worldwide): creation
American Federation of Labour: of (1976), 147; dissolution of, 165
117; personnel of, 83 Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist
American Institute of International Party: formation of (1940), 126
Law: creation of (1912), 67 Arab Bond Society: formation of
American Jewish Congress: ‘Jewish (1936), 126
Bill of Rights’ (1918), 82 Arab Centre for International
America Relief Administration: 94 Humanitarian Law: 171
Amnesty International: 1, 154; aims Arab Feminist Conference (1944):
of, 3, 143; launch of (1961), 126
142–3; personnel of, 162; UN Arab League: members of, 126
consultative status of, 143 Arab NGO Network for Develop-
Angell, Norman: Europe’s Optical ment: formation of (1996), 158
Illusion, 72 Arab NGO Network for Environ-
Anglo-American Association: ment and Development: forma-
creation of (1871), 55 tion of (1990), 158
Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau: Arab Organization for Human
creation of (1913), 67 Rights: formation of (1983), 149
Anglo-Oriental Society for the Arab Progress Society: formation of
Suppression of the Opium Trade: (1930), 126
formation of (1874), 58 Arab Spring: 173; Egyptian
Anjuman-i-Islam: transformation Revolution (2011), 172; media
into Pan-Islamic Society (1903), coverage of, 171; potential impact
56 on INGO growth, 181–2; social
Anna Lindh Foundation: 172; media usage during, 172; Tunisian
establishment of (2005), 171 Revolution (2010–11), 171
270
INDEX
Arab Union Club: reformation of Asiatic Society of Japan: creation of

(1942), 126 (1872), 48–9
Arabic Network for Human Rights Association for European Coopera-
Information: 171 tion: formation of (1926), 104
Arachnological Society of East Asia: Association for Peace and Disarma-
establishment of (1936), 119 ment through Women: creation of
Arbeitsgruppe Dritte Welt (1898), 61
(AgDW): 150 Association for Progressive Com-
arbitration: 61–2 munications: creation of (1987),
Argentina: 59, 108; Buenos Aires, 148
47, 49, 79; disappearances in, Association for Promoting the
151–2 Discovery of the Interior Parts of
Argentine Mothers and Grand- Africa (African Association):
mothers of the Plaza de Mayo: formation of (1788), 27
152 Association for the Taxation of
Argentinian Scientific Society: Latin Financial Transactions and for
Citizen’s Advice (ATTAC): 159;
American Scientific Congress
establishment of (1998), 157
(1898), 49
Association Internationale de
Armenia: 63
Bienfasisance: 35
Asahi Glass Foundation: establish-
Association Internationale des
ment of (1933), 119
Femmes (International Associa-
Asia Association: 55
tion of Women): 40; creation of
Asia Pacific Human Rights Infor-
(1869), 60
mation Centre: formation of
Association of African Women for
(1994), 158 Research and Development:
Asia Pacific Human Rights NGOs establishment of (1977), 146
Facilitating Team: formation of Association of All Classes of All
(1998), 158 Nations: 29
Asia-Pacific People’s Environment Association of Arab Unity: forma-
Network: formation of (1983), tion of (1939), 126
149 Association of International Forest
Asian Federation against Involun- Research Stations: formation of
tary Disappearance: 152 (1892), 49
Asian Human Rights Network: Association Universelle pour
formation of (1997), 158 l’Adoption de la Marque de
Asian Relations Organization: 138; Fabrique et la Défense de la
dissolution of (1957), 136 Propriété Industrielle: 46
Asian Women’s Human Rights ATD Fourth World: formation of
Council: formation of (1986), 149 (1957), 140
Asiatic Society: 37; creation of Atlantic Union: creation of (1897),
(1784), 27 55
271
INDEX
Aubert, Théodore: 100 Bhandakar Oriental Research

Australia: 30, 60, 108, 150; govern- Institute: establishment of (1917),
ment of, 71; Melbourne, 47 79
Austria: 33, 51, 101, 113; Vienna, Bidwell, Percy: 130
25, 34, 50, 153 Bishop of Durham: role in creation
Austro-Hungarian Empire: 75; of White Cross Army (1883), 60
Prague, 34 Blue Cross movement: creation of
auxiliary languages: 46–7; Espe- (1877), 58
ranto, 47, 70, 161; Volapük, 47 Bolivia: government of, 71
Avaaz: aims of, 170 Bond of Arabism: formation of
(1939), 126
Baha’i Faith: formation of (1844), 42 Bonney, Charles Carroll: 56
Bahamas: 63 Borchardt, Julian: 79
Baha’u’llah: founder of Baha’i Faith, Borel, Émile: 74
42 Bourgeois, Léon: 71; French
Bahrain: 99 delegate to Commission on the
Baker, St Barbe: founder of Interna- League of Nations, 82; promotion
tional Tree Foundation, 102 of ‘Society of Nations’ concept, 80
Bakunin, Mikhail: 39 Bangladesh Rural Advancement
Bali Climate Change Summit Committee (BRAC): microfi-
(2007): 170 nance program, 1; structure of,
Balfour, Arthur: 73 170
Bamby, John Goodwyn: influence of, Brazil: 33, 63, 108, 159
31 Brazilian Business Association for
Barnett, Michael: 5 Citizenship: 159
Beirut Summit: launch of (2004), Bretton Woods Conference (1944):
171 organizations formed at, 129
Belgium: 36, 38, 44, 60, 79, 113; British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Brussels, 34–5, 37, 46, 50, 53, 61, Society (BFASS): 4, 14, 33, 151;
66, 69–71, 86–7, 105, 107, 116; establishment of (1839), 32, 43;
German Invasion of (1914), 71; ‘General Anti-Slavery Conven-
Ghent, 61; government of, 68; tion’ (1840), 33–4; merger with
Liège, 73; Mons, 157; Revolution Aborigines Protection Society
(1830), 30 (1909), 41
Benenson, Peter: 154, 180; role in British and Foreign Philanthropic
launch of Amnesty International, Society for the Permanent Relief
142 of the Labouring Classes:
Bentham, Jeremy: 43 formation of (1822), 29
Berne Convention (1866): 46; British Empire Exhibition (1924):
INGOs created following, 64 104
Berzin, Janis K.: 79 British Library: 14
272
INDEX
Brittain, Vera: 115 Catholicism: 57

Bryce Group: personnel of, 80 Cecil, Robert: British delegate to
Buch, Walter: Nazi Chief Justice, Commission on the League of
117 Nations, 82, 92
Buck, Pearl S.: founder of East and Central Bureau of International
West Association, 127 Associations: transformation into
Buddhism: 57, 119 UIA, 71
Bulgaria: 112, 134; Romanian Central Organization of Potters: 51
population of, 97 Chamber of Commerce of Latin
Bullock, H.L.: 133 America: 125
Burma: 63 Chatham House: establishment of
Burritt, Elihu: Olive Leaf Circles, 33 (1920), 87–8
Bush, George H.W.: 154 Chavez, Hugo: 168
Butler, Josephine: 64; anti-sex Chile: 63, 79
trafficking activism of, 59–60 China: 25, 32, 59, 63, 161, 165–6,
168, 172; 4 May Protests (1919),
Cameroon: 119 89; Beijing, 89; government of, 71;
Campaign for Nuclear Disarma- Peking, 82; Shanghai, 119; social
ment (CND): launch of (1957), unrest in, 171; Xiamen, 171
140 Chinkiang Association for the
Campaign for World Government: Saving of Life: establishment of
founding of (1937), 120 (1708), 25
Canada: 36, 39, 59–60, 66, 88, 108, Christian Aid: 127
150; government of, 170; New- Christianity: 20, 26; Bible, 119;
foundland, 108 Eastern Orthodox, 57
Cancun Summit (2010): marginal- Churchill, Winston: 73, 122
ization of INGOs at, 166 Ciraolo, Giovanni: role in creation
Caracciola, Otto: 40 of IRU, 94
Caritas Internationalis: formation of Citizens Conference on Interna-
(1951), 140 tional Economic Union: creation
Carnegeie, Andrew: 71 of (1943), 128–9
Carnegie Foundation: creation of civil society: 11, 155; concept of, 2;
(1911), 65 development of, 16; global, 6, 154;
Carson, Rachel: 154; Silent Spring national, 76; transnational, 5–11,
(1962), 144–5 13–18, 20–1, 23, 27, 42–3, 45, 50,
Cassin, René: role in creation of 64, 68, 76–8, 100, 118–21, 123–4,
UDHR, 137 133–4, 140–1, 153, 160, 163,
Castel de Saint-Pierre, Charles-Iré- 165–6, 168–71, 175–6, 178–82
née: 43 Clark, Ian: 132
Catholic Relief Services: origins of, Clean Clothes Campaign: moral
127 code of, 157
273
INDEX
Clemenceau, Georges: 82 Communist Propaganda Society

Clews, John: 135 (Universal Communitarian
Club Internacional de Mujeres: Association): formation of (1841),
establishment of (1933), 119 31
Cluster Munition Coalition: Communist Youth International:
establishment of (2003), 169 personnel of, 114
Coalition for Environmentally Confederación Latinoamericana de
Responsible Economies Cooperativas de Ahorro y
(CERES): 157 Crédito: formation of (1970), 149
Cold War: 7, 17, 72, 123, 132–4, Conference of Allied Suffragists:
142, 170, 175–6, 178–9; end of, 1, 83–4
4, 9, 12, 124, 152–4, 162–3 Conference of the Evangelical
Columbian Exhibition (1893): 56 Alliance (1846): 34
Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità Confucianism: 57
di Roma (CAUR): 113–14; Congress of Industrial Organiza-
formation of (1933), 113; tions: role in distribution of
Montreux Congress (1934), 113 Marshall Aid, 133
Comité d’Entente des Grandes Congress of Nationalities of the
Associations Internationales: 93 Russian Empire (1919): resolu-
Commission to Study the Organiza- tions adopted by, 82–3
tion of Peace: 130; founding of Consumers Association of Penang:
(1939), 128; preliminary report of 149
(1940), 129 Convention on Cluster Munitions
Committee for the Promotion of (2008): 169
International Trade: establishment Convention respecting Measures for
of (1952), 135 the Preservation and Protection of
Committee for the Spread of Arab Fur Seals (1911): 68
Culture: formation of (1931), 126 Convention with Respect to the
Committee to Frame a World International Circulation of
Constitution: organization of Motor Vehicles (1909): drafting
(1945), 128 of, 68
communism: 31, 90, 112–13, 116, Congo: as Congo Free State, 54;
133–4, 154, 182; international, natural resources of, 55
121; opposition to, 90, 133–5 Congo Reform Association:
Communist (Third) International formation of (1904), 68
(Comintern)(1919–43): 80, 113; Congress of Breda (1667): 28
Executive Committee, 115; First Congress of European Nationalities:
Congress (1919), 89 formation of (1925), 96–7
Communist League: creation of Congress of Nijmegen (1678): 28
(1847), 31 Congress of Vienna (1815): 28–9;
Communist Manifesto (1847–8): ‘Declaration of the Powers on the
42–3 Abolition of the Slave Trade’, 28
274
INDEX
de Constant, Baron d’Estournelles: Davidson, Henry P.: 85

71 Davis, Norman: 130
Constantine, Prince: 54 Dawes Plan: 105; ICC influence in
Consumers International: establish- development of, 102, 106, 121
ment of (1960), 147–8 decolonization: 123, 140, 148–9, 178
Cooperative for American Remit- Delaisi, Francis: 102
tances to Europe (CARE): 140; Denmark: 27, 59, 113; Copenhagen,
origins of, 127 25, 66
Co-ordinating Secretary of National Despard, Charlotte: 115
Unions of Students (Cosec): 135 development: 5, 140, 142, 162
Coote, William Alexander: Secre- Development Alternatives with
tary of International Bureau for Women for a New Era: establish-
the Suppression of the White ment of (1984), 146
Slave Traffic, 60 Dickinson, Willoughby Hyett:
Copenhagen Summit (2009): NGO Chairman of League of Nations
lobbying efforts during, 166 Society, 80
cosmopolitan values: examples of, 8 disarmament: 60–2, 108–9, 122, 180
Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count
Disarmament Committee of
Richard Nikolaus: founder of
Women’s International Organiza-
International Pan-European
tions: 116
Union, 104
Divine Life Society: founding of
Council of the Five Nations of
(1936), 119
Indians of North America: 27
Djibouti: 99
Council of Europe: 136
Dodge, Cleveland: organization of
Council on Foreign Relations:
American Committee for
129–30; establishment of (1921),
88; personnel of, 130; relationship Armenian and Syrian Relief, 79
with US State Department, 130 Doha Declaration of Democracy
de Courbertin, Pierre: 71 and Reform: launch of (2004),
Croatia: 158 171
Cuba: 108 Dolivet, Louis: organizer of Free
Cuban Missile Crisis (1962): 141, World Association, 117, 128
143–4 Dominican Republic: government
Curtis, Lionel: 87 of, 71
Cuthbertson, Ely: founder of World Dominion Temperance Alliance: 88
Federation, 128 Doumer, Paul: 73
Czechoslovakia: 158; government Dulles, John Foster: founder of
of, 112 Federal Council of Churches’
Commission on a Just and
d’Aelders, Etta Palm: leader of Durable Peace, 128
Society of Women Friends of Dunant, Henri: 36, 44, 180; Nobel
Truth, 26 Peace Prize recipient (1901), 65;
275
INDEX
proposal for Universal and Enlightenment: 19, 23, 43

International Society for the Environmental Partnership for
Revival of the Orient, 41; role in Sustainable Development:
creation of Red Cross, 37–8 formation of (1991), 158
environmentalism: 5, 49, 102, 144–5,
East Africa and Uganda Natural 163
History Society: 67 Equal Rights International: 107
East African Dental Association: Ethical Trading Initiative: 163
creation of (1943), 125 eugenics: promotion of, 73–4
East African Women’s League: European Anti-Fascist Workers’
establishment of (1917), 79 Congress (1933): creation of
East and West Association: European Workers’ Anti-Fascist
founding of (1941), 127 Union, 115
East Asian Common Culture European Broadcasting Union:
Association: creation of (1898), 55 formerly International Broadcast-
East India Association: founding of ing Union, 136
(1866), 41 European Coal and Steel Commu-
Eastern Bond Association: forma- nity: 136
tion of (1922), 98 European Economic Community
Eastern Women’s Conference for (EEC): banning of seal pelts
the Defence of Palestine: Perma- (1983), 151
nent Central Committee of European Environmental Bureau:
Women for the Defence of formation of (1974), 145
Palestine, 126 European League for Economic
Egypt: 63, 98, 100, 108, 125–6; Cooperation: 136
Cairo, 40, 118, 126, 135; Ismailia, European Union (EU): 145, 163
99; Revolution (1919), 89; European Union of Federalists:
Revolution (2011), 172; Suez formation of (1946), 136
Canal, 40, 64
Egyptian Feminist Union: members Fair Labor Association: 163
of, 126 Fairtrade Labelling Organizations
Eichelberger, Clark M.: 130; International: 157
co-founder of Commission to Famine Relief Committee: creation
Study the Organization of Peace, of (1942), 127
128 fascism: 112–13, 117; Italian, 113;
Eigen, Peter: role in founding opposition to, 114–15
Transparency International, 156 Fauna and Flora International:
Einstein, Albert: 97 creation of (1903), 68–9
Emigdirect: partner in HICEM, 95 Federación Latinoamericana de
English Association: formation of Prensa Periódica: establishment of
(1906), 73 (1925), 99
276
INDEX
Federal Council of Churches: formation of World Zionist

Commission on a Just and Organization at, 56
Durable Peace, 128 Fish, Hamilton: 130
Federal Union: formation of (1938), Ford Foundation: establishment of
120 (1936), 110; Overseas Develop-
federalism: 120 ment Office, 140
Fédération Internationale de Foreign Relations of the United States
Football Association (FIFA): 3; Diplomatic Papers: 13
World Cup, 119 Forest Stewardship Council: 157
Federation of Indian Chambers of Forum on Environment and
Commerce and Industry: Development: personnel of, 166
formation of (1927), 98 Fournier, Claude: 25
Federation of International Semi- Fourth International (World Party
Official and Private Institutions of the Socialist Revolution):
(FIIG): founding of, 105 establishment of congress (1938),
Federation of Jewish Students: 113 118
Fédération Universlle de la Régé- Fourth World Conference on
nération Humaine: creation of, 50
Women (1995): Beijing Platform
feminism: 5, 106, 110, 126, 146
for Action, 166
Ferrière, Adolphe: founder of
France: 21–2, 26–8, 30, 33–4, 36,
International Bureau of New
38–9, 59, 71, 79, 97, 99, 109, 118,
Schools, 53
150, 157; Alsace, 131; Cannes, 85;
Fight the Famine Council: aims of,
colonies of, 33; Dreyfus Affair
86
(1894–1906), 56; July Revolution
Fiji: 108
(1830), 29–30; Lorraine, 131;
First International Anti-Fascist
Congress (1929): personnel of, Paris, 25, 30–2, 34–5, 37, 41, 45,
114–15 47, 50–4, 60–1, 67, 74, 81–2, 87,
First World War (1914–18): 6, 89, 95, 97, 99, 115, 118, 137;
16–17, 20, 71–2, 77, 96, 104, 106, Revolution (1789–99), 25, 51, 64,
123, 127, 161, 176, 179, 182; 175
belligerents of, 78, 125; German Frankfurt Penitentiary Congress
Invasion of Belgium (1914), 71; (1846): 34
impact on INGO growth, 65, Free World Association: organiza-
69–70, 75, 80, 177, 181; Paris tion of (1941), 128
Peace Conference (1919), 77, Freemasons: 25, 44; lodges of, 22
81–3, 87, 106; prisoners of, 94; French League for the Rights of
Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine Man: 131
(1919), 112; Treaty of Versailles Friedan, Betty: Feminine Mystique,
(1919), 84–5; US entry into, 79 The, 145–6
First Zionist Congress (1897): Friends’ International Service: offices
of, 105
277
INDEX
Friends of the Earth: establishment Global Tribunal on Violations of

of (1969), 145 Women’s Human Rights: 155
de Fuveau, Alexandre-Victor Hupay: globalization: 2, 12, 165, 168–9, 176,
Republican Koran, 25 179; neo-liberal, 169–70
Godde ‘de Liancourt’, Caliste-
Gabrys, Jean: 75; co-founder of Auguste: role in creation of
Central Office of Nationalities/ Société Générale des Naufrafes et
UON, 74 de l’Union des Nations, 32
Gandhi, Mohandas: 89 Goebbels, Joseph: 116
Garibaldi, Giuseppe: 39 Goegg, Marie: role in formation of
Garvey, Marcus: founder of UNIA, Association Internationale des
78 Femmes, 40, 60
General Arab Women’s Federation: Gompers, Samuel: President of
establishment of (1944), 126 American Federation of Labour,
Geneva Research Centre: establish- 83
ment of (1920), 105 Gorky, Maxim: 97
Geneva Society of Public Utility: government-organized non-govern-
International Committee for Aid mental organizations (GON-
GOs): 172; examples of, 168
to the Wounded in Situations of
Graduate Institute of International
War, 38
and Development Studies:
Germany: 36, 41, 49, 51, 59, 71, 73,
78, 118, 150; Baden-Baden, 53;
Grajew, Oded: role in development
Berlin, 34, 52, 95; Cologne, 40;
of WSF, 159
Constance, 80; Danish population
Great Depression: 11; impact of, 110
of, 97; Dresden, 40, 66; electoral
Great Exhibition (1851): INGOs
system of, 121; Frankfurt, 31, 35;
formed following, 35
government of, 131; Jewish Greece: 54, 113, 127; War of
population of, 28; Koblenz, 40; Independence (1821–32), 30
Stuttgart, 72; Wiesbaden, 48 Greening, Owen: 52
Ghana: Accra, 136 GreenNet: creation of (1986), 148
Gide, Charles: 73 Greenpeace: establishment of
Global Call to Action Against (1969), 145
Poverty (GCAP): 175; formation Group of Eight (G8): 167
of (2004), 167
Global Campaign for Women’s Habsburg Empire: 41; collapse of,
Human Rights: 155 134
Global Financial Crisis (2007–9): Hague Conferences: 16, 76, 80, 145;
impact on INGOs, 165–6, 172 First (1899), 19, 62, 177; Second
Global Movements of Moderates: (1907), 68, 177
172; launch of (2012), 171
Global Reporting Initiative: 163
278
INDEX
Hague Opium Convention (1912): human rights: 5, 90, 96, 131, 137,
68; ratification of, 82 141–3, 153, 158, 162, 171
Haiti: 108; Revolution (1791–1804), Human Rights Education: 171
25 Human Rights Information and
Handbooks of International Organiza- Documentation Systems Interna-
tions: 15 tional (HURIDOCS): creation of
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (1982), 148
Initiative: 159 Human Rights Watch (Helsinki
Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society: Watch): 153
partner in HICEM, 95 humanitarianism: 5, 32, 37, 86, 94,
HelpAge International: creation of 127, 140, 147, 168; transnational,
(1983), 148 5
Helsinki Final Act (1975): 153 Hungary: 101, 158; Budapest, 53
Herzl, Theodor: role in organising
First Zionist Congress, 56 Iceland: 95
HICEM: establishment of (1927), imperialism: 43, 45, 179; opposition
95 to, 56, 89
Hinduism: 57 Independent Order of Good
Hitler, Adolf: 73; rise to power Templars: 21
(1933), 113, 122; withdrawal of India: 59, 63, 95, 99, 108, 136, 165;
Germany from League of Amritsar Massacre (1919), 89;
Nations, 109 Bangalore, 125; Bihar, 140; Delhi,
HIV/AIDS: 157 89, 99; Dhaka, 67; Kolkata
Hizb ut-Tahrir: 137 (Calcutta), 27, 37, 67; military of,
Hobson, John: 5 125; Mumbai, 119, 149; New
Höglund, Zeth: 79 Delhi, 119, 158; Partition (1947),
Honduras: 63 125; Pune, 79
Hoover, Herbert: establishment of Indian Association for the Cultiva-
CRB (1914), 79 tion of Science: formation of
Hoover Institution on War, (1876), 55
Revolution and Peace: formerly Indian Council of World Affairs:
Hoover War Collection, 87 conference (1947), 136
Hopkins, Ellice: role in creation of Indian Institute of World Culture:
White Cross Army (1883), 60 creation of (1945), 125
Howard, Michael: 73, 76 Indian Ocean Earthquake and
Howe, Julia Ward: call for Woman’s Tsunami (2004): increase in
Peace Congress (1870), 60 INGO contribution following,
Hugo, Victor: role in formation of 169
International Literary and Artistic Indian Society of Oriental Art:
Association, 46 creation of (1907), 67
279
INDEX
Independent Order of Good Humanity and against Neoliberal-

Templars: 58 ism: 156
Indian National Association: Intercontinental Network for the
formation of (1876), 55 Promotion of the Social Solidarity
Indian National Congress: creation Economy (RIPESS): 170
of (1885), 55 Interdoc: creation of (1984), 148
Indonesia: 108 Interfaith Center on Corporate
Industrial Revolution: 23, 36; social Responsibility (ICCR): creation
impact of, 19 of (1973), 150
Infant Formula Action Committee Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
(INFACT): formation of (1976), (INF) Treaty (1987): signing of,
150 152
Institute for Intercultural Studies Inter-Movement Evacuees Com-
(Council on Intercultural mittee (CIMADE): establishment
Relations): founding of (1941), of (1939), 131
127 International Abolitionist Federa-
Institute of International Education tion: origins of, 59–60
(IIE): aims of, 87; formation of International Academy of Indian
(1919), 87 Culture: establishment of (1935),
Institute of Oriental Classics: 119
establishment of (1938), 119 International Action of National-
Institute of Pacific Relations: 127; isms: Zurich meeting (1934), 114
creation of (1925), 99, 103 International Actuarial Association:
Institute on Postwar Reconstruction: 48, 64; formation of (1895), 53
creation of (1943), 129 International African Association:
Institute on World Organization: 54
International Consultative Group, International AIDS Vaccine
128–9 Initiative: formation of (1996),
Inter-Allied Bureau of League of 157
Nations Societies: establishment International Air Traffic Association
of, 81 (IATA): 106; creation of (1919),
Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Ser- 102; succeeded by International
vice Men (FIDAC): 124, 139; Air Transport Association, 132
creation of (1920), 103–4 International Air Transport
Inter-American Bar Association: Association: successor to IATA,
125 132
Inter-American Commission of International Alliance of Women:
Women: 110 83, 107, 116; decline of, 124;
Inter-American Statistical Institute revising of aims of (1920), 97
(ISI): 125 International Anti-Opium Associa-
Intercontinental Encounter for tion: formation of (1918), 82
280
INDEX
International Arbitration and Peace Democratic Lawyers (IADL):

Association: 61 134–5
International Arbitration League: 61 International Association of Labour
International Association: 30 Legislation: formation of (1900),
International Association for 45–6, 68
Customs Reform: 34 International Association of
International Association for Seismology: formation of (1903),
Obtaining a Uniform Decimal 68
System of Measures, Weights and International Association of Women
Coins: branches of, 35; establish- and Home Page Journalists:
ment of (1855), 45 formation of (1964), 146
International Association for International Baby Food Action
Promoting the Study of Quater- Network (IBFAN): formation of
nions and Allied Systems of (1979), 150–1
Mathematics: formation of International Bank for Reconstruc-
(1899), 48 tion and Development: 130
International Association for International Bureau for the
Religious Freedom: formerly Suppression of the White Slave
International Council of Unitar- Traffic: formation of (1899), 60;
ian and Other Liberal Religious personnel of, 60
Thinkers and Workers, 57 International Bureau of Abstaining
International Association for Students: establishment of, 70
Testing Materials: formation of International Bureau of Labour: 100
(1895), 48 International Bureau of New
International Association for the Schools: formation of (1899), 53
Prevention of Blindness: creation International Association of Public
of (1929), 94 Transport: 53
International Association for the International Board: purpose of,
Progress of the Social Sciences: 37 53–4
International Association for the International Broadcasting Union
Protection of Child Welfare: (IBU): 106; establishment of
formation of (1921), 96 (1925), 102
International Association of International Bureau Against
Academies: 78; formation of Alcoholism: formation of (1907),
(1899), 47–8 70
International Association of International Bureau of Labour: 100
Charities: origins of, 22 International Bureau of Societies for
International Association of the Protection of Animals and
Athletics Federations: establish- Anti-Vivisection Societies:
ment of (1912), 69 formation of (1925), 103
International Association of International Bureau of Weights and
Measures: creation of (1875), 45
281
INDEX
International Campaign to Ban in formation of ITUC, 170;

Landmines: 7, 160; shortcomings secession from WFTU (1949),
of, 166 133
International Catholic Federation of International Confederation of
Total Abstainers: establishment Students: 113, 124; founding of
of, 70 (1919), 88
International Central Bureau for the International Conference of
Campaign against Tuberculosis: Associations of Disabled Soldiers
formation of (1902), 66 and Ex-Serviceman (CIAMAC):
International Chamber of Com- 109, 116; members of, 104
merce (ICC): 3, 15–16, 89–90, International Conference on the
121; formation of, 40, 84; Simplification of Customs
influence of, 101–2, 106; person- Formalities (1923): Final Act, 101
nel of, 101; precursors to, 69 International Congress Against War
International Class War Prisoners’ (1932): establishment of World
Aid: 100 Committee against Imperialist
International Club of Horse Racing: War, 115
founding of, 53 International Congress of Central
International Commission of American Students: creation of
Agriculture: 52 (1910), 67
International Committee for Bird International Congress of Econo-
Preservation: formation of (1922), mists: 34
103 International Congress of Oriental-
International Committee for ists (1873): 48
Russian Relief: creation of (1921), International Congress of Women
94 Physicians (1919): INGOs
International Committee of formed at, 88
Abstaining Priests: establishment International Congresses of Asian
of, 70 and North African Studies: 48
International Consultative Group
International Committee of the Red
for Peace and Disarmament: 14,
Cross: 94–5, 107
109, 124, 175, 178
International Committee of Women
International Co-operative Alliance
for Permanent Peace: 84
(ICA): 1, 102, 116, 177; formation
International Committee on
of (1895), 52; members of, 63
Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC):
International Co-operative Congress
relationship with INGOs, 93
(1895): formation of ICA at, 52
International Community of
International Council for Demo-
Women Living with HIV/AIDS: cratic Institutions and State
formation of (1992), 157 Soveriegnity: 168
International Confederation of Free International Council for Science
Trade Unions (ICFTU): 163; role
282
INDEX
(ICSU): formerly International International Federation of Associa-

Research Council, 86 tions of the Elderly: creation of
International Council of AIDS (1980), 148
Service Organizations: creation of International Federation of Business
(1990), 157 and Professional Women: 107
International Council of Ophthal- International Federation of Chris-
mology: 37 tian Trade Unions: creation of
International Council of Nurses: (1920), 101
establishment of (1899), 50 International Federation of Com-
International Council of Scientific mercial Travellers: formation of
Unions: 3 (1897–1900), 53
International Council of Social International Federation of Eugen-
Welfare: formation of (1928), ics Organizations: establishment
95–6 of (1924), 103
International Council of Voluntary International Federation of Film
Agencies: establishment of Producers’ Associations: establish-
(1962), 142 ment of (1933), 110
International Council of Women International Federation of Free
(ICW): 50, 84, 98, 107; creation Journalists (IFFJ): 134; consulta-
of, 68; offices of, 105; personnel tive status of, 135
of, 97 International Federation of League
International Court of Justice (ICJ): of Nations Societies (IFLNS):
1, 160 116; aims of, 97; establishment of
International Criminal Court: 1; (1919), 81; member branches of,
Rome Statute, 155, 178 111–12; personnel of, 81, 120, 124
International Dairy Federation: International Federation of Museum
establishment of (1903), 69 Officials: formation of (1898), 53
International Electrotechnical International Federation of National
Commission: aims of, 69 Standardization Associations:
International Entente against the 102, 138
Third International: branches of, International Federation of Red
Cross and Red Crescent Societies
100–1; creation of (1924), 100
(IFRC): 161; establishment of
International Federation for Human
(1919), 85–6; voluntary contribu-
Rights (FIDH): aims of, 96;
tions to, 165, 172
creation of (1922), 96
International Federation of Stu-
International Federation for the
dents: formation of (1889), 53
Extension and the Culture of the
International Federation of Tobacco
French Language: establishment
Workers: formation of, 51
of (1905), 73
International Federation of Trade
International Federation of Accoun- Unions (IFTU): 90, 100–1, 109,
tants: 3
283
INDEX
117; formerly International International Institute of Sociology:

Secretariat of National Trade establishment of (1893), 48
Union Centres, 66; succeeded by International Kindergarten Union
WFTU, 132; World Peace (Association for Childhood
Congress (1922), 104 Education International):
International Federation of Women’s formation of (1892), 53
Travel Organizations: 146 International Labour and Socialist
International Federation on Ageing: Conference (Berne Conference)
creation of (1973), 148 (1919): resolutions passed by, 83
International Fellowship of Recon- International Labour Organization
ciliation: 88 (ILO): 46, 98, 101, 161; Constitu-
International Friends of Nature: tion of, 83; creation of, 16; origins
development of, 49 of, 83; relationship with INGOs,
International Garden Cities and 93; Washington DC Conference
Town Planning Association: (1919), 85
formation of, 66 International Law Association:
International Helsinki Federation creation of (1873), 61
for Human Rights (IHR): 153; International Law Institute:
bankruptcy of, 165 adoption of Declaration of the
International HIV/AIDS Alliance: International Rights of Man
formation of (1993), 157 (1929), 96
International Hologram Manufac- International League Against
turers Association: formation of Racism and Anti-Semitism:
(1993), 161 origins of, 97
International Hotel and Restaurant International League of Anti-Vacci-
Association: formation of (1947), nators: 50, 78
138 International League for the Rights
International Hoteliers Alliance: of Man: establishment of (1941),
formation of (1869), 40 131
International Humanitarian Bureau International League for Peace and
of Animal Lovers: establishment Liberty: 60
of (1928), 103 International League for Rights of
International Institute of Bibliogra- Man and Citizenship: 109
phy: 70; formation of (1895), 46; International League of Women for
Universal Bibliographic Reper- General Disarmament: promotion
tory, 46 of ‘International Senate’ concept,
International Institute of Refrigera- 61
tion: formation of (1909), 66 International Left Opposition:
International Institute of Social formation of (1930), 118
History: 14; establishment of International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
(1935), 118
284
INDEX
Trans and Intersex Association: ing, 15; publications of, 14;

creation of (1978), 148 regional, 66, 136; resources of, 8;
International Literary and Artistic scientific, 37, 48–50, 86; sports,
Association: formation of (1878), 53–4, 69; transport, 53, 139;
46 veteran’s, 103–4; women’s, 88,
International Migration Service: 97–8, 145–6
creation of (1921), 95 International Office for the Protec-
International Monarchist League: tion of Nature: 139
creation of (1943), 134 International Olympic Committee
International Monetary Fund (IOC): 114; formation of, 54
(IMF): 155; formation of (1944), International Organisation of
129–30 Industrial Employers: establish-
International Neo-Malthusian ment of (1919), 85
Correspondence and Resistance International Organization for
Bureau: 78 Cultivating Universal Human
International Nestlé Boycott Spirit: founding of (1961), 142
Committee: 151 International Organization of
International NGOs Accountability Consumers Unions (IOCU): 150;
Charter: participation in, 172 influence of, 148; members of, 149
international non-governmental International Organization of
organizations (INGOs): 1–3, 9, Journalists (IOJ): 134; loss of
12–14, 22, 30, 32, 40, 42, 46, 73, consultative status, 135
105, 117–18, 120, 124, 175, International Organization of
181–2; accountability of, 170; Standardization: formation of
ancient forms of, 20–3, 36; (1947), 138
business (BINGOs), 52, 69, 72, International Pan-European Union:
85, 150, 163; Communist front, formation of (1923), 104
International Peace Bureau: 104;
114, 116, 133–5; development of,
18, 25, 36, 123–4; educational and
International Peace Campaign
research, 53, 87, 103; environmen-
(IPC): launch of (1936), 116;
tal, 102–3, 144–5; humanitarian,
personnel of, 128
32, 37, 86, 147, 168; increase in
International Peasant Council: 100
number of, 6–7, 11–12, 15–16,
International Physicians for
19–20, 34–5, 44–5, 52–3, 62–5,
Prevention of Nuclear War
69–70, 75, 88–92, 110–11, 126–7,
(IPPNW): founding of (1980),
132–3, 138–40, 141, 157–8, 152
164–5, 176, 178, 181; individual International Planned Parenthood
focuses of, 1, 3, 5, 17, 24; global Federation (IPPF): establishment
union federation, 50–2; linguistic, of (1952), 139
78; manipulation of, 167–8;
methods of, 63; non-profit-mak-
285
INDEX
International Prohibitionist Federation: establishment of

Federation: creation of (1909), 70 (1904), 69
International Publishers Associa- International Total Abstainers
tion: formation of (1896), 52, 64 Association of Railway Workers:
International Railway Congress establishment of, 70
Association: affiliates of, 53; International Touring Alliance:
formation of (1885), 53 formation of, 53
International Red Cross: establish- International Trade Conference
ment of (1858), 37; origins of, 38 (1919): origins of ICC in, 84
International Relief Association: International Trade Union Confed-
branches of, 118 eration (ITUC): 176; formation of
International Relief Union (IRU): (2006), 170
establishment of (1927), 94 International Tree Foundation:
International Rescue Committee: founding of (1924), 102
origins of, 117–18 International Typographical
International Road Federation: Secretariat: 51
creation of (1948), 139 International Typographical Union:
International Rugby Football Board: 39
54 International Union Against
International Secretariat of National Cancer: establishment of (1934),
Trade Union Centres: creation of 110
(1901), 66; transformation into International Union against
International Federation of Trade Tuberculosis: creation of (1920),
Unions (1913), 66 94
International Socialist Bureau: International Union against
creation of (1900), 51 Vivisection: 78; formation of
International Society for Racial (1902), 66
Hygiene: establishment of (1905), International Union for Combating
73 Venereal Diseases: creation of
International Society for the Study (1924), 94
of Questions connected with Poor International Union for the
Relief: formation of, 51
Conservation of Nature: creation
International Society of Esperantist
of (1948), 139
Free-Thinkers: 70
International Union for the
International Statistical Institute:
Protection of Infants: formation
180; formation of (1885), 48;
of (1907), 66
model of, 53
International Union of Academies:
International Sunday Observance
Federation: formation of (1876),
International Union of Catholic
45
International Textile Manufacturers Women’s Organizations: 108–9
286
INDEX
International Union of Electricity Internationalis Concordia: 47, 78

Stations: formation of (1892), 52 internationalism: 54; business, 90;
International Union of Ethical cultural, 90, 103; development of,
Societies: 78 43; European, 76
International Union of Friends of Internet Corporation for Assigned
Young Women: founding of Names and Numbers (ICANN):
(1877), 59 3; founding of (1998), 157–8
International Union of Marine Internet Society: founding of
Insurance: founding of (1874), 52 (1992), 157
International Union of Penal Law: Interparliamentary Conference
establishment of (1889), 50 (1889): 61
International Union of Photogra- Inter-Parliamentary Union: 104,
phy: formation of (1891), 53 107; founding of (1889), 61
International Union of Press Iraq: 126; Baghdad, 27, 126;
Associations: formation of, 53 Operation Iraqi Freedom
International Union of Socialist (2003–11), 167, 171
Youth (IUSY ): 134; increase in Iriye, Akira: 103, 141–2
consultative status, 135 Iron Molders’ International Union:
International Union of Students 39
(IUS): 134 Islam: 17, 41, 57, 67, 99; cultural
International Union of Women traditions of, 87; political, 171;
Architects: formation of (1963), revivalism, 42; Sufism, 21, 42, 99;
146 Wahhabism, 42
International Union of Women for Islamic Cultural Centre: inaugura-
Peace: creation of (1895), 60–1 tion of (1944), 125
International Voluntary Service for Islamic Relief Worldwide: founding
Peace (Service Civil Interna- of (1984), 147
tional): establishment of (1920), Islamic Research Association:
95 creation of (1933), 119
International Voluntary Services: Islamism: 56, 137
formation of (1953), 140 Italian Red Cross: personnel of, 94
International Women’s Committee Italy: 38, 59, 71; Genoa, 25; Milan,
of Permanent Peace: creation of 34, 69; Rome, 61
(1915), 80
International Women’s Rights Jainism: 57
Congress (1878/1889): 59 Jamaat-e-Islami: establishment of,
International Working Men’s 125
Association: 3; formation of Jamaica: 60, 63, 78, 108
(1864), 38–9, 44 Jameson, Margaret Storm: 115
International Youth Hostel Federa- Japan: 38, 48, 55, 60, 62–3, 108, 119,
tion: establishment of (1932), 110
287
INDEX
142, 168; Osaka, 158; Yokohama, of UIA, 70; head of International

49 Conference on Bibliography, 46,
Japanese Pan-Asian Society: 70
Pan-Asian Conferences, 98 Labour and Socialist International
Japanese Society of International (LSI): 101, 104, 109, 139
Law: 63; formation of (1897), 61 Landless Workers Movement: 159
Jebb, Eglantyne: co-founder of Save Latin American and Caribbean
the Children Fund, 86; role in Alliance of YMCAs: creation of
formation of International (1914), 67
Council on Social Welfare, 95 Latin American Federation of
Jewish Colonization Association: Associations for Relatives of the
partner in HICEM, 95 Detained and Disappeared
Joint Standing Committee of (FEDEFAM): 152
International Women’s Organiza- Latin American Odontological
tions: members of, 97–8 Federation (FOLA): establish-
Jordan, David Starr: 73 ment of (1917), 79
Journeymen Cigar Makers’ Interna- Latin American Society for Plastic
tional Union: 39 Surgery: 125
Jubilee 2000 petition: 7, 159, 167, La Via Campesina: establishment of
175 (1993), 157
Judaism: 20, 37, 57; persecution of, League Against Pogroms: establish-
56, 95, 97, 114, 118 ment of (1927), 97
Jullien de Paris, Marc-Antoine: League of Islamic Revolutionary
promotion of ‘Société Encyclo- Studies: formation of (1920), 100
pédique’ idea, 29 League of Nations: 13, 15, 77, 89,
96, 99–101, 106, 108–9, 111, 120,
Kant, Immanuel: 43 128, 138, 145, 175; Assembly of,
Kennedy, John F.: 143 95, 97, 104; Child Welfare
Kenya: 67, 98; Nairobi, 79, 145, 166 Committee, 95; Commission on,
Khan, Amanullah: 89 82–4; Committee on Social
Khan, Pir Hadrat Inayat: founder of Questions, 110; Council of, 83,
Sufi Order in the West, 67 97, 105, 110; Covenant of, 81–2,
Khilafat movement: origins of, 89 84, 92–3; creation of, 7, 16, 90, 92,
Kifaya: media coverage of Arab 177–8; Declaration on the Rights
Spring, 171 of the Child (1924), 95, 105;
Kikuyu Central Association: 98 Handbook of International
Kingdom of Yugoslavia: 134 Organisations (1929), 105; League
Knights Templar: 21 of Nations Assembly Journal, 104;
Kosmos: formation of (1898), 47 relationship with INGOs, 93–4,
96, 107, 110, 132, 180; Secretariat
La Fontaine, Henri: 74; co-founder of, 92–3, 105; Soviet entry into
288
INDEX
(1934), 116; World Economic des Amis de la Paix, 39; formation

Conference (1927), 101–2 of (1867), 39
League of Nations Society: forma- Lithuania: 113
tion of (1915), 80 Live Aid: 147
League of Nations Union: personnel Live 8 List: 7
of, 127 Lloyd, Lola Maverick: co-founder of
League of Outlaws: formation of Campaign for World Govern-
(1834), 31 ment, 120
League of Red Cross Societies: London School of Economics:
lobbying efforts of, 94 Centre for the Study of Global
League of the Just: 36; creation of Governance, 160
(1836), 31 Luxembourg, Rosa: 72
League to Abolish Racial Discrimi- Lyons, F.S.L.: 76
nation: 82
League to Enforce Peace (LEP): MacDonald, Ramsay: 109
creation of (1915), 80; ‘First MacShane, Denis: 133
Annual National Assemblage’ Madagascar: 63, 108
(1916), 81; influence of, 80–1 Maier, Juergen: Director of Forum
Leavitt, Mary: envoy of WCTU, 58 on Environment and Develop-
Lebanon: 99; Beirut, 126 ment, 166
Lecache, Bernard: founder of Makino Nobuaki, Baron: 82
League Against Pogroms, 97 Malaysia: 171; Penang, 149
Lemonnier, Charles: founder of Malthusian League: creation of
LIPL, 39; role in organization of (1877), 50
Universal Peace Congresses, 61 Mandelstam, André: 96
Lenin, Vladimir: 79 Marine Stewardship Council: 157
Leopold II of Belgium, King: 68; Marshall Aid: distribution of, 133
reign of, 54–5 Marx, Karl: 38–9, 44
Liaison Committee of Women’s Matthews, Jessica: 5
International Organizations: Mazzini, Giuseppe: 44, 73; founder
members of, 107–8 of Young Europe, 30–1, 74
Lichtenstein, Walter: 129 McKenna, Reginald: 73
Ligue de la Patrie Arabe: aims of, McMeekin, Sean: 115
67; establishment of (1904), 67 Mead, Margaret: founder of Council
Ligue des Droits de l’Homme: aims on Intercultural Relations, 127
of, 96 Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF): 1,
Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de 3; creation of (1971), 147
la Liberté (LIPL): 40; creation of Medical Assistance Programs
(1867), 39; criticisms of, 73 International: formation of
Ligue Internationale et Permanente (1954), 140
de la Paix: as Société Française Medical Women’s International
289
INDEX
Association: founding of (1919), National Committee for a Sane

88 Nuclear Policy (SANE): launch of
Mexico: 63, 95, 108; government of, (1957), 140
71; Zapatista Uprising, 156 National Councils of Women: 59;
Miller, Carol: 110 creation of, 58
Miller, David Hunter: 81 National Library of France: 14
Millin, Aubin-Louis: Magasin nationalism: 12, 41, 48, 72, 98, 113,
Enyclopédique, 29 179–80; Arab, 126; development
Monaco: 70 of, 24; Indian, 98; internationalist,
Morocco: 75, 99 31; Italian, 39; macro-, 34, 55;
Moscow Helsinki Group: 153 militant, 76; pan-, 45, 90
Movement Against Economic Nationalist Action League: forma-
Globalization (INPEG): 161–2 tion of (1933), 126
Muenzenberg, Willi: 115–16; Chair Natural Foot Society: formation of
of First International Anti-Fascist (1895), 59
Congress, 114–15; Commission of Nature: 48
Nehru, Jawaharlal: role in organiza-
Inquiry into the Origins of the
tion of Afro-Asian Conference
Reichstag Fire, 116
(1929), 99
Mughal Empire: 27
Nerman, Ture: 79
Murray, Gilbert: 127
Murray, John: 86 Nestlé: boycotting of products of,
Muslim Aid: founding of (1985), 150–1
147 Netherlands: 27, 59, 113, 118;
Muslim Brotherhood: 173; branches Amsterdam, 14, 25, 100, 103–4,
of, 99–100; establishment of 115; Antwerp (Anvers), 51, 53;
(1928), 99; welfare services of, 1, Hague, The, 71, 80, 102, 157;
100 Holland, 36; Utrecht, 26
Muslim World League: formation of Network of East-West Women:
(1962), 149 formation of (1991), 158
Mussolini, Benito: 113 New England Company: formation
al-Muthanna: formation of (1935), of (1649), 22
126 New Zealand: 59–60, 108, 150;
women’s suffrage movement in,
al-Nabhani, Shaykh Taqiuddin: 45, 58, 63
founder of Hizb ut-Tahrir, 137 Nicholas II, Tsar: 68; Rescript
Nansen, Fridtjof: League of Nations (1898), 62
High Commissioner for Repatria- Niger: 147
tion of Prisoners, 94 Nigeria: 108
Naorojii, Dadabhai: role in founding No Border Network: establishment
of East India Association, 41 of (1999), 157
Napoleonic Wars (1803–15): 29 Nobel, Alfred: will of, 65
290
INDEX
Nobel Foundation: creation of, 65 Armenian Genocide (1915), 79;

Non-Proliferation Treaty (1968): Constantinople, 60, 67
144 Oxfam International: 17, 150;
Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League to formation of (1942), 127; relief
Champion Human Rights: efforts of, 140, 162
formation of (1933), 118 Owen, Robert: 29; role in formation
North American Free Trade of British and Foreign Philan-
Agreement (NAFTA) (1994): 156 thropic Society for the Permanent
North Sea Fisheries Convention Relief of the Labouring Classes,
(1882), 49 29
Norway: 113
Paine, Thomas: 25
Olympic Games: 119; Berlin (1936), Pakistan: Independence of (1947),
114; revival of, 54; Stockholm 137; Lahore, 67, 107, 125
(1912), 69 Palestine: 99–100, 108; Arab Revolt
Open Door International for the (1936–9), 126; Jaffa, 126; Jerusa-
Economic Emancipation of the lem, 99
Pan-African Congress (1919): 89
Woman Worker: formation of
pan-Africanism: as macro-national-
(1929), 98
ism, 55; revival of, 136
Order of St John: 16; St John’s
Pan-American Association of
Ambulance, 21
Ophthalmology: 125
Organization for Economic
Pan-American Federation of
Co-operation and Development
Architects Associations: creation
(OECD): 170; Multilateral
of (1920), 99
Agreement on Investment, 156,
Pan-American Federation of Labor:
164, 176
Organization of African Trade
Pan-American Liaison Committee
Union Unity: formation of
of Women’s Organizations: 125
(1973), 149
Pan-American Railway Congress
Ostwald, Wilhelm: 71
Association: creation of (1906), 67
Otlet, Paul: Chair of Third Interna-
Pan-American Society: 67
tional Congress of Nationalities
Pan-American Women’s Associa-
(1916), 75; co-founder of UIA,
tion: 107
70; head of International Confer-
pan-Americanism: development of,
ence on Bibliography, 46, 70; La
67
Fin de Guerre, 75; proposal for
pan-Arabism: 125–6
Mundaneum, 107
pan-Atlanticism: 55
Ottawa Landmines Convention
pan-Europeanism: 104
(1997): 155, 176; non-signatories
pan-Germanism: 55
to, 161, 166
Ottoman Empire: 38, 41, 56, 63, 75;
291
INDEX
Pan-Islamic Society: formerly People’s International League:

Anjuman-i-Islam, 56 establishment of (1847), 31
pan-Islamism: concept of, 56 Permanent International Associa-
Pan-Pacific and South-East Asia tion of Navigation Congresses: 53
Women’s Association Permanent International Committee
(PPSEAWA): creation of (1925), of Mothers: creation of, 135
99 Permanent International Conference
Pan-Pacific Union: establishment of of Private Organisations for the
(1912), 67 Protection of Migrants: creation
Pan-Pacific Women’s Conferences of (1924), 95
(1928/1930): 99 Permanent Court of International
pan-Slavisim: 55 Arbitration: establishment of, 62
pan-Turanism: development of, 56 Peru: 38
pan-Turkism: development of, 56 Pesticide Action Network: forma-
Panama: 63 tion of (1982), 149
Pankhurst, Sylvia: 115 Petliura, Symon: alleged role in
Paris Commune (1871): 38; pogroms in Ukraine, 97
suppression of, 39
Phonetic Teachers Association
Paris Universal Exhibition (1855):
(International Phonetic Associa-
INGOs formed following, 35
tion): formation of (1886), 45
Pickard, Bertram: Secretary of
formation of INGOs during, 64
Quaker International Centre, 106
Platten, Fritz: 79
55
Ploetz, Alfred: founder of Interna-
Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963): 144
tional Society for Racial Hygiene,
Passy, Frédéric: 64; Nobel Peace
73
Prize recipient (1901), 65; role in
Poland: 101, 158; November
formation of Ligue Internationale
Uprising (1830–1), 30
et Permanente de la Paix, 39; role
Popular Front: development of, 116
in organization of Universal Peace
Portugal: 27, 33, 113; Lisbon, 25
Congresses, 61
Post War World Council: formation
Patriotic Alliance: formation of
of, 129
(1865), 56
Prague Fascist Club: offices of, 112
Pax Romana: 113
Proletarian Freethinkers: 100
Peace of Westphalia (1648): political
Prussia: 27, 33
impact of, 5
Publish What You Pay: expansion
PeaceNet: creation of (1985), 148
of, 170
Pélisser, Jean: co-founder of Central
Pugwash Conferences on Science
Office of Nationalities/UON,
and World Affairs: launch of
74–5
(1957), 140
292
INDEX
al-Qaeda: affiliates of, 164 advocacy of ‘Four Freedoms’

Al-Qahtaniyah: creation of (1909), (1941), 131
67 Roosevelt, Theodore: 68
Quaker International Centre: Rostow, Walt Whitman: Stages of
personnel of, 106 Economic Growth, 141
Quakerism: 16, 28, 32, 44; ‘Declara- Rotary International: 88, 90, 117;
tion Against Plots and Fightings’ origins of, 65–6
(1661), 21; influence of, 26 Round About Club: formation of
Quintuple Treaty for the Suppres- (1895), 47
sion of the Slave Trade: signing of Royal and Central Society of
(1841), 33 Rescuers: congresses convened by,
Quota International: aims of, 88 50
Royal Geographical Society:
Radek, Karl: 79 absorption of African Association
Radziwill, Gabrielle: 93 (1831), 41; formation of (1830),
Ramabai, Pamita: founder of 41
Ramabai Association, 59 Royal Institute of International
Ramabai Association: creation of Affairs: 130
(1887), 59 Royal Jennerian Society for the
Ramakrishna Math: 63, 119 Extermination of the Small-Pox:
Red International of Labour Unions aims of, 27–8; institution of
(Profintern): 101; creation of (1803), 27
(1921), 100 Royal Library of Belgium: 14
Red Sports International: 100 Royal Society: establishment of
Reinsch, Paul: 4 (1660), 22; International Cata-
Religious Society of Friends: logue Committee, 46
formation of, 21 Russian Empire: 28, 33, 38, 75, 78,
Republic of Ireland: 113; Dublin, 25 82; October Revolution (1917),
Revue Encyclopédique: 42 80, 90; pogroms in, 56
Rice, Stuart: 125 Russian Federation: 161, 166, 172;
Rio Earth Summit (1992): 166; government of, 168
attendees of, 154 Ruyssen, Théodore: 121; Secretary-
Robins, Dorothy: 130 General of IFLNS, 81, 120
Rockefeller Foundation: formation
of (1913), 65 Salafiyyah movement: origins of, 56
Roman Catholic Church: 16 Salvation Army: 68; formation of
Romania: 113, 134; Bulgarian (1878), 57
population of, 97 Sana’a Declaration: launch of
Roosevelt, Eleanor: 137–8 (2004), 171
Roosevelt, Franklin D.: 127; Sand, René: role in formation of
293
INDEX
International Council on Social Servicio Paz y Justicia: formation of

Welfare, 95 (1974), 149
Sané, Pierre: Director of Amnesty Séverine: 97
International, 162 Shack/Slum Dwellers International:
Saraswati, Sami Sivananda: founder founding of (1996), 157
of Divine Life Society, 119 Shaarawi, Huda: leader of Egyptian
Saudi Arabia: 99; Mecca (Makkah), Feminist Union, 126
99, 149 Shih-tseng, Lee: co-founder of
Save the Children Fund: 96, 127; World Society, 119
aims of, 86; formation of (1919), Shintoism: 57
86 Shotwell, James T.: 130–1; co-
Save the Children International founder of Commission to Study
Union: 94; creation of (1920), 86; the Organization of Peace, 128
development of, 95 Sierra Leone: 63
Schleyer, Johann Martin: creator of Sikhism: 56
Volapük, 47 Sino-International Library: creation
Schuster, Arthur: 73 of (1933), 119
Schwartzbard, Samuel: trial of, 97 Sisterhood is Global Institute
Schwimmer, Rosika: co-founder of (SIGI): formation of (1984), 147
Campaign for World Govern- Smith, Brian: 142
ment, 120 Social Accountability International:
Second Balkan War (1913): 72 163
Second International (1889–1916): socialism: 31, 51, 101, 104, 109, 113,
peace resolution of (1907), 72; 139, 143
promotion of May 1, 51; role in Socialist International: creation of
formation of global union (1951), 139
federations, 51–2 Socialist Movement for the United
Second Italian War of Independence States of Europe: 136
(1859): Battle of Solferino, 38 Sociedad Astronomica de Espana y
Second World War (1939–45): 6, America: formation of (1911), 67
16–17, 75, 77, 88, 99, 102, societas civilis: concept of, 2
119–20, 122–4, 126–7, 134, Société de l’Union des Nations: 29
136–7, 140, 175–6, 178–9, 182; Société d’Enseignement Universel:
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939), establishment of (1833), 30
116; Munich Agreement (1938), Société de Géographie: formation of
110 (1821), 41
Seneca Falls Convention (1848): Société Générale des Naufrages et
58–9; role in US women’s suffrage, de l’Union des Nations: 32; as
33 Société Générale des Naufrages
Serbia: 172 (International Shipwreck
294
INDEX
Society), 32, 36; creation of Society for the Recovery of the

(1835), 32; L’Internationale, 32 Drowned: aims of, 25; formation
Société Internationale de Charité: of (1767), 25
34 Society for the Relief of Free
Société Internationale des Études Negroes: formation of (1775), 26
Pratiques d’Économie Sociale: 35 Society for Worldwide Interbank
Société Universelle: 34 Financial Telecommunications
Société Universelle (SWIFT): creation of (1973), 150
d’Ophtalmologie: formation of Society of Friends of Blacks:
(1857), 37 establishment of (1788), 26
Société Universelle des Sciences, des Society of Friends of Foreigners in
Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de Distress: 26, 37
l’Industrie et du Commerce: Society of Friends of Universal
formation of (1851), 35 Peace and the Rights of Man: 26
Society for a League of Religions: Society of International Studies and
88 Correspondence (Internationalis
Society for Abolishing War: Concordia): 47
formation of (1816), 28 Society of the Community of
Society for Arab Unity: formation of Believers in Accordance with
(1931), 126 Buddhist Principles (Rissho
Society for International Develop- Kosei-kai): creation of (1938), 119
ment: formation of (1957), 140 Society of the Muslim Brothers: see
Society for Oriental Researches: entry on Muslim Brotherhood
establishment of (1935), 119 Society of Universal Good-Will: 86;
Society for Promoting Christian origins of, 26
Knowledge (SPCK): 26; forma- Society of Universal Revolution: 26
tion of (1698), 22 Sohn, Louis: 130
Society for Promoting Female Soroptimist International of the
Education in the East: establish- Americas: creation of (1921), 99
ment of (1834), 41 South Africa: 63, 108, 157; apart-
Society for Raising Asia: formation heid regime, 2, 151; Johannesburg,
of (1880), 55 169
Society for Research in Asiatic South American Athletics federa-
Music: establishment of (1936), tion (CONSUDATLE): estab-
119 lishment of (1918), 79
Society for the Improvement of South American Football Federa-
Prison Discipline: 36; formation tion (CONMEBOL): formation
of (1817), 28 of (1916), 79
Society for the Promotion of South Korea: 63
Permanent and Universal Peace: Sovereign Constantinian Order:
formation of (1816), 28 20–1
295
INDEX
Soviet Union (USSR): 152–3; Taft, William: President of LEP, 80

Council of People’s Commissars, Taoism: 57
109; entry into League of Nations temperance movement: 21, 34, 42,
(1934), 116; Famine (1921–3), 45, 70; influence of, 58, 64, 161
101; Moscow, 89, 100, 135 Tenants’ League: 100
Spain: 27, 32–3, 38, 113 Thailand (Siam): 63; Bangkok, 158
Sri Lanka (Ceylon): 63, 108 Theosophical Esperantist League: 70
Standing Committee on the Health Theosophical Society: 63; establish-
and Welfare of Seamen: creation ment of (1875), 57
of (1927), 94 Third Reich (1933–45): 113,
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady: 33 115–16, 122, 134; economic
Stettinius, Edward: US Secretary of policies of, 111; Gestapo, 118;
State, 131 persecution of Jews during, 118;
Stockholm Conference on the use made of INGOs, 114
Human Environment: 145, 154 Third World Network: 153;
Streit, Clarence: founder of US establishment of (1984), 149
Federal Union, 128; Union Now: Tobin, James: proposal for tax on
A Proposal for a Federal Union of
spot conversions of currencies
the Democracies of the North
(1972), 157
Atlantic (1939), 120
trade unions: nationalization of, 39
Student Mobilization Committee to
Transjordan: 99
End the War in Vietnam:
transnational corporations (TNCs):
formation of (1968), 144
150, 153–4; growth of, 149;
Sturge, Joseph: role in creation of
INGO targeting of, 151
BFASS, 32
transnational religious orders
Sudan: 99
Sufi Order in the West: formation of (RINGOs): 57–8, 119, 177;
(1910), 67 concept of, 20–1; examples of, 21;
Suhrawady, Abdullah: role in missionary, 22, 26, 41; Protestant,
creation of Pan-Islamic Society 21–2; Roman Catholic, 21–2;
(1903), 56 Quaker, 67
Survival International: 148 transnational social movement
Sweden: 59, 113, 150 organizations (TSMOs): 162;
Switzerland: 27, 36, 44, 59, 113; locations of, 163–4
Basel, 56, 72; Berne, 58, 82; Transparency International: 156
Geneva, 14, 25, 39, 53, 58, 80, 86, Trinidad and Tobago: 60
100, 105–9, 117, 152; Montreux, Truman, Harry S.: 133
113; Vevey, 75; Zimmerwald, 79; Truman Doctrine: 133
Zurich, 66, 84, 114 von Tschammer und Osten, Hans:
Syria: 63, 99–100, 108, 126; Reichssportführer, 114
Damascus, 126 Tunisia: 108; Revolution (2010–11),
171
296
INDEX
turbocapitalism: development of, 11 142, 147, 150; colonies of, 33, 41;
Turkey: 25, 32, 63, 100, 108; government of, 126; Leeds, 83;
government of, 71 London, 4, 14, 22, 26–9, 31, 34–5,
Tyrell, Ian: 88–9 41–2, 50–2, 55–6, 59–60, 69, 80,
88, 104, 107, 116, 125; Norwich,
UK National Archives: 13 26; Oxford, 14; Parliament, 30,
Ukraine: pogroms in, 97 39; Treasury, 129
UN Economic and Social Council United Nations (UN): 3, 14, 17, 93,
(ECOSOC): 14, 131, 135, 143; 105, 137, 149–50, 160, 166, 175,
Charter of, 3 178, 180; Charter of, 123, 130–2,
UN Economic Commission for 137; Children’s Emergency Fund
Africa: formation of, 136 (UNICEF), 150; Convention on
UN Human Rights Commission: the Prevention and Punishment
143 of the Crime of Genocide (1948),
Unión Femenina Ibero-Americana: 137; Declaration on the Elimina-
establishment of (1936), 119 tion of Discrimination against
Union Internationale des Villes: Women (1967), 146; Employment
formation of, 66 (Discrimination) Convention
Union of Arab Pharmacists: (1958), 138; Environment
establishment of (1945), 126 Programme, 145; Equal Remu-
Union of International Associations neration Convention (1951), 138;
(UIA): 4, 14–15, 19, 74, 76, 138, General Assembly, 146; Offices,
155, 177; aims of, 71; Annuaire de 14; San Francisco Conference
la Vie Internationale: 15, 70, 75, (1945), 130–2; Security Council,
160; Yearbook of International 168; Universal Declaration of
Organizations, 6, 15, 70; origins Human Rights (UDHR) (1948),
of, 71; personnel of, 75 137–8
Union of Nationalities (UON): United States of America (USA):
Annales des Nationalitiés: 74–5; 27, 29–30, 34, 36, 38, 41, 49, 53,
collapse of, 75; formerly Central 58–60, 62, 78, 108–9, 112, 127,
Office of Nationalities, 74; Third 146, 150, 161, 165–6, 172; 9/11
International Congress of Attacks, 164; Atlantic City, 84;
Nationalities (1916), 75 Chicago, 128; Civil War (1861–
Union of Utrecht: formation of 5), 39, 143; Congress, 129;
(1889), 57 Constitution of, 88–9; govern-
Union of War Veterans: 100 ment of, 55, 71, 143, 158, 167;
Unitarians: 28 Hawaii, 108; Honolulu, 103;
United Europe Movement: forma- military of, 127; New York, 28, 57,
tion of (1947), 136 87, 95, 128, 131; Philadelphia,
United Kingdom (UK): 29–30, 25–6; prohibition in, 88–90;
33–4, 41, 59–60, 66, 71, 109, 120, Revolution, 25, 175; State
297
INDEX
Department, 130; Treasury (1912), 74; Universal Races

Department, 129; Washington Congress (1911), 74
DC, 58, 68, 85, 162 University of Sussex: Institute of
United Women of the Americas: Development Studies, 142
establishment of (1934), 119 Unrepresented Peoples and Nations
United World Federalists: 140 Organization: establishment of
Universal Alliance of Women for (1991), 157
Peace by Education (International Uruguay: 63, 108, 119
League of Women for General US Federal Union: founding of
Disarmament): creation of (1896), (1940), 128
61 US League of Nations Association:
Universal Association of members of, 128
Volapükists: formation of (1887),
47 Vincent de Paul, St.: charitable
Universal Confederation of the organisations founded by, 21–2
Friends of Truth (Cercle Social): Vienna Exposition (1873): 46
affiliates of, 25–6; Society of Vienna World Conference on
Women Friends of Truth, 26 Human Rights (1993): 155
Universal Negro Improvement and Vietnam: Saigon, 47
Conservation Association and Vietnam War (1955–75): 141;
African Communities League escalation of, 143; peace activism
(UNIA): establishment of (1914), during, 144
78; members of, 78 Viner, Jacob: 130
Universal Peace Congresses (1889): Vishva Hindu Parishad: formation
34, 61 of (1964), 149
Universal Scientific Alliance: 78; Vivekananda, Swami: speaker at
Diplôme Circulaire, 47; formation World Parliament of Religions, 57
of (1876), 47
Universal Society of the Friends of War on Want: Baby Killer, The
the People: formation of (1792), (1974), 150; formation of (1951),
26 140; influence of, 142
Universal Society of the White Weimar Republic (1919–33): 111,
Cross: formation of (1907), 66 122
Universala Esperanto-Asocio Wendte, Charles: First Secretary of
(Universal Esperanto Associa- International Council of Unitar-
tion): 47, 70 ian and Other Liberal Religious
Universities Committee on Post- Thinkers and Workers, 57
War International Problems: West India Committee: 27
creation of (1942), 129 Western Roman Empire: Sack of
University of London: First Rome (410), 22
International Eugenics Congress White, Lyman Cromwell: 4, 78, 110
298
INDEX
White Cross Army: branches of, 60; the Churches: founding of (1914),
creation of (1883), 60 80
Wilkinson, Ellen: 115 World Alliance of Reformed
Willetts, Peter: 133 Churches: formation of (1875), 57
Williams, Douglas: 93, 131 World Alliance of Young Men’s
Williams, Henry Sylvester: founder Christian Associations
of African Association, 55 (WYCMA): 14, 16, 37–8, 180;
Williams, Jody: organizer of formation of (1855), 35–6, 43
International Campaign to Ban World Assembly of Youth: 134
Landmines, 155, 160 World Association of Lebanese
Wilson, Woodrow: 75, 81 Neurosurgeons: 161
Wittner, Lawrence: 143–4 World Bank: 17, 155, 164; forma-
women: 83–4; enfranchisement of, tion of (1944), 129; funding
7, 45, 58, 60, 63, 90, 97, 177; provided by, 156
female genital mutilation (FGM), World Bank-Civil Society Forum:
98; footbinding, 59; sex traffick- 167–8
ing, 59–60 World Committee Against War and
Women Living Under Muslim Fascism: 117; origins of, 115
Laws: formation of (1984), 146–7 World Committee for the Relief of
Women’s Indian Association of the Victims of German Fascism:
Madras: personnel of, 107 Brown Book of the Hitler Terror,
Women’s International Democratic The, 115–16
Federation (WIDF): 134–5 World Confederation of Labour:
Women’s International League for role in formation of ITUC, 170
Peace and Freedom (WILPF): 84, World Congress of Doctors (1954):
98, 104–5 creation of International Medical
Women’s Publicity Planning Association, 135
Association: 124 World Congress of Faiths: creation
Women’s World Committee against of (1936), 120
War and Fascism: 115 World Congress of International
Woolf, Leonard: 81 Associations (1913): 74; attendees
Workers’ International Centre of of, 71
Latin American Solidarity: World Council of Churches: 140;
creation of (1913), 67 establishment of (1948), 120, 139
Workers International Relief: 100 World Dental Federation: establish-
World Alliance for Citizen Partici- ment of (1900), 50
pation (CIVICUS): emergence of, World Disarmament Conference
155 (1932–4): 16, 107–9, 121, 132;
World Alliance for Promoting collapse of, 116, 120; Disarma-
International Friendship Through ment Committees, 108–9
299
INDEX
World Economic Forum: 159; of, 99; formation of (1926), 99;

development of, 150 Jerusalem Congress (1931), 137
World Federation: creation of World Parliament of Religions:
(1941), 128 convening of (1903), 56; speakers
World Federation of Democratic at, 57
Youth (WFDY): 134; demotion World Peace Council (WPC):
of consultative status, 135 creation of (1949), 135; Interna-
World Federation of Trade Unions: tional Economic Conference
163, 170 (1952), 135
World Federation of United Nations World Potato Congress: 161
Associations: establishment of World Rainforest Movement:
(1946), 140 formation of (1986), 149
World Federation of Scientific World Road Association: creation of
Workers (WFSW): 134 (1910), 66
World Federation of Teachers World Social Forum (WSF): 156,
Associations (FISG): 134 159–60; development of, 166–7
World Federation of Trade Unions World Society: 119
(WFTU): 176; members of, 133;
World Student Christian Federa-
secession of ICFTU (1949), 133;
tion: formation of (1895), 57
successor to IFTU, 132
World Students’ Committee against
World Fellowship of Buddhists:
War and Fascism: 115
World Summit on Sustainable
World Government Association:
Development (2002): 169
128
World Temperance Convention
World Health Organization
(1846): 34, 42
(WHO): 150; Code of Marketing
for Breast Milk Substitutes, 151; World Trade Organization (WTO):
World Health Assembly, 151 Battle of Seattle (1999), 156
World Jewish Congress: 116 World Trade Union Conference
World Jewish Relief: formation of (1945): 131
(1933), 118 World Union of Free Thinkers:
World League Against Alcoholism: creation of (1877), 57
launch of (1919), 88 World Union of Women for
World League for Protection of International Concord: establish-
Animals: formation of (1898), 49 ment of (1915), 80
World Medical Association: World Veterans Federation: creation
formation of (1947), 138 of (1950), 139
World Methodist Council: forma- World Vision: formation of (1950),
tion of (1881), 57 140
World Muslim Congress: branches World Wide Fund for Nature:
300
INDEX
World Wide Vincentian Family: Young Europe: 43–4, 73–4; creation

members of, 21–2 of, 30–1; structure of, 37
World Zionist Organization: Young Men’s Christian Associations
development of, 64; formation of (YMCAs): 44; formation of
(1897), 56 (1844), 35
World’s Alliance of Young Women’s Young Men’s Muslim Association:
Christian Associations: 107; formation of (1927), 100
formation of (1894), 57 Young Women’s Christian Associa-
World’s Fair (1889): organisations tions (YWCAs): 95, 98
formed during, 51, 53
World’s Temperance Convention Zamenhof, Lejzer Ludwik: creator
(1846): 58 of Esperanto, 47
World’s Woman’s Christian Zimmern, Alfred: 106
Temperance Union (WCTU): Zimmerwald Left: establishment of
branches of, 58, 63; Department (1915), 79; influence of, 80;
of Peace and Arbitration, 60; members of, 79
formation of (1883), 58; personnel Zinoviev, Grigory: 79; speech at
of, 58 First Congress of Comintern
Worms, Réne: 73 (1919), 89
Zionism: 56
al-Yaziji, Ibrahim: 56 Zonta International: aims of, 88
Yemen: Aden, 99 Zoroastrianism: 57
Young Communist International:
100
301

NGOs A New History of Transnation - DAVIS

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NGOs

Oxford New York

Copyright © 2014 Thomas Davies

Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc

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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this title

Priming Grant from City University London. Research assistance from

especially Professor Peter Willetts and Dr Alejandro Peña. The author is

The more than 20,000 international non-governmental organizations

of INGOs has developed in a cyclical pattern; and (v) providing an

Transnational Civil Society and International Non-Governmental

which extend far further. INGOs are overwhelmingly considered to be

The Long History of Transnational Civil Society

forces in international politics’ or ‘largely a product of twentieth-century

The Dimensions of Transnational Civil Society’s Evolution

bined measure of cosmopolitan values such as tolerance, concern for

Explaining the Evolution of Transnational Civil Society

into scientific/technological, environmental, economic, social and polit-

be equally effective in hindering it: information and communications

Table 1: A Selection of Factors Influencing the Rise and Fall of Transnational

Scientific/Technological New technologies (e.g. telephone, steamship,

Internal Political TCS unity/co-ordination/centralization

â•…Environmental factors have a similar dual impact. It has been com-

such as the apparent emergence of ‘a common consciousness of human

work on ‘cycles of contention’ in domestic social movements, Tarrow has

Historical Sources on Transnational Civil Society

sentatives of its own to observe and report on numerous transnational

concluding chapter also considers the possible future trajectories of trans-

In a pamphlet published in 1914, the Union of International Associa-

Early History to 1767

Table 2: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded to the mid eighteenth

Category Illustrative INGO, with year of foundation

Religious order Roman Catholic—e.g. Order of St John, 1099

founded at the time of the conversion of the Roman Empire to Chris-

operation on a cross-border basis of groups of performing artists such as

The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 1767–1869

Table 3: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 1760–1855

Category Illustrative INGO, with year of foundation

Anti-Slavery Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully

significant social transformation, including urbanization and the emer-

and Utrecht.34 In 1791 the Cercle established an offshoot composed

â•… By the end of the eighteenth century, associational activities in Europe

natural system of united property; which united property is to be created

the wounded in the Battle of Solferino of 1859, Dunant pioneered the

and Bakunin were particularly important in the First International’s

notable.166 In this period a number of Arabs who had studied Enlight-

seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, uni-

Europe. Furthermore, the growth of national associations provided build-

Consolidation of the ‘First Wave’, 1870–1900

exploring in turn standardization, industrial and intellectual property,

foreshadowed the work of the International Labour Organization in its

ing case study of the cyclicality of internationalism. The artificial language

given that he intended his language to be ‘unconditionally accepted by

in Wiesbaden with German, British, French, Russian and US partici-

Japan that was created in Yokohama in 1872 by British and American

ogy, therapeutics, physiology, gynaecology and thalassotherapy.224

hosted ‘the first international congress of working class housing organ-

the negotiations that led to the formation of global union federations, of

In 1897–1900, the International Federation of Commercial Travellers

â•… With respect to the Ottoman empire, Young Ottoman intellectuals

â•… Despite facing growing criticism from rationalist organizations,