Plato and Greek Slavery

Greek Towers and Slaves: An Archaeology of Exploitation
Author(s): Sarah P. Morris and John K. Papadopoulos

Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 109, No. 2 (Apr., 2005), pp. 155-225
Published by: Archaeological Institute of America
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40024509
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Greek Towers and Slaves:
An Archaeology of Exploitation
SARAH P. MORRIS AND JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS
Abstract 70 on Keos), they were once termed Inselturme or

This article reviews the archaeological and documen-
"island towers," but they appear regularly in nearly
tary evidence for stone towers built in rural and urban
every region of the classical Greece polis (fig. 6; for
Greece in classical and Hellenistic times. The history of
exceptions, see pp. 200-3). Regional research has
scholarship reveals how prevailing agendas have unduly
produced
influenced interpretation. A new contextual and trans- detailed modern studies of towers on the
mainland (Attica, Megara, the Argolid) , the Cyclades
regional approach situates these structures more securely
(Siphnos, Andros, Naxos, Tenos, Keos, Amorgos),
within the exploitation of the Greek landscape through
extractive and productive technologies, and emphasizes
the northern Aegean (Thasos, Lesbos), and the
their relations to the forms of dependent labor that en-
Ionian islands (Leukas); a comprehensive corpus,
abled them. In particular, towers may have confined un-
though
free labor under circumstances of absentee farming and long desirable, is not the focus of this ar-
mining by wealthy owners and tenants.* ticle. Their precise function in ancient Greek life
remains disputed, and this is our subject.
INTRODUCTION
The round tower still standing at Cheimarrou on
AeT 8e Kcd txdv dyaOwv dv5pcov touc; Naxos in the Cyclades
xd(}>oi)c; koL(fig, 1) introduces standard
noAudv5pia nupyouc; KaxaoKeudêiv, features
i'va of
q xesuch structures and the challenges of
noAiq
studying. them.2
docJ)aA8OT8pa yivi]xai Kai at u£v 5' apetfrv The Naxos tower is built of local
. . kcxAwc;
ouoi xeOauuevoi.
marble, measures 8.5 m in diameter (9.2 m exte-
Philo Syntax Mechanicus 5.86 rior) , and once stood to a height of 15 m in 53 courses,
probably roofed with tiles. A single small window
The most conspicuous ancient monument tolies two stories above the only entrance. A door open-
survive in the rural landscape of Greece is the clas-
ing to the inside and smaller slits illuminate the in-
terior staircase, built of cantilevered blocks bonded
sical or Hellenistic stone tower, round or square in
shape (figs. 1-5). Over the centuries such struc-
to the interior wall to support wooden treads. It
stands inside an open courtyard (35 m2) enclosed
tures attracted early modern travelers and artists,
were often mistaken for medieval,1 and more re-by a stone wall, which once held buildings used for
cently have preoccupied historians and archaeolo-
pressing olives, installed many centuries after the
gists focused on military history, rural life, and
tower was built.3 Set on the south slopes of the moun-
Greek architecture. Particularly numerous on some
tains of central Naxos, it dominates no height; like
Greek islands (33 on Thasos, 56 on Siphnos, over
its low-set counterpart on Andros (fig. 2), it is visibly
*This essay represents 15 years of conjoined observation

ternational de Recherches sur l'Esclavage Antique) for their
and discussion in pursuit of a mutual idea sparked in 1 988, based
interest and feedback. Our lasting thanks to Patrick Finnerty
on autopsy of monuments on Aigina, Naxos, Siphnos, Tenos, and Robert Finnerty for drawings and advice, to the German
Andros, Keos, Amorgos, Thasos, Leukas (Morris 2001 ) , Ithaka,
Archaeological Institute at Athens for photographs, and to the
in Attica, the Megarid, the Peloponnese, and Chalkidike. invaluable
Our comments of two anonymous AJA reviewers. We
thanks to John Coleman, Angelika Douzougli, Walter Gauss, dedicate the result to the memory of Michael Jameson, who
Nota Kourou, Lila Marangou, Klaus Pfeiffer, Olga Philaniotou,
witnessed an early version of these ideas, and paved the way
Tarquin Preziosi, and Kostas Zachos for their interest and assis-
for so many advances in interdisciplinary research in the
tance on site. Numerous audiences in Australia, Greece, and classical landscape.
the United States have endured premature versions of our 1 Ross 1840; Leake 1856 (citing Callim. Hymn4.2S) ; Dragatsis
arguments: we are grateful to members of the Cotsen Insti-
1881 (medieval or Venetian, but see Dragatsis 1915, 1920,
tute of Archaeology at UCLA, Tom Hilliard and Ken Sheedy1924);
of Bent 1965.
Macquarie University, Ted Robinson of the University of 2Haselberger 1972, 1978b, for scale drawings and analysis
Sydney; faculty and students at LaTrobe University, the of
Uni-
figs. 1-4.
versity of New England (Armidale), the Southern California 3 Recent excavations by the Ephorate of the Cyclades have
Classical Association, the Society for American Archaeology,
revealed extensive Late Antique installations for olive oil pro-
the Panionion Conference of 2002, the American School of duction at this tower (see Philaniotou 2001, 2002, 2003).
Classical Studies at Athens, and GIREA 2003 (Groupement In-
155
American Journal of Archaeology 109 (2005) 155-225
156 SARAH P. MORRIS AND JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS [AJA109
best preserved on the mainland lie in an in

ley of the Megarid, near the Attic and Boe
ders, equally unmarked by any strategic loc
5). Hundreds of less well-known example
Greek landscape (fig. 6), amplified by re
coveries in regional survey or salvage arc
ranging from surface remains of isolated b
foundations to fully excavated structures.
ter, regardless of location, have produce
consistent contents: domestic ceramics, f
cessing equipment, storage vessels, hous
tifacts for weaving, etc.4 The ground floor
devoted to storage in underground vats, or
either preserved in situ (see pp. 189-90)
by heavy debris from storage pithoi, or in
tation (see IG XII 5, 872, 52, for a pithon in
[tower] on Tenos), although some towers st
a separate pithon.5 Pressing and grindin
for grain, olives, or grapes are frequent fi
near towers; nearby cisterns or wells
water, and enclosing walls of lighter mater
towers in a rural complex (see p. 168).
This substantial corpus of standing tower
cent remains, and ancient contexts has only
received close architectural study as a whol
eral agreement reigns as to their date an
Greek history and architecture.7 The ear
ers tested in excavation lie in Attica and date to the
fifth century. These were usually round in shape,
often built of mudbrick on a stone socle (e.g., at
Thorikos).8 This shape survives into the fourth cen-
Fig. 1. Tower at Cheimarrou, Naxos, from south. (S. Morris
andj. Papadopoulos) tury and even into the Hellenistic period (e.g., all
56 towers on Siphnos are round; see fig. 7 for a round
tower with Hellenistic arched doorway), when the
dwarfed by hills nearby. Long exposed to visitors
escalation of urbanand
fortifications with square towers
vandals, its original contents have long disappeared.
influenced the construction of square rural towers
As for many towers, it is primarily masonry style
(figs. 4, 5, that styles play a powerful role in
8). Regional
provides a date, in this case to the the
late Classicaland
proliferation orvariety of these structures.
Hellenistic periods. Towers range in size, from round structures with
The Naxos tower is one of three still standing
diameters of 4-6 to
m, to square ones that measure 7-
a considerable height in the Greek islands,
9 m along
on a side (fig. 4), to the large round Thymonia
with substantial towers on Andros (at tower on Thasos
Agios Petros (20 m diameter). Mudbrick re-
[figs. 2, 3] ) and Keos (at Agia Marina mained
[fig. 4]popular for early towers in Attica, while
) . Those
4Dragatsis (1915, 1920) describes domestic pottery, figu- 7Ashton (1991, 26, 76-7, 90) dates towers on Siphnos with
rines, querns, and objects that sound like loomweights and spin- arched doorways (e.g., fig. 7) to the sixth century B.C., but
dlewhorls at towers on Siphnos he called military. For excavat- they must postdate the Hellenistic introduction of the arch
ed towers, see Lord 1938; Scranton 1938; Jones et al. 1973;
(Boyd 1978). For a critique and chronology, see Lohmann
Spitaels 1978; Munn 1983, 1985; Lohmann 1993b; Goette 1993a, 157-8; 1996.
1995; Penttinen 2001; Adam-Veleni et al. 2003; for surface 8Mussche 1967a, 1967b, 1969, 1971; Spitaels 1978; Thiele-
finds, see Ober 1987b; Cherry et al. 1991, 295. mans 1994; cf. Lohmann 1993b. A round tower on Thasos
5 See Adam-Veleni et al. (2003, 56-70) for farms with sepa- carries a late Archaic funerary inscription (/GXII 8, 683) ; see
rate tower and pithon; see Hellman (1992, 363, 337-8, s.v. "pi- appx. to this article for a tower involved in a sixth-century in-
thon") on pithon as an alternate term for a tower. cident in Cyrene (Hdt. 1.163-164).
6Haselberger 1978b; cf. Nowicka 1975; Osborne 1992b.
2005] GREEK TOWERS AND SLAVES 157
Fig. 2. View to the tower site at Agios Petros, A
stone prevailed on islands

from towers,and in regions
as summarized plen
above, suggest habita-
in marble (Thasos, Siphnos, the Agrileza
tion rather than industry Vall
or defense, but by whom,
southeast Attica); most towers were covered with and why? Textual sources on Greek towers are tricky
pitched tile roofs.9 In developed examples from and involve multiple terms; they provide, at best,
the fourth century and later, builders favored partial evidence for their function. Pyrgos is but one
pseudoisodomic styles or coursed trapezoidal ma- ancient name for a tower, and its irregular use com-
sonry for larger towers (figs. 1-4, 7-9), often with plicates direct use of testimonia (see appx.).
drafted angle blocks (fig. 10), while polygonal In this essay, we apply a transregional approach
styles prevailed for square or pyramidal bases sup- to the location and construction of towers to re-
porting mudbrick superstructures (fig. 11). Along examine basic assumptions about their function and
with rural activity in Greece, towers decline in use by place in Greek history. In particular, these struc-
the later Hellenistic period and disappear in the tures mark intense exploitation of natural resources
early Roman period, with some later revivals in use;10 enabled by the use of dependent labor: this argu-
many were dismantled for spolia or built into post- ment derives from their environment, ancient
Antique structures (fig. 4, now attached to a church) . testimonia, and technical features of the structures
Most scholars would assent to this narrative his- themselves, to be examined in that order.
tory of Greek towers, based on their location, distri-
FROM FIGHTING TO FARMING
bution, and architectural style, but their function
eludes consensus. Their range in size and position
A brief history of scholarship on Greek to
makes it unlikely that all towers served the same
necessary to our arguments and to dispel per
purpose, even in the same area, as has been dem-
minority views. Early interpretations were h
onstrated in regional studies. Excavated materials
determined by the military interests of fore
(Ober 1980;
9 For dimensions and materials, see Haselberger 1987a), but see Haselberger 1979; Munn 19
Os-
borne 1992b, 44-5; Lohmann 1993a, 151-7. Tiles
44. are listed
for the Tenos tower (IG XII 5, 872) and are often
10 Supra n.found
2. at
towers. Flat roofs or parapets are claimed for "military" towers
towers on the mainland, the family strongholds of

the Mani, and the masserie of southern Italy - encour-
aged this view.12 Particularly in the Greek islands,
plagued by piracy from antiquity through recent
times, the proliferation of towers coincided with re-
ports of harassment from the sea in ancient sources.13
Thus it was natural to see towers as installations de-
signed to alert or protect rural residents, as watch or

signal towers, or as shelter from periodic raids on
persons and property.14
But a second point of view has gained support
since the first modern studies, given the sheer un-
suitability of many towers - often located well be-
low peaks, hidden from other towers, settlements,
or major landmarks - for surveillance or signaling
(figs. 2, 5, 7, 8). Their isolation and rural settings
(fig. 9), as well as the modern pattern of farming at
a distance from villages, led some early observers to
Fig. 3. Tower at Agios Petros, Andros, from southwest.

(S. Morris andj. Papadopoulos)
tors and classicists. Reconnaissance of the Greek
landscape since Ottoman times, and rural warfare

in Greece over the last two centuries, encouraged
the view of these towers as defensive. Their massive
masonry, height, and similarity in technique and size

(particularly of square towers) to circuit walls and
towers in Greek fortifications, all pointed to defense.
Ancient sources implied as much: Callimachus de-
scribes islands (presumably Cycladic) protected by
towers (rropyoiGi nepioKeneooi puuvca), in contrast
to Delos, defended by Apollo (Hymn 4.23). Com-
parison to later towers in classical landscapes -
Frankish towers of central Greece,11 Genoese pyrgoi Fig. 4. Tower at Agia Marina, Keos, from south. (E. Gehnen)
(Courtesy DAI Athens, neg. 94/396)
in the islands, Turkish giftlik (feudal) estates with
11 Lock 1986, 1989, 1996; Langdon 1995. Leake (1856, 153) Bolognini (1987) for Italian masserie.
cites Graves' comparison to the round towers of Ireland, "built 13 On piracy, see Ducrey 1983; de Souza 2000. On Keos, a
for the safety of the persons and property of the Early Church citizen of Karthaia reported a pirate attack on his epi ton agrou
of Ireland." oikia in the third century (IG XII, 5, 1061 ) , and measures were
12 Turkish giftlik estates with towers (cf. Latin prototypes; see taken to restrict the circulation of free and unmarried women;
Kienast 2001) have been studied in Messenia (Alcock 1998; see infra n. 35.
Bennet et al. 2000, 349, 365), Lakonia (Cavanagh et al.1996, 14 Ross 1840, 120, 132-3; Droop 1923; Ormerod 1924a,
334, fig. 24.9), and the Troad (Arel 1993). See Costantini and 1924b; Young 1956a, 132 n. 19.
Fig. 5. Tower "toil Germanou" at Megalo Vat
connect In terms of a
them
cultivating with method
remote and ag
epaule, or eschatia.15 Domestic artifacts andfo
with a new post-war l
on ancient
persuaded Wilhelm Dorpfeld that rural the life,19
towe
Poros on Leukas (fig. for
8) was the a study
Gehoft, of andclassic
its
aerial photography
on Leukas, turmartige Wohnungen.16 John Youn and
the help of a crucial tion oftext
a classical farm at Vari in southeast Attica
describing a rai
house with a tower produced a type-site for rural residences with tow-
in fourth-century Att
appx.), saw towers in ers (fig. 12). 21 Research in the
southeast Crimea (Cherson-
Attica and
in an nesos) at as
agrarian
landscape Greek buildings
colonies of the Black Sea uncovered
linked to
ing the land.17 Aftercadastrated
the landscapes
middleof farms withoftowers; many 20
the
are well
tury, a paradigm shift had preserved and have been fully excavated.22
transformed views
Regional survey
towers, converting most of also them,drew attention to more mod-
including
est remains - structures
eval ones,18 from defensive of mudbrick and wood on
structures into rur
dences ("farm stoneTurmhduser,
towers," foundations - attached to towers in Turmgehof
the coun-
15 Ross 1840, 43-5 (describing Hasria Triada on Amomos) attention

. to the countryside, including survey, from archaeol-
16 Dorpfeld 1965, 256-62; confirmed by Morris 2001. ogists and more work on Greek farms and towers. See also
17 Young 1956a. Even the Argolid "pyramids" (fig. 11),Cartledffe 1993, 1995.
actually zfrustrum, or pyramidal base of masonry for upper sto- 20 See Bradford (1956, 1957) for aerial photos (of Attica);
ries of brick (Schilbach 1975; Marksteiner 1994b), have been regional survey: Snodgrass 1990; Cherry 2003.
rehabilitated as farms (Fracchia 1985; Pritchett 1991, 35-45). 21 Jones et al. 1973.
18 Medieval towers once connected to surveillance or sig- 22Dufkova and Pecirka 1970; Pecirka 1970, 1973; Saprykin
naling were recognized as rural residences for feudal - Frank- 1994, 1997. Land divisions were recorded by a Russian military
ish then Turkish - landlords, but see Lock ( 1996) on questionsengineer in 1783 (Carter 2003, 45, 121-34, fig. 6.1); research
which still plague the interpretation of medieval towers. encouraged by Rostovtzeff in 1941 was initiated by Strzheletskiy
19 Following economic and social historians (Rostovtzeffandin 1945.
Finley), Humphreys (1967, 379-80 n. 13-20) called for fresh
Fig. 6. Map of Greece with towers, vineyards, mines, and quarries discussed in text. (Drawing by
tryside, while excavation revealed plenty lighthouses,

of towers farms, or defensive towers.24 Towers
built of similar materials, humbler than their ma- were increasingly appreciated as a single unit among
sonry counterparts.23 Individual studies of particu- a complex of buildings (e.g., figs. 12-14), contrary
lar islands (Siphnos, Thasos, Keos, Leukas) or to the scenario in a text from fourth-century Athens
regions (Lycia) with towers have helped to define describing a raid on an extra-urban property ( [Dem.]
more precisely where these structures represent 47.56; see appx.). In short, thanks to close inspec-
23 See Munn (1983, 29 n. 50) for adjacent structures. For 1989; Bonias 1999; Amorgos: Boussac and Rougemont 1983;
mudbrick towers in Attica: Lohmann 1993a, 156; Thielemans Marangou 2001 ; Andros: Koutsoukou and Kanellopoulos 1990;
1994; Leukas: Morris 2001, 299 n. 31, 323-38; Asia: Xen. An. Leukas: Dousougli and Morris 1994; Morris 2001; Lycia:
7.8.12; see also appx. Zimmermann 1992, 95-9; Konecny 1993, 1997; Marksteiner
24 Siphnos: Dragatsis 1922-1923, 1924; Ashton 1991; Pre- 1994a, 1996; Miller 1995, 1997; Yener 1995, 1996; Behrwald
ziosi 1994; Davies 1997; Keos: Welter 1954; Georgiou and 1996; Hailer 1998, 2003; Sanli 2003; Cilicia: Durugoniil 1998;
Faraklas 1985, 1993; Cherry etal. 1991, 285-98; Mendoni 1998; Attica: Ober 1982; Lohmann 1993a, 138-61.
Thasos: Bon 1930; Osborne 1986; Kozelji and Wurch-Kozelji
Fig. 7. Tower at Kambanario, Siphnos, with
Fig. 8. Tower at Poros, Leukas, from northw
Fig. 9. Round tower at Agios Dimitrios tou Archavou, Exambela, Siphnos. (S. Morr
tion of context and testimonia, a tower is now rec- nearly constantly at war with each other, Persia, or
ognized as part of a Greek farm, rather than a fort, Macedon.26 Some historians have sought to reverse
and joins other components of ancient Greek fam- the direction initiated by Young's view of ancient
ily and household life.25 Greek towers as farms, reviving military agendas
In one sense, this shift merely displaces issues in key regions (Attica-Boeotia) P A minority view
of security from the public to the private sphere. still links most towers to public defense, in a sys-
Towers in the countryside are still seen as "defen- tem protecting "roads" (reconstructed from a se-
sive" or for "protection," but rather than public ries of towers) or an arrangement of watch or signal
(civic) safety, their charge is private lives and prop- towers placed to protect the territory or boundary
erty, including family members, household ser- of a state.28 New techniques, such as digital model-
vants or slaves, and produce from the land (cf. ing of three-dimensional landscapes, allow the
appx.). Moreover, their construction is contempo- reconstruction of "view-sheds" for networks of in-
rary with military events: the Peloponnesian War, tervisible towers used in surveillance and signal-
with its repeated, invited invasions of the Attic ing.29 It is clear from their placement that many of
countryside, opened the landscape to the enemy these structures, especially those atop hills, were
during the period when towers first appear in watch towers.30 Moreover, smaller round ones domi-
numbers, and the majority date to the later fifth nating coastal promontories could have served as
through third centuries when Greek states were lighthouses, like the inscribed example on Thasos
25Nowicka 1975, 142-5; Pritchett 1991, 352-7; Wacker 1999, 1987a, 1992; Daverio-Rocchi 1987, 103; Lohmann 1989; Camp
59-66. 1991 (but see Munn 1983, 401-63; Lohmann 1992, 40; 1993a,
159-60); Akarnania: Wacker 1999, 67-72. Peloponnese (e.g.,
26 For revised views of this insecurity, see Munn 1983, 1985;
Foxhall 1993; Hanson 1998. fig. 11): Pikoulas 1990-1991 , 1995a, 1996; Euboia: Reber 2002.
27 According to Ober (1985a, 98), "the current tendency to wKirigin and Popovic 1988; Ashton 1991, 32-6 (cf. Lohm-
ann 1996; Pikoulas 2000a); Cherry et al. 1991, 294, fig. 13.8;
consider all free-standing towers agricultural is as counterpro-
Wacker 1999, 67-72; Davies 1997, 99-117; Morris 2001, 322.
ductive as the previous tendency to see all towers as military."
28 Islands: Dragatsis 1915, 1920; Attica-Boeotia-Megara bor-For longevity of this view, see Dragatsis' survey of Siphnos (with
der: Winterberger 1892; Tillyard 1905-1906; Chandler 1926;Gripanis' map) in Younff 1956b.
Hammond 1954; Vanderpool 1978; Van de Maele 1980, 1987, 30 E.g., in Attica: Vanderpool 1978; Lohmann 1989, 1992,
1992; Lauter 1982, 1989; Muller 1982; Ober 1983, 1984, 1985b, 40, fig. 19 (Velatouri) ; Korakolithos in Phokis: Mclnerney 1999,
in function over time

farm on Siphnos).33 In t
solidation of Greek cit
removed many landow
from their fields, which
security.34 Piracy and k
were widely reported in
special measures were
ture of free and unmarried women.35 Some observ-
ers point to internal surveillance of slaves on a farm
as one function of a tower, which served simulta-
neously as a watch point against outside attacks.36
Many of these historical circumstances could have
inspired a frenzy of tower-building in the Greek
countryside,37 but careful study of contents and con-
text have proved that most towers belonged to farms,
replacing the modern quest for "strategic location"
with the identification of arable land.
If there is now agreement that most Greek rural

towers belonged to farms, this centers them in an
explosion of new information about the Greek
countryside, collected in regional analysis, and in
an ongoing debate about ancient farming practices
and their visibility in archaeology.38 In particular,
the archaeological definition of a farm is disputed.
Is a rural site defined by a sherd scatter alone? And
is a fully excavated structure a permanent or tem-
porary residence?39 Can we tell whether such a site
was dedicated to farming or herding?40 What is the
Fig. 10. Tower at Plaka, Naxos, from southwest. (S
andj. Papadopoulos) relationship between off-site artifacts and agricul-
tural activity, especially manuring?41 How wealthy
or modest was the "average" farmer? And, how do
praised soterion we classify archaeological sites in to
as
{naustathmon)a termsships
of ancient a
ors.31 Some see multiple
property owners uses in How
and laborers?42 ancient
do we recon- l
single corpus of towers (e.g.,
cile descriptions on
of rural lifeThasos),32
in texts (comedy, rheto-or
(Mendoni 1989) record dangers to free women and public

300-2; Boeotia: Snodgrass 1985; Kallet-Marx 1989; Argolid:
Garnsey 1997; Akarnania: Wacker 1999, nos. 27, 52-54; Caria:measures to protect them. Piracy and its suppression was often
Marchese 1992; Lycia: McNicoll and Winikoff 1983. However, claimed for political purposes (e.g., in honorific decrees) and
the square tower at Mazi in Attica and those in the Megarid is no guarantee of actual incidents (de Souza 2000, 43-96).
are not artillery towers, but see Ober (1987a) and Camp ( 1991 36Sutol993,
) 12.
for an alternative view; see also Munn 1983, 60-1; Lohmann 37 Lawrence 1979, 187-97; Cooper 2000.
1992, 40; Morris 2001, 340 n. 74. 38 Snodgrass 1987-1989; Bintliff 1994; see also the contri-
31 IG XII 8, 683. Cf. Kroupa on Leukas (Morris 2001, 320-butions in Doukellis and Mendoni 1994; see Cherry (2003)
2, 340). Poseidippos fr. 11 Gow and Page calls the lighthouse
on the effect of surface survey; for Greek agriculture, see Isag-
er and Skydsgaard 1992; Wells 1992; Burford 1993; Amouretti
of Alexandria a pyrgos. As a memorial to Akeratos, the Thasos
marker resembles a round tower on Salamis built for burials: 1994.
Dekoulakou2003. 39 Osborne 1985a, 1992a; with discussions in Roy 1988;
32Osborne 1986; in a later revision, Osborne (1996, 60)
Langdon 1991; Wells 1992, 26-7, 60; Jones 2000, 2004; Fox-
admits, "the whole point of my paper was to prove that ahall 2001, 2004; Osborne 2001; Pettegrew 2001, 2002; Bint-
single
explanation for all the towers was not possible." liff et al. 2002; Cherry 2003, 147-8, on "the archaeological sig-
33Ashton 1991, 26; cf. the history of tower compoundnature
1 at of different forms of land tenure and tenancy."
Thorikos (Mussche 1967b; Spitaels 1978) or the changing 40 Forbes 1995; cf. Chaniotis 1995.
life
of the Pymouthi tower in the Areolid (Penttinen 2001). 41 Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988; Alcock et al. 1994; Pettegrew
34 Demand 1987, 1990. 2001, 2002.
42Foxhall 1992, 2004; Jameson 1992, 1994.
^Dem. 18.241; Polyb. 4.15.8-9; decrees from Delos (Durr-
bach 1976, 41 ) , Naxos, and Amorgos (SIGS 520, 521 ), and Keos
Fig. 11. "Pyramid" atKephalari (Kandia) , Argolid. (Wrede) (Courtesy DAI Athens
ric, and inscriptions) with remains exploitation

on the ground
of the countryside through artificial en-
for a full archaeological and documentary picture (manuring), cultivation of mar-
richment techniques
of non-urban life in classical antiquity? ginalAs it turns
lands, and reinforcement of natural conditions
out, the towers themselves lie at the heart of these through terracing and irrigation; or both.43 Towers
dilemmas in scholarship but also help solve some themselves are clearly one sign of this intensifica-
of them. tion, as deliberate and expensive investments in re-
To begin with their chronological setting, towers sources and manpower, not mere symbols of status
coincide with a phase of Greek agriculture that is and wealth displayed by elite landowners as fre-
both intensive and extensive and is visible in re- quently maintained.44 Materials and labor for the
gional survey. Increased dispersal of artifacts and at Cheimarrou on Naxos (fig. 1), estimated
tower
structures represents either a denser occupation from building accounts of the day, would have cost
8,000 drachmai, hardly available to the average
of the landscape itself in the Classical and late Clas-
sical period (with permanent residence on farms Dikaiopolis.45 Ancient anecdotes make towers the
for an increased population involved with agricul- home of wealthy individuals such as Timotheos, son
of Konon, or Timon, a miser who was ridiculed for
ture and animal husbandry) ; or a more concentrated
enough to complete it?) Towers as displays of wealth and status

43 For the rise of intensive agriculture for profit, with increase
in farms and towers, see Fracchia 1985, 689 (citing Heichel-
are more common in later periods (e.g., Samson 1990) than in
heim); IsagerandSkydsgaard 1992; Wells 1992; Cartledgeclassical
1993, Greece (Osborne 1986, 174-5; 1992b, 50-1; Cherry
etal. 1991, 296-7; Suto 1993, 11-12; Spencer 1995b, 35; Davies
1995. For a summary of this scenario, see Snodgrass 1987-1989.
1997,
The history of rural towers seems to fit Snodgrass' model ch. 3, 182) with its multiple owners, leases, etc. (infra n.
B in
48), but see anecdotes about wealthy tower builders (infra n.
rural settlement, which follows closely the Attic pattern.
44 A famous passage in the New Testament (Luke 46). 14:28)
asks: "tic; yap 8^ uucov OeAcov rrupyov oiKo5oufjoai 45Haselberger
ouxi 1978b, 47-8, based on accounts from Eleusis
npartov KccOiaaq iprjcjuêi tx\v 5andvnv, ei eyei ek;(/GII/III2
dnap- 1672, 329/8 B.C.). Cf. the tower within the city wall
xiouov." (For which one of you wishing to build a tower of Kyzikos (Maier 1959, 1, 209-11, no. 59, fourth to third cen-
would
not first sit down and calculate the expense, [to see] ifturies
he hasB.C.) , billed at 9,200 drachmai.
Fig. 12. Reconstructed view of the Vari farm

with permission of the British School at Ath
building one for himself alone

seat (unlike medieval rather
and post-medieval than
towers47)
household.46 Moreover, towers were often leased and reinforces their use as investments. The leas-
on rural properties, changing tenants and owners ing of public or sacred property to entrepreneurs,
frequently. This denies them much life as a feudal including metics in quest of agrarian wealth (or
46Timotheos: Ar. Plut. 180. Scholia describe him as nAouoioc;

residence and future taphos (Luc. Tim. 6, 7, 42). It was still vis-
and oApioq, his tower as Oauuaoroc; kcci ueyac;, one ventures ible later near the academy (Paus. 1.30.4). See also pp. 167-9,
figs. 15-17, on towers in townhouses.
that he built it out of dvSpeia. Timon dug up gold coins, worked
47 Lock 1986, 1989; Langdon 1995.
as hired labor on an eschatia, then built a tower as his exclusive
Fig. 13. Isometric reconstruction of tower complex at Agia Triada, Amorgos. (Draw
(Courtesy L. Marangou)
mineral wealth; see below, pp. 169-76), along with

even subleased) by corporate bodies, such as demes
evidence for some temporary or seasonal occupa-
or temples, subdivided to be owned and rented in
tion of rural property, often by metics sections, and repaired
or slaves, dis- by tenants.48 This casual
solves any close and permanent link between change of occupants on estates, often with high turn-
ancient owners and their farms or rural industrial over of owners (Lys. 7.4) or tenants (some leases
sites. Estates including towers are often leased (or property to be ready for the next occupant
expect
IDelos 287, 154, 165: 250 B.C; IDelos 1417, 92, 155 B.C. (re-
48 See /GXII 5, 872, 61-2 (Tenos) for the lease/ transfer
paired);
of "one fourth" of a pyrgos (Etienne 1990, 52-84) . Pyrgos on Mylasa: Robert 1945, nos. 51a, 11; Blumel 1987, I:
estates leased in Attica: SEG 12.100, 74-5; 367/6 B.C.; Delos:
no. 223; 2: nos. 814, 815. Magdolion (from Semitic migdal)
in the final year) , leaves little

Thus the post-war room
transformation for
of classical Greecetow
pied by
onfroma an owners
permanent basis,
urban and public culture determined by m
built by them as a status symbol.
historical texts, Indeed,
to a private, domestic one acces- in
portrait, Timon is sible
ridiculed
through houses and for being
artifacts, accompanied the
cupant of his tower,andpresumably
promoted a new view of Greek suitable
towers partly fo
families or a household. The leases themselves re-
compromised by a bias of its own. To a large extent,
veal active and wealthy entrepreneurs, or corporate
this restrictive vision of ancient farming has re-
groups who rented and ran (and sometimes leased
laxed in recent years. An increasing number of
to metics) more than one estate at a time in invest-
scholars now recognize that much of ancient agri-
ments aimed at profit, not personal fiefdoms.49 cultural production was aimed at profit and that
Many estates lay at a distance: Athenians whose the model of self-sufficiency needs reform.54 Sur-
property was confiscated in 414/13 B.C. owned plus, beyond subsistence, lay in the earth itself,
vineyards on Thasos, as well as slaves (see p. partly
178). in the form of cash crops produced for ex-
Thus it is hard to avoid the conclusion that these port but also in its geological resources. The new
structures represent investment by and for wealthy scenario we propose lay beneath the surface all
entrepreneurs, rather than by the poorer farmer the time, in fact literally so, and leads to a new view
of ancient towers.
more prominent in ancient literature. As Jameson
has stressed repeatedly in recent literature, the
TOWNS, MINES, AND VINES! BEYOND THE
rural poor remain invisible: however desperately
RURAL FARM TOWER
we seek him, we may never find Dikaiopolis.50
Accepting this scale of exploitation and invest-Several issues complicate a universal and
ment involves abandoning a certain romantic no-
sive correspondence between a stone (or
tion of the ancient Greek countryside: sentimental
tower and a farm, leading toward the new s
attachment to rural Greece has dominated re- we propose. These structures also appear i
search since the 19th century.51 Ancient atsources least in Attica. An index marker of "farms" since
since Hesiod are partly responsible for the ideali-
Young, towers challenge classicists to explain their
zation of the modest farmer in Greek poetry, presencean inside deme sites, clearly not an "isolated"
image sharpened in Attic comedy.52 Archaeology location.55 The deme sites of Halai Aixonides (Ano
inherited this ideology of agriculture that Voulasees
[fig. 15]), and the structures at Cape Zoster,
towers as part of modest farms in a landscape imag- (fig. 16), and Thorikos (fig. 17), all fea-
Rhamnous
ined as bountiful 53 and that overlooks crucial re- ture houses with towers (at Rhamnous within city
sources for surplus capital in the same landscapes. walls and at Ano Voula and Thorikos in multiple
on property leased in Roman Egypt: P. Ross. Georg. II 19, 8; oak forests of Ceos, the olive groves and vineyards of Siph-
Rowlandson 1996, 230. Leases in Attica: Behrend 1970; nos, all of which contrast so markedly with the barren slopes
Walbank 1983; Osborne 1985a; 1985b, 119; 1985c; 1988; see of so many other Aegean islands. The wealth of these islands
also Lalonde et al. 1991, Ll-16, LA 1-8; Jones 2000; 2004, is in water and soil - wealth that is for these islands greater
27-34; Delos: Kent 1948; Etienne 1985; Reger 1994; Brunet bounty than mines of gold and silver. When we recall the
2002. A Rhamnous lease requiring residence of tenants (IG wine-press, the olive-presses, the mills and threshing-floors
II2 2493, 339/8 B.C.) may not make most tenants absentees for grains, which we have found in or near our towers, we
(Jones 2004, 27-8). have come much closer to assessing Ross's 'ehemaliger Re-
49 E.g., the wealth of Pheidippos in Attic mining leases (Ito ichtum und die hohe Bluhte' of this beautiful island." This
1986) or those who leased estates on Delos (Kent 1948, 280; assessment ignores the harsh conditions and scarce rewards
Osborne 1985a, 125; Brunet 2002, 263). See Jameson (1982) of farming - indeed, surviving - in the Cycladic islands, poor
for properties leased to corporate or cult groups. in arable soil and often without water. On hardship in the
50Jameson 1992, 145; 1994, 61; 2002a; cf. Cooper 1977- ancient and modern Greek countryside, see Halstead and
1978. Jones 1989; Gallant 1991.
51 This bias sent Bent (1885, xliv-xlv) to the Greek islands 54 See Morris (1994b) on the divide between those who stress
for their unspoiled Hellenism; cf. Herzfeld 1982; Davis 1991; the sufficiency of "peasant" farmers (Wood 1988; Gallant 1991 )
Brun 1993. On rural Greece and the past, see Fotiades 1993, and those who admit drive for profit (see the Kerdos ["profit"]
1995, 1997a; on rural fieldwork, see Sherratt 1996. On the dan- conference published as Cardedge et al. 2002; see also Mat-
gers of analogy, see Halstead 1987. tingly and Salmon 2001). Osborne (1996) admits that in an
52Fouchard 1989, 1993; Klees 2001. earlier publication (Osborne 1987) , he vastly undervalued the
53Young 1956b, 55; cf. Young ( 1956a) : "But those who have role of surplus production in classical agriculture.
visited the Greek islands have observed a different [i.e., non- 55Nowicka 1975, 61-2; Jameson 1990a, 101-2; Lohmann
mineral] sort of wealth - the abundant springs of Thasos, the 1992, 27, 35-9; Suto 1993, 5.
I
£>
be
e
Q
S3
M
X
<u
1
■s
'Eh
rH
bb
examples).56 The deme site

free-standing atofVoula
towers was
the classical and al
Hellenis-
with shrines, tic tombs,
private Greek mainland and
and islands. Elsewhere, towerss
amenities
baths, while poorer farms
were a feature inland
of the classical - newly
household ex
in the city
near Spata for instance -inare
as well as remote much smaller
rural landscapes, and their func-a
no towers.57 The property attacked
tion must have served in but
not only isolated farms P
Demosthenes 47 was also the urban oikos.the
"near hippodrome" (
exact location is unknown) and close enou
other houses for neighbors to witness
Hidden Resources: Undermining the Countryside? the
wherever the deme of Kolonai lay, it inc
Agriculture, mining and quarrying were the main
property with a pyrgos, confiscated and sold
focus of rural occupation and investment.62
13 B.C. (IGl 3 430c). While the deme site of T
is not fortified - it Aenjoyed
second disturbance to the
a farm tower model
Fluchtburg
Nikolaos - Rhamnous emergescertainly was;
in the original demilitarization thus
of Greek
protected more than households
rural towers. in
Young's romantic vision of the a
these land-
of city walls. All of these Attic
scapes63 sought deme-sites,
to reject Ross' view that the towers w
not, are located at on Siphnos
the attest to its
coast, andmineraltheir
wealth. The same
tower
have protected occupants from
early modern observers Euboian
who cast a military eye over r
(Dem. 18.241). So, at rural least one
Greece also noted Attic
potential patte
resources in a
residence included towers in "townhouses," and land they saw historically as western and a target
the earliest tower, as dated by excavation, lies in a of post-Ottoman colonial ambitions. State visitors
deme at Thorikos.58 Yet the tower could not have from France reported mineral resources and
migrated from rural origins to urban landscapes asgathered "scientific" information on occupied
Greece;64 after its liberation, Fiedler, a German
a status symbol,59 since urban and rural towers are
contemporary. geologist, was invited by King Otto to survey the
Even in other landscapes, in the Methana penin- mineral resources and mining potential of the new
sula and on Ithaka for example, a tower inside kingdom.65
or While deploring earlier European visi-
near an acropolis could belong to a townhouse.60tors'
A exclusive interest in antiquities and their ne-
house-type peculiar to Ionia, represented by exca-glect of Greece's natural resources, he also observed
vated examples in settlements (on Chios, Telos, andat illustrated some ruins, including the round
Kolophon and Miletus) and limestone models from tower at Agios Petros on Andros (fig. 3) , which he
Samos (fig. 18), has a plan, approximately 6 m2, assumed was erected, "zum Schutz der Baue und
with two stacked rooms under a flat roof. 61 This Schmelzung, und um die Arbeiten in Ordnung zu
regional type, possibly designed for compact, halten,"66 for this area revealed ancient slag and
higher density urban settlement in split-level shafts of iron mining (visible from the tower today
houses at steep locales, appears exclusively in [fig.
east 19]). In the same era, Ludwig Ross observed
Greek cities and has no clear connection to the visible remains of ancient iron mines (shafts, slag
56Voula: Andreou 1994; Rhamnous: Petrakos 1999a, 38-9 58 If it was indeed built in the early fifth century B.C. For
(identified as an anomalous agroikia inside a fortified deme townhouses with towers, see Spitaels 1978; cf. Jones etal. 1973,
but also a nuAcopiov for a gatekeeper: cf. Petrakos 1999b, 13- 432-3, fig. 16.
5); Thorikos: Mussche 1974, 49-50; Travlos 1988, 431, figs. 59 As argued by Ameling 1995, 42; cf. Schuchhardt 1929.
555-557; Zoster: Stavropoullos 1938. On town and country ™Mee and Forbes 1997, MS 66, 146-7, MS 67, 146, "a town-
houses, see Jones et al. 1973, 432, fig. 16; Jones 1975; Lauter house with a tower." Aetos (Ithaka): Heurtley and Lorimer
1980, 1993; Steinhauer 1994, 177-80; Goette 1999, 158-67; 1932-1933, 25, fig. 2 ("Hellenic tower").
2000, 188, fig. 51. On discrepancies in form and wealth be- 61 Holland 1944, 129-30. Schattner (1990, 113-6, nos. 26-
tween Attic deme sites and "country towns," see Nevett 2001. 29) also identifies eight tower houses at Emborio (cf. Board-
Cf. a possible tower in the center of the large urban house at man 1967, 40-51). Telos: Hoepfner 1999b; Miletos: Lohm-
Dystos in Euboia: Luce 1971, 145, fig. 1:2 (who calls it a por- ann 1992, 58. Cf. Aen. Tact. 11.3 for a tyrsis (the alternate,
ter's lodge); Hoepfner 1999c, 357-67 (an andron, after Hol- Asian, term for tower) on Chios housing apYOvreq (see appx. ) .
land 1944, 130-3); Nevett 1999, 82-3 (a tower). 62Oberl980, 171.
57 On the relative poverty of inland sites (compared to Halai 63Young 1956b; supra n. 53.
Aixonides), see Steinhauer 1994, 177-80; cf. Goette 1999; 64 De Tournefort noted lead on Keos in 1727 (confirmed in
Petrakos 1999a (Rhamnous) . On "nucleated settlements," see modern research; see infra n. 78), as did the Expedition Sci-
Osborne 1985b, 22-9, 192-5; Jones 2000. Materials from farm entifique de Moree in the 1830s; Pernicka 1987, 660-1.
sites uncovered in building the new Spata airport are on dis- 65 Fiedler 1840, vii-xx on the goals of his tour.
play in the terminal building. ^Fiedler 1840, 236, pl. IV, fig. 1.
Fig. 15. Towers located in deme site of Halai Aixonides (Ano Voula), Attica. (Drawing b
1988, fig. 597)
heaps) on the island of

there, Seriphos
as at Laureion, since the final in 1836,
Neolithic pe- s
a flourishing riod.73 defying
industry Pausanias (10.11.2) mentions
ancientno date for sourc
describe the islandtheas a of
flooding place of
the gold mines poverty
through the anger
ile.67 Most of the slag
of Apollo - was
a dramatic found near
explanation for a rise in sea an
round tower, which Ross estimated at 30 ft. in di- level, which closed access to veins - but this event
ameter, but located at some distance from the evidently did not terminate all local exploitation
mines, as if the material had been brought to it forof minerals. There is surely a connection between
smelting. As in his observations on the "erstwhilethese famous minerals (threatened by pirate at-
wealth" of Siphnos and its towers, Ross forged atacks since the sixth century [Hdt. 3.57-58]) and
link between towers and mines in these land- the presence of over 50 towers on this small is-
scapes.68 Modern geological research amplifies
land; most were built in the late Classical and Hel-
these early observations with evidence for lithic
lenistic periods and some were located near
and mineral resources in many regional abandoned
land- mines.74 Nor does the island of Thasos
scapes near towers; beyond minerals (goldneedand an introduction to metallurgists. Like
sil-
ver) that attracted ancient writers, less glamorous
Siphnos, it was celebrated for its gold and silver by
resources of more recent relevance were once ex- Herodotos, who noted how these resources attracted
Phoenicians (Hdt. 6.46-47). 75 But in modern times,
tracted in greater quantities, especially iron.69 Sci-
entific attention to the mineral wealth of Greece
the island has been far more productive in iron;
makes clear its distribution and relationshipthe
tototal deposits are estimated at 20,000,000 tons.
towers (fig. 20; cf. fig. 6). The Krupp Steel Company was exporting some 300
To begin on Andros, the tower of Agios Petros
tons a day as late as 1962.76 Less well known are the
(fig. 3) dominates a narrow east-west valley on theiron ores of Keos, an island famous in classical his-
west coast of the island, and overlooks visible shafts
tory for its miltos (an iron oxide), just one aspect of
and slag heaps of iron mines on the valley's south-its mineral resources.77 Its ancient iron mines were
ern slopes (fig. 19). 70 In addition to iron veins first noted by Fiedler and Bent, but a lead source
present in limonite, hematite, and siderite, on thethe southern point of the island was also re-
island of Andros is rich in manganese, a charac- ported by de Tournefort in 1727 and was recently
teristic iron source exploited in modern times; verified by metallurgists.78 On Seriphos, where it
mines like those near Agios Petros contributed all to
began for Ross (see above), more than 25 iron-
a total modern output estimated at 250,000 tons.71 rich sites (sources of magnetite, hematite, limo-
These sources are concentrated in the northern nite) have been explored in modern times,
half of the island, also the locale of other towers yielding some 7,000,000 tons of iron before the
recently recognized in a regional survey.72 The min- 1970s.79 And while Kythnos has attracted recent
eral wealth of islands like Siphnos is well known attention for its Early Bronze Age copper-smelt-
(Hdt. 3.57): gold and silver have been extracted ing site, its iron ores have been better known in
67 Ross 1840, 136-8. Sarmatzidou-Orkopoulou and Papa- beim Aufstieg von einem der aufgegiebenen Bergwerkstollen,
dopoulou (2001) for Seriphos towers. der etwas ostlich und tiefer am Hang des Bergruckens gelegen
68 Ross 1840, 140-6, drawn by Herodotos to the ancient ist" (Hohmann 1983, 38). For Siphnos towers, see supra n. 24.
mines at Hagios Sostis and elsewhere; cf. Bent 1965, 26, 32-3. 75Muller 1979; Wagner and Weisgerber 1988; Morris 1992,
See Landerer (1849) for other early observations of mines or 131.
minerals on islands with towers. 76 Zachos and Maratos 1973, 168-70; Wagner and Weisger-
69 Metal sources recorded by the Greek Institute of Geology ber 1988; Photos-Jones discovered that the titanium-rich, iron
and Mining Research (IGME; Zachos and Maratos 1973) , and beach sands of Thasos were probably mined in antiquity (Mor-
more recently by archaeometallurgists from the Max-Planck ris 1992, 131 n. 126). See also the exploitation of prehistoric
Institut (Pernicka 1987; Bassiakos 1990; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki ochre (iron ore) on Thasos (Koukouli-Chrysanthaki and Weis-
and Weisgerber 1999). gerber 1999).
70Marinos 1952; Zachos and Maratos 1973, 180, no. 179. See 77Theophr. De Lap. 8.51-54; monopolized by Athens,
Televantou (1996, 49-53) ("Ilt3pyoi, Aatoueia, MexaAAeia") /Gil2, 1128 (Rhodes and Osborne 2003, 204-9, no. 40). Men-
on towers near mines on Andros. doni et al. 1990; Cherry et al. 1991, 299-303; Mendoni and
71 Zachos and Maratos 1973, 121-2, nos. 138-143; 180, nos. Belogiannis 1991-1992; Photos-Jones et al. 1997.
179-180 n. 79. 78Fiedler 1840; Bent 1885; Pernicka 1987, 661; Photos-Jones
72Koutsoukou and Kanellopoulos 1990. et al. 1997; Davi 1998; cf. a tower near the road to mineral
73 Bent 1885; Wagner and Weisgerber 1985; Gropengiesser mines on Melos (Renfrew and Wagstaff 1983, 304, no. 77).
1986. 79 Zachos and Maratos 1973, 181, nos. 195-196; Nowicka
74 "Der Rundbau von Aspros Pirgos fiel mir eher zufallig auf, 1975, 49.
Fig. 16. Round tower inside fortified deme of Rhamnous. (Drawing by P. Finnerty) (Af
Fig. 17. Classical tower in deme of Thorikos, Attica
recent times.80 Euboia A related co-occurrence

was finds towers in in
famed the sametopony
(Chalkis) and history for its copper and iron landscapes as stone quarries, particularly in Thasos
sources, sufficient for modern interest and explo- and Attica. In southeast Attica, the quarries that
ration; 81 manganese sources of iron in the vicinity extend along the Agrileza Valley toward Sounion
of Karystos should be considered in evaluating the are as critical to local history as the Laureion mines,
towers of southern Euboia.82 The same is true for if not as lucrative (fig. 20) . Islands like Naxos, Paros,
towers newly discovered in the Chalkidike, a pen-and Thasos were and are famous for their marble:
insula active in ancient metallurgy.83 the quarries of Thasos still produce some 60,000
droponopoulos 1960; Papanikolaou 1960; Zachos and Maratos

80Stos-Gale etal. 1988. On prehistoric copper sites, see Men-
doni and Mazarakis-Ainian 1998; on iron mines, see Fiedler 1973, 118, nos. 110, 111; Bakhuizen 1976.
1840; Ross 1840, 136-8; Zachos and Maratos 1973, 180, no. 82 Parkinson 1994; Panagopoulou 1995 makes Archampolis
188 (360,000 tons were extracted between 1897 and 1910); an early mining town.
Hatzianastasiou 1998, 260-1. 83 Asouchidou et al. 2000, 345; cf. Wagner et al. 1986.
81 Fiedler 1840, 428, 561; Marinos 1956; Maratos and An-
Akeratos on Thasos.85 On Naxos, the square tower

at Plaka (fig. 10) was first reported near a granite
quarry from which its stones were cut.86 In many
instances, proximate stone sources for the build-
ing material of a tower may not represent quarries
that explain their existence but merely a conve-
nient local source of building material, and these
industries must be synchronized. For example, if
the Agrileza quarries operated primarily for the
Temple of Poseidon at Sounion, was the building
of towers there associated with later mining?87
While some scholars have noted these coinci-
dences of towers with mines or quarries,88 other in-

terests have suppressed the wider implications
until recently. Post-war focus on Greek agriculture,
beginning with Young, has ignored, rejected, or
downplayed the evidence of mines or quarries in
making towers part of farms.89 Intense interest in
agriculture temporarily erased ancient mining from
maps of southeast Attica (see fig. 20 for a recombi-
nation);90 nonagrarian resources have been called
a disruption - or even a corruption - of an agrar-
ian life of self-sufficiency lionized in classical
sources and post-war sensibilities.91 This discourse
Fig. 18. Limestone model of tower from Samos. Height: 24.4
may draw,
cm, length: 14.4 cm, width: 13.8 cm. (Hellner) explicitly or implicitly, on ancient
(Courtesy
DAI Athens, neg. 84/185) sources: Aristotle makes mining an inferior pur-
suit, farming a primary and "natural" one ([Oec]
II. 2). Even within the ancient spectrum of metals,
m3 per annum, while marble andgold
emery remain
and silver were idealized, while iron was de-
ploredAinfew
major export commodities from Naxos.84 poetry (Hesiod's "Iron Age") and politi-
tow-
cal discourse (the iron "coinage" of Sparta).92 Yet
ers on these islands are located near ancient marble
quarries (like the tower once observed at Drios on of the significant concentrations of towers in
many
Paros by Rubensohn), including some on Andros the landscape may have served industries extract-
and even one near the famous "lighthouse" of ing iron along with the more lucrative Edelmetallen.93
84 On Thasian marble, see Herrmann 1999; KozeljiHatzianastasiou

and 1998, 260-1 (Kythnos); Thielemans 1999.
Wurch-Kozelji 1999; Tsomos and Laskarides 1999; and89
esp.
"This [yellow] tower is close to extensive ancient mining
Bonias 1999. On Parian marble industry, see Schilardi and remains,
Kat- yet it need have no connection with them. The sherds
sanopoulou 2000. On quarries on Keos, see Mendoni andfrom Kolaiti
the whole area are consistently of the fourth century B.C.,
1993. but they belong with the mining works rather than specifical-
85 Rubensohn 1901 (reported foundations with a diameter ly with the tower" (Young 1956a, 128); cf. Osborne (1985b,
of 8.5 m); Haselberger 1978a, 347-8. On quarries near towers 31-5) for fresh view of this area.
on Andros, see Televantou 1996, 52-3. On Thasian towers near 90 Osborne 1985b, 30, map 4, captioned The Sounion-Thon-
the marble quarries, see Osborne 1986, 170-2; Thielemans kos area (mining remains omitted)," although mining is dis-
1999. The inscribed tower of Akeratos on Thasos (Osborne cussed in ch. 6 and in Osborne 1987. See Pernicka's (1987,
1986, 178, no. 29; Kozelji and Wurch-Kozelji 1989, 172) lies fig. 24) map of same area for shafts and veins of silver-mining
near a quarry for its own blocks that is also large enough for activity (cf. fig. 20).
more extensive exploitation. 91 Osborne (1987) , "The Country Disrupted," presents min-
86 Bent 1965, 370. ing as a lucrative activity that "distorted rural society" (1987,
87 Osborne 1985b, 31-6; Goette 2000. 75); Burford (1993, 117 n. 41) wonders if "agriculture [was]
88Nowicka 1975, 31 n. 60 (citing Sauciuc 1914 on the de- quite so depressed by ancient mining and quarrying as [Os-
fense of mines as one function for the Agios Petros tower on borne] supposes?"
Andros); Osborne 1985b, 31-5; 1986, 164; 1991, 50. Cherry 92 Cf. Kurke (1999, 41-64) on the "language of metals." On
et al. (1991, 295-8) reject the connection, as miltos mines are Sparta's "iron" currency (Plut. Lye. 9) , see Hodkinson 2000,
not close to towers; Dousougli and Morris 1994, 217-9; Tele- ch. 5; Fieueira 2002.
vantou 1996, 49-53 (Andros); Davies 1997, 140-4 (Siphnos); 93 Admitted by Osborne 1987, 76; see also Haselberger
Fig. 19. View of iron slag on hillside opposite the
than farm) of Timesios, an entrepreneur who

New research has refocused attention on the role
of quarries and mines found near towers.94 Inprayedre- to Artemis for eumoiria and held leases fo
considering towers within the deme site of mining; other Attic leases that name a pyrgos a
Thorikos, Mussche identifies additional examples list mines and quarries on the same property.97 Th
in the Laureion district in both town and country- after some resistance to, or neglect of, the signif
side, all firmly linked to workshops for washing and cance of mines and quarries near towers durin
processing silver ore. Thielemans has drawn atten- period of intense interest in Greek agriculture, r
tion to the historical coincidence of mining activity newed attention to this coincidence has revived its
and the construction of towers in three areas - importance. It is still, in fact, Greek agriculture that
Laureion, Siphnos, and Thasos - arguing helps
that explain
this the function of towers, but it involves
"marriage" of circumstances is more than a amirage.95
special branch of ancient farming.
In southeast Attica, the role of these quarries in the
In Vinocor-
local landscape has been firmly reestablished, Veritas: Toiling in the Vineyards
Once
recting the identification of these sites as the prominence of mineral and stone re-
mere
sources inItthe vicinity of many towers is reaffirmed,
"farms" by Young and his American successors.96
what(rather
would be more accurate to refer to the estate do these towers have in common with those
1978b, 124 (Andros, Seriphos, Siphnos). ries, etc. Osborne (1985b, 31-5) first questioned the Agrileza
94 Beginning with Osborne 1985b, 31-5, 93-126; 1986, towers as "farms," and compares the pattern of farms in the
1987. adjacent Charaka Valley to the proximity of mines (Osborne
95Thielemans (1999) follows earlier scholars in arguingfor "sur- 1997,245).
veillance" or protection of mineral sources (cf. Mussche 1994). 97 For mine leases in southeast Attica with a pyrgos kai oikia,
96Goette 1991, 203-22; Langdon and Watrous (1977, 162- see the property of Kallias at Lamptrai and a workshop belong-
77) and Wickens (1983) mention the proximity of this "farm" ing to a Kephisodotos (SEG XII.100, 74-75, 367/6 B.C.); Kal-
to mines and quarries; Watrous 1982, 193-7. Waelkens (1982, cyk 1986; Lalonde et al. 1991, P5. Cf. Goette (2000, 81-5) on
149-62) corrects them by emphasizing the role of mines, quar- this district and the properties of Timesios.
Fig. 20. Map of towers, mines, and quarries in southeast Attica. (Drawing by R. Fin
1985b, 30, map 4; Pernicka 1987, fig.24)
that lie in agrariansuch structures must have been olives for oil inuncorru
environments the
it were, by mining? Classical
What crops,
period.102 In the southern raised
Argolid and unde
conditions, required the
Methana, home construction
to many towers identified from vi- of t
certain farms in the Classical
sible remains and in regional through
survey, oil presses ear
nistic periods? proliferate in the later Classical period (according
The island of Leukas is typical of landscapes with- to the Argolid survey and confirmed by domestic
out mineral or marble resources worth ancient ex- urban contexts at Halieis).103 Farms with towers in
traction, but it is covered with towers, clearly part of fourth-century Pieria specialized in the pro-
late
ancient farms whose most likely crop was grapes for duction of wine; after destruction in the early third
wine.98 On Thasos, an island rich in marble and century, one (Tria Platania) switched to olives.104 In
mineral sources but also a major producer and ex- northern Greece, vineyards flourished in regions
porter of wine, many rural towers protected farms, and periods where towers have now been noted,
although it has been argued that this function was especially the Chalkidike.105 Thus the most likely
at times combined with wider defensive purposes." suspects for intensive, profit-oriented cultivation
The tower at Cheimarrou on Naxos, an island known in classical Greece were vines or olives, producing
for marble and emery, was the locale of intensive surplus beyond the ancient subsistence diet of ce-
olive oil production in late antiquity,100 but the reals and legumes.106
island was also celebrated for its wine (Ath. 1.30f, Of these two sources of profit, it has been pro-
2.52d; Eupolis I 327 Kock). Islands like Naxos, Keos, posed that vines had the most dramatic and trans-
and Peparethos advertised their wine on coins and formative impact on Greek agriculture and society.
in literature: that some towers on these islands were Hanson argues that the farm of Laertes in the Odys-
dedicated to agriculture, rather than mines or quar- sey (24.205-212) inaugurates the particular kind
ries, must reflect intensified classical viticulture.101of farming which defined the Greek polis (mar-
Attica, on the other hand, imported grain, as well ginal land permanently occupied, worked with slave
as wine, from the Black Sea and other northern lo- labor, etc.). Moreover, it was viticulture whose de-
cales, thus other crops must have inspired the pro- mands and rewards shaped the political economy
liferation of farms in the fifth and fourth centuries. of the classical citizen farmer, who invested heavily
In southern Attica, Lohmann's survey has identi- in vines in the fifth and fourth centuries.107 Mark
fied approximately 30-40 farms through intensive Lawall has demonstrated how coins, transport con-
survey in the deme of Atene, at least 13 with towers: tainers, and historical sources illustrate this impor-
the most likely cash crop justifying or financing tant shift to cash-bearing crops and their "secondary
98Morris 2001, esp. 341-3; see fig. 14 for a treading-floor at eral elected to defend the coast near Rhamnous protected
towered farm on Leukas. Cf. Pliakou (2004) for wine produc- crops, vineyards, and slaves from the enemy: SEG XXIV 154,
tion on Leukas. XL135 (Oliver 2002, 144-8). Phainippos, an Athenian wealthy
"Osborne 1986; Bonias 1999. enough for a liturgy (according to his opponent, [Dem.] 42),
100 See supra n. 3. produced barley, timber, and wine at a profit in the mid fourth
101 Keos: Mendoni 1994; Papageorgiadou-Banis 1997;century.
Doukellis 1998, 314-5. Naxos was home to myths of Dionysos 103 Argolid: Jameson et al. 1994; Foxhall 1997 (Methana
survey); Ault 1999; but see Acheson (1997) on alternatives to
and grape-treading satyrs and featured the kantharos both as
coin-device and name of local ships: Franke and Marathaki olives as chief crop of southern Areolid; Pikoulas 2003.
1999, 108-1 1 . Peparethos (modern Skopelos) : Franke and Mar- 104Poulaki 2003; Margariti 2003, 56-70. More analysis of this
athaki 1999, 82-8, figs. 65-66 (coins); Fredrich 1906, 125-8; kind, including archaeobotanical remains, is needed for the
AR 2000-2001, 76-8 (towers); Doulgeri-Intzessiloglou and microhistory of ancient farms.
Garlan 1990; Papadopoulos and Paspalas 1999, 170 n. 29, also 105 Cf. Papadopoulos and Paspalas (1999) on wine of the
on Naxos, Keos, Tenos. Grapes, vines, and vessels were com-Chalkidike in coins, amphoras, and toponyms (see also "Ambe-
mon coin devices for Greek states that produced wine (Selt- los" [Pliny HN437] ); Theophr. De cans, plant. III. 15 on wines
man 1956; Marion 1970; Franke and Marathaki 1999). of Akanthos and Aphytos; Asouchidou et al. (2000, 345, fig. 3)
102Lohmann 1987, 1993a, although this deme maybe atyp-for a round tower and pitheon on the southern Sithonia penin-
sula. Adam-Veleni (2001) suggests land grants to hetairoi by
ical for its proximity to mines (Osborne 1997, 245) . Lawall 1998,
2000; cf. Papadopoulos and Paspalas (1999) on Attic imports of Philip II multiplied northern Greek farms after the mid fourth
wine. Ameling (1998, 306-7) denies the role of the olive in century B.C. (see supra n. 104) , but Akanthos was already in-
the Attic economy, but Hagnias owned 1,000 olive trees vested in vineyards by 424 B.C. (Thuc. 4.84-88).
( [Dem.] 43.69) , and Panathenaic amphoras alone would have 106 Cf. Sarpaki (1992) on the "Mediterranean quartet" Jame-
required large supplies of oil: Valavanis 1986; Shear 2003; Ar.son 1994, 57.
Ach. 183, 231, 512, 987, for Attic vineyards that suffered dur- 107Hanson 1998, 47-89, 167-78; 1999. Cf. Thalmann (1998,
ing the Peloponnesian War; in the Chremonidean War, a gen- 49-107) on slavery in the Odyssey.
Once vines -
products" on classical Chios.108 The territory ofor the
in some areas olives - become
the mostin
island of Lesbos, whose wine was praised likely
antiq-activity to be associated with classi-
uity, was heavily invested in terraces,cal
as farm
well towers,
as tow-crucial aspects of this specialized
cash crop demand
ers, during its intensive wine production in theattention. In recent research by
ancient
Classical period.109 Islands like Thasos historians, archaeologists, and vintners, the
abounded
labor
in three kinds of industries inspiring the requirements
construc- of viticulture, as opposed to
tion of towers, particularly wine,110 other which crops, have been brought into sharper focus.116
attracted
foreign investors. Adeimantos, one of Thethe
manifold tasks and risks involved in viticulture
wealthiest
Athenians to lose his property in themake vines more demanding than other crops and
confiscations
of 415/4 B.C., owned estates on Thasos (invento- labor more critical.117 Unlike cereal crops, which use
ried with agros, oikia, pithoi, amphoreis, lenos) that were animal labor for plowing and threshing, or olives,
probably planted with vines.111 Thasos also passed which chiefly require extra hands at harvest time,
some of the earliest legislation on wine, including vines need experienced or specialized labor to plant,
protectionism (an embargo on imported wine), taxes, prune, weed, and tend them throughout their grow-
and elaborate laws on market sales, during the fifth ing time; guard them when ripe; and eventually
century (IG XII, suppl. 345, 347 II, 349). Even harvest and tread them. After harvesting, they then
wealthier than Adeimantos was Oionias, "one of the require, like olives, time and treatment (fermenta-
richest men known in Athens at any period," whose tion for wine or drying for raisins) before distribu-
confiscated estates at Lelantion, Diros, and Geraistos tion and consumption, which called for mass
(Karystos) on Euboia were sold in 415/4 B.C. for 81 production of specialized containers and concomi-
talents 2,000 drachmas (IG I3 422, 217, 219, 375-8; tant loading and transport. Staking vines on wooden
428, 8; 430, 6); did he own vineyards (or mines) and supports (charakes; Thuc. 3.70.4; Ar. Ach. 986; Vesp.
towers on Euboia?112 Towers and vineyards also ap- 1291) to protect vines from ground moisture or
pear on the same property leased at Mylasa in Asia wind damage, ancient antecedents of the modern
Minor.113 Farther afield, especially in the Black Sea, trellis, called for extra expense, special dispensa-
Punic Sicily, and North Africa, a proliferation of tions to gather and cut wood, and periodic repairs
farms (with towers in the Black Sea) marks this es- and replacement.118
calation in viticulture since the fourth century.114 Ancient leases involving vineyards tend to be more
By the Roman period, towers are still listed in vine- elaborate than those of other properties for the above
yards leased in Egypt, although such structures were reasons, spelling out a tenant's obligation to set
probably unlike classical Greek stone towers.115 trenches for planting vines, dig earth around the
108Sarikakis 1986; Lawall 1998, 75-101; 2000; cf. Papadopou- Wasowicz 1994; Kolesnikov and Jacenko 1999; Carter 2000,
los and Paspalas (1999) for a similar escalation in Chalkidike. 121-7. Greeks may have domesticated a local wild vine in the
Chios was called the first region in Greece to excel in wine Pontos but still imported Aegean wine (Dem. 35); cf. Salviat
(Theopompus FGrH 115, fr. 276), perhaps a reflection of her 1986, 1990; Sawonidi 1993; Papadopoulos and Paspalas 1999,
classical production. Cf. Amouretti 1993, 1996, on Greek spe- 176. On viticulture in Tunisia, see Fentress et al. 1986; Fen-
cialization in secondary products of the vine. tress 2001.
109Schauss and Spencer 1994; Spencer 1994; Koumarelos 115 A magdolion forms part of a vineyard property leased in
1995; Clinkenbeard 1986; Franke and Marathaki 1999, 21-3. Roman Egypt (P. Ross. Gearg II, 19, 8; P. Lugd. Bat. XIII, 14;
An early Lesbian poet praises viticulture in a drinking song Rowlandson 1996, 230).
(Alcaeus,fr. 342). 116Jameson 1977-1978, 129-30 n. 45; Amouretti 1988,
110Osborne 1986; Salviat 1986; Brunet 1988a; Garlan 1988b. 1992; Horden and Purcell 2000, 215-20; Brun 2003, 25-121;
We owe a famous complaint about Thasos (Archilochus, fr. 18) Florakis 2003. Hanson (1998, 146-7; 1992b; 1995, 167-78;
to Plutarch's consternation that the poet ignored the island's 1999) explores how a developed mercantile and commercial
rich fields and vineyards (Exit 12, 604bc). economy based on trees and vines depends heavily upon slave
mPritchett 1956, 261-81 (IG I3 426, 43-51, 144-50); Salvi- labor, but also idealizes the resilient, self-supporting citizen-
at (1986, 135, 150-2, 173-4) estimates he owned ca. 40 hect- farmer in modern as well as ancient times. Writing on Roman
ares (440 plethra) of vineyards; Burford 1993, 54, 71; cf. n. viticulture, White (1970, 229) noted, "Vines in short require a
139. greater degree of tendence and control of the environment
112For towers on Euboia: Davies 1971, 419, no. 1 1370; Keller than any other Mediterranean crop."
1985, 206-11; Parkinson 1994; Reber 2002; for grapes as coin 1W Cf. the decline or viticulture in Ottoman Crete rrom lack
device of Eretria: Franke and Marathaki 1999, 90, figs. 75-76; of skilled labor (Topping 1981; Brumfield 2000, 43) or the
ores: Pernicka 1987, 671. Cf. Attic estates with vineyards on effect of migrant labor shortages and strikes on the modern
Lemnos: Lalonde et al. 1991, P4. California grape industry.
113Blumel 1987, 2:14-5, no. 814. 118 Stakes were routinely inventoried on estates; see the
114 On the Black Sea region, see Yanushevich et al. 1985; Prasiai lease found at Koroni (Vanderpool et al. 1962, no. 138;
plants regularly, andrequiring

build replanting
and and nurturing
repair until mature
stone w
A rural slave at work in
enough for ancient comedy
bulk vintage. Extra hands, beyond per- repa
a haimasia (if not a terrace wall,
manent household members, are then some k
required at har-
field or retaining wall
vest [Men.
time. That is the premise ofDys. 377]).
the famous biblical I
terrain, the construction and maintenance of ter- parable of workers in a vineyard (Matt. 20). Finally,
race walls is crucial to retain soil and water, prevent vines are more vulnerable than grain or olives to
erosion, and provide stability for arable plots, at least theft, hence allusions to towers in a vineyard (Is.
in modern Greece.120 Ancient equivalents raise 5.1, Mark 12.1, Matt. 12.33), provisions in vineyard
heated discussion among archaeologists, who dis- leases for hiring a "fruit-guard" (6ncopo(J)i3Aa^; P.
pute the date and visibility of such features in the Oxy. IV. 729, 11), and the modern dragata or watch-
ancient landscape. There is no consensus on an- tower to guard against the theft of ripe grapes from
cient terminology or modern methods for dating the vine.122 These high risks, against which only a
them.121 But even without specific equivalents to wealthy landowner with other investments is pro-
modern terraces, ancient care of the soil and terrain tected, are rewarded by high yields in "low-bulk
in viticulture was labor intensive (see IG XII, 7, 62). high-value commodities."123 Last but not least, the
The proportion of text devoted to the care and cultivation of grapes for export as wine, as noted
maintenance of vines in ancient agricultural trea- above, also required the mass production of ceramic
tises (Geoponica 4-8; Theophr. Caus Plant. III. 11-1 6; transport containers. Thasos and Korkyra offer re-
Cato Agr. Cult; Col. Rust. III-IV, V.4-7; DeArboribus I- cent discoveries in amphora production sites, but
XV; Pliny HN 17.35.152-36.215) makes clear their the western Mediterranean features plenty at
special demands. Perennial, and therefore ever vul- Hellenistic sites: added evidence for rural, labor-
nerable to degradation as well as climate damage, intensive industries connected with viticulture.124
trees and especially vines require year-round, la- The sheer numbers involved are impressive: some
bor-intensive care and protection from nature and 25,000 different Thasian amphora stamps are
man. Unlike annual cereal crops, which are plowed known, 15,000 from Thasos itself, home to some 30
under and replanted each year or season, or hardy amphora production sites. Even with reuse of con-
olive trees, which bear for many years once grown to tainers and some transport in animal skins, storage
maturity, vines are propagated by hand before plant- and transport involved extra labor.
ing, through grafting, transplanting, and seedling The primary factor enabling such surplus pro-
in nurseries, and must be tended year round. At duction in antiquity was, as it still is, the availability
risk from exposure to extremes of weather and from of labor, as well as land. As the first island reputed
disease, the plants are also periodically exhausted, to specialize in viticulture (above), Chios was also
SEG XXI 644, 19-20; cf. IG II2 2493). Cf. /GI3 410, 302-10, for ed by sherds to the late fifth and early fourth centuries. See
prices of charakes inventoried (along with wine press and ves- Schauss and Spencer (1994, 424-30) on ancient terraces and
sels) in property at Phaleron. viticulture on Lesbos.
nySee Homolle 1892; Jameson 1987 on the Amorgos lease 122Kontomichis 1985, 119-21 (on dragata); Morris 2001,
(IGXll, 7, 62); cf. /Gil2 1241.17, 19-21. (Myrrhinous, 300/ 298, 310 (on modern villagers who moved to their vineyards
299 B.C.) for care of vines. In Roman Egypt, an ampelikon kte- in summer to guard grapes from foxes and thieves; cf. Ale. 2.19);
ma for lease included a drying floor, reed bed for growing props, Lambert-Goes 1990, fig. 5; Florakis 2003, 74-5 (for towers in
and wine-producing area: Rowlandson 1996, 228-36 (P. Ross. modern Greek vineyards) . Vines were guarded in third-centu-
Georg. II, 19; P. Oxy. IV. 729). Colum. Arb. 13.2: "finis autem ry Attica (supra n. 102) and Italy (Cato Agr. Cult. 13), and plun-
fodiendi vineam nullus est." Cf. Pikoulas 2000b, 2002, 2004; dered on Chios in the third century B.C. (Athen. 6. 266b) . On
Poulaki 2003, 63, 65, for ancient vine trenches. Draconian penalties for theft of grapes in Attica, see Plut. Sol.
120 Bradford 1956; 1957, 29-34 (ancient terraces in Attica); l7;Alciphr. 2.38.
Brunet 1990b and others in Provansal 1990; Rackham and 123Horden and Purcell 2000, 215; cf. Carandini 1983; Pur-
Moody 1992; Doukellis 2001; Jameson 2002b. cell 1985. Columella's treatise (Rust. 3.3.2) , and that of Cato in
121Foxhall (1996) against ancient terraces; cf. Lohmann an earlier era (Agr. 1.1.7, vinea estprima), was largely aimed at
1992, 48-51 (Attica); 1993a, 196-219; Rackham and Moody persuading Romans that profits in viticulture justified the ex-
1992; Wells 1996 (Argolid) ; Doukellis 1998, 2001 (Keos); Bon- tra work.
ias 1999, 104 (Thasos) Jameson (2002b) (following Lewis) on 124 Thasos: Salviat 1986; Garlan 1986; 1988b; 1999 (on
eschatia in Attic texts as land on slopes requiring terraces (cf. Thasian wine, amphoras, and workshops, recommending full-
Luc. Tim. 6; Brunet 1988a, 134) . Terraces still visible in remote er study in coordination with tour-fermes) ; Whitbread 1995, 11-
areas deserted after antiquity are probably ancient, esp. in wine- 2, 170; Korkyra: Preka-Alexandri 1992; 80 jars "in ground" in a
producing areas with amphora kilns (Knidos: Empereur and lease from Prasia (SEGXKI, 644, 18-19); Kourkoumelis 1990,
Picon 1986, 112-23). In Attica, Bradford (1956; 1957, 29-34) 1994. Fentress (2001) on farms with kilns onjerba (Tunisia).
detected terrace walls on Hymettos in aerial photographs, dat-
visible
home to the largest number of slaves in ancient
outside remains and texts have in com-
Sparta
mon
in Thucydides' time (8.40.2) and the is labor, more
earliest placeextensive human resources
than those available
to acquire them systematically as barbarians pur- within the average classical
household
chased for manpower, not sporadically (in any
captured of its imagined modern con-
free
figurations)
men (Theopomp. Philipp. XVII). The increase . The
in extraction of minerals and
marble linked
the size of the labor force is inextricably called fortoarduous work performed by
slaves,127
the rise of the Greek polis and its citizen and the high labor requirements of
farmers,
viticulture,
in some views.125 Regardless of the origins ofdetailed
this above, required the same.
relationship, by the Classical period, Both kindsamount
a large of high-yield industries, organic and
of human labor was directed at producing grapes
inorganic, make the exploitation of human, as well
for profit and much of it was likely toas natural, resources
be coerced ora salient feature of the classi-
cal landscape
unfree. In the passages examined below (pp.and a phenomenon contemporary
182-
3), it is vineyards where prisoners ofwith
warGreek towers.
are put to
work in fetters (Aeschin. 2.156; cf. Col. Rust. 1.9.4)
OIKOS AND OIKIAI HOUSEHOLDS AND LABOR
and where the impoverished find work described
as doulika kai tapeina pragmata (Dem.[T]he
57.45). Inofag-
presence valuable ore concentrates
ricultural treatises, slaves provide laboreconomic wealth in the countryside rather than in
in vineyards
in greater numbers than for other crops the town; secondly,
(Cato, Agr. it brings a large labour force to
an area which is not otherwise central; thirdly,
11.1: 16 slaves for every 100 iugera of vineyard land,
it overwhelms the citizen structure with a servile
13 for an olive orchard of 240 iugera, presence.128
10.1; cf. Pliny
HN 17.35, 10 cultores per 100 iugera) and for longer
hours (63 man-days per iugerum of vineyard:ReviewingCato
the mineral
De and agrarian background
Arb. 5.3-4, versus 9.5-10.5 man-days of Greek
per towers
iugerumhas brought into sharper relief the
of wheat: Rust 2.12.1), and specialized large number of ancient extractive and productive
as vintners
industries,
(ambelourgoi in Attica: IG II2 1557, A, 44,especially
B, 92; labor-intensive ones, associ-
ated with these structures. Even those in urban
ambelostateuntes on Kos: SIGS 1000, 9).
settings, asfarm-
This scrutiny of the specifics of different at Thorikos (fig. 17), are located con-
spicuously or
ing strategies further recasts the classical conveniently near ancient mines and
Greek
countryside as an arena of aggressiveprocessing sites for the silver ores of Laureion; thus
exploitation
rather than sufficiency, as arguedthey may qualify
above. The no- as industrial as well as urban and
tion of a benign landscape yieldingbeaunrelated
modicum to agriculture.
of As both urban and ru-
ral residences,"yeo-
subsistence for a population of "peasants," towers must be accounted for within
man farmers," or citizen farmers is still cherished the daily life of a classical Greek household, urban
in some modern views, especially by those who as well as rural, industrial as well as agrarian, and
farm.126 Surviving data, however fragmented, in- their functions plotted against the demographics
stead make it clear that the desire for profit and and activities of the ancient household, its mem-
the production of surplus commodities for export, bers, and its economy. That household included
not subsistence products for consumption, drove non-family labor, at least for a wealthy family that
the exploitation of minerals, extraction of stone, owned land, explored mines, or built towers, and
and intensive cultivation of vines for wine, all for must have owned slaves or hired servants for these
export. This explodes the myth of the hoplite- enterprises. As Edward Cohen has recently stressed,
citizen as farmer, largely derived from ancient the myth of the "Athenian village" disguises the
sources and encouraged by modern nostalgia, and fact that many politai lived - and died - away from
replaces him in the ancient Greek landscape with their demes, while foreigners, including metics and
slaves who could not own land but did lease or work
more profit-oriented parties. What these diverse
industries - mining, quarrying, and viticulture - it, resided in the countryside, not just in Athens
125 Hanson 1999, 15-6. See Stanley (1998) on the hekte- frew and Wagstaff 1983.
127Dworakowska 1975; Schumacher 2001, 107-15. See IG
moroi system of tenant farming or sharecropping prior to large-
scale slave labor; cf. Rihll 1996; Scheidel 2003, 136; see also II2 2747-8, for haroi (found in mine areas of Attica) of proper-
Horden and Purcell (2000, 390-1) on islands, intensification ties listing ergasterion and andrapoda; Rihll (2001) for tasks re-
of viticulture, and slaves. quired in mining Attic silver.
126 Supra n. 53; Alcock 2002, 186; cf. Davies 1997 on the 128 Osborne 1987, 78.
"archaeology of exploitation," a phrase inaugurated by Ren-
and Peiraieus.129 In The mine slaves

some of Attica areprojects,
civic well documented me
slaves provided as much as three-quarters
in plenty of sources: historical, dramatic, and
labor and were a major portion
epigraphic.135 Xenophon (Poroiin the
4.23-24) recom-cou
(see below).130 What mendsfunction
investing 10,000 public did towers
slaves to work in the
such diverse social Attic settings?
mines in the mid fourth century B.C., and
As argued above (pp. estimates167-80),
work there for many intensifie
more. In his day,
exploitation (agrarian or mineral) in classical Nikias kept 1,000 slaves at work in mines, and even
Greece was not simply a function of increased popu- leased them to a Thracian freedman (and former
lation but involved an escalation in the availability slave of his own), presumably for work in the mines;
and investment of labor to exploit the landscape.131 Hipponikos did the same with 600 slaves, and
Here it is time to consider more closely the nature Philemonides with 300 (Poroi 4.14-15). A census
of this labor, whose compensation is more difficult attributedto Deme trios of Phaleron between 317
to assess than its conditions.132 To a significant de- and 307 B.C. (Ath. 6.272e) reported 400,000 slaves
gree, rural labor of a tedious, repetitive, and regu- in Attica, next to 21,000 citizens and 10,000
lar nature was largely provided by women, either metics.136 Even as an impossible exaggeration, this
household members or dependents, and even free implies at least four slaves to every citizen, like the
women performed slave work when necessary 150,000 reported in all Attic activities (mines,
(Dem. 57.45; cf. Xen. Mem. 2.7.6, 11-12).133 More farms, and "elsewhere") in the same century by
widely deployed were slaves; whether toiling in the Hypereides (fr. 9). Moreover, we are well informed
vineyards, deep in the dangerous shafts of mines, of their unhappiness: According to Thucydides
or suffering the back-breaking work of quarrying, (7.27.5), 20,000 slaves escaped from rural Attica
the presence of laboring forces, under punitive or to Dekeleia in 413 B.C. after its fortification by
unfree conditions, is clearly linked in time and Sparta. Many of them were cheirotechnai, or skilled
place to the construction of these monumental tow- craftsmen; a related passage in Thucydides connects
ers. Such labor forces were recruited in numbers them with ergasteria, or workshops (6.91.7, as
and against their will: that is, they were purchased
emended from 5iKaoTr[picov), probably the silver
or captured as slaves for mining and quarrying mines/shafts
(un- and washeries that covered the min-
pleasant if not dangerous) or for agricultural labor
ing district of southeastern Attica, as well as farms
(less rewarding than skilled crafts or trireme(apo ser-
ges) ,137 For those who escaped, mine work prob-
vice, which might earn freedom [see n. 132]). ablyIn
had made their lives most miserable - like those
classical Greece, warfare provided a constantwho
sup-
fled to Sounion in the second century (Ath.
6.272e, citing Poseidonios) - but hard labor in
ply of slaves, and so male captives in war assumed
their main destination was a farm (Eur. Rhes. 74-5,
stone quarries may also have driven them to flight.
176). 134 As they fled from farms, as well as ergasteria (Thuc.
129 Cohen (2000, 17-22, 112-29) for survivals of this myth, 133Fitton Brown 1984; Scheidel 1990, 1995, 1996; Jones
but see Morris 1994a. For metics leasing houses, mines, and 2004, 61-3.
residing at quarries, see Osborne 1985b, 1-3, 56, 109. For metics 134Pritchett (1991, 223-45) compiles evidence for enslave-
in rural demes and on the heterogeneity of Attic society, see ment of war captives.
Jones 2004, 66-8, 89-90. 135 Attic mines and slaves: Boeckh 1842; Lauffer 1956;
130 Randall (1953) on the Erechtheion work force (/GI3 Conophagos 1980; Heinrich 1986; Tzaimou 1988; Kalcyk 1992,
474-9) , which may reflect an unusual shortage of citizen labor 110-65; Schumacher 2001, 112-5. Phainippos' opponent
at the end of the Peloponnesian War and other abnormalities worked his own mines, clearly a sign of insufficient revenues
that are the exception rather than the rule; cf. Loomis 1998, and lack of slaves (Dem. 42.20). The Athenian regulation on
105-8, 233-9. miltos from Keos offered slaves freedom for reporting illegal
131Fracchia (1985, 689), citing Heichelheim for the "in-exports, implying they were closely involved in mining as well
crease in servile manpower." as motivated to escape it: 7GXII, 128, 19-20 (Rhodes and
132 Agricultural wages in the Classical period (as reported by Osborne 2003, no. 209). On chronic misery and rebellion of
Lucian in the second century C.E. [Timon 6, 12]) were four mine slaves, see De Ste. Croix 1981, 142 n. 8.
obolsper day (Loomis 1998, 105) . This is less than half of wages 136Garlan 1988a; Taylor 2001, 30.
for more skilled work on the Erechtheion (one drachma per 137 Cf. Finley (1952, 67-8) on ergasterion as a work force or
day, 409/8 B.C. [Randall 1953]). Unlike trireme service (two group of slaves; in property documents it indicates a building,
or three obols per day [Loomis 1998, 44-7, 238-9]), farm sometimes with slaves (Bettali 1985; Stanley 1990). For poletai
labor carried no hope of liberation for slaves (cf. Ar. Ran. 693-inscriptions, see Lalonde et al. 1991, s.v. "ergasterion." Horos
4; Thuc. 3.17.4), nor did it earn one enough for freedom, al-stones from Attic mining districts list ergasteria with andrapo-
though 11 of 85 slaves freed in 330-320 B.C. are geargoi, twoda (/Gil2 2747-8).
are ambelourgoi: Jameson 1977-1978, 133-5.
age of
7.27.5, apo ges; 6.91.7),138 at least some thisthose
historical
who specialization?140 The fact that
escaped were working in agriculture. Beyond
Philip II put his war captives to work digging in the
Attica, ancient sources point to the presence of
vineyards in fetters (Aeschin. 2.156; cf. Arr. 1.16.6)
slaves in the countryside in other regions active as reflects labor needs in viticulture in the fourth cen-
wine-growing areas, and report on their numbers tury and the benefits of large numbers of unpaid
as well as their unhappiness. men in this industry. Fetters to keep free men cap-
According to Thucydides (8.40.2), the island of
tured in war from escaping were perhaps not nor-
Chios, whose dedication to viticulture was dis- mal in Greek viticulture, but bonds were also
cussed earlier (see pp. 177-8), had more slavesrecommended for skilled vintners (too valuable to
(oiketai) than any other city-state, second only tolose) in the Roman period (Col. Rust. 1.9). 141 While
Sparta's helot population (see pp. 201-2), and losthired labor at harvest time was customary (Xen. Hier.
large numbers of them to the enemy in the 6.10), it has also been argued that it was rare or
Peloponnesian War; so did Korkyra during its trau- seasonal (in contrast to more common slave owner-
matic revolution. It appears that its wealthiest citi- ship).142 Women reduced to menial labor after the
zens were involved with viticulture; Peithias Peloponnesian War (Dem. 57.45) served as nurses
(common for foreign slaves), wool-workers, and
brought three of his oligarchic opponents to trial
grape pickers, among their servile tasks. But spe-
on charges of having procured vine-props from trees
sacred to Zeus and Alkinoos (Thuc. 3.70.4). As cial labor needs made vineyards demanding year
Thucydides (3.73) elaborates, in the civil war that round, as detailed above (see pp. 175-80).
soon broke out between the two factions, each side In general, slaves were one of the attractions of
went to the countryside (so, touc; dypouc;) to re- raiding the countryside in Greek warfare (or civil
cruit as many slaves as possible by offering them disputes; Dem. 24.197, 47.56), and are frequently
their freedom. This implies they were numerous mentioned as booty in war (e.g., in Elis, Akarnania,
enough to form a substantial militia, as well as dis- Korkyra, and Arcadia, in events narrated by
satisfied with their labor and status. On this islandXenophon in Hellenica) ; thus securing them from
(as on Thasos), mass production of wine ampho- private or public enemies was a frequent concern
(Dem. 29.3; Aen. Tact. 10.1). Their propensity to
ras, as well as viticulture, might account for related
revolt was often related to the presence of an en-
labor forces, still present in the fourth century when
many slaves were captured from the countryside emy who would receive them, as on Chios or Korkyra
(in 374 B.C.; Xen. Hell 6.2.6). 139 Kos produced and during the Peloponnesian War, or in Messenia in
exported wine and taxed those who owned slave the fourth century. Thus historical cases of large-
specialists in viticulture (Syll.5, 1000, 9, ambelo- scale desertion are not necessarily, or at least not
exclusively, a reflection of unhappy working condi-
stateuntes; cf. Pollux s. v.), one sign of the wealth of
vintners. According to Pliny, it was a dishonest slavetions but are likely responses to timely opportuni-
(topping up wine he had stolen) who invented the ties for a better life, if not freedom.143 Equally, the
admixture of seawater that made Koan wine famous availability of slaves in times of war must be mea-
(HN 14.10). An Athenian captured by Sparta dur- sured against signs of the intensification of agricul-
ture and industry, as in Italy (see pp. 204-7).
ing the Dekelian War was sold into slavery on Leukas,
long enough to lose his native dialect, as Demos- Here we confront a perennial paradox of ancient
Greece for modern historians: the intimate rela-
thenes (57.5) records. Was the wine-growing island
a likely destination for slaves and hence also the tionship
lo- of ancient slavery and democracy. The role
of slaves in the ancient economy, and in agricul-
cale of so many towers (figs. 6, 8, 14)? Thrace special-
ture in particular, continues to drive debate and
ized in the capture and resale of slaves. Did its mines,
or vineyards famous for "Pramnian" wine, encour- disagreement.144 Extreme positions have domi-
Ian 1988b.
138 Hanson (1992a) argues thatThucydides' figure of "more
140Velkov 1986; Taylor 2001, esp. 30-4; on a Roman (freed-
than" 20,000 slaves reflects an estimate (one slave per citizen,
extra labor on farms) , and sees most of those who escaped man)
in slave-dealer in Thrace, who also trafficked in wine, see
412 B.C. from farms (hence apoges). See Osborne (1997, 247- Roerer 1945; Duchene 1986.
9) on the Charaka farms (along with those of the Agrileza Val-141 Stoll (1999) on bound slaves in Roman viticulture.
ley) and their relation to history of Attic mines. 142 De Ste. Croix 1981, 179-88; H.-D. Zimmermann 1974
on free labor in classical Greece; Purcell 1985 on seasonal vs.
139Kourkoumelis 1994; cf. Thasos for wine and slaves. Salvi-
permanent labor in Italian viticulture.
at (1986, 150-2) assumes that the slave listed with the proper-
ty of Adeimantos supervised his vineyard (but elsewhere he is143 Hunt 1998, esp. ch. 6.
144 The bibliography on ancient slavery is immense and
listed as a skytomos. Did he make leather wine-skins?); cf. Gar-
nated decades of scholarship,

circumstances, slaves routinely appear sharpene
in rural set-
tudes supporting tings
or opposing
in comedy and rhetoric, as well as(or
in property even
Marxist views of ancient history;
records.148 In dikastic some
speeches, the low number of sch
slaves mentioned
sisted on tying ancient in cases involving rural estates
democracy to slave
others are just as anxious to
([Dem.] 47.56 [in appx.]; prove
see also Lysias 7.16-17, that
ence of slaves, at least inmay
43; Dem. 55.31) farming, was
echo their reduced role in le- mi
Exaggerated emphasis has
gal disputes over property, been
not (as Wood hasplaced
argued) (
sides) on ascertaining the
their absence from number
ancient farms.149 The same illu- of s
volved, as if enslaving
sion of evidenceonly a few
plagues manumission lists: onlymiti
general practice, or
those insubjecting
lucrative craft professions couldlarge
work their nu
creased the offense.146 An
way to freedom, explicit
thus few ideolog
slaves freed in fourth cen-
citizen farmer in modern as in
tury B.C. Athens worked ancient
in agriculture. Those who tim
earlier (pp. 167,
180), complicates
did were specialists: georgoi (also a term for freean
citi- obj
sessment of the
numbers involved;
zens who farm) may have been farm managers su- ancient
avkoupyia (Eur. Or. 920)
pervising other slaves,or auxapicela
not "field hands and vintners (
714) has encouraged a modern
(ambelourgoi)."150 view
Clearly those who owned slavesof t
Greek landscape free asof
for farming were coerced
wealthy, labor.14
like Plato's Euthyphro,
modified consensus whose has
farm on Naxosslaves
was worked byplay slaves and by a vit
Greek agriculture hired as laborwell as
(Euthphr. 4c-d) industries,
. In Menander, only a mi-
except on the farms ser farms
ofwithoutwealthy slaves (Dys. 328-31); even
families,
fewer in numbers than on(Chremylos
modest Athenians Roman in Ar. Plut.latifundi
26, 29, de-
modern plantations. More
scribed as nevrjc;) hadprecisely,
at least one or two slaves, con-prope
yielded profits were sidering
in themselves
theunfortunate
hands to haveof no morerich
ers who also owned slaves, like Ischomachus in (Arist. Pol. 1323: only the poor experienced dSouAia).
Xenophon's Oeconomicus or the Persian who lost 200Even those who claimed to farm themselves (cokoc;
slaves in a raid {An. VII.8.12, 16, 19). Even in small yecopyco) owned slaves (Oepdnovrac;: Lys. 7.11, 16).
numbers, unfree labor must have outnumbered Modern scholars imagine small teams of slaves
free citizens on the land throughout much of an- on farms (up to 10), supervised by an epitropos or
tiquity, but in classical Greece - as later in Roman epistates.151 Here the northern colonial model of
imperial farms - their numbers, under certain cir- early American agricultural slavery is more appro-
cumstances, were high. priate to classical Greece than the southern planta-
Across a variety of ancient genres, from Utopian tion with its large labor forces.152 Those who claim
comedy and philosophy to trials involving property that most ancient slaves were mainly female or do-
and household members, or epigraphic records ofmestic argue largely ex silentio.153 As discussed above
rural estates, the presence of slaves in agriculture (pp. 165-7), property leases make it unlikely that
is consistent, even if their numbers remain in dis- owners/lessees were permanent residents on ru-
pute. In an ideal city, the demos is the affair of urban ral estates, rather than their families, tenants, de-
citizens and farming largely in the hands of slaves pendent labor (especially slaves), and their
(Ar. Eccl. 651-2, Arist. Pol. 7.9); in more ordinary overseers.154 Here we propose treating towers as ma-
divisive; see Wiedemann 1988; Bellen and Heinen 2003. On farm tools.
slavery in agriculture, see Oliva 1970, 67-8; Dworakowska 1975; 149 Wood 1988, 45 n. 8; cf. Suto 1993; Gartner 2000; Cartledge
Mosse 1973; Andreyev 1974; Audring 1977, 23-6; Jameson 2002; Jones 2004, 64. A different distortion concentrates slaves
1977-1978, 2002a; De Ste. Croix 1981, 172; Wood 1983, 1988; in New Comedy households for plot purposes (Audring 1977,
Garlan 1990; Rosivach 1993; Hanson 1995, 64-70, 129-30; 24-5).
Osborne 1995, 32-4; Ameling 1998; Bellen and Heinen 2003, 150 Jameson 1977-1978, 134-5; Audring 1973 on epitropos.
450-64. Osborne (1991, 244-6) maps the demes of manumitted slaves
145 E.g., Finley 1959; for the former view, see De Ste. Croix
(primarily urban) Jones 2004, 64-5, on agricultural specialists.
1981, 179-82, 505-9. 151 Audring 1973; Garlan 1988a, 68-70; Carlsen 2002. Jame-
146 On the numbers game, eschewed by Finley (1980, 79)
son 2002a distinguishes "slave gangs" in mining from smaller
himself, see Taylor 2001. numbers who assist landowners in agriculture.
147Klees (2001) on autourgia (self-sufficiency). lwRosivach 1993, assuming subsistence rather than surplus
148Fouchard (1993) (cf. 1989) on Veloge of agriculture in in ancient farming.
ideal views of society in comedy and philosophy; Jones 2004,153 E.g., Wood 1988, esp. ch. 2, appx. 1-2.
63-4, on mixture of sources for rural slaves. Alciphron's farmer154 Kent 1948, 280; Wood 1988; Osborne 1985a, 125 (for
(II. 2) dreams he is rich enough to own slaves and abandon
critique, see Brunet 1992); Foxhall 1990; Suto 1993.
terial evidence for the labor of slavesfulfill some kind of surveillance, given the pres
in agriculture
and industry. If correct, these structures
ence ofcould
slaves help
as a "major risk to property and secu-
confirm or predict where and how slaves were
rity."157 em-
In Attica, Suto imagines this function for
ployed in farming as well as mining. towered farms: "The presence of a tower may have
An exception to this pattern reflects both
had boththe rela- and symbolic effects of oversee-
practical
tive absence of mining and quarrying and
ing thethe culti-
field activities" or otherwise "largely dimin
vation of staple (cereal) crops rather than
ished surplus and costs of supervising slave
the difficulties
produce in areas not known for wine labour."158
- Sparta, YetCrete,
in ancient sources slaves themselves
can be also
Messenia, Thessaly (fig. 6). These states assigned to guard mines (Dem. 37.35-36).
devel-
On Thasos,
oped or maintained alternatives to chattel plenty
slavery of towers are close enough to
(see
pp. 200-3). The absence of slaves and towers
marble in for
quarries re-a recent suggestion that they
gions that did not raise grapes or olives as surplus
housed laborers in the marble industry.159 In a re-
lated scenario,
crops or extract lithic and mineral resources from the Sounion towers are rejected as
"farms" and
the landscape reinforces the relationship of envisioned
slave as "storehouses or guard-
houses for slaves and equipment associated with
labor to intensive and profitable industries.
the mining operations."160 Ian Morris tested towers
Slaves in Towers t as an index for slaves, noting their appearance near
mines and the usual Demosthenes passage, but
As indicated earlier, ancient sources often report
concluded that as native Greek structures, they
the presence of slaves in the vicinity of towers, as in
attacks on farmhouses in Attica and western Asia are unsuitable for Thracians, Phrygians, or other
Minor in the fourth century ([Dem.] 47.56; Xen. foreigners enslaved in Greece.161 Only Hugh
Thompson, in a recent posthumous volume on the
An. 7.8.12; see appx.). Later in that century, during
warring for succession to Alexander in Asia Minor,
archaeology of ancient slavery, concludes that tow-
Eumenes rewarded his soldiers after a victory with
ers must have been slave quarters, without further
the profits of captured "farm buildings and discussion.162
tetrapyrgias full of slaves and herds" (see pp. 204- One risk from the presence of slaves that could
5) (Plut. Eum. 8.5). Locales with both towers and have inspired secure housing for them was the dam-
slaves in archaeology and testimonia, respectively, age they could inflict on the countryside if they es-
include the islands of Naxos (Plato Euthphr. 4c-d caped, as they did in third-century Chios where they
[cf. figs. 1, 10]), Leukas (Dem. 57.5 [cf. figs. 8, 14]), attacked agroikias (Nymphodorus of Syracuse; Ath.
Thasos (Nymphodorus in Athenaeus) , and Siphnos 6.265d), and in Attica (Poseidonios; Ath. 6.272f).
(figs. 7, 9; cf. Suda s.v. "ioouxpeic;"). What kind of Runaway slaves survived in the countryside by steal-
"farmhouse" (epaulion) required scaling by ladders ing produce and livestock and otherwise plunder-
for a raid in third-century Messenia whose oiKexai ing land and farms (Ath. 6. 266b); in the Attic
were the prime booty (Polyb. 4.4.1; pp. 201-2, on incident reported by Poseidonios, slaves killed the
Messenia)? Papyri from Roman Egypt list slaves as mine-guards and seized the fort of Sounion. Thus
part of property that included towers (P. Lugd. Bat. one could argue that towers protected one from
13, 14), but these towers may differ in form and escaped household members, not just angry credi-
name from Greek stone towers (see appx.). tors ([Dem.] 47.56) or foreign troops. One complaint
The coincidence of slaves and towers has not
the Athenians had against the Megarians, in the
gone unnoticed in modern scholarship, but it has
disagreements that led to the Attic trade embargo
been largely directed at oblique scenarios. of
Ludwig
the Archidamian War, was Megara's receiving run-
Ross imagined farm slaves as well as masters away
taking
slaves from the Athenians (Thuc. 1.139.2), pre-
refuge in a tower at Agia Triada on Amorgos (fig.rather than returning them. It is precisely
sumably
13) but not necessarily living there.155 The tower at between the two city-states that witness-
the border
Agios Petros on Andros was connected by ed Fiedler
an unusual proliferation of towered farms (figs.
to the nearby iron mines as a means of surveillance
5, 6, 21), largely in the fourth century. Were they
over slaves (p. 169). 156 Other theories make built
towersto forestall further such incidents? Megara it-
155 Ross 1840, 145. 160 Hanson 1998, 46 n. 11; cf. Jones 1975, 119.
156 Supra n. 66. 161 Morris 1998; see Klees (1998, 77 n. 120) on their prolif-
157Osborne 1988,78-9. eration in slave areas such as the Black Sea; he cites Suda (s. v.
1MSuto 1993, 11-2. "ioouweic; [ouuai]") as housing for mine workers on Siphnos.
159 Bonias 1999, 105. 162 Thompson 2003, 56-8.
self raised vines and supported slaves eventua

tured by Demetrius Poliorcetes (Plut. Dem. 9.9-
The Argolid experienced considerable unr
volving slaves in the fifth century. After the d
Sepeia, slaves are said to have seized power
were expelled by the sons of those who fell in
only to occupy Tiryns, revolt against their m
and take refuge at Halieis and Epidauros (
6.83). 164 How do these events shed light on t
struction of towers ("pyramids" or "blockhous
11]) in the classical Argolid?165
So far, arguments linking slaves and towers
on their coincidence in ancient sources and land-
scapes without direct archaeological evidence, but

here material culture is not immediately helpful.
Despite considerable testimonia on the presence
of slaves in various ancient industries, the ancient
slave remains elusive in the material record. Diffi-
cult to identify in the streets of ancient Athens

where citizens were often mistaken for slaves - who
were therefore protected from assault, lest a citizen

be struck in error and bring a lawsuit166 - he or she
was even harder to distinguish in his or her archaeo-
logical afterlife.167 Historical archaeology in North
America has demonstrated the pitfalls of linking
ancient artifacts to specific ethnic and social classes.
Clay tobacco pipes, for example, organic to a New
World custom and product, turned out to be a lively
industry among African slaves. Even a specific class
of "colonoware" made and used by African slaves is
a rare exception to the invisibility of slaves else-
where,168 and only where a broad spectrum of hous-
Fig. 21. View of left door jamb in tower F (round tower),
ing has survived on a single antebellum estate can
Vathychoria, Megarid. (S. Morris andj. Papadopoulos)
slave quarters be delineated among more affluent
dwellings.169 But a distinct archaeological identity
can be recovered for African slaves, in a context division such as slavery, nor has any component of
where a specific ethnicity also defines slavery. In the ancient house.170 Yet we must imagine a con-
contrast, no Greek artifact or class of pottery has stant, if invisible, labor force of some proportions
yielded close identification with an ancient social in the countryside171 and many slaves in the heart of
163Pikoulas 2002. See Daverio-Rocchi (1987) for border dis- 143), on analogy of Roman cellae (identified at Settefinestre:
putes between Attica and Megara in the fourth century (e.g., Carandini 1985: 1:176-7). Hoepfner and Schwander (1994,
/Gil2 204). 274) call Sklavenraume "archaologisch auch kaum nachweisbar";
164Kritzas 1992; Van Wees 2003, 41-5. Hoepfner (1999c, 366) calls two small rooms with upper sto-
165 Lord 1938, 1939, 1941; Fracchia 1985; Pikoulas 1995a. ries (g, f) in house J at Dystos (Euboia) Sklavenraume, a more
166 [Xen.] Pol 10-2; Dem. 47.61; but see Ar. Lys. 1150-6, likely candidate is the tower added later (Nevett 1999, 82-3,
Eccl. 724 for slave garments. identified as an andron by Hoepfner and Schwandner on anal-
167Himmelmann 1971; Klees 1998; Morris 1998. ogy of Attic houses and Kolophon). For a related problem
168 Ferguson (1992, 1-22) on "colonoware" (mistaken for (where did metics live?) , see Thiir 1989; on the livingquarters
Native American); on pipes: Ferguson 1992, 50-2. of Roman slaves, see George 1997. Brunet (1988a, 387) found
169Deetz 1977, 138-56; essays in Singleton 1985 and Mitch- no distinction between ceramics from Delos houses and those
ell 2001, esp. Sinsrleton 2001. on farms maintained by slaves.
170 Jameson 1990b, 191; Klees 1998, 74-80, on slave quar- 171 "If we have trouble identifying 'agricultural slaves' in
ters; cf. Morris 1998; Nevett 1999, 40. Slaves are signaled by Athens it may be in part because they are everywhere" (Jame-
graffiti in small rooms in wealthy villas (at Delos: Thompson son 1977-1978, 137).
2003, 62-4), or by rooms that can be locked (Pecirka 1970,
deme sites and mining districts in Attica.courtyardIf min-
when the farm is attacked) . Context there-
ing, quarrying, and intensive cultivation call
fore forusex-
urges to identify the pyrgos in this passage as
tra labor forces, and towers appear in areas directly
the regular domicile of slaves, or at least of female
supporting these activities, then could a tower
slaves be amale, slaves were captured or fled from
(other,
capture
feature of any household with slaves, urban in the same raid; [Dem.] 47.52-53), rather
or rural?
Thus far, the chief functions which would explain
than family members. In the other leading passage
why a mine, quarry, or farm requires a juxtaposing
tower - sur- towers and slaves, Xenophon (An. 7.
veillance of slaves at work, dwellings for them,
8.12; or
see appx.) describes slaves, likely male, near a
protection against fugitive slaves - have tyrsis,
not yet been
where they are captured in a military raid.
tested on the archaeological content and But context
the Demosthenes passage seems to specify
of extant towers. In particular, no closer
femaleanalysis
slaves, in particular, as occupants of a tower.
Loomweights
has recognized any practical, physical detail of theseand grinding equipment recovered
towers that would make them suitable for, much from towers at Cape Zoster and on Siphnos and dye
less exclusive to, slaves. Those few structures exca- works located in other towers, in both archaeology
vated demonstrate domestic debris left by family, and papyrology, suggest female occupants (see p.
overseers and guards, or dependents, none of which 156). While romantic plots have men lock women
serves to distinguish ancient social classes, free or in towers to prevent abduction or escape - Hero,
dependent (see p. 159). In what more specific and Danae, the daughters of Lykomedes (Philostr. Imag.
practical ways could towers, in literature and in ar- 1) - more concrete concerns surface in historical
chaeology, be connected to slaves? testimonia on the dangers of kidnapping of free
Let us revisit the crucial passage in an Athenian women and parthenoi by pirates (see p. 158). 174 In a
law speech of the fourth century B.C. attributed to second-century B.C. papyrus from Egypt (P. Tebt. I,
Demosthenes (47.56; see appx.): In an attack on 47 [113 B.C.]), a pyrgos in the Arsinoite nomos of
an Attic farm, female slaves lock themselves in the Kerkeosiris serves as residence for the landowner's
tower, still a unique glimpse of such a structure in mother, as if her age or gender called for special
use. These women are also reported to have been protection. No sources have towers built in the
living in the tower, and in this instance locked it to Greek countryside to protect well-born women, even
protect themselves against alien male aggression, on the comic stage.175
possibly sexual, but also from seizure as valuable Expanding testimonia to consider other terms
property by an aggrieved creditor. Their status, as for towers casts a wider net for their name(s) and
both women and as dependent labor (therapanai) , perhaps their function. A passage from Xeno-
made them vulnerable on the basis of gender as phon 's imaginary dialogue between Ischomachos
well as class: thus this ancient tower houses those and Socrates' interlocutor refers to 6 GdAauoc; ev
unfree for reasons of gender and those made un-03v ("the chamber, being in the innermost
ox^pco
free as slaves.172 For one or both reasons, theseplace")
indi- as a locus where valuable linens and other
viduals regularly lived (diaitontai) in the tower items
oncan be secured (Oec. 9.2). Possibly a refer-
encebe-
this farm.173 Did the therapanai live in the tower to the master bedroom of the Greek house, it
cause they were female or because they were chat-
is often imagined as an interior chamber, although
tel? In this household at least, family members it could also be an upper room (after Lys. I).176 But
recently this phrase has been identified as a de-
(mother and children) evidently lived elsewhere,
along with one former (female) slave and nurse,scription of a tower, the "stronghold" in a Greek
house
freed but returned to the family and living as one ofand a female space, with reference to the
them (at any rate, she is eating with them in the in Pseudo-Demosthenes 47.56. 177 However,
passage
172 This passage epitomizes some common conditions of bre a coucher des femmes," with a ladder leading to the upper
women and slaves (Arist. Pol 6.8): De Ste Croix 1981, 100-1; floor: TAonô5(ComitepourlesFouilles Beiges en Grece) 1986,
Osborne 1995 (Xen. Mem. 2.7); Jones 2004, 62-5, on tasks 40; cf. Grandiean 1991.
(largely rural) performed by women in absence of slaves. Iron- 174 Supra ns. 13,35.
ically it is a woman, Praxagora, who has slaves performing agri- 175 In Menander's Dyskolos, why does Knemon not keep his
cultural work in her ideal city (Ar. Eccl 651-2). daughter in a tower? Roy 1996, esp. 112-5.
173 Young (1956a, 134, 141) translates diaitontai (Dem. 176Pesando 1987, 48-51, 54-6, 82-92; cf. Husson (1983, 248-
47.56) as "living and working" in the tower (cf. diaiteria, "liv- 52) on various rooms for living and sleeping in towers described
ing rooms," in Xen. Oec. 9. 4, or Timon in his tower [Luc. Tim. in Egyptian papyri of the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
42] ) . This passage turned the tower at Thorikos into a "cham- 177Grandjean 1991, 67-83. Cf. Pomeroy (1994, 292-3) for
Xenophon (Oec. 9.5) uses

disputed thebut
by Osborne term
accepted by gynaik
both Brunet
the same passage to describe quarters for
and Hellmann. The former calls it "une grande
slaves in the same imaginary house;
salle" or "la piece principale," moreov
the latter a large
are not only separate"salle from
commune."183 What form and function are
quarters for ma
but bolted, as if adjacent. This
served by a kleision, makes
and what it
does it correspond to diff
equate the pyrgos in in Pseudo-Demosthene
the properties excavated and surveyed on Delos
with either the thalamos in Xenophon or the and Rheneia (only two of these properties have tow-
gynaikonitis in the same house, as Grandjean ers, but all were likely staffed by slaves and man-
proposes. aged by absentee landlords)?184
Other terms reward closer inspection: regional In investigating the meaning of this word, its
and chronological variant phrases could indicate etymology points to two different sources. The first
towers in rural areas, often in locales associated with
follows a spelling without an epsilon, and assumes
slaves. In Roman Egypt, non-Greek words or com- a derivation from klino, "to lean," making it some
pounds (magdol, pyrgomagdol) describe towerskind on of shed or lean-to. In Homer it describes the
tent of Achilles {II 24), either because of its
rural estates, and the multistory brick versions com-
mon in towns of Roman Egypt served a variety pitched
of roof or because he reclines there (the
functions, both domestic and industrial.178 Leased
same meaning can be invoked to make the Delian
klision a sleeping or "reclining" chamber). But
estates listing a pithon (storage cellar with jars) but
no pyrgos could refer indirectly to a tower, as someanother meaning competes with this one, espe-
have argued,179 although other towers in texts can cially when the word is spelled kleio and derives
from *kleo - > kleido, "to close" or "shut in," even "to
also contain a pithon. Similarly, the suggestive word
uneponov (i)nepcoi5iov) appears in some proper- lock" - ancestor of the many "clef words for key -
supported by Pollux (9.50; 4.125). Recent read-
ties without a pyrgos, possibly an elevated structure
that substitutes in function for the security of
ers aeven trace the word back to the Bronze Age: ki-ri-ta
tower.180 On Kos, structures called skopai are men- appears in Linear B in the dative and locative at
tioned in the sacred law where owners of slaves spe-Knossos (O 5003, X 8768, and in Ws 8493 as a
cializing in viticulture are taxed, and at least some
place where wool was delivered, possibly a place
of them are towers.181 On Rheneia, where only two that could be locked up).185 Another lasting mean-
properties are listed with a tower (IDelos 287, A, 154,
ing for klisie is a grave (a place where the dead are
165), every sacred estate has a kleision (sometimes
"closed" away, or possibly where they rest or "re-
cline"), first used to describe the burial of Patroklos
spelled klision) as does at least one property in Ath-
in Homer (//. 23. 234). 186 But the earliest use of
ens (in the urban deme of Melite) that has a klision,
as well as an oikia and a chorion (house and land). klision relevant to our topic describes the place
Rare in classical literature as a term for some sec-
Laertes, a vintner and tree farmer, kept his slaves:
ondary structure, kleision is surely more than a ves-
evGa oi oiKoq erjv, nepi 5e kAioiov Oee ndvxq
tibule or porch (Pollux s.v "npooxdc;, npootcoov");
£V T(p OIT8OKOVTO KCCl l^CXVOV Y\de ICCUOV
its frequency on Delos makes it "the principal8uco8c; dvayKaioi, toi oicjnAa epydôvxo.
building on the estates" for Kent.182 This claim (Od.
is 24.208-210)
possible meanings of this phrase (inner room, storage cham- II:no. 814.
ber, upper-story room, bedroom, bridal chamber) . The lease 181 Syll.3 1000.
from Amorgos (/GXII 7, 62, 32; Rhodes and Osborne 2003, 182 Kent 1948, 297-8 (cf. Pecirka 1973, 139); disputed by
282-7, no. 59) prescribes repairing a "wall above the ground" Thompson 2003, 62; lones 2004, 25 n. 23.
(epoikodomesai teixion hyper tes ges), more likely a terrace wall 183 Osborne 1985a, 122; 1985b, 21; Brunet 1988a, 363; 1990a;
but possibly a tower. Hellmann 1992, 223.
178Husson 1983; see also supra n. 176. 184 jror French survey of territories on Delos and Rheneia,
179 Hellmann (1992, 363, 337-8), arguing from documents see Brunet 1988a, 1988b, 1989, 1990b; Charre etal. 1993; Charre
from Amphipolis, Chalkidike, and Mylasa, but compare the pyr- and Couilloud-Le Dinahet 1999.
gos on Tenos with a pithon (/GXII, 872, 52). 185Meier-Brii£ger 1990, 167.
180 Delos: Hellmann 1992, s. v. 423-6. Cf. the identifica- 186Petropoulou 1988; Hellmann 1992, 224 n. 8. There are
tion of an upper room or story in Xen. Oec. 9.2 by Pesando no funeral or banquet couches in Homer or in the archaeolog-
1987; Grandjean 1991; and by Kent 1948, 296, who made this ical record prior to the introduction (from the Near East) of
an upper story for women in particular. Cf. hyperoia and pyr- reclining couches in the seventh century, although a scholi-
goi on rural properties leased at Mylasa in Asia Minor: Robert ast on Od. 24.208 assumes so in making the klision of Laertes
1945, 86-7, no. 51a; Blumel 1987, Lnos. 205, 206, 217, 223; a locale for klismoi.
more
For there was his oikos, and all around widely
it ran and analyzed by Lothar Haselberger
a klision
in which they ate and lived and slept and systematically recorded in numerous towers in
the slaves, under compulsion, who worked to his will.
Asia Minor.187 It turns out that many towers, most o
which are closed and bolted on the inside by a single
It is not clear whether this was a lean-to or a lock-
leaf door as customary for Greek doors (e.g., figs. 22
up, etymologically or technically (the meter would 23), also carry cuttings in their jambs outside th
not sustain kleision, whose first syllable must bedoor. A few also show signs of wear marks across th
short); the verb better suits a lean-to, but it is in-
threshold stone, parallel to the jambs. This can b
triguing that the word is first used in Homer asclearly observed inside the doorway of the Cheim-
housing for slaves. The coexistence of kleision andarrou tower on Naxos (figs. 24-26) , as well as in th
pyrgion in a Delos estate (Charoneia: IDelos 287, A,
tower on Paros (fig. 23). The threshold of the Naxo
64-7) precludes these terms being interchange- tower still carries a central row of six rectangular
able or making kleision a literal substitute for a tower.
cuttings, measuring ca. 1.5 x 4 x 3 cm, now wor
But closure may have been a paramount concern in (figs. 24-26). Two worn tracks, ca. 5 x 2 cm, run
rural property. If the etymology and identity of
parallel to this door and to the doorjambs. Both the
kl(e)ision remain ambiguous, one nickname for central row of cuttings and the two tracks terminat
rural slaves was erkitai, or those confined within an
just short of the door-edge of threshold. At the oute
erkos (Amerias apud Ath. 6.267c). Surely this indi-
edge of the threshold, they terminate in a horizon
cates that they were kept locked up, and that one tal line parallel to the inner face of the threshol
important function to be expected in slave quar-block. At Palaiopyrgos on Paros, the wear tracks ru
ters is a means of securing their confinement. close to the jambs along the edge of the threshold,
but there is no central row of cuttings. Instead,
Towers: Vantage Point, Safe House, or Lock-Up? square slot lies in the right jamb, about halfway (1
Having expanded possible terminologies for m) up the doorway, and is aligned with a much
these structures, we return to the physical evidencedeeper horizontal slot cut into the opposite marble
jamb (fig. 27 [section]). Cuttings and reconstruc
of the towers themselves. If function prevailed over
form in certain ancient documents, and closure or tions of this mechanism are well illustrated in
security was a chief function, we should reexamine Haselberger's drawings (figs. 23, 27 [plan]), and
details long taken for granted in the study of surviv- have also been noted and detailed in Lycia above.
ing Greek towers. It has long been perceived that Variants of these features, in the form of round or
they are difficult to access, which enhances their square cuttings in doorjambs, can also be observed
defensive appearance. Entrances often lie above in the doorways of tower F in the Vathychoria, Megara
ground level (e.g., figs. 4, 13), or lead to a ground (fig. 21), the Panachrantou tower on Keos (fig. 28),
floor linked only by trapdoor (and ladder) to up- in numerous towers on Siphnos (including at
per stories (fig. 3). Windows lie high above the Kambanario [fig. 29]), and in the Agia Triada tower
ground (figs. 1-4) : many only narrow slits to illumi- on Amorgos (fig. 30). 188 Fiedler also noted a verti-
nate interior stairs (e.g., fig. 1). From outside, these cal slot in the lintel block of the Andros tower, which
features suggest measures for defense, either pri- held some grille to be lowered inside the doorframe
vate - to keep trespassers from seizing property or but outside the door.189 Most unusual are the deep
attacking individuals - or public, in the minority grooves worn into the lintel block of a tower found
view that still sees too many towers as military. But near Sangri on Naxos, near foundations for a
many towers harbor an important feature visible on tower.190 Identified as cuttings for a grille to secure
close observation, an important final clue to an ad- the tower from inside, they could just as easily hold
ditional, and critical, function. a grille installed from outside.
The presence of peculiar cuttings and wear marks None of these cuttings, slots, or wear marks is
inside the entrances of several island towers was related to the normal closure of a door from inside
the tower. Combining the evidence of threshold

first observed by Droop at the Naxos tower, reported
187 Droop 1923, 42; Haselberger 1978a, 353-64; 1980, 149; 188Marangou 2000, figs. 3, 11, 12 (modern wooden bar in-
Lycia: Yener 1995, 99, pl.18.3; Marksteiner 1996, 145-6, fig.serted in cuttings in fig. 1 1) . Cf. the round tower in the Mega-
47; Konecny 1997, 55; Hailer 1998, 73, pl. 13.1; Rough Cilicia:rid (fig. 21), Tillyard 1905-1906, fig. 4; Nowicka 1975, fig. 8.
Durugomil 1998, 36, fig. 18 (Emirzeli), 56 (Boyan), 67 189 Fiedler 1840, 236; Haselberger 1978b, 69-71.
(Gomeg), 74, fig. 49 (Gomeg). 190Lambrinoudakis 1981, pl. 202.
Fig. 22. Plan and section of Aspros Pyrgos tower o

(After Hohmann 1983, fig. 7)
promise space and mobility for quadrupeds. Al-

though other scholars have observed the cuttings
that led to this conclusion, few have tested their
implications. His premise assumes that interior
door and exterior grille are mutually incompatible.
Indeed, they cannot both be activated simulta-
neously from the inside. But what other procedure
can be imagined?
From these cuttings, another reconstruction is
possible: while the main door could only be closed
and bolted from the inside, the outer grille or cage,
secured by a bar or set of bars and attached (or pos-
sibly hooked) to the door, was meant to be set in
place from the outside, keeping the door closed.
As Greek doors open to the inside, a metal ring or
Fig. 23. Plan of threshhold block in entrance to tower at
loop in the outer face of a door could be connected
Palaiopyrgos, Paros. (Drawing by P. Finnerty) (After
Haselberger 1978a, fig. 7) to a hook linked to the bars or grille reconstructed
inside the threshold area, making it impossible to
open the door from the inside. This would prevent
wear and lateral cuttings, Haselberger correctly
egress, as well as breaking and entering; that is, this
deduced that some kind of grille was slid
feature, against
so widely spread through the corpus of an-
cient towers,
these doors from the outside, and fastened from allows for them to be locked from the
out-
outside.inside
side with a horizontal sliding bar (stored Such mechanisms
the are common in modern
long slot in one jamb, when not inGreek
use).doorways,
As Hasel-as observed by Dawkins on
berger explains, this arrangement is Karpathos
entirely in inde-
1902.191
It is notable
pendent of the normal closure and securing ofthat those towers whose entrance is
the
door from inside the tower (and, in fact, cannot
preserved, be show any special cuttings, are
but do not
reached or released from within once the door is
precisely those with limited access at the ground
closed). In some towers, additional security from
level. Either they exhibit second-story openings on
inside, as recommended by Aeneas Tacticus (18- the exterior (as at Agia Marina on Keos [fig. 4] ) , or
20) for city gates, was provided by separate cuttings
a ground level entrance that leads to a space with a
for a bolt (Sperrbalkeri) inside the threshold. This
trapdoor in the ceiling, presumably served by inte-
rior ladders (as at Agios Petros on Andros [fig. 3] ,
could be reinforced by a bar resting in marble blocks
projecting inside and slid across the closed door and in a tower above Karthaia on Keos). Alterna-
(as at Aspros Pyrgos, Siphnos [figs. 22, 31]). tively,
But as at Agia Marina on Keos (figs. 32, 33) and at
what purpose was served by an outside "grille"Aspros
ac- Pyrgos on Siphnos (fig. 31), additional cut-
cessible from the inside only when the door itself
tings inside would allow the stairwell to upper sto-
was open? And what explanation could cover ries theto be closed off from below. Towers in Attica
frequent provision for this mechanism in towerswhere
on outside access has been restored with an
external ladder, for lack of a visible threshold or door
many different islands, as well as in Lycia and else-
where? opening at ground level, include the one at
Haselberger suggested that, during peaceful Thorikos - its door was blocked in a later phase -
living conditions, a grille could be fitted across the and one in the Legraina district.192 Were these means
open door to stable animals inside, perhaps valu- of access drawn up at night, by those seeking secu-
able livestock such as cattle or horses, while provid- rity from intruders, or removed from below by
ing them light and air. He is not the first to suggest others, to prevent escape? The former scenario ex-
that the ground floor of Greek towers housed plains similar arrangements in later towers. For
animals, but their size and installations (cisterns, example, the Genoese tower of the Sarakini on
stairwells, and pithones [fig. 22, plan] ) severely com- Samos has no doorway or windows at ground floor
191 Dawkins 1902-1903, 190-5, "Wooden Locks." feld (1965, 262) imagined such arrangements for the Leukas
towers, but none preserves lower courses with an entrance.
192 See models in Thorikos (Comite pour les Fouilles Beiges
en Grece ) 1986, 40, and Lohmann 1992, 46-8, fig. 23; Dorp-
poses (being made of wood and therefore of value).

Terms for a grille in the Delos estates (kiykAu;,
Tpt3(j)aKTOc;, ofteAioKOi, or Oupai uaKeAAcoTca) usu-
ally describe permanent barriers in sacred build-
ings and are often made of wood or stone rather
than metal (although at least one rural property has
Tpt34>aKTOi [IDelos 1416, B, 1, 23]). Nothing indicates
whether or when any of these served as closures from
the exterior, as suggested by surviving cuttings in
towers. This leaves the question open: were the
arrangements visible in archaeological sites meant
to keep intruders out, as most have assumed in
seeing these towers as "defensive," or to keep cer-
tain individuals inside from escaping? Beyond
extra security for storing property, trapdoors, ex-
ternal bolts, or special keys (see below), all point
to incarceration as much as protection, making the
ancient Greek tower a temporary prison. But for
whom?
Once again, let us return to the crucial text for

these structures. In the attack on an Attic farmhouse
([Dem.] 47.56), the female slaves close themselves
in the tower, presumably using the internal bolts
provided in nearly every extant tower and in Greek
houses. But in other instances, they could have been
shut inside by their owners at night to prevent es-
cape. Female slaves were not put to hard labor in
mines or quarries (hence less oppressed in daily
Fig. 24. View of entrance to
work) Cheimarrou tower,
nor were they fit to escape Naxos. N
alone in the coun-
cuttings in left door jamb and wear marks on threshh
tryside, but they were often at work in isolated rural
block. (S. Morris andj. Papadopoulos)
areas.194 Protective measures against piracy in the
Greek islands prohibit free women from circulat-
ing
level in its first phase. But for fear of being captured
later, when (p. 163).
theIn legend,
tower w
it is princesses,
enclosed within a protective wall forming not slaves, who are prevented from a cou
abduction or escape by
yard secure against intruders, the being tower
held in a tower. was re
signed for freer accessUnder
(doornormal circumstances,
and windows free women were to at grou
floor level) within be controlled
the by their own modesty inThis
courtyard.193 behavior - form
marked contrast to ancient towers,
and eventually where
by gynaikonomoi even
- not by coercion or tow
ers within secure enclosure walls (on Keos, Naxos, incarceration.195 Those to be confined at night by
and Amorgos [fig. 13]) show features for securing a locked door, to separate them from their male
the door from the outside. counterparts, are female slaves in the house of Ischo-
When combined with the height of windowsmachos (Xen. Oec. 9.5). In the house of Euphiletos
above ground level and their small size (where still (Lysias 1), the gynaikonitis where women (possibly
including slaves) normally slept at night was up-
visible [figs. 1-4]), these cuttings must serve as spe-
cial mechanisms for external closure. Testimonia stairs and could be locked from the outside;
the wife of Euphiletos reverses relations when she
are again of limited assistance. Pyrgoi on estates
locks her husband in one at night. Her pretext
leased on Rheneia are described as having a door
{tethuromenon: IDelos 287, A, 154, 165; cf. IDelos is
374,
to keep him away from their servant girl, a varia-
Aa, 26), which is primarily listed for inventory tion
pur-on the concerns of Ischomachos, but in reality
193Kienast 2001, 537-40. Jameson 1997. On gynaikonomoi, a development of the fourth

194Scheidel 1990, 1995, 1996. century, see Garland 1981.
195Nevett 1994, 2001; Antonaccio 2000; cf. Gould 1980;
Fig. 25. View of threshhold block of tower at Cheimarrou, Naxos, from south (from outs
holes, parallel tracks. (S. Morris andj. Papadopoulos)
it will keep him from discovering her 404) imagines

tryst controlling the behavior of Spartan
(down-
women,
stairs) with her lover, Eratosthenes.196 Thusanddiffer-
some Athenian ones, by a "Lakonian
key," apparently
ent stories as well as connecting doors could thebe nickname for a device that al-
externally locked.
The closest archaeological equivalent would be
the arrangements implied by cuttings in or outside
staircases within certain island towers. In the tower
at Aspros Pyrgos on Siphnos, the interior staircase

which leads to the upper quarters could be closed
by a door and secured from inside the tower, itself
to be bolted from inside (figs. 22, 31 ).197 A similar
arrangement must have allowed the stairwell and
upper floors of the enormous tower at Agia Marina
on Keos to be secured from below, based on the
elaborate cuttings inside the door jambs and out-
side the doorway at the bottom of its staircase (figs.
32, 33). Thus more than one kind of arrangement
existed for confining or protecting household
members at night or in the countryside. Moreover,
an additional means of confinement is largely in-
Fig. 26. Plan of threshhold block, tower at Cheimarrou,
visible in archaeology without the survival of wooden Naxos. (Drawing by P. Finnerty) (After sketch by authors,
doors. Ancient comedy (Ar. Thesm. 423; Plaut. Most. 1989).
196Moman 1982; Wolpert 2001. dently for a door halfway up the stairs leading to the upper
197 Not recorded in Hohmann (1983, figs. 3, 7, 8) are cavi- floors (this is in addition to a bolt, slid into large marble rings
ties on the fifth tread of the interior staircase (fig. 31), evi- flanking the inner door to close the tower from within) . Indi-
lows doors to be secured from the outside (also classicists and historians note a high absentee fac-
identified as a key with "teeth," or serrated edges).198 tor in ancient farming; a bailiff (epitropos) is largely
Even without this Lakonian key joke, securing doors in charge of rural property when it is not rented
from the outside was possible in an ordinary Greek out to alien opportunists. On the other hand, many
house, as the adulterous wife of Eratosthenes (Lys. archaeologists insist that the large number of rural
1.12-13) locks her husband in his bedroom (with a "sites" identified from surface survey must trans-
kleis) during her lover's visit. More practically, late into a large number of farms that they envision
Aeneas Tacticus (10.9-10) recommends confining as owner-occupied, especially when amenities such
strangers to their inn or hostel, locked from the as an andron and bathroom, or family cult sites such
outside ( ta pandokeia exothen kleiesthai) , during un- as shrines and graves are present.201
rest in the city. These passages make clear that there Once towers are recognized as places for tempo-
were ways to lock doors from the outside, to isolate rary incarceration of unfree labor, they allow us to
members of the opposite sex or strangers, which revisit both sets of phenomena: rural landscapes
may not survive in archaeology. Whitehead suggests were densely inhabited and intensively exploited in
that such arrangements were "Lakonian" because classical and Hellenistic Greece, yet not primarily
of Sparta's notorious hostility to foreigners and worked or permanently occupied by free, citizen
xenelasia, not particularly because they confined landowners. Rather, absentee farming lay in the
women.199 But Lakonia is also home to a servile popu- hands of overseers, often unfree in status them-
lation with a propensity to revolt, making likely en- selves, and was performed largely by family (women
emies internal, not only foreign. Coincidentally, and children) and dependents. In particular, the
Lakonia is one of the few regions of Greece without concentration of towers in territory less visibly fer-
stone towers (see pp. 201-2); was one reason for tile and remote from urban centers or other es-
this lacuna because they could enclose subjects by tates - eschatiai in several senses of the word
another means, that is, a Lakonian key? In any case, "marginal" - could indeed point to more labor-in-
these passages indicate means for exterior closure tensive efforts in less productive and more remote
of any ordinary door that cannot be ascertained now areas.202 Moreover, given the leasing out of slaves
in the absence of wooden doors and their locks. for the wages they earn their owner, either in mines
The archaeological study of rural and urban tow-
(as they did for Nikias) or on the land, many rural
ers, combined with the passage in Pseudo- households would have changed occupants fre-
Demosthenes (47.56), allows for the residence of quently, if temporarily. Leasing slaves as well as prop-
women, slaves, or both in towers. We propose that erty would have introduced alien personnel,
the most likely occupants of locked towers, given supervised by a family member or slave epitropos
their concentration in industrial districts, were unfamiliar with them, in residence with family de-
those unfree in status as well as in personal liberty, pendents, possibly during the master's absence.
or slaves. This enhances the specter of inequality Under such circumstances, especially if women and
in the investigation of domestic architecture, where children outnumbered free male family members,
recent research has largely been driven by the pur- a secured place to keep labor from escaping and/
suit of isonomia, a privilege of male citizenship or endangering this vulnerable arrangement made
sought in ancient living arrangements.200 At the all the more sense. Plenty of scholars have synchro-
same time, the technical features of these towers, if nized the "fortification" of the countryside mani-
designed for slaves, may help reopen the debate fest in these towers with historical unrest and the
over permanent rural residence by Greek citizens vulnerability of isolated households (see p. 163),
for farming (see pp. 163-7). Arguing from texts, but we argue that it was a particular configuration
viduals could be confined upstairs, while the ground floor, with

ular template on houses in reality not identical; see Etienne
its pressing equipment and subterranean storage tanks (a true1991, 39-47; essays by Dennig (with discussions) in Schuller
pithon), remained accessible. et al. 1989; Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, xi-xii. Cf. Ault
198 Barton 1972; Whitehead 1990; Hellmann 1992, 222. A(2000, 493) at Halieis: "Isonomia, like oikonomia, begins at
home"; Cahill 2000, 500; 2002, 83-4; Nevett 2000.
Lakonian key is also one with teeth (clavis dentata: /Gil2 1627,
1, 1.342; cf. Pliny HN1.19S), and has been identified in 201 For these positions, see Pettegrew (2001 ) and discussions
archaeology by Robinson (1941, 505-10) and found at farms by Osborne, Foxhall, and Lohmann in Wells (1992). See
with towers (Adam-Veleni et al. 2003, 180-1, nos. 36-38). responses in Jones 2000, 2004; Jameson 2002a.
199 See Olympiodoros on Plato Ale. I. 202 Osborne 1992a; Suto 1993. See Jameson (2002b) on es-
chatia; Cox (1998, 155-61) on the effect of war and civil obli-
ûuHoepfner and Schwander s (1994) rosy view of egalitar-
ian housing in antiquity has been accused of imposing a mod-
gations on classical oikiai.
Fig. 27. Section of doorway (top) and plan (bottom) of Palaiopyrgos tower, Paros. (Drawing
1978a, fig. 8)
Fig. 28. View of left and right door jambs in the

427, 94/428)
of the classical Greek household and its economies Mediterranean seaborne "trade" (Od. 15.415-429;
that required and multiplied the presence ofHdt.
tow-1.1). It may be significant that the relatively
ers to confine occupants, in towns as well as onwealthy
the Attic homes with towers in the Voula/
land. Vouliagmeni area (fig. 15), including the so-called
Priest's House at Zoster, and those inside the for-
If external closure of towers was intended to pre-
tress at Rhamnous (fig. 16) are located directly on
vent escape, what was the frequency and efficacy of
the coast. Were these towers necessary to prevent
fleeing ancient slavery, and what other precautions
were taken? Fetters were rare for household slavesslaves from escaping by sea or slave raiders from
not working in mines (Xen. Oec. 3.4); one pair arriving by boat?
found in a mine shaft in Attica confirms the need Once escaped, a slave was no longer useful to
to prevent mine-slaves from escaping and to con- or warfare, thus reducing state and private
industry
productivity, as well as endangering property and
fine the captured to the mines.203 Several individu-
als buried at Akanthos (Ierissos) in Chalkidike, persons. In Attica in 413 B.C., slaves who escaped
northern Greece, with shackles around their ankles to Dekeleia from mines and farms were resold to
or arms and no offerings have been interpreted as the Thebans (Hell. Oxy. 12.4), presumably into work
punitive or captive victims, buried along with the less harsh than in mines. Long-time household de-
signs of their servitude.204 A further deterrent was pendents who lived as part of a family (or returned
the threat, if not practice, of branding, attested in to it, once freed, for support in old age; cf. [Dem.]
literature (Ar. Av. 760-1, Ran. 1508-14). An escaped 47.56) were presumably less prone to escape, but
slave could not get far or reach freedom, especially short-term seasonal labor assigned to demanding
from a Greek island, without assistance and (on an work in vineyards, mines, or quarries may have re-
island) a boat. But the capture of free as well as quired secure confinement in towers. The role of
enslaved individuals was a long-term pattern in the bailiff (epitropos), whether a free man, freed
by Alexander; cf. Arr. Anab. 1.16); Thompson 2003, 154; dis-

203Lauffer 1956, 53; Schumacher 2001, 115, fig. 51; Thomp-
son 2003, 217-23. cussion and further references in Little and Papadopoulos 1998,
204 Sawopoulou 1984 (criminals sentenced to punitive 394.
la-
bor); Phaklaris 1986 (Greek mercenaries for Persia, captured
Fig. 29. Tower at Kambanario, Siphnos, with cuttings in right and left door jambs. (S. M
slave, or servile specialist (like those manumitted),

wealthy, according to their size and sophistication,
placed a large responsibility for supervising
while the primaryslaves
laborers on that land were not, as
attested in texts.
in the hands of a third party. If an unfree labor force This reconciles a second major
owned by one man, at work on public or private
disagreement in modern views of the countryside,
betweenparty,
property, was supervised by a third hired those who see landowners as wealthy vs.
this
modest, from
arrangement called for secure housing for the la- textual sources.206 Ancient historians
bor force, on an estate that greatly transcends
who praise the countryside
any (\(jdpa) of classical Ath-
image of a "family farm." Thus these ens astowers
"the richest in Greece" (noAuxeAeoxaxa xfjc;
com-
pare to slave quarters with walls and surveillance
rEAAd5oc; [Hell. Oxy. 12.5]) describe wealthy farms
with wine-cellars
posts on New World plantations, "a material mani- on Korkyra (Xen. Hell. 6.2.6), re-
festation recognizing the intention of call the fine
slave property em tcov dypwv of the fifth
flight,"205
to confine potential runaways as well as(Isoc.
century to Areop.
deter52), or lament the destruction
slave raiders. of the rural domiciles of the wealthy during the
Peloponnesian War (Thuc. 2.65.2), do not name
To turn to more proximate parallels, the Greek
towers. But surely such structures distinguished the
farm may have represented a more modest forerun-
ner of the Roman latifundium, including its classical countryside as prosperous. Even those
ergastulum, or labor camp (see below). As a major farms concentrated near "demes" without deme
investment of surplus capital, these structures sup- centers (as argued by Lohmann for Atene207), could
port the notion that the primary landowners were still have been worked in the absence of owners
205 Singleton 2001, 104. (1992), with discussions.

207 Lohmann 1993a.
206 See contributions by Osborne and Foxhall in Wells
on Naxos, such a structure would have cost 8,000

drachmas in man-hours to build (see p. 164); the
blocks in this tower were marked, evidently by work-
men or to identify labor teams, and extracted lo-
cally.210 Skilled labor by slaves was not free. They
received wages (or their owners received apophora,
compensation for their labor), at least in the
Erechtheion accounts (IG I3 474-9). But it is not
impossible to imagine the future occupants of these
stone prisons providing the labor that built them,
as in plenty of modern prison projects.211 This elimi-
nates arguments that these towers were either pub-
licly financed or a symbol of private resources and
pretensions, views that obscure the status of their
construction crews and residents.
As discussed earlier, one goal of this essay re-

directs attention in the study of classical agrarian
economies toward labor and surplus, beyond esti-
mates of arability and yield, risk and survival, plenty
and famine. This shift has already altered prehis-
toric archaeology, where the reconstruction of
Fig. 30. ReconstructionNeolithic
of environments
horizontal now recognizes
barsthe factor
insi
entrance (Agia Triada, Amorgos) . (Drawing
of labor as a major determinant byland
in evaluating P. F
(After Haselberger 1978a, fig. 16)
and yield.212 Even the "revolution" once hailed in
the Old World domestication of plants and animals
has been reversed in recent theories: could the
resident in the city.drive While
for surplus,none
not just forof this
sufficiency help
but in or-
more "faces on households" in ancient Greece, this der to trade for valuable goods in a wider world,
new perspective on towers enhances the face of in- have encouraged the shift to raising crops and
equality in ancient social and productive relations, herds?213 In North American archaeology, Jeanne
also stressed by certain scholars.208 And renewed Arnold has argued for the role of labor in gauging
appreciation for the expense of these towers rein- the complexity of hunter-gatherer societies in
forces the demographic lacuna stressed by coastal California, long prior to the advent of agri-
Jameson.209 Despite serious efforts to make a full culture.214 While these arguments involve prehis-
tory, so too did the pursuit of subsistence agri-
spectrum of ancient social classes visible in archae-
ology, those who were poor and free, unlike those culture that drove research measuring the pace of
enslaved or their owners, left the scantiest record domestication in the ancient landscape, and gaug-
on the landscape. The free "peasant" farmer re- ing capacities in classical agriculture. The ideol-
mains largely a creature of fiction, invisible in ar- ogy of the citizen farmer, promoted in comedy and
chaeology even if towers allow us to identify less-free pastoral poetry as well as in philosophy (Arist. [O^.]
dependents, women, and slaves. II.2) and agricultural texts (Cato Agr. pref. 1-4), has
In order to emphasize this disparity, we recon- submerged greater inequalities in modern histori-
sider the cost of these towers in materials and labor
cal views and archaeological agendas, thanks to the
(extraction, finishing, transport, and assembly). In
"tyranny of the text." With the transformation of this
Haselberger's estimate for the Cheimarrou tower vision in recent decades, not only prehistoric land-
208 E.g., Osborne 1986, 174-5; Jameson 1992, 2002a;contribution

Han- to some public or municipal project, such as the
son 1998, 239; 1999, 16. city wall of Koressos.
209Jameson 1992, 1994, 2002a; Garnsey 1979 for the Italian
211 "Inmate labor force builds new prison" ( Caswell Messenger,
equivalent. 9 August 1995, Caswell County, N.C) . The early Attic towers were
210Haselberger 1972, 433; Bonias 1999 for towers near stone often largely of mudbrick, less costly than quarried stone.
sources and quarries on Thasos. Cost of towers to private 212Fotiadis 1997b; cf. Jameson 1992; 1994, 57 n. 8; 2002a.
citizens is unknown; a pyrgos and phylake financed on Keos in 213 Runnels and van Andel (1988), with responses.
the late sixth century ( Carm. Epigr. Or. 2, 839a) was probably a 214 Arnold 1993.
tower-building in the Greek countryside and in fact

with the acme of classical Greek culture.216
Comparative models may help advance discus-
sion of ancient slavery, which has exhausted itself
on the available evidence, and suggest models for
the mixture of farming and metallurgy. Insights are
offered by a recent study of an iron forge powered
by slave labor in rural Virginia before the Civil War.
The study traces the close connection between
farming for profit and a resident iron industry. In
this case, profits (largely from the forge) were rein-
vested in the purchase of land and especially of
additional slaves.217 That labor was shifted to agri-
cultural work at harvest time, with additional slave
labor hired as well as purchased to increase profits
in the iron industry. This kind of operation may be
helpful for imagining how farming and mining co-
existed in southeast Attica, as Jameson has sug-
gested in supporting the possibility that the same
slaves worked farms and were leased to mines.218
The property of Timesios had installations, includ-
ing towers and a threshing floor, appropriate for
farming, and it was adjacent to quarries and mines
(fig. 20) ; in leases, it was managed by an epitropos,
perhaps a supervisor of slaves.219 Pheidippos, listed
in the poletai accounts, owned fields and an ergasterion
and also leased mines; he was among those Athen-
ians who mixed agriculture with industry.220 These
cases help us visualize the interdependence of
ancient industries on wealthy estates aimed at profit.
To test the plausibility of our theory, the coinci-
Fig. 31. View of entrance and stairwell inside Aspros
dence of Pyrgos
towers in labor-intensive landscapes needs
tower on Siphnos. Note circular cuttings in stair tread.
to be more widely explored, and closer attention
(S. Morris andj. Papadopoulos)
must be paid to the internal features of the towers
themselves, particularly where thresholds and jambs
scapes but also classical ones, with towers are preserved.
for Towers
slaves, built of monolithic blocks
can now be recognized as arenas of more significant
will preserve aggres- marks and cuttings in door-
sive exploitation, often industrial, through
ways. In towers ofmaxi-
stackwork masonry or mudbrick
mization of labor.215 For the circumstances under (e.g., those in Attica), or those in which jambs and
which slaves were purchased and devoted to profit-thresholds are missing, no such arrangements will
driven industries - processing both mineral survive.
and But many structures had ladders leading to
agriculture products - coincides with the floruita of
second-story opening (as is assumed for the tower
215Thompson 1982; Burke 1992; Cohen 1992; Morris 1994b; 15-6) on complementarity of ancient mining and farming.
Osborne 1996; Mattingly and Salmon 2001; Van Wees 2003 218Jameson 1977-1978, 137 n. 78. Cf. Lauffer (1956, 107);
for revisions to the "ancient" model of the economy. Compare Osborne (1991, 1997) on farms and mines in Attica; Thompson
the deconstruction of the yeoman farmer and agrarian myth (1982) on Athenian entreprise in agriculture, mining, and slaves.
in early North America (Appleby 1982; Kulikoff 1992, 34-59) . 219 Recently summarized by Goette 2000, 80-6 (for an alter-
216Hanson (1999) connects slave-based agriculture with the native view, see Mussche 1994); cf. Osborne 1985b, 32; Kal-
rise of the polis. Compare the convergence of slave labor and cyk 1986. In comedy, Sounion is where freed slaves will be reg-
cash crops (tobacco) with the "flowering" of Virginia (Kulikoff istered (Ath. 6.263c: Anaxandrides Anchises), as if the deme
1986). were full of slaves (not just remote from Athens).
217 Dew (1994) explores this fascinating estate, where farm- 220 Ito 1986. On farming and mining, see Hopper 1953,
ing intensified when the iron market was poor. Cf. Knapp (1998, 249-54; Osborne 1985a, 112-26.
facilities for securing dependent labor in other

arrangements.
A coherent historical framework for these obser-
vations can only derive from landscapes, such as

Attica, rich in archaeological research, epigraphy,
and literary texts. Did the Persian invasion, fol-
lowed by interstate wars of the fifth century, pre-
cipitate enough unease in the countryside to
encourage the development of the tower in Attica
(initially in brick but eventually in stone) as a means
of rural security? Did this coincide with the first
significant increase in chattel slavery - the fruits of
warfare since the Persian Wars - and in private
wealth through investment in silver mining, as has
been argued?222 Did the flight of over 20,000 slaves
Fig. 32. View of stairwell inside tower at Agia Marin

(E. Gehnen) (Courtesy DAI Athens, neg. 94/407
in fig. 3) or other installations once only visi

the exterior of wooden doors. What needs to be
tested are the theories that many towers were de-

signed to keep people in as well as out, that their
primary occupants were unfree and prone to es-
cape, and that their chief overseers were either
unarmed (family) or unfree (epitropoi). Regional
surveys should enlarge the definition of farm tow-
ers and test landscapes for specific industries, not
just classify new sites by strategic location or access
to arable land. Landscapes that are untouched by
survey, with few or no towers presently reported,
but that were known in antiquity for industries such
as wine and marble (e.g., Kos),221 deserve a closer
inspection. Even in districts without built towers,
facilities such as a kleision (ubiquitous in property
leases from Delos, where towers are rare) may indi-
cate keeping property (perhaps including slaves)
under lock and key. The convergence of towers and
slaves may not prevail in every landscape (Chios
Fig. 33. Detail of right door jamb at entrance to stairwell
had slaves and vines, but no towers) , but the inside
coinci-tower at Agia Marina, Keos. (E. Gehnen) (Courtesy
dence encourages the scholarly pursuit of regional
DAI Athens, neg. 94/409)
221 See essays on quarries, wine, and amphoras from Helle-forms of skopai, possibly a local word for tower (supra n. 181 ) .
nistic Kos in Hoghammar 2004. The Kos inscription that lists 222Davies 1984, 41-60; Sinclair 1988, 9; Rosivach 1993, 560;
slave specialists in viticulture (Syll.3 1000, 9) also names many1999.
at the end of the Peloponnesian War convince chance that they developed first in classical Ath-
slave
owners to confine their labor in more ens. Here is
secure where alternatives and successors to
ways?
(In other words, did the use of towers as secure the polis reveal and reinforce the peculiarity of the
lock-ups for unfree labor originate in the fifth cen- Greek city-state and its monuments.
tury, or develop under later conditions? Are the
Mexaî) 'EAeuGepcov Kai AouAcov: "between free
door-cuttings in figs. 21-33 original or added in a and slave": variations on servile status in
later phase?) Did historical circumstances - Athe-
lakonia, messenia, thessaly, and crete
nian cleruchies, properties, and control on Aigina,
Megara, Euboia, Andros, Naxos, Lesbos, Thasos, the One way to sharpen the picture of wher
Chersonese - lead to the "export" of the tower by why towers appeared in ancient Greece is
wealthy absentee landowners, as an Attic building serve where they did not appear and wher
type cum socioeconomic model, to other Greek when they disappeared. For example, ortho
landscapes?223 Did northern Greece join the mate- planned settlements laid out on archaic m
rialization of this model in the fourth century, with of land measurement, enhanced by Hippod
the rise in land grants to loyal hetairoi and the through urban zoning of public and private sp
increase in war captives under Philip II? Did these did not include houses with towers, no matter
structures proliferate in the fourth century with the luxurious (e.g., at Eretria, Priene, and Delos).22
intensification of agriculture and mining for profit, Olynthos, for example, or other cities wh
and with the escalation of monumental building, (fairly) consistent shape and size of house
along with fortifications (hence towers increasingly oped within city blocks laid out on a strict or
resembled those in city walls) ? How successful were nal grid, there are no towers. They seem
such structures, if the Chremonidean War discour- feature of more irregularly shaped cities and
aged further residence in the Attic countryside and houses, or of those cities that grew rather than were
led to the abandonment of many farms in the third planned or zoned (at Kolophon, thanks to an Ionian
century during renewed warfare?224 Why did their house-type, and in rural Attic demes [see pp. 167-
construction, along with other rural residences, 9; figs. 15-17]). Short of the optimistic view of
disappear throughout Greece in the course of the isonomia in recent views of Greek city planning con-
Hellenistic period (see pp. 203-4)? sidered earlier, one can admit that towers are eccen-
Such narratives are highly speculative, demand- tric to the notion of urban residence in houses and
ing chronological precision difficult to extract from property lots of uniform size (with the exception of
ancient monuments and their construction, use, the Black Sea). That alone reinforces the picture of
change in use, and demise, so they should be tested inequality - the unequal wealth of owners and the
on fresh configurations of evidence. If these struc- status of masters and slaves - represented by these
tures are closely linked to labor-intensive indus- towers, according to our investigation. But another
tries, certain overlooked internal features may point noticeable absence of towers kept them out of
to the incarceration of that labor. While it would be
certain regions of the ancient Greek world and con-
imprudent to generalize this pattern for all towers,fined them to specific periods of Greek history.
future attention to architectural details and envi- One curiosity in this record is the island of Chios,
ronmental contexts at new towers may contribute allegedly home to the largest permanent slave
to a database for comparing regional examples to
population outside of Sparta in the Classical pe-
local industries along a time-scale of historicalriod (Thuc. 8.40.2) and to slave revolts in later
periods (Ath. 6.265d-266e). It is densely covered
events. At present the fact remains that these struc-
tures accompanied a very particular historical with rural, classical sites but none has towers.226
convergence of military and economic activity in- the island's intensive production of wine and
Given
separable from the classical polis, with a good its high number of slaves, this anomaly contradicts
223 Jameson (1987) argues from the Amorgos lease for ex- tryside around Rhamnous in the third century B.C.
port of Athenian agrarian principles; cf . the spread of the horos 225Jameson 1990b; on Olynthos, see Cahill 2000. For a possi-
system to the same island, and to Lemnos, Naxos, and Skyros ble towered house at orthogonally planned Halieis, see Nevett
(Finley 1953, 6, 10-1). While Philip II centralized defeated (1999, 100), citing Ault's unpublished thesis.
Macedonian cities into newfoundations (Kassandreia) , rural sites 226Yalouris 1986, MPA 2, 5; Lambrinoudakis 1986; Board-
with towers multiplied (infra n. 242). Were estates granted to man 1956 for a watch tower. Cf. the agroikias of slave owners
loyal hetairoi, planted to vines, and powered by war captives? on Chios in the third century B.C. (Ath. 6. 265d) ; Pesando
224 As argued by Lohmann 1993b, 130-1. See Oliver (2002, 1987, 158-64, on Kolophon.
144-5) on SEGXXW 154, XL 135 and insecurity in the coun-
our arguments. An explanation may

The social organization of Spartan societylie
is fa- in
tinctive pattern of mous,
domestic housing
if late and partial sources that
are to be believed.
terized archaic and classical
Through a celebrated rite, theIonia
Spartan system(seeen- p
whose early, squareshrined
"towerclass warfare;house" (fig.
the ephors declared annual 18)
develop into the classical tower,
war on the helots (Plut. either
Lye. 28.4, citing Aristotle). u
rural. Homes for Ionian slaves, who must have Even without this symbolic formalization of aggres-
worked the wealthy archaic farms around Miletossion, the Spartan system of government kept an
(Hdt. 1.17, 6.20), must be sought in other rural unfree population farming the land, permanently
structures, perhaps more closely related to the attached to the kleroi of citizens.231 According to
"Lelegian" rubble buildings native to Caria.227 Thus Tyrtaios (fr. 6), half of the harvest raised by these
the farm tower seems a regionally sensitive devel- dependent farmers was owed to their masters, who
opment, original to mainland and island Greece. were themselves required to contribute a fixed pro-
But more striking lacunae in the distribution of portion to the public syssitia, or common mess. This
rural towers throughout the Greek world are the system has recently been compared to sharecrop-
southern Peloponnese and Crete (fig. 6). Rarely ping, along with the recognition that severe in-
noted or appreciated is that the territory of ancientequalities of wealth (including land) once existed
Sparta, along with its neighbor and long-term sub- among Spartan citizens behind the mirage of its
ject Messenia, preserves no such structures.228 De-social equality. Even in such recent revisions, the
spite a long history of modern visitors and recentSpartan experiment in social and economic orga-
intensive survey of these landscapes, it is remark- nization remained eccentric in ancient Greece and
able that no farm towers are known in Lakonia or endured throughout Lakonia and Messenia for at
Messenia. Exceptions appear along Lakonia's least 400 years. While recent scholarship has taken
northeastern boundary with Argos (and in the a critical look at the name and status of helots and
Thyreatis) , where they clearly function as watch tow- perioikoi, beyond dispute is that a population of per-
ers, some more likely to be Argive than Spartan.229 manent dependent laborers was controlled by the
Furthermore, classical farms, as identified by dis- state, attached to the land, and distributed as kleroi
persed sites in regional survey, are visibly absent to more privileged Spartans (citizens), and that this
from territories under Spartan control in Messenia system was eventually imposed on Messenia.232
and Lakonia, where increased residence on the Striking is how the landscape of Sparta's subject
land appears (or should appear) later than the Clas- neighbor is also remarkably poor in towers, or even
sical period.230 Is this related to the unique organi-remains that can be identified as ancient farms,
zation of rulers and ruled in Sparta and its subject despite several surveys.233 The lone candidate for a
state, Messenia? rural estate in Messenia, a large archaic building at
227 Caria: Radt 1970, 1992; Miletos: Pecirka 1970; Lohmann at new locations) . After the battle of Leuktra and liberation of
1999; Chios: Thompson 2003, 53, 59. The island of Naxos may the helots (371 B.C.), one expects increased rural settlement
represent an interface between the eastern (Ionian) rubble- by private, newly free (if modest) landowners in Messenia (Davis
fortfarm (Kreeb 1988) and the multistory masonry tower (figs. 1998a, 155-62) and Lakonia (Shipley 2002a, 184-90; 2002b).
1, 18). But infra n. 234.
228 A lone observer of this lacuna argues that Spartan mas- 231 Most recently, Hodkinson 1992, 2000, 2003; cf. Cartledge
tery of the Peloponnese secured free travel without a defen- (1988) for expected resurgence of private farming, with de-
sive network of towers, but also identifies towers outside Lako- cline of helot system in the Hellenistic period. On "commu-
nia as safeguarding the passage of Spartan troops through ternal" servitude vs. chattel slavery, see Lotze 1959; Kreissig and
ritories under their control (Pikoulas 1990-1991, 248, 255; Kuhnert 1985; Garlan 1988a, 93-8; essays in Luraghi and Al-
2000a, 266; sustained by Tausend 2001). cock 2003; esp. Cartledge 2003; Van Wees 2003.
229 Shipley 1996, 270-80, fig. 23.5, sites AA 21, 295, 297, 232Garlan 1988a, 93-102 ("intercommunity servitude"); Hod-
301, 302, 330 (all watchtowers, some Argive, in the Astros coastal kinson 1992 (sharecropping), 2000; Shipley 1997 (perioikoi);
plain; cf. Goester 1993). Hillervon Gaertringen (1995, 486) Alcock 2002; Luraghi 2002; and essays in Luraghi and Alcock
reports a Hellenistic watch tower excavated by Otto von Vacano 2003 (helots).
at "Tseramio," Sparta, under the German occupation; Catling 233 Messenia boasts one Hellenistic tower on the north edge
2002, 232; Cavanagh et al. 1996, 289, site GG85 for a classical of the Steniklaros plain, said to guard the route to and from
site at Tseramio (ancient Alesiai?). Arkadia (McDonald and Rapp 1972, 318, no. 614). The Pylos
230 Mee and Cavanagh 1998; Alcock 2002; Catling 2002; Regional Archaeological Project (PRAP) set out to address the
Shipley 2002c; Cavanaugh et al. 2005, 7-10 (many small farms dearth of farms but found few datable before the liberation of
in sixth-century Lakonia, half of which disappear in the Clas- Messene from Sparta in 370 B.C. (Harrison and Spencer 1998,
sical period, followed by a rise in Hellenistic small farms, many 155-62).
Ano Kopanaki that dwarfs most Greek farms,

of Sparta and its may
subjects did not support the family
farms
have belonged to a Spartan family.234 Asofa a large
dividedru-
society of slaves and owners,
ral property more like a Roman villa
landedthan a Greek
and laboring classes, but rather a larger sys-
tem of
farm, this structure may indicate that dispersed
helots farming by dependent and su-
were
pervised
centralized in large estates, a vivid labor. Moreover,
alternative to discouraging a market
the family farms of classical Attica. economy
In theand private
late third profit through production of
century, Polybios (4.3, 4.4.1, 4.34) surplus,
reports repeated
the Spartan economy in classical antiquity
raids by Aitolians on Messenian farmhouses forthe state; hence there were
directed surplus toward
slaves and cattle, without mentioning towers
few wealthy (al- private entrepreneurs, or
landowners,
though one epaulion had to be scaled with
family ladders;
farms and, evidently, no towers, thanks to en-
closure by Lakonian
4.4.1). Later in the same narrative, Polybios singles keys, or the existence of other
residential
out Elis as more thickly inhabited and full ofestates, as in American slavery (see p.
slaves
185).Peloponnese"
and livestock than "other parts of the The large number of native subjects in dan-
(4.73.6; cf. Xen. Hell 3.2.26). Does he ger mean
of revoltLakonia
required a more extensive policing
and Messenia? Ethne states like Arkadia system (the were
Spartanrap-krypteia), not stone towers to
idly urbanized by consolidation of cities protect
in private property or leased estates. Or did
the fourth
century and had wealthy farms without the absence of towers,
towers, ac- which kept slaves isolated
cording to surface surveys centered and attached
on Asea to individual
and households (in places
Megalopolis, although one towered farm
like survives
Attica) rather than concentrated in large farms,
near Mantineia.235 Towers remain scarce in the leave Sparta and its territories more vulnerable to
southern Peloponnese prior to the post-medieval the helot revolts it feared and suffered?236
Mani, while the Argolid and Achaea built plenty This in social and economic scenario of farming by
the same era, as those on islands and in central subject populations can be enlarged to encompass
Greece did. This lacuna is more than a lag in space, areas such as Crete and Thessaly, not just Lakonia
time, and evidence between overbuilt, over-re- and Messenia. In his study of different arrange-
searched Attica and the rest of Greece, and must ments for labor in ancient Greek agriculture,
represent a significant difference. Michael Jameson stressed the great divide between
We propose that the social structure of ancient Sparta, Crete, and Thessaly, as well as the large over-
Sparta and its subject neighbor, Messenia, with its seas estates worked by native "serf populations in
resident servile population (helots, perioikoi, or the Black Sea, and the private family farm of the
subject population in collective servitude) perma- Greek city-state.237 Unlike the latter, the serf system
nently dedicated to rural residence for farming has a native subject population inhabiting the coun-
purposes, expressly precluded the need for rural tryside permanently raising food to support an (of-
towers. In contrast to a polis, Sparta successfully ten alien) elite, producing largely cereals for
maintained a society both more and less free than subsistence rather than cash crops (such as olives
other Greek states (Plut. Lye. 28.5) by structuring or grapes).238 This pattern, shared in part by Sparta
greater equality (property, etc.) within its citizen with other regions, such as Crete, Thessaly, and
body, including rights for women, on the backs of a Arkadia, would help explain why these areas are
much larger unfree population, which reproduced also remarkably poor in towered farms. If such tow-
itself naturally. An alternative to chattel slavery built ers housed slaves and other dependent labor (in-
into the peculiar demographics and constitution cluding women) attached to individual households
234Kaltsas 1985, 1988; Harrison and Spencer 1998, 161-2; collective enslavement by chattel slavery, everywhere but La-
Alcock 2002, 195-6. The building was destroyed around 475 konia, see Van Wees 2003, 24-5, 72. Cf. Hodkinson 2003.
B.C. (possibly during the Third Messenian War) , but see Catling 237Gehre 1986; Jameson 1992, 136-42. However, Black Sea
1996, 34 n. 13; Hodkinson 2003, 266-71. See Nevett (1999, farms have towers (Saprykin 1994; Carter 2000, 2003, 120-7).
167-8, 54, fig. 8) on the dearth of excavated houses or farms See Finley (1962) and Pippidi (1973) on agricultural labor in
in the Peloponnese outside Halieis. the Black Sea.
235Hodkinson and Hodkinson 1981, 149-51, 286-8, fig. 3 238Garlan 1988a, 99-101; Jameson 1992, 136-8 (Sparta,
(farmhouse with tower excavated by Steinhauer) (cf. Xen. Hell Crete) , and his earlier classic study of agriculture and slavery
5.27, 6.5.3; residents of Mantinea were forced to disperse by (Jameson 1977-1978); Chaniotis 1995 (Crete). See Pikoulas
Sparta but recoalesced) ; cf. Roy et al. 1989, 149; Lloyd 1991, (1995b) on poor evidence for viticulture in the Peloponnese
190; Forsen et al. 1996, 90-2, for Hellenistic farms. On watch- (there are no distinctive amphora stamps or containers for
towers in Arkadia, see Pikoulas 1990-1991, 1995a, 2000a, 266; Arkadia, Lakonia, and Messenia) and Lloyd (1991) on scanty
Tausend 2001. amphora sherds in Arkadia.
236 On successful serf revolts and eventual replacement of
in the polis, they were not

Greek landscapes andnecessary to
further reinforces our con
clusions. On a regional
with a larger, permanently servilemicroscale, this phenom-
populatio
Crete, warriors left enon can sometimes beto
farming associated with local whom
those
feated, according to archaic
historical poetry
events relevant (Hybr
to slavery. A promin
martial conduct example,
that the industrial district
guaranteed of the deme
an increasin
ject population. While Thorikos,evidence
with its washeriesfor vitic
and residences, g
not absent on Crete, the island does not demon- out of use around 400 B.C. Presumably this is
strate the escalation in production and export of lated to the decline of labor power provided
wine attested elsewhere (in fact, it was not a signifi-
slaves, especially after their mass escape to Dekel
cant producer of wine until the Venetian period).240 (413 B.C.), emergency enlistment as trireme r
The additional complication in Crete of a rural ers in 406 B.C. (Arginousai), and subsequent l
economy tilted toward pastoralism since the Bronze eration.244 Although mining revived in the four
Age also guaranteed a landscape relatively free of century, eventually Macedonian conquest and
the private, family farm.241 Likewise, under the Chremonidean War may have discouraged ru
Macedonian monarchy or in Thessaly, with its penestai, enterprises in Attica and emptied the countrysid
a polis structure supported by chattel slavery did not But the phenomenon manifests itself far m
exist, with exceptions that prove the rule. For ex- widely than Attica and requires a more comprehe
ample, in Pieria, between Thessaly and Macedon, sive explanation. In general, the rural tower, and
newly discovered tower farms that produced wine fact most rural settlement, after dramatic escalat
may be compared to the production of "Mendeian" in the late Classical and early Hellenistic peri
wine in the peraea of Chalkidike, which was home to (especially in the fourth century), disappears
independent Greek cities and viticulture, possible declines throughout most of Greece by the late H
slave burials, and towers (recently found on the lenistic period.245 Microregional explanations
Sithonia peninsula).242 But, in general, the rural the decline of family farms with towers need to
Greek tower is not a regular feature of the northern mapped against the widely scattered and loca
Greek landscape until introduced from the south. variable conditions and responses of the newly
Thus the social pattern we have deduced from larged oikoumene of the Hellenistic world. This c
the historical and geographical distribution of for "breaking up the Hellenistic world" and i
Greek towers is reinforced by their absence in those economies, much as scholars and archaeologists re
areas of the Greek world not farmed, mined, or oth- ommend for this phase of Greek history.246
erwise exploited by landowning and leasing entre- Several factors noted earlier may account for t
preneurs of the classical polis.243 While this fact alone desertion of the Greek countryside, such as
does not certify the connection between towers and centralization of populations into new urban u
slaves, it does form a significant gap in the corpus (synoikismos), the consolidation of small farms i
of towers largely unobserved, much less explained. larger estates, and the loss of rural labor to merc
A second important lacuna in time as well as space nary service.247 Another reason may have been t
marks the abandonment of tower structures in declining profitability of cash crops at home by
is Wees
239 On unfree labor in Crete, see Levy 1997; Van universally
2003, noted in regional survey (Bintliff 1985, 64-5; Van
58-61. Andeletal. 1986, 117-9; Roy etal. 1989, 149-50; Foxhall 1993,
240Chaniotis 1988; Marangou-Lerat 1995, 61-3 (for a Hel-137; Alcock 1994; Jameson et al. 1994; Penttinen 1996, 271;
lenistic wine estate); Marangou 1999; Vogeikoff-Brogan andMee and Forbes 1997; Shipley 2002a, 2002b, 2002c) and his-
Apostolakou 2004 (for Hellenistic wine amphoras from east- tory (Gallant 1991, 170-200; Hanson 1998, 246-9). However,
ern Crete). these patterns depend heavily on nuances of Hellenistic ce-
241 Chaniotis 1995; cf. Van Effenterre (1982), citing classic ramic chronologies and are subject to revision by ongoing re-
studies by Willetts. For occasional watchtowers on Crete, see search.
Boardman 1957; Sanders 1976; Raab 2001, 157-9. 246 Alcock 1994; Horden and Purcell 2000 for broad histor-
242 por tower-farms at Tria Platania, Komboli-Leivithra, and
ical ecology framework of Hellenistic world. Reger 1994; Archiba-
Asprovalta, and their wine production, see Poulaki in Adam- ld 2002 on post-Rostovtzeff economies.
Veleni et al. 2003, 138-40. For the Sithonia peninsula (Kriar- 247 Alcock 1994, 188; Shipley 2002a, 2002b; Penttinen
itsi, near Sarti), see Asouchidou et al. 2000. (1996, 229, 281) claim fewer, larger elite estates replaced the
243Nevett (1999, 167-73), "Regional differences in the oi-classical-Hellenistic farm, but evidence for such estates is ab-
kos concept." sent from regional surveys in Attica and the Argolid. Only a
few towers in Greece (Cheimarou on Naxos, Pyrgouthia at
244Mussche 1967a, 62; Spitaels 1978 on reoccupation and
reuse. Garlan (1988a, 164-9) on military mobilization of slaves
Berbati) show Roman as well as Greek use, usually across a lacu-
(more common outside Athens) as a drain on rural labor. na of abandonment (Penttinen 2001; Philaniotou 2002).
245 Decline of rural settlement in the third century or later
yond the polis

third century, precisely when viticulture with its demise, and did not outlast
is intensi-
it. What
fied in other areas such as Italy and the image
Black did towers retain in memory, long
Sea.248
The expansion of the Hellenistic worldafter theiropened
visible role in Greek architecture? It may
up vast new, cheap sources of land
haveand labor
endured only asre-
long as did a form of democ-
racy
mote from peninsular Greece, which maythat have
enfranchised
put a minority of elite males at
the expense of many others less free. In a sense,
the smaller classical Greek farm out of business.
the tower could be seen as a symbol in stone of that

For it is precisely in this era that one can observe
the dramatic rise of "colonial agriculture," paradox
or the and a monument to ancient inequalities
export of Greek farming systems to distant butmade visible in archaeology.
prof-
itable arenas such as the Black Sea, the Adriatic,
epilogue: non villas . . . sed castra
Italy, Sicily, and the Punic West. These areas are
characterized in the later fourth and third centu- (SENECA EP. 51, li; 86, 4)
Although it is customary to sepa
ries by extensive subdivisions of rural territory and
the escalation of farming establishments, in someof Roman slavery and agriculture f
areas (the Crimea, the Adriatic, Sicily, and North
helpful to recall here how a similar
conditions shaped the Roman mod
Africa) explicitly or predominantly devoted to viti-
culture.249 Fundamental changes in the structure
and its housing. In general, Greek i
dependent labor in the countrysi
of the polis under Macedonian, Ptolemaic, and
Roman dominion transformed a way of life, and rected
with at farming or mining, fol
economy
it, the rural tower migrated along with the farm to of scale from its imperial
reappear in a host of local variants.250 In onepart.253
ver- The great Roman latifundi
sion, the isolated Greek tower and its farm are fused
ized the Empire and featured an erg
into a type of multi-towered fort or villa in the certain
Hel- slaves were to be kept bo
lenistic and early Roman Crimea, Adriatic, Italy,1.8.16)
and involved properties and ind
Sicily (fig. 34). 251 References to tetrapyrgia inlarger
the proportions.254 But the orig
slave-worked estates involved a sim
fourth century and later may indicate this particu-
lar fusion of tower and farm that anticipatedof thelabor supply, land, and market d
villa rustica, crowned with towers, in Roman mosa-nic and Pyrrhic Wars injected large
tives and slaves into the Italian coun
ics and painting. This Italian villa in turn engen-
ders a Roman successor, the latifundium estate second century B.C., where generou
worked by an ergastulum of slaves (see below).252 were made to veterans in the intensive Roman colo-
Thus the social and economic forms of that life, nization of Italy. In the same period, Roman con-
linked to productive and extractive technologies tact with Gaul opened up a huge new market for
under the classical polis, were transformed into new wine, for which Gallic customers paid in slaves
arrangements or disintegrated with migration to (Diod. Sic. 5.26), supplying the labor forces neces-
new opportunities in a wider Hellenistic world. The sary for expanding viticulture.255 The same symbio-
Greek tower disappears in this era, migrating be- sis may be observed in Thrace, where a Roman
248 Kent 1948, 310-3; Osborne 1985a, 126 n. 41; Purcell 12.33, Luke 14.28, etc.) (see p. 179).
1985; Yanushevich et al. 1985; Randsborg 1994; Carter 2000; 251 White 1970, 419, fig. 4 (Villa Sambuco, Etruria; a second-
2003, 122-3, on escalation of viticulture in Chersonesos. century farm with tower). See Pecirka 1970; Carter 2003, 123-
^Crimea: Sceglov 1987; Carter 2000; 2003, 120-7; Sicily 7, for towered farms in the Crimea; Whittaker 1978; Fentress
and Tunisia: Fentress et al. 1986; Fentress 2001; Adriatic: Bint- 1998 for Sicily and North Africa; Condi 1984, figs. 2-4, for
liff and Gaffney 1988; Illyria: Davis 1998b, 4; Italy: Tchernia Malathre in southern Albania; Pucci 1985, 15-21; on the Ro-
1986, 1993; Arthur 1991. Kent (1948, 310-3) claimed there man Republican villa: Carandini 1989.
was a sharp decline in revenues from vineyard leases on Delos 252 Roman farming: White 1970, esp. appx. XIII; Carandini
and Rheneia in the third century B.C., based on the falling 1983, 1989; Fentress et al. 1986; Fentress 1998, 2001. Tetrapy-
price of wine (and competition from new markets?), but see rgia, Plut. Eum. 8.5 (late fourth century B.C., in Phrygia); De-
Reger 1994, 209-15, 233-8; Brunet 2002, 257. Van Andel et bord 1994, 57-8, figs. 1-3 (rural forts in Asia Minor) ; Nowicka
al. (1986, 117-8) blame soil erosion and exhaustion of mar- 1975, 128-39; Schuler 1996, 69-70. /Gil2 2776, 117-8, on
ginal land exploited for cash crops for abandonment of rural terms for towers, including tetrapyrgia, in Roman Attica
sites, but see Acheson 1997. (Lohmann 1993a, 51-4).
250 The most unusual is a small stone tower serving as a field 253 Foxhall 1990.
shelter for workers or storage for grapes in Hellenistic and 254White 1970, chs. 11,12; Etienne 1974; Martin 1974; Pucci
Herodian Palestine: Dar 1986; Fiensy 1991, 31-43; Alcock 1985; Carandini 1989.
1994, 182-3; Walsh 2000, 128-42, "The Vineyard Tower." Cf. 255Kolendo 1971; Hopkins 1978; Carandini 1985, 1988;
vineyard towers in New Testament parables ( Mark 12.1, Matt. Pucci 1985; Stoll 1999; Horden and Purcell 2000, 390.
Fig. 34. Fortified Hellenistic villa with towers (poss

1984, fig. 2)
somatemporos (and 7) reflects advertised

freedman) an ideologyh
in both wine and tries
chattel (e.g., of
slavery onolive oil).2
his tomb
Horden and Purcelllabor,compare Greek coevo
and markets follo
of viticulture and large-scale
Roman worldslavery
butonas islan
a v
same
Chios (Thuc. 8.40.2) to the factors, with a sim
Roman pattern.25
Roman treatises onology agriculture (see pp. 1
and reality.
filter hundreds of lost
The Greek texts, of
other aspect pres
R
slave labor and specialists in viticulture
this discussion is the(C
v
1.9.4; cf. Dig. 33.7) for
ing.259
profit-oriented
Known Italian
farm
fa
the time of the
empire,
counterparts,promotion have ofinc
th
farmer and rejectionthanks
oftoslavery
regional survey and excavation (in
(e.g., Pliny .f
256 On a relief from Amphipolis in Kavalla Museum, partly 1994, 58-60; on escalation of olive oil production in Roman
destroyed since its discovery, see Roger 1945, 49-50, fig. 3; North Africa: Whittaker 1978; cf. Roman and Late Antique
Finley 1962, 57; Duchene 1986; Thompson 2003, 223-4, fig. Greece (Philaniotou 2003; Pliakou 2004).
88. *5yRossiter 1978, fig. 12; Purcell 1985. For the inception of
257 Horden and Purcell 2000, 390-1; cf. Sarikakis 1986; such arrangements in Punic Sicily and North Africa, see Fen-
Lawall 2000. tress et al. 1986; Fentress 1998, 2001.
258Hitchner 1993; on slave specialists in viticulture: Bradley
Campania, Etruria, and the Tiber and Po Valleys),

and to aerial photographs, offering newly visible
patterns of residence on the land.260 In texts, slaves
were housed in cellae (Cato, Varro); rows of small
rooms in large villae rusticae (e.g., at Boscoreale and
Settefinestre) have been identified as such, in one
case with a larger chamber nearby with a set of iron
stocks assigned to the vilicus.261 Violence had been
no stranger to the Italian countryside since the Re-
publican period, and even Etruscan villas were forti-
fied as castella (Cic. Caecin. 20) against attack (at times
by armed slaves, in an incident comparable to the
attack on Evergos' farm in [Dem.] 47.56; Cicero Clu.
161 ).262 While rural brigandage, like maritime pi-
racy, was sensationalized in Roman political trials and
careers, both conditions and prevention show some
continuity with Greek circumstances. A common fac-
tor was constant warfare with mass enslavement of
captives, combined with land grants to veterans (cf.

cleruchs) on captured territory, which encouraged
the development of new farms worked by new
sources of slave labor, especially in Italy and Sicily.
Turning to Roman mining, one of the most cel-
ebrated documents in early Roman history (and
Fig. 35. Landscape with tower, Boscotrecase (Black Room,
early Latin texts) is the inscription found near
15). (Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, N.Y., Rogers
Gades at ancient Hastia Regia (CIL II. 5041) that
Fund 1920, 20.192.1)
commemorates the liberation of slaves by Aemilius
Paullus, who declares those "servei quei in turri
Lascutana habitarent leiberi essent." (cf. Livy 39.8-
pigeons (Varro RR 3.3.6; cf. the villa of P. F. Sinistor),
but others served as residences, and the wide use
18). While the term turris Lascutana may be the top-
onym of an outlying district or dependent of terms such as turres and castellae to describe forti-
community of Hasta Regia, Roman Iberia was stud- fied villas of the Punic and Italian countryside re-
ded with mines defended by forts and garrisons.263 inforces the connections between towers and
Such testimonia may be of limited relevance for country residences. Thus the towered villa rustic
the Greek model and may involve variant towers of Republican Italy described by Pliny (Ep. 2.17.13)
like those in North Africa (Libya; Hdt. 4.164) and bears some symbolic, if not structural, relation to it
Achaemenid Asia Minor (Xen. An. 7.8.14), which Greek forebears and medieval successors.265 Both
were different in form and function from those of the essence and image of the rural Greek tower
classical Greece. But the Roman epilogue to survived in Hellenistic and Roman fusions of Greek
Greek
farm complexes with towers (cf. figs. 13, 14, 34).
tower farms is rich in evidence for large estates
throughout the Mediterranean powered by Meanwhile,
slave explicit recommendations in agricul-
tural
labor and suggests some continuities in the hous- texts (Columella, Varro) on securing slaves
ing of dependent labor on the land. in an ergastulum indicate new quarters for slaves
under constraint within a continuity of working
In this vein, single towers in Roman landscape
scenes, without windows or doors at the groundconditions in a new historical environment. Thus,
while
level (fig. 35) are suggestive.264 Some towers held Roman agriculture inherited and expanded
260 por overviews of recent research in Italy, see Macready mines: Curchin 1991, 138).
and Thompson 1986; Purcell 1988; Barker and Lloyd 1991; 264Grimal 1939, 28-59; Rossiter 1978, 5-37, pl. la.
Yntema 1993. 265Fentress et al. 1986; Carter 2003, 120-7, for evolution of
Greek through Roman rural towers. Costantini and Bolognini
261 Rossiter 1978, 40-6; Carandini 1985, esp. 171-81; Bradley
1994, 84-6. Cf. the multiple small rooms in a large rural 1987 for the masserie of Puglia and Basilicata in southern Italy.
establishment in the Crimea (Panskoye) (Scedov 1987). Compare how the round building in Greek architecture out-
lived its function, but survived in commemorative form;
262 Brunt 1971, ch. 8. See Kennell 2003, 100-1, on castellani
263Grimal 1939, 54-5; Curchin 1991, 32, 96 (on Rio Tinto
Cooper and Morris 1990, 68.
a system of "slave-run farms

and a tower within fortifications with absent
(especially in build-
lords,"266 it also developed alternative
ing inscriptions.)-269 Inscribed towers complicate m
matters;
securing slaves, in an the one on Thasos {IG XII, 8,
ergastulum or 683) calls
in isola
lae on farms. Meanwhile, the
itself a mnema tower
for Akeratos, mutated
and a soterion
tion as well as locale into the romantic belvedere or (naustathmon) for sailors - marking a cape and the
private, elite domain it became in later European entrance to a harbor (possibly a lighthouse) - but
not a pyrgos.270 Only in inscribed leases does the
visions.267 In art, towers remained an inherited sym-
word mean the isolated structures of Greek farm-
bol of such a system, replaced by new practical ar-
rangements for the same function, in actual steads, but perhaps not as an exclusive term.271 In
architecture.
papyrus leases from Greco-Roman Egypt, the term
pyrgos has been disputed as a "tower" by some who
DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS AND argue that it indicates rather some other structure
on a farm.272 These towers evolved from ancient
COTSEN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES

Egyptian multistoried mudbrick structures: resi-
dences of Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and Jews in
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 9OO95-I417
SARAHM@HUMNET.UCLA.EDU Hellenistic and Roman Egypt. Like the Cyrene tower
(Hdt. 4.164, see below), their form and function
DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS AND may be distant from classical Greek stone towers.273
COTSEN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY By the time we reach the list of 27 pyrgoi in a fa-
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES
mous Roman inscription from Teos,274 scholars can-
not agree whether they represent rural districts,
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 9OO95- I5IO
urban sectors, segments of fortifications, feudal
JKP@HUMNET.UCLA.EDU
tribes, military units, or territorial defense posts.275
In short, the term pyrgos ranges widely in antiquity,
beyond the life of the Greek tower that is the focus of
Appendix: Pyrgos in Greek Sources
this article. Other terms may have been current and
In Greek testimonia, the word pyrgos commands hold a better key to their function (see pp. 186-8);
a wide domain. Its chief effect is security and a three passages are crucial and are provided in full
stronghold, not height or shape. In Homer and ar- below.
chaic poetry it designates stalwart warriors as well as A single narrative in Greek literature of the fourth
city walls; in classical prose it can indicate a single century B.C. has been mentioned repeatedly as a
tower making an island a phrourion or two towers (in scenario for households with towers.276 In a speech
the dual) projecting from a fort, in the same pas- attributed to Demosthenes (47.56), an aggrieved
sage (Thuc. 3.51).268 The word also describes light- party describes how his two creditors, Euergos and
houses (Strabo 17.1.6, 17.1.9, 13.1.22; Poseidippos: Mnesiboulos, refusing a settlement and impatient
Gow and Page 11), mobile siege towers of wood to retrieve their debts, took matters into their own
(Thuc. 7.25.2; Xen. Cyr. passim; Polyb. 1.48, etc.), hands by attacking his home while he was away on
266Rossiter 1978, 46; Foxhall 1990 on tenant farming. 4 (also pp. 186-8 this article).
267 This is suggested by the turns of Pliny's Laurentian villa 2/2 See Preisigke 1919; Alt 1920; Meyer 1920; Hasebroek
(HN 2.17. IS) or, in Rome, in the houses of Maecenas on the 1922; Grimal 1939, 43. Citing the Demosthenes passage, Pre-
Esquiline (Suet. Nero 73.2) or of Augustus on the Palatine (Suet.
isigke suggested some sort of industrial building or workshop;
Aug. 72.2.): Lyttleton 1980, 59-60. But see Rossiter (1978, 5)
its meaning as a tower was restored by archaeologists (Grimal
on towers (in Roman paintings) inaccessible except by ladder,
1939, 43; Young 1956a, 1956b; Nowicka 1970, 1975) , butKreeb
etc.
(1988, 109 n. 4), publishing a fort or farm (without a tower)
268Kretschmer 1934; Nowicka 1975, 19-21; Hellmann on1992,
Naxos, follows papyrologists in allowing pyrgos to mean a
361-4; Davies 1997, 6-19. fortified structure, but not a tower, on a farm (supra n. 227) .
269Maier 1959, 1:298, s.v. "nupyoc;" in some 20 inscriptions;
273SeeHusson (1983) on the terminology of domestic struc-
Hellmann 1992 (Delos inscriptions) s.v. "nupyoq." Two tures inscrip-
in Egyptian papyri. In his diachronic study of pyrgoi,
tions built into the medieval portion of a tower on Tenos (IG
Schuchhardt (1929) argues for the continuity of the Greek
XII, 5, 33), reused in a nearby field hut, credit a and
builder
Roman tower through lost structures, but Grimal (1939,
( AucriBeoc; KcaeoKeuaoev) but are not necessarily original to
47) warned against this.
the tower or related to its construction; Maier 1959, 1:163-6,
*/4C7G3064, 3081.
nos. 39, 40; Etienne 1990, 33; Davies 1997, 10 ns. 22-23.
275 Davies 1997, 12-5, with earlier literature (Rogers 1905;
270Osborne 1986; Brunet 1988a. Bequignon 1928; Hunt 1947; Balcer 1985, 36-91).
271 See, e.g., SGDI 5636, from Teos; Hellmann 1992, 276
361-E.g., Young 1956a, 133-4.
trireme duty. First they seized 50 sheep (and

euvouq Kai the
nioxfj Kai dcj)8iu8vr[ eAeuOepa uno xo(3
naxpoc; xoi)bronze
shepherd) , a boy slave (naic;) , and a valuable euou. oDvcpKqoev 8e dv8pi, eneiSq dcJ)8iOq
hydria while en route to his property eAeuOspa-
(near the ok; 8e ouxoc; dneOave Kai auxq ypaOq qv
hip-
Kai ouk qv auxqv 6 Opeij/cov, enavqKev cbc; eue.
podrome of Athens and close enough to other
dvayKaiov ouv qv uq nepuSeiv evSeeiq ovxac; uqxe
homes for neighbors to hear the incident xixOqvand watch
yevopevqv uqxe naiSaycoyov. dua 8e
it from their roofs [Dem. 47.60]). OnceKai xpiqpapxcov
there, they eênAeov, cooxe Kai xq yuvaiKi
PouAouevq
seized his slaves (oiKexai), who fled. Then qv they
xoiauxqv oiKOupov uex' auxqc;
ue KaxaAineiv.
broke into his house (oiKia) itself, an unpardon- dpioxcovxcov 8e ev xq auAfj, cbq
eneionqScoaiv ouxoi Kai KaxaAaupdvouaiv auxdq Kai
able invasion of privacy and insult to his family
qpnaôv (his
xd OKei3q, at uev dAAai Oepdnaivai ev xco
respectable neighbor avoided doing so in the rnjpyco yap qoav, otmep 8iaixcovxai, coq qKouoav
master's absence [Dem. 47.60]). Here they found Kpauyqc;, KAeiouoi xov nupyov, Kai evxauOa uev ouk
his wife and children eating in the courtyard eioqAOov, xd 8' eK xqq dAAqq oiKiaq eêc})epov OKeuq,
(auAq), along with an old nurse, long freed but dnayopeDouoqc; xqq yuvaiKoq uq dnxeoOai auxoiq,
Kai Aeyouoqc; oxi auxqq ei'q ev xq npoiKi xexiuqueva
returned to the family once widowed; they were all Kai oxi "xd npopaxa exexe nevxqKovxa Kai xov naiSa
attacked, and portable property {ta skeue) was Kai xov noiueva, nAeiovoc; dîa q KaxeSiKaoaoOe-"
seized. Meanwhile, the therapanai were safe, "for ([Dem.] 47.53-57)
they were in the tower, where they live (8iaixcovxai), aKot3ovxec; 8e oi Oepdnovxeq xcov yeixovcov xqc;
having heard the commotion, they closed/locked Kpauyqc; Kai opcovxeq xqv oiKiav nopOouuevqv
(kAeiouoi) the tower and thereby prevented [the xqv euqv, oi uev and xcov xeycov xcov eauxcov
eKaAicrrpouv xouq napiovxaq, oi 8e Kai eiq xqv exepav
aggressors] from getting in." The men went after
686v eAOovxeq Kai i86vxeq 'AyvocJ)iAov napiovxa
possessions in the rest of the house (eK xqc; dAAqc; eKeAeuoev napayeveoOai. npooeAOcov 8e 6
oIkiccc;), despite the wife's protests that this was her 'AyvocjnAoc; npoaKAqOeiq uno xo(3 Oepdnovxoc; xoi3
dowry - rather than her husband's property - and 'AvOeuicovoq, oq eoxi uoi yeixcov, eiq uev xqv oiKiav
her complaint, "you already have the 50 sheep and om eioqAOev (ov yap qyeixo SiKaiov eivai uq
the slave-boy and the shepherd, plenty more than napovxoc; ye xoi3 KDpiou), ev 5e xou 'AvOeuicovoc;
Xcopicp cov ecbpa xd xe OKeuq eK(j)epoueva Kai Euepyov
what you are owed." The creditors continue to treat Kai 0e6cJ)qpov eîovxaq ck xqq euqc; oiKiaq. ov uovov
persons and property outrageously according to the xoivuv . . . Aaôvxeq uou xd OKeuq cpxovTO? dAAd Kai
plaintiff (the old nurse was so badly man-handled xov uidv qyov coq oiKexqv, ecoc; xcov yeixovcov
as she tried to hide a goblet from the thieves that dnavxqoac; atixoic; 'Epuoyevqc; einev oxi uioq uou eiq.
([Dem.] 47.60-61)
she died a few days later) . Moreover, furniture which
"happened to be in the tower" during the raid, and In a similar incident in the final episode in his
hence escaped seizure, was brought down again for narrative, Xenophon and his fellow mercenaries
use when the trierarch returned, only to be seized attack the property of a wealthy Persian, Asidates,
in a new raid on his farm when he left again (Dem. near Pergamon in western Asia Minor: a raid for
47.63). Details involving the tower are quoted in booty to enrich the returning adventurers. Advised
Greek:
to attack at night with 300 men to seize the man's
wife, property, and his ta chremata (assets), they
Kai xauxa e'xouoiv [i.e., the sheep, slave, shepherd,
bronze hydria] ok e^fjpKeoev auxoiq-dAA' eneio- arrive around midnight, bent on capturing Asidates
eAOovxec; etc; to \(£>pio\ (yecopyco 8e npdc; xw and his personal wealth, but find his slaves near
inno5pouco, Kai oikco evxauO' 8K ueipaKiou) npcoxovthe tower and seize only some chremata. Gaining
uev eni tovq, oiKexaq rjâv, cbq 5e ouxoi 8iacj)euyouaivaccess to him in the tower was not easy:
auxouq Kai aAAoq dAAq dnexcopqaav, eAOovxeq npoq
xqv oiKiav Kai eKâAovxec; xfjv Oupav xqv etc; xov 'Enei 5e dc}>iKOVxo nepi ueoaq vuKxaq, xd nepi^ ovxa
Kfjnov 4>epouoav . . . eioeAOovxeq eni xqv yuvaucd dv8pdno5a xqq xupoioc; Kai xpnuaTa Ta nAeioxa
uou Kai xd nai8ia e$;ecj)opqoavxo ooa exi imoAoind dne5pa auxouq napaueAouvxaq, cbq xov 'Aoi8dxqv
uoi qv OKeuq ev xq ouua. coovxo uev yap ou xoaauxa uev auxov Adgoiev Kaxd eKeivou. nupyouaxouvxec;
uovov Aqij/eaOai, dAAd noAAco nAeico- xqv yap ouodv 8e enei ouk e8\3vavxo AaêTv xqv xupoiv, u^jqAq yap
uoi noxe KaxaaKeuqv xqq oiKiaq KaxaAqij/eaOai- dAA' qv Kai ueydAqv Kai npouaxecovaq Kai dvSpaq noAAouc;
uno xcov Aqxoupyicov Kai xcov eiac{)opcov Kai xqc; npoq Kai uaxiuouq e'xouoa, 8iopi3nxeiv enexeipqoav xov
uuac; cJnAoxiuiac; xd uev evexupa Keixai auxcov, xd 8e ni3pyov. 6 8e xoixoc; qv en' okxco nAivOcov yqivcov xo
nenpaxai. ooa 8' qv exi unoAoina, ndvxa Aa(36vx£c; eupoq. (Xen. An. 7.8.12-14)
wxovxo. npoq 8e xouxoiq . . . etvêv i\ yuvi] uou pexd
xcov nai8icov dpioxcooa £v xq auArJ, Kai uex' auxfjq The tower - called by the Persian word tyrsis
xixOf] xiq eurj yevouevr) npEoûxepa, dvOpconoq (commonly used by Xenophon and later authors)277
277 Cf. Pindar 01 2.70, IGXll 7, 115.4.
as well as pyrgos - Asian

is incident,
described asis used
a spit for roasting meat tall,as a larg
equipped with battlements;
weapon from within, as if it is held
the tower alsodomestic defen
many armed men. This equipment, type
but arrows are ofalso released,
tower albeit is pr
best represented by the
aimed throughruralthe breach, not forts
from special ar-(tetrap
chers' slits. In
common in western Asia another passage(see
Minor from military
p. his-204; cf
34). Thus the attackers
tory, a tyrsisdecide to
houses dpxovxec; in Chios,dig
in a revoltthrou
mudbrick wall, "eightnarrated
clay by Aeneas
bricks Tacticus (11.3) as an example By da
thick."
the Greek soldiers break through
of internal conspiracies the
to be thwarted wall int
from within,
tower, but face iron but the incident is not dated
weapons (an or otherwise known.
ox-spit, perh
sign of the tower's At
domestic
the very least, this function)
suggests a very different andcli-
from within. By then,entele the
for thesebesieged
structures, when a have calle
tower is part of
help and sent fire an official city(possibly
signals residence (in Ionia; cf. p. 169) not th
from
er), bringing help from on a private farm and should caution
neighboring us against
commun
including Assyrian hoplites, assuming identicalHyrkanian
inhabitants for ancientcavalr
towers.
Persian mercenaries, and 800 bowmen. The Greeks
are forced to retreat, with only 200 slaves and some
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Greek Towers and Slaves: An Archaeology of Exploitation

Author(s): Sarah P. Morris and John K. Papadopoulos

Archaeological Institute of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and

Abstract 70 on Keos), they were once termed Inselturme or

*This essay represents 15 years of conjoined observation

best preserved on the mainland lie in an in

Fig. 2. View to the tower site at Agios Petros, A

stone prevailed on islands

towers on the mainland, the family strongholds of

signed to alert or protect rural residents, as watch or

Fig. 3. Tower at Agios Petros, Andros, from southwest.

tors and classicists. Reconnaissance of the Greek

landscape since Ottoman times, and rural warfare

masonry, height, and similarity in technique and size

Fig. 5. Tower "toil Germanou" at Megalo Vat

15 Ross 1840, 43-5 (describing Hasria Triada on Amomos) attention

tryside, while excavation revealed plenty lighthouses,

Fig. 7. Tower at Kambanario, Siphnos, with

Fig. 8. Tower at Poros, Leukas, from northw

in function over time

If there is now agreement that most Greek rural

(Mendoni 1989) record dangers to free women and public

ric, and inscriptions) with remains exploitation

enough to complete it?) Towers as displays of wealth and status

Fig. 12. Reconstructed view of the Vari farm

building one for himself alone

46Timotheos: Ar. Plut. 180. Scholia describe him as nAouoioc;

mineral wealth; see below, pp. 169-76), along with

in the final year) , leaves little

examples).56 The deme site

heaps) on the island of

Fig. 17. Classical tower in deme of Thorikos, Attica

recent times.80 Euboia A related co-occurrence

droponopoulos 1960; Papanikolaou 1960; Zachos and Maratos

Akeratos on Thasos.85 On Naxos, the square tower

dences of towers with mines or quarries,88 other in-

84 On Thasian marble, see Herrmann 1999; KozeljiHatzianastasiou

Fig. 19. View of iron slag on hillside opposite the

than farm) of Timesios, an entrepreneur who

plants regularly, andrequiring

and Peiraieus.129 In The mine slaves

nated decades of scholarship,

self raised vines and supported slaves eventua

scapes without direct archaeological evidence, but

cult to identify in the streets of ancient Athens

were therefore protected from assault, lest a citizen

Xenophon (Oec. 9.5) uses

the tower. Combining the evidence of threshold

Fig. 22. Plan and section of Aspros Pyrgos tower o

promise space and mobility for quadrupeds. Al-

poses (being made of wood and therefore of value).

Once again, let us return to the crucial text for

193Kienast 2001, 537-40. Jameson 1997. On gynaikonomoi, a development of the fourth

it will keep him from discovering her 404) imagines

at Aspros Pyrgos on Siphnos, the interior staircase

viduals could be confined upstairs, while the ground floor, with

Fig. 28. View of left and right door jambs in the

by Alexander; cf. Arr. Anab. 1.16); Thompson 2003, 154; dis-

slave, or servile specialist (like those manumitted),