Consumer Education

/ Consumer Education / Consumer Rights and Responsibilities
Consumer Responsibilities
s and services, which are hazardous to life and property. The purchased goods and services availed of should not
sumers should insist on the quality of the products as well as on the guarantee of the products and services.
price. In case of monopolies, it means right to be assured of satisfactory quality and service at a fair price. It also
can mean a denial for the majority of its fair share. This right can be better exercised in a competitive market
as to protect the consumer against unfair trade practices. Consumer should insist on getting all the information
d responsibly and also enable him to desist from falling prey to high pressure selling techniques.
nce of consumers, particularly of rural consumers, is mainly responsible for their exploitation. They should know
.
ight to be represented in various forums formed to consider the consumer's welfare. The Consumers should form
s committees formed by the Government and other bodies in matters relating to consumers.
. It also includes right to fair settlement of the genuine grievances of the consumer. Consumers must make
ct on the society as a whole may be very large. They can also take the help of consumer organisations in seeking
nt, post purchase grievances have to be heard through a strong redressal system. For this, Consumer disputes
er the Act at District, State and National level to provide simple and inexpensive quick redressal against consumer
khs. This limit is commonly known as the ‘pecuniary jurisdiction’ of the Consumer Redressal Forum. The State
d does not exceed rupees one crore and the National Forum entertains the complaints where the value of the
and decides that the company is at fault:
ision for the establishment of consumer councils and other authorities for the settlement of consumers' disputes
encies and defects in goods or services. It also seeks to secure the rights of a consumer against unfair or
on 10th December, 1986 and assented by the President of India on 24th December, 1986 and was published in
oods bought and services used.
are passive, you are likely to be exploited.
he strength and influence to promote and protect consumer interest.
vantaged or powerless groups; and to consume based on needs – not wants.
. We should recognize our individual and social responsibility to conserve natural resources and protect the earth
Sl.No Rights Responsibility

1 Right to be heard 1. Ensure that the company has provided you the contact details of the
consumer grievance handling system and are easily accessible.
2. Avoid purchase of products/services from a company which do not provide
details of the consumer grievance officers to handle consumer grievances
2 Right to Redress 1. Ignoring the loss suffered on purchase of defective goods and services
and not filing complaint encourages the corrupt business man to supply low
standards or defective goods and services. Therefor file a complaint even for
a small loss. File only a genuine complaint.
2. Consumer must file a complaint if not satisfied with the quality of
product/services.
3. Claim the penalties/compensation as provided under rules and regulations
to ensure that the quality delivery system improves.
4. Study carefully all terms and conditions related to return/replacement of
defective goods, refund and warranty policies.
3 Right to Safety 1. While purchasing the goods or services, Consumer must look for standard
quality mark such as ISI, Hallmark, Agmark, ISO, FSSAI , etc.
2. Do not buy any spurious/ fake/duplicate/ hazardous products
4 Right to Consumer 1. Do not get carried away by advertisements only or believe on the words of
Education/ Right to the seller. Consumer must look market reviews/feedback. Similarly inform
be Informed offers if product and services of companies are of substandard.
2. Consumer must insist on getting complete information on the quality,
quantity, utility, price etc. of the product or services.
3. Ask for complete contact details of the consumer grievance mechanism of
the company the consumer wish to buy from
5 Right to Choose 1. Access the information available on various alternatives available for the
product and services under purchase consideration.
2. Compare specifications, competition and fair prices of the goods and
services before finalizing on the purchase
3. Study various feedbacks/reviews of the products/services
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Right to Safety
Means right to be protected against the marketing of goods and services, which are hazardous to life
and property. The purchased goods and services availed of should not only meet their immediate needs,
but also fulfil long term interests.
Before purchasing, consumers should insist on the quality of the products as well as on the guarantee of
the products and services. They should preferably purchase quality marked products such as
ISI,AGMARK, etc
Right to be Informed
Means right to be informed about the quality, quantity, potency, purity, standard and price of goods so
as to protect the consumer against unfair trade practices.
Consumer should insist on getting all the information about the product or service before making a
choice or a decision. This will enable him to act wisely and responsibly and also enable him to desist
from falling prey to high pressure selling techniques.
Right to Choose
Means right to be assured, wherever possible of access to variety of goods and services at competitive
price. In case of monopolies, it means right to be assured of satisfactory quality and service at a fair
price. It also includes right to basic goods and services. This is because unrestricted right of the minority
to choose can mean a denial for the majority of its fair share. This right can be better exercised in a
competitive market where a variety of goods are available at competitive prices
Right to be Heard
Means that consumer's interests will receive due consideration at appropriate forums. It also includes
right to be represented in various forums formed to consider the consumer's welfare.
The Consumers should form non-political and non-commercial consumer organizations which can be
given representation in various committees formed by the Government and other bodies in matters
relating to consumers.
Right to Seek redressal
Means right to seek redressal against unfair trade practices or unscrupulous exploitation of consumers.
It also includes right to fair settlement of the genuine grievances of the consumer.
Consumers must make complaint for their genuine grievances.Many a times their complaint may be of
small value but its impact on the society as a whole may be very large. They can also take the help of
consumer organisations in seeking redressal of their grievances.
Right to Consumer Education

Means the right to acquire the knowledge and skill to be an informed consumer throughout
life.Ignorance of consumers, particularly of rural consumers, is mainly responsible for their exploitation.
They should know their rights and must exercise them. Only then real consumer protection can be
achieved with success.
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Consumers’ rights under section-6 of the consumer protection act are as follows:
(1) Right to Safety:

A consumer has the right to safety against such goods and services as are hazardous to his health, life
and property.
Image Courtesy : debsylee.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/SocialMediaConsumer.jpg
For example, spurious and substandard drugs; appliances made of low quality raw material, such as,
electric press, pressure cooker, etc. and low quality food products like bread, milk, jam, butter, etc. The
consumers have the right to safety against the loss caused by such products.
(2) Right to be Informed/Right to Representation:

A consumer has also the right that he should be provided with all the information on the basis of which
he decides to buy goods or services. Such information relate to quality, purity, potency, standard, date of
manufacture, method of use, etc. of the commodity. Thus, a producer is required to provide all such
information in a proper manner, so the consumer is not cheated.
ADVERTISEMENTS:
(3) Right to Choose:

A consumer has the absolute right to buy any goods or services of his choice from among the different
goods or services available in the market. In other words, no seller can influence his choice in an unfair
manner. If any seller does so, it will be deemed as interference in his right to choice.
(4) Right to be Heard:
A consumer has the right that his complaint be heard. Under this right, the consumer can file a complaint
against all those things which are prejudicial to his interest. First, their rights mentioned above (Right to
Safety; Right to be informed and Right to choose) have relevance only if the consumer has the right to
file his complaint against them. These days, several large organisations have set up Consumer Service
Cells with a view to providing the consumer the right to be heard.
ADVERTISEMENTS:
The function of the cell is to hear the complaints of the consumers and to take adequate measures to
redress them. Many daily newspapers have also special columns to entertain the complaints of the
consumers.
(5) Right to Seek Redressal:

This right provides compensation to the consumers against unfair trade practice of the seller. For
instance, if the quantity and quality of the product do not conform to those promised by the seller, the
buyer has the right to claim compensation.
Several redressal are available to the consumer by way of compensation, such as free repair of the
product, taking back of the product with refund of money, changing of the product by the seller.
ADVERTISEMENTS:
(6) Right to Consumer Education:

Consumer education refers to educating the consumer constantly with regard to their rights. In other
words, consumers must be aware of the rights they enjoy against the loss they suffer on account of
goods and services purchased by them. Government has taken several measures to educate the
consumers.
For instance, Ministry of Civil Supplies publishes a quarterly magazine under the title “Upbhokta Jagran”.
Doordarshan telecasts a programme like the “Sanrakshan Upbhokta Ka” and apart from this, Consumer
Day is observed on March 15 every year.
Note: In addition to the above mentioned six rights of the consumers, the United Nations Organisation
guidelines also contain two more rights. These are the following:
ADVERTISEMENTS:
(7) Right to Basic Needs:

The basic needs mean those goods and services which are necessary for a dignified living of people. It
includes adequate food, clothing, shelter, energy, sanitation, health care, education and transportation.
All the consumers have the right fulfil these basic needs.
(8) Right to Healthy Environment:

This right provides the consumers, protection against environmental pollution so that the quality of life is
enhanced. Not only this, it also stresses the need to protect the environment for the future generations
as well.
1. H OM E
|
2. GE N E R AL K N OW LE D GE
3. GK FO R E X AM S |
Civil Disobedience Movement

The observance of the Independence Day in 1930 was followed by the launching of the Civil
Disobedience Movement under the leadership of Gandhi. It began with the famous Dandi
March of Gandhi. On 12 March 1930, Gandhi left the Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmadabad on
foot with 78 other members of the Ashram for Dandi, a village on the western sea-coast of
India, at a distance of about 385 km from Ahmadabad.
By JAGRAN JOSH
NOV 6, 2015 12:14 IST
The observance of the Independence Day in 1930 was followed by the launching of the Civil
Disobedience Movement under the leadership of Gandhi. It began with the famous Dandi
March of Gandhi. On 12 March 1930, Gandhi left the Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmadabad on foot
with 78 other members of the Ashram for Dandi, a village on the western sea-coast of India, at
a distance of about 385 km from Ahmadabad. They reached Dandi on 6 April 1930. There,
Gandhi broke the salt law. It was illegal for anyone to make salt as it was a government
monopoly. Gandhi defied the government by picking up a handful of salt which had been
formed by the evaporation of sea. The defiance of the salt law was followed by the spread of
Civil Disobedience Movement all over the country. Making of salt spread throughout the country
in the first phase of the civil disobedience movement, it became a symbol of the people’s
defiance of the government.
In Tamil Nadu, C. Rajgopalchari led a march-similar to the Dandi march-from Trichinopoly to

Vedaranyam. In Dharsana, in Gujarat, Sarojini Naidu, the famous poetess who was a prominent
leader of the congress and had been president of the congress, led non-violent satyagrahis in a
march to the salt depots owned by the government. Over 300 satyagrahis were severely injured
and two killed in the brutal lathi charge by the police. There were demonstrations, hartals,
boycott of foreign goods, and later refusal to pay taxes. Lakhs of people participated in the
movement, including a large number of women.
In November 1930, the British government convened the first round table conference in London
to consider the reforms proposed by the Simon commission. The congress, which was fighting
for the independence of the country, boycotted it. But it was attended by the representatives of
Indian princes, Muslim league, Hindu Mahasabha and some others. But nothing came out of it.
The British government knew that without the participation of the congress, no decision on
constitutional changes In India would be acceptable to the Indian people.
Early in 1931, efforts were made by Viceroy Irwin to persuade the congress to join the second
round table conference. An agreement was reached between Gandhi and Irwin, according to
which the government agreed to release all political prisoners against whom there were no
charges of violence. The congress was to suspend the civil disobedience movement. Many
nationalist leaders were unhappy with this agreement. However, at its Karachi session which
was held in March 1931 and was presided over by Vallabhbhai Patel, the congress decided to
approve the agreement and participate in the second round table conference. Gandhi was
chosen to represent the congress at the conference which met in September 1931.
At the Karachi session, of the congress, an important resolution of fundamental rights and
economic policy was passed. It laid down the policy of the nationalist movement on social and
economic problems facing the country. It mentioned the fundamental rights which would be
guaranteed to the people irrespective of caste and religion, and it favoured nationalisation of
certain industries, promotion of Indian industries, and schemes for the welfare of workers and
peasants. This resolution showed the growing influence of the ideals of socialism on the
nationalist movement. Besides Gandhi, who was the sole representative of the congress, there
were other Indians who participated in this conference. They included Indian princes, Hindu,
Muslim and Sikh communal leaders. These leaders played into the hands of the British. The
princes were mainly interested in preserving their position as rulers. The communal leaders had
been selected by the British government to attend the conference. They claimed to the
representatives of their respective communities and not the country, though their influences
within their communities were also limited. Gandhi alone as the representative of the congress
represented the whole country.
Neither the princes nor the communal leaders were interested in India’s independence.
Therefore, no agreement could be reached and the second round table conference ended in a
failure. Gandhi returned to India and the Civil Disobedience Movement was revived. The
government repression had been continuing even while the conference was going on and now
it was intensified. Gandhi and other leaders were arrested. The government’s efforts to
suppress the movement may be seen from the fact that in about a year 120000 persons were
sent to jail. The movement was withdrawn in 1934. The congress passed an important
resolution in 1934. It demanded that a constituent assembly, elected by the people on the basis
of adult franchise, be convened. It declared that only such an assembly could frame a
constitution for India. It thus asserted that only the people had the right to decide the form of
government under which they would live. Though the congress had failed to achieve its
objective, it had succeeded in mobilizing vast sections of the people in the second great mass
struggle in the country. It had also adopted radical objectives for the transformation of Indian
society.
Impact of Civil Disobedience Movement
• It shattered people’s faith in the British Government and laid the social root for the freedom
struggle, and popularised the new method of propaganda like the prabhat pheris, pamphlets
etc.
• It ended the exploitative salt policy of British was followed by the defiance of forest law in
Maharashtra, Karnataka and Central province and the refusal to pay the rural ‘Chaukidari tax’
in Eastern India.
Read more:Indian History , Modern History of India , Civil Disobedience Movement , Dandi March
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William Wordsworth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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"Wordsworth" redirects here. For other uses, see Wordsworth (disambiguation).
For the English composer, see William Wordsworth (composer).
William Wordsworth
Portrait of William Wordsworth by Benjamin Robert

Haydon (National Portrait Gallery).
Poet Laureate of the United Kingdom
In office
6 April 1843 – 23 April 1850
Monarch Victoria
Preceded by Robert Southey
Succeeded by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
Personal details
Born 7 April 1770

Cockermouth, Cumberland,
England
Died 23 April 1850 (aged 80)
Rydal, Westmorland, England
Alma mater St John's College, Cambridge
Occupation Poet
William Wordsworth (7 April 1770 – 23 April 1850) was a major English Romantic poet who, with Samuel
Taylor Coleridge, helped to launch the Romantic Age in English literature with their joint publication Lyrical
Ballads (1798).
Wordsworth's magnum opus is generally considered to be The Prelude, a semi-autobiographical poem of his
early years that he revised and expanded a number of times. It was posthumously titled and published by his
wife in the year of his death, before which it was generally known as "the poem to Coleridge".[1] Wordsworth
was Britain's poet laureate from 1843 until his death from pleurisy on 23 April 1850.[2]
Contents
 1Early life
 2Relationship with Annette Vallon
 3First publication and Lyrical Ballads
 4The Borderers
 5Germany and move to the Lake District
 6Marriage and children
 7Autobiographical work and Poems in Two Volumes
 8The Prospectus
 9Religious beliefs
 10Laureateship and other honours
 11Death
 12In popular culture
 13Major works
 14See also
 15References
 16Further reading
 17External links
Early life[edit]
Main article: Early life of William Wordsworth
The second of five children born to John Wordsworth and Ann Cookson, William Wordsworth was born on 7
April 1770 in what is now named Wordsworth House in Cockermouth, Cumberland,[3] part of the scenic region
in northwestern England known as the Lake District. William's sister, the poet and diarist Dorothy
Wordsworth, to whom he was close all his life, was born the following year, and the two were baptised
together. They had three other siblings: Richard, the eldest, who became a lawyer; John, born after Dorothy,
who went to sea and died in 1805 when the ship of which he was captain, the Earl of Abergavenny, was
wrecked off the south coast of England; and Christopher, the youngest, who entered the Church and rose to
be Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.[4]
Wordsworth's father was a legal representative of James Lowther, 1st Earl of Lonsdale and, through his
connections, lived in a large mansion in the small town. He was frequently away from home on business, so
the young William and his siblings had little involvement with him and remained distant from him until his
death in 1783.[5] However, he did encourage William in his reading, and in particular set him to commit large
portions of verse to memory, including works by Milton, Shakespeare and Spenser. William was also allowed
to use his father's library. William also spent time at his mother's parents' house in Penrith, Cumberland,
where he was exposed to the moors, but did not get along with his grandparents or his uncle, who also lived
there. His hostile interactions with them distressed him to the point of contemplating suicide.[6]
Wordsworth was taught to read by his mother and attended, first, a tiny school of low quality in Cockermouth,
then a school in Penrith for the children of upper-class families, where he was taught by Ann Birkett, who
insisted on instilling in her students traditions that included pursuing both scholarly and local activities,
especially the festivals around Easter, May Day and Shrove Tuesday. Wordsworth was taught both the Bible
and the Spectator, but little else. It was at the school in Penrith that he met the Hutchinsons, including Mary,
who later became his wife.[7]
After the death of Wordsworth's mother, in 1778, his father sent him to Hawkshead Grammar
School in Lancashire (now in Cumbria) and sent Dorothy to live with relatives in Yorkshire. She and William
did not meet again for another nine years.
Wordsworth made his debut as a writer in 1787 when he published a sonnet in The European Magazine.
That same year he began attending St John's College, Cambridge. He received his BA degree in 1791.[8] He
returned to Hawkshead for the first two summers of his time at Cambridge, and often spent later holidays
on walking tours, visiting places famous for the beauty of their landscape. In 1790 he went on a walking tour
of Europe, during which he toured the Alps extensively, and visited nearby areas of France, Switzerland, and
Italy.[9]
Relationship with Annette Vallon[edit]

In November 1791, Wordsworth visited Revolutionary France and became enchanted with the Republican
movement. He fell in love with a French woman, Annette Vallon, who in 1792 gave birth to their daughter
Caroline. Financial problems and Britain's tense relations with France forced him to return to England alone
the following year.[10] The circumstances of his return and his subsequent behaviour raised doubts as to his
declared wish to marry Annette, but he supported her and his daughter as best he could in later life.
The Reign of Terror left Wordsworth thoroughly disillusioned with the French Revolution and the outbreak of
armed hostilities between Britain and France prevented him from seeing Annette and his daughter for some
years.
With the Peace of Amiens again allowing travel to France, in 1802 Wordsworth and his sister Dorothy visited
Annette and Caroline in Calais. The purpose of the visit was to prepare Annette for the fact of his forthcoming
marriage to Mary Hutchinson.[10] Afterwards he wrote the sonnet "It is a beauteous evening, calm and free,"
recalling a seaside walk with the 9-year-old Caroline, whom he had never seen before that visit. Mary was
anxious that Wordsworth should do more for Caroline. Upon Caroline's marriage, in 1816, Wordsworth
settled £30 a year on her (equivalent to £1360 as of the year 2000), payments which continued until 1835,
when they were replaced by a capital settlement.[11][12]
First publication and Lyrical Ballads[edit]
Wordsworth in 1798, about the time he began The Prelude.[13]
The year 1793 saw the first publication of poems by Wordsworth, in the collections An Evening
Walk and Descriptive Sketches. In 1795 he received a legacy of 900 pounds from Raisley Calvert and
became able to pursue a career as a poet.
It was also in 1795 that he met Samuel Taylor Coleridge in Somerset. The two poets quickly developed a
close friendship. In 1797, Wordsworth and his sister Dorothy moved from Racedown in Dorset, where they
had lived for two years, to Alfoxton House, Somerset, just a few miles away from Coleridge's home in Nether
Stowey. Together Wordsworth and Coleridge (with insights from Dorothy) produced Lyrical Ballads (1798),
an important work in the English Romantic movement.[14] The volume gave neither Wordsworth's nor
Coleridge's name as author. One of Wordsworth's most famous poems, "Tintern Abbey", was published in
this collection, along with Coleridge's "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner". The second edition, published in
1800, had only Wordsworth listed as the author, and included a preface to the poems.[15] It was augmented
significantly in the next edition, published in 1802.[16] In this preface, which some scholars consider a central
work of Romantic literary theory, Wordsworth discusses what he sees as the elements of a new type of
verse, one that is based on the "real language of men" and avoids the poetic diction of much 18th-century
verse. Wordsworth also gives his famous definition of poetry as "the spontaneous overflow of powerful
feelings: it takes its origin from emotion recollected in tranquility", and calls his own poems in the book
"experimental". A fourth and final edition of Lyrical Ballads was published in 1805.[17]
The Borderers[edit]
Between 1795–97, Wordsworth wrote his only play, The Borderers, a verse tragedy set during the reign
of King Henry III of England, when Englishmen in the North Country came into conflict with Scottish rovers.
He attempted to get the play staged in November 1797, but it was rejected by Thomas Harris, the manager of
the Covent Garden Theatre, who proclaimed it "impossible that the play should succeed in the
representation". The rebuff was not received lightly by Wordsworth and the play was not published until 1842,
after substantial revision.[18]
Germany and move to the Lake District[edit]

Wordsworth, Dorothy and Coleridge travelled to Germany in the autumn of 1798. While Coleridge was
intellectually stimulated by the journey, its main effect on Wordsworth was to produce
homesickness.[10] During the harsh winter of 1798–99 Wordsworth lived with Dorothy in Goslar, and, despite
extreme stress and loneliness, began work on the autobiographical piece that was later titled The Prelude.
He wrote a number of other famous poems in Goslar, including "The Lucy poems". In the Autumn of 1799,
Wordsworth and his sister returned to England and visited the Hutchinson family at Sockburn. When
Coleridge arrived back in England he travelled to the North with their publisher Joseph Cottle to meet
Wordsworth and undertake a proposed tour of the Lake District. This was the immediate cause of the siblings
settling at Dove Cottage in Grasmere in the Lake District, this time with another poet, Robert Southey nearby.
Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey came to be known as the "Lake Poets".[19] Throughout this period many
of Wordsworth's poems revolved around themes of death, endurance, separation and grief.
Dove Cottage (Town End, Grasmere) – home of William and Dorothy Wordsworth, 1799–1808; home of Thomas De
Quincey, 1809–1820
Marriage and children[edit]

In 1802, Lowther's heir, William Lowther, 1st Earl of Lonsdale, paid the 4,000 pounds owed to Wordsworth's
father through Lowther's failure to pay his aide.[20] It was this repayment that afforded Wordsworth the
financial means to marry. On 4 October, following his visit with Dorothy to France to arrange matters with
Annette, Wordsworth married his childhood friend Mary Hutchinson.[10] Dorothy continued to live with the
couple and grew close to Mary. The following year Mary gave birth to the first of five children, three of whom
predeceased her and William:
 John Wordsworth (18 June 1803 – 1875). Married four times:
1. Isabella Curwen (d. 1848) had six children: Jane, Henry, William, John, Charles and Edward.
2. Helen Ross (d. 1854). No children.
3. Mary Ann Dolan (d. after 1858) had one daughter Dora (b. 1858).
4. Mary Gamble. No children.
 Dora Wordsworth (16 August 1804 – 9 July 1847). Married Edward Quillinan in 1841.
 Thomas Wordsworth (15 June 1806 – 1 December 1812).
 Catherine Wordsworth (6 September 1808 – 4 June 1812).
 William "Willy" Wordsworth (12 May 1810 – 1883). Married Fanny Graham and had four children: Mary
Louisa, William, Reginald, Gordon
Autobiographical work and Poems in Two Volumes[edit]

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Wordsworth had for years been making plans to write a long philosophical poem in three parts, which he
intended to call The Recluse. In 1798–99 he started an autobiographical poem, which he referred to as the
"poem to Coleridge" and which he planned would serve as an appendix to a larger work called The Recluse.
In 1804 he began expanding this autobiographical work, having decided to make it a prologue rather than an
appendix. He completed this work, now generally referred to as the first version of The Prelude, in 1805, but
refused to publish such a personal work until he had completed the whole of The Recluse. The death of his
brother John, also in 1805, affected him strongly and may have influenced his decisions about these works.
Wordsworth's philosophical allegiances as articulated in The Prelude and in such shorter works as "Lines
written a few miles above Tintern Abbey" have been a source of critical debate. It was long supposed that
Wordsworth relied chiefly on Coleridge for philosophical guidance, but more recently scholars have
suggested that Wordsworth's ideas may have been formed years before he and Coleridge became friends in
the mid-1790s. In particular, while he was in revolutionary Paris in 1792, the 22-year-old Wordsworth made
the acquaintance of the mysterious traveler John "Walking" Stewart (1747–1822),[21] who was nearing the end
of his thirty years of wandering, on foot, from Madras, India, through Persia and Arabia, across Africa and
Europe, and up through the fledgling United States. By the time of their association, Stewart had published
an ambitious work of original materialist philosophy entitled The Apocalypse of Nature (London, 1791), to
which many of Wordsworth's philosophical sentiments may well be indebted.
In 1807 Wordsworth published Poems in Two Volumes, including "Ode: Intimations of Immortality from
Recollections of Early Childhood". Up to this point Wordsworth was known only for Lyrical Ballads, and he
hoped that this new collection would cement his reputation. Its reception was lukewarm, however.
Rydal Mount – home to Wordsworth 1813–1850. Hundreds of visitors came here to see him over the years
In 1810, Wordsworth and Coleridge were estranged over the latter's opium addiction,[10] and in 1812, his son
Thomas died at the age of 6, six months after the death of 3-year-old Catherine. The following year he
received an appointment as Distributor of Stamps for Westmorland, and the stipend of £400 a year made him
financially secure. In 1813, he and his family, including Dorothy, moved to Rydal Mount, Ambleside (between
Grasmere and Rydal Water), where he spent the rest of his life.[10]
The Prospectus[edit]
In 1814 Wordsworth published The Excursion as the second part of the three-part work The Recluse, even
though he had not completed the first part or the third part, and never did. He did, however, write a poetic
Prospectus to "The Recluse" in which he laid out the structure and intention of the whole work. The
Prospectus contains some of Wordsworth's most famous lines on the relation between the human mind and
nature:
... my voice proclaims
How exquisitely the individual Mind
(And the progressive powers perhaps no less
Of the whole species) to the external World
Is fitted:—and how exquisitely, too—
Theme this but little heard of among Men,
The external World is fitted to the Mind;
And the creation (by no lower name
Can it be called) which they with blended might
Accomplish ...[22]
Some modern critics[23] suggest that there was a decline in his work beginning around the mid-1810s, perhaps
because most of the concerns that characterised his early poems (loss, death, endurance, separation and
abandonment) had been resolved in his writings and his life.[24] By 1820, he was enjoying considerable
success accompanying a reversal in the contemporary critical opinion of his earlier works.
Following the death of his friend the painter William Green in 1823, Wordsworth also mended his relations
with Coleridge.[25] The two were fully reconciled by 1828, when they toured the Rhineland together.[10] Dorothy
suffered from a severe illness in 1829 that rendered her an invalid for the remainder of her life. Coleridge
and Charles Lamb both died in 1834, their loss being a difficult blow to Wordsworth. The following year saw
the passing of James Hogg. Despite the death of many contemporaries, the popularity of his poetry ensured
a steady stream of young friends and admirers to replace those he lost.
Religious beliefs[edit]
Wordsworth's youthful political radicalism, unlike Coleridge's, never led him to rebel against his religious
upbringing. He remarked in 1812 that he was willing to shed his blood for the established Church of England,
reflected in the Ecclesiastical Sketches of 1822. This religious conservatism also colours The
Excursion (1814), a long poem that became extremely popular during the nineteenth century; it features three
central characters, the Wanderer; the Solitary, who has experienced the hopes and miseries of the French
Revolution; and the Pastor, who dominates the last third of the poem.[26]
Laureateship and other honours[edit]
Wordsworth remained a formidable presence in his later years. In 1837, the Scottish poet and
playwright Joanna Baillie reflected on her long acquaintance with Wordsworth. "He looks like a man that one
must not speak to unless one has some sensible thing to say. However he does occasionally converse
cheerfully & well; and when one knows how benevolent & excellent he is, it disposes one to be very much
pleased with him."[27]
In 1838, Wordsworth received an honorary doctorate in Civil Law from the University of Durham and the
following year he was awarded the same honorary degree by the University of Oxford, when John
Keble praised him as the "poet of humanity", praise greatly appreciated by Wordsworth.[10][28] (It has been
argued that Wordsworth was a great influence on Keble's immensely popular book of devotional poetry, The
Christian Year(1827).[29]) In 1842, the government awarded him a Civil List pension of £300 a year.
Following the death of Robert Southey in 1843 Wordsworth became Poet Laureate. He initially refused the
honour, saying that he was too old, but accepted when the Prime Minister, Robert Peel, assured him that
"you shall have nothing required of you". Wordsworth thus became the only poet laureate to write no official
verses. The sudden death of his daughter Dora in 1847 at age 42 was difficult for the aging poet to take and
in his depression, he completely gave up writing new material.
Death[edit]
Gravestone of William Wordsworth, Grasmere, Cumbria
William Wordsworth died at home at Rydal Mount from an aggravated case of pleurisy on 23 April
1850,[30] and was buried at St Oswald's Church, Grasmere. His widow Mary published his lengthy
autobiographical "poem to Coleridge" as The Prelude several months after his death. Though it failed to
arouse much interest at that time, it has since come to be widely recognised as his masterpiece.
In popular culture[edit]
Wordsworth has appeared as a character in works of fiction, including:
 William Kinsolving – Mister Christian. 1996

 Val McDermid – The Grave Tattoo. 2006
 "The Wordsmiths at Gorsemere" by Sue Limb. 2008[31][better source needed]
Isaac Asimov's novelization of the film Fantastic Voyage sees Dr. Peter Duval quoting Wordsworth's "The
Prelude" as the miniaturized submarine sails through the cerebral fluid surrounding a human brain,
comparing it to the "Strange Seas Of Thought".
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William Wordsworth Biography
Poet (1770–1850)
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At the end of the 18th century, poet William Wordsworth helped found the
Romantic movement in English literature. He also wrote "I Wandered Lonely
as a Cloud."
Synopsis
Born in England in 1770, poet William Wordsworth worked with Samuel Taylor Coleridge on Lyrical
Ballads (1798). The collection, which contained Wordsworth's "Tintern Abbey," introduced
Romanticism to English poetry. Wordsworth also showed his affinity for nature with the famous poem "I
Wandered Lonely as a Cloud." He became England's poet laureate in 1843, a role he held until his death
in 1850.
Early Life
Poet William Wordsworth was born on April 7, 1770, in Cockermouth, Cumberland, England.
Wordsworth’s mother died when he was 7, and he was an orphan at 13. Despite these losses, he did well
at Hawkshead Grammar School—where he wrote his first poetry—and went on to study at Cambridge
University. He did not excel there, but managed to graduate in 1791.
Did you know? In the late 1790s, William Wordsworth was thought to be a French spy
and was surveilled by a government agent.
Wordsworth had visited France in 1790—in the midst of the French Revolution—and was a supporter of
the new government’s republican ideals. On a return trip to France the next year, he fell in love with
Annette Vallon, who became pregnant. However, the declaration of war between England and France in
1793 separated the two. Left adrift and without income in England, Wordsworth was influenced by
radicals such as William Godwin.
Young Poet
In 1795, Wordsworth received an inheritance that allowed him to live with his younger sister, Dorothy.
That same year, Wordsworth met Samuel Taylor Coleridge. The two became friends, and together
worked on Lyrical Ballads (1798). The volume contained poems such as Coleridge's "Rime of the
Ancient Mariner" and Wordsworth's "Tintern Abbey," and helped Romanticism take hold in English
poetry.
The same year that Lyrical Ballads was published, Wordsworth began writing The Prelude, an epic
autobiographical poem that he would revise throughout his life (it was published posthumously in 1850).
While working on The Prelude, Wordsworth produced other poetry, such as "Lucy." He also wrote a
preface for the second edition of Lyrical Ballads; it described his poetry as being inspired by powerful
emotions and would come to be seen as a declaration of Romantic principles.
"Though nothing can bring back the hour, Of splendour in the grass, of glory in the
flower." -- from Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood
In 1802, a temporary lull in fighting between England and France meant that Wordsworth was able to see
Vallon and their daughter, Caroline. After returning to England, he wed Mary Hutchinson, who gave
birth to the first of their five children in 1803. Wordsworth was also still writing poetry, including the
famous "I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud" and "Ode: Intimations of Immortality." These pieces were
published in another Wordsworth collection, Poems, in Two Volumes (1807).
Evolving Poetry and Philosophy

As he grew older, Wordsworth began to reject radicalism. In 1813, he was named as a distributor of
stamps and moved his family to a new home in the Lake District. By 1818, Wordsworth was an ardent
supporter of the conservative Tories.
Though Wordsworth continued to produce poetry—including moving work that mourned the deaths of
two of his children in 1812—he had reached a zenith of creativity between 1798 and 1808. It was this
early work that cemented his reputation as an acclaimed literary figure.
In 1843, Wordsworth became England's poet laureate, a position he held for the rest of his life. At the age
of 80, he died on April 23, 1850, at his home in Rydal Mount, Westmorland, England.
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William Wordsworth was one of the founders of English Romanticism. He

is remembered as a poet of spiritual and epistemological speculation, a poet
concerned with the human relationship to nature. The son of John and Ann
Cookson Wordsworth, Wordworth was born on April 7, 1770 in
Cockermouth, Cumberland. Wordsworth’s deep love for the “beauteous
forms” of the natural world was established early. The Wordsworth children
seem to have lived in a sort of rural paradise along the Derwent River, which
ran past the terraced garden below the ample house whose tenancy John
Wordsworth had obtained from his employer, the political magnate and
property owner Sir James Lowther, Baronet of Lowther (later Earl of
Lonsdale).
William attended the grammar school near Cockermouth Church and Ann
Birkett’s school at Penrith, the home of his maternal grandparents. The
intense lifelong friendship between William Wordsworth and his sister
Dorothy probably began when they, along with Mary Hutchinson, attended
school at Penrith. Wordsworth’s early childhood beside the Derwent and his
schooling at Cockermouth are vividly recalled in various passages of The
Prelude and in shorter poems such as the sonnet “Address from the Spirit of
Cockermouth Castle.” His experiences in and around Hawkshead, where
William and Richard Wordsworth began attending school in 1779, would
also provide the poet with a store of images and sensory experience that he
would continue to draw on throughout his poetic career, but especially
during the “great decade” of 1798 to 1808. This childhood idyll was not to
continue, however. In March of 1778 Ann Wordsworth died while visiting a
friend in London. In June 1778 Dorothy was sent to live in Halifax,
Yorkshire, with her mother’s cousin Elizabeth Threlkeld, and she lived with
a succession of relatives thereafter. She did not see William again until
1787.
In December of 1783 John Wordsworth, returning home from a business
trip, lost his way and was forced to spend a cold night in the open. Very ill
when he reached home, he died December 30. Though separated from their
sister, all the boys eventually attended school together at Hawkshead,
staying in the house of Ann Tyson. In 1787, despite poor finances caused
by ongoing litigation over Lord Lowther's debt to John Wordsworth's estate,
Wordsworth went up to Cambridge as a sizar in St. John’s College. As he
himself later noted, Wordsworth’s undergraduate career was not
distinguished by particular brilliance. In the third book of The
Prelude Wordsworth recorded his reactions to life at Cambridge and his
changing attitude toward his studies. During his last summer as an
undergraduate, he and his college friend Robert Jones—much influenced by
William Coxe’s Sketches of the Natural, Civil, and Political State of
Swisserland (1779)—decided to make a tour of the Alps, departing from
Dover on July 13, 1790.
Though Wordsworth, encouraged by his headmaster William Taylor, had
been composing verse since his days at Hawkshead Grammar School, his
poetic career begins with this first trip to France and Switzerland. During
this period he also formed his early political opinions—especially his hatred
of tyranny. These opinions would be profoundly transformed over the
coming years but never completely abandoned. Wordsworth was intoxicated
by the combination of revolutionary fervor he found in France—he and
Jones arrived on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille—and by
the impressive natural beauty of the countryside and mountains. Returning
to England in October, Wordsworth was awarded a pass degree from
Cambridge in January 1791, spent several months in London, and then
traveled to Jones’s parents’ home in North Wales. During 1791
Wordsworth’s interest in both poetry and politics gained in sophistication, as
natural sensitivity strengthened his perceptions of the natural and social
scenes he encountered.
Wordsworth’s passion for democracy, as is clear in his “Letter to the Bishop
of Llandaff” (also called “Apology for the French Revolution”), is the result
of his two youthful trips to France. In November 1791 Wordsworth returned
to France, where he attended sessions of the National Assembly and the
Jacobin Club. In December he met and fell in love with Annette Vallon, and
at the beginning of 1792 he became the close friend of an intellectual and
philosophical army officer, Michel Beaupuy, with whom he discussed
politics. Wordsworth had been an instinctive democrat since childhood, and
his experiences in revolutionary France strengthened and developed his
convictions. His sympathy for ordinary people would remain with
Wordsworth even after his revolutionary fervor had been replaced with the
“softened feudalism” he endorsed in his Two Addresses to the Freeholders
of Westmoreland in 1818.
While still in France, Wordsworth began work on the first extended poetic
efforts of his maturity, Descriptive Sketches, which was published in 1793,
after the appearance of a poem written at Cambridge, An Evening
Walk (1793). Having exhausted his money, he left France in early December
1792 before Annette Vallon gave birth to his child Caroline. Back in
England, the young radical cast about for a suitable career. As a fervent
democrat, he had serious reservations about “vegetating in a paltry curacy,”
though he had written to his friend William Matthews in May 1792 that he
intended to be ordained the following winter or spring. Perhaps this plan was
why he was reading sermons early in 1793, when he came across a sermon
by Richard Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, on “the Wisdom and Goodness of
God” in making both rich and poor, with an appendix denouncing the
French Revolution. His democratic sympathies aroused, he spent several
weeks in February and March working on a reply.
By this time, his relationship with Annette Vallon had become known to his
English relatives, and any further opportunity of entering the Church was
foreclosed. In any case Wordsworth had been reading atheist William
Godwin’s recently published Political Justice (1793), and had come
powerfully under its sway. “A Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff” is the
youthful poet and democrat’s indignant reply to the forces of darkness,
repression, and monarchy. Its prose shares something of the revolutionary
clarity of Thomas Paine’s. Wordsworth, in fact, quoted Paine in his
refutation of Bishop Watson’s appendix: “If you had looked in the articles of
the rights of man, you would have found your efforts superseded. Equality,
without which liberty cannot exist, is to be met with in perfection in that
state in which no distinctions are admitted but such as have evidently for
their object the general good.” Just how radical Wordsworth’s political
beliefs were during this period can be judged from other passages in this
“Letter”: “At a period big with the fate of the human race, I am sorry that
you attach so much importance to the personal sufferings of the late royal
martyr . ... You wish it to be supposed that you are one of those who are
unpersuaded of the guilt of Louis XVI. If you had attended to the history of
the French revolution as minutely as its importance demands, so far from
stopping to bewail his death, you would rather have regretted that the blind
fondness of his people had placed a human being in that monstrous situation.
...”
“A Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff” is remarkable partly because
Wordsworth seems to have begun relinquishing its tenets almost as soon as
he had composed them. Though he remained for the time being a strong
supporter of the French Revolution, the poetic side of Wordsworth’s
personality began asserting itself, causing the poet to reexamine, between
1793 and 1796, his adherence to Godwin’s rationalistic model of human
behavior, upon which Wordsworth’s republicanism was largely founded.
Whether “A Letter to Bishop the of Llandaff” remained unpublished through
caution or circumstance is not clear. As Wordsworth turned his attention to
poetry, he developed, through the process of poetic composition, his own
theory of human nature, one that had very little to do with Godwin’s
rationalism. During this period Wordsworth met another radical young man
with literary aspirations, Samuel Taylor Coleridge.
In 1794 and 1795 Wordsworth divided his time between London and the
Lake Country. In September 1795 William and Dorothy Wordsworth settled
at Racedown Lodge in Dorset, where they would live for two years. In The
Prelude Wordsworth wrote that his sister “Maintained a saving intercourse /
With my true self,” and “preserved me still / A poet.” At Racedown
Wordsworth composed the tragedy The Borderers, a tragedy in which he
came fully to terms with Godwin’s philosophy, finally rejecting it as an
insufficiently rich approach to life for a poet. Then Wordsworth for the first
time found his mature poetic voice, writing The Ruined Cottage, which
would be published in 1814 as part of The Excursion, itself conceived as one
part of a masterwork, The Recluse, which was to worry Wordsworth
throughout his life, a poem proposed to him by Coleridge and planned as a
full statement of the two poets’ emerging philosophy of life.
In 1797, to be closer to Coleridge, the Wordsworths moved to Alfoxden
House, near the village of Nether Stowey. Because of the odd habits of the
household—especially their walking over the countryside at all hours—the
local population suspected that the Wordsworths and their visitors were
French spies, and a government agent was actually dispatched to keep an
eye on them. The years between 1797 and 1800 mark the period of
Wordsworth and Coleridge’s close collaboration, and also the beginning of
Wordsworth’s mature poetic career. Wordsworth wrote the poems that
would go into the 1798 and 1800 editions of Lyrical Ballads—poems such
as “Tintern Abbey,” “Expostulation and Reply,” “The Tables Turned,”
“Goody Blake and Harry Gill,” and “Michael.” During 1798 Wordsworth
also worked on a piece of prose setting out his evolving ideas on justice and
morality. Called the “Essay on Morals” by later editors, it was set aside and
never finished. Wordsworth seems to have been attempting to work out and
justify his changing political and social ideas—ideas that had begun to
develop intuitively during the process of poetic composition. The poet in
Wordsworth was beginning to dominate the democrat, and the poet found a
political philosophy based on power, violence, and reason anathema.
In September 1798 the Wordsworths set off for Germany with Coleridge,
returning separately, after some disagreements, in May 1799. In Germany
Wordsworth continued to write poems, and when he returned to England he
began to prepare a new edition of Lyrical Ballads. The second edition—that
of 1800—included an extended preface by Wordsworth, explaining his
reasons for choosing to write as he had and setting out a personal poetics
that has remained influential and controversial to the present day. For
Victorian readers such as Matthew Arnold, who tended to venerate
Wordsworth, the preface was a fount of wisdom; but the modernists were
deeply suspicious of Wordsworth’s reliance on feeling: poets such as T.S.
Eliot and Ezra Pound, while they could accept the strictures on poetic
diction, found the underlying theory unacceptable. Subsequent critics have
focused on the literary and historical sources of Wordsworth’s ideas,
demonstrating that, while the poet certainly reinvented English poetic
diction, his theories were deeply rooted in the practice of earlier poets,
especially John Milton. This preface, Wordsworth’s only extended statement
of his poetics, has become the source of many of the commonplaces and
controversies of poetic theory and criticism. For Wordsworth, poetry, which
should be written in “the real language of men,” is nevertheless “the
spontaneous overflow of feelings: it takes its origin from emotion
recollected in tranquility.”
The “Preface to Lyrical Ballads” (revised and expanded many times for later
editions) is not a systematic poetics, but a partly polemical, partly pedantic,
and still problematic statement of Wordsworth’s beliefs about poetry and
poetic language. The preface in all its versions is highly discursive, the poet
“thinking aloud” in an attempt to formulate ideas about poetry based on
poems he has already written. It is important to remember when reading the
preface that it both chronologically and logically follows the composition of
most of the poems. The two central ideas of the preface are the need for
reforming poetic diction—which, according to Wordsworth, had become far
too artificial—and the role of the poet in society, which Wordsworth saw as
having become too marginal. He had also come to the conclusion that the
troubles of society were specifically urban in nature. This view finds
eloquent expression in Wordsworth’s most powerful early poem, “Tintern
Abbey.” Thinking of the way in which his memories of the Wye River
valley had sustained him, Wordsworth wrote:
These beauteous forms,
Through a long absence, have not been to me
As is a landscape to a blind man’s eye:
But oft, in lonely rooms, and ’mid the din
Of towns and cities, I have owed to them,
In hours of weariness, sensations sweet
The poem concludes with a meditation on the power of nature to prevail

against the false and superficial “dreary intercourse of daily life” that
Wordsworth associated with city life, especially literary life in London. In
the preface, Wordsworth characterized those forces as acting against the
elevation of mind in which the poet specializes, and he identified them with
urban life:
For a multitude of causes unknown to former times are now acting

with combined force to blunt the discriminating powers of the
mind, and unfitting it for all voluntary exertion to reduce it to a
state of almost savage torpor. The most effective of these causes
are the great national events which are daily taking place, and the
encreasing accumulation of men in cities, where the uniformity of
their occupations produces a craving for extraordinary incident
which the rapid communication of intelligence hourly gratifies. To
this tendency of life and manners the literature of the atrical
exhibitions of the country have conformed themselves. The
invaluable works of our elder writers, I had almost said the works
of Shakespear and Milton, are driven into neglect by frantic novels,
sickly and stupid German Tragedies, and deluges of idle and
extravagent stories in verse.
In a letter to Catherine Clarkson years later (June 4, 1812), Wordsworth
blamed not social institutions but people themselves for the ills of society:
“As to public affairs; they are most alarming ... The [Prince Regent] seems
neither respected or beloved; and the lower orders have been for upwards of
thirty years accumulating in pestilential masses of ignorant population; the
effects now begin to show themselves. ...” These words are remarkable in
light of Wordsworth’s early identification with just such “masses of
population,” though it is evident even in the preface that he had already
begun to represent “the lower orders” as fundamentally removed from the
affairs of both state and the arts. This belief is extraordinary considering the
faith he had expressed in “the people” in “A Letter to the Bishop of
Llandaff.”
Even before the publication of the first edition in 1798, Wordsworth was
certainly aware that the poems in Lyrical Ballads were different from the
conventional verse of the day, and he knew that fashionable reviewers
would probably dismiss them as insufficiently elevated in tone and subject
matter. They did, with a vengeance, and a good part of Wordsworth’s
additions to the preface for the 1802 edition are attempts to answer his
critics. But even in the 1800 version of the preface Wordsworth made an
explicit connection between a plain poetic diction and a proper relationship
to nature and society; that is, he makes the issue of a poetic diction a moral
one, and his critique of a sonnet by Thomas Gray is an ethical demonstration
as well as an example of literary criticism directed by one generation against
the preceding one. As Wordsworth revised the preface for later editions, the
changes reflected Wordsworth’s increasingly conservative views.
By December 1799 William and Dorothy Wordsworth were living in Dove
Cottage, at Town End, Grasmere. In May 1802 Sir James Lowther, Earl of
Lonsdale, died, and, though the litigation over his debt to the estate of
Wordsworth’s father had not been settled, his heir, Sir William Lowther,
agreed to pay the Wordsworth children the entire sum. With financial
prospects, Wordsworth married Mary Hutchinson on October 2, 1802. The
settlement helped to support a growing family and also allowed the
Wordsworths to continue their generosity to various friends and men of
letters, many of whom came to stay at Dove Cottage, sometimes for months
on end. The death of the earl of Lonsdale also marked the beginning of a
close economic and political relationship between William Wordsworth and
Sir William Lowther (who became earl of Lonsdale in 1807) that would
have a significant effect on the poet’s political philosophy in the years to
come.
Wordsworth continued to write poetry with energy and passion over the next
several years, and while fashionable critics such as Francis Jeffrey continued
to snipe, his reputation and finances slowly improved. During these years he
composed “The Solitary Reaper,” “Resolution and Independence,” and
“Ode: Intimations of Immortality,” perhaps the greatest lyrics of his
maturity. In these poems Wordsworth presents a fully developed, yet
morally flexible, picture of the relationship between human beings and the
natural world. Influenced by Neoplatonism, these poems also prepare the
way for Wordsworth’s return to conventional religious belief. In 1805
Wordsworth completed a massive revision of the “poem to Coleridge” that
would be published, after undergoing periodic adjustment and revision, after
the poet’s death in 1850. Many critics believe that the “1805 Prelude,” as it
has come to be called, is Wordsworth’s greatest poetic achievement.
In May 1808, his “great decade” behind him, Wordsworth moved with his
family to Allan Bank, a larger house in Grasmere. Thomas De Quincy took
over Dove Cottage. Evidence of a decisive turn in Wordsworth’s social and
political views—and, by extension, his poetical views as well—during this
period is to be found in The Convention of Cintra (1809), an extended
political tract concerning the British expedition to Portugal to fight against
Napoleon’s forces encamped on the Spanish peninsula. In 1793 Wordsworth
had written in his “Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff,” “In France royalty is
no more.” In 1808 he might have said “In William Wordsworth, Jacobinism
is no more.” In place of Wordsworth’s early belief in equality, The
Convention of Cintrapresents a narrowly patriotic and nationalist view of
European politics and a profoundly reactionary political philosophy
expressed in tortured rhetoric.
Throughout The Convention of Cintra Wordsworth seems to have given
himself over to rigid abstractions such as Patriotism, Justice, and Power, and
it is possible to argue that the diminution of Wordsworth’s poetic power
dates from this period. If “A Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff” was
derivative of Godwin, The Convention of Cintra is certainly derivative of
Edmund Burke. When Henry Crabb Robinson showed a copy of
Wordsworth’s pamphlet to Thomas Quayle, Quayle said that Wordsworth’s
style resembled the worst of Burke’s. The radical republican of 1793 has by
this point adopted not only Burke’s style but the essence of his thought as
well. The transformation of his ideas seems to have cost Wordsworth his
clarity of language, so apparent in “A Letter to the Bishop of Llandaff,” and
even the “Preface to Lyrical Ballads,” which, though structurally
complicated, is never obscure in the way of The Convention of Cintra.
On Wednesday evening, December 2, 1812, William Wordsworth wrote to
his friend Robert Southey about the death of Thomas Wordsworth, the
poet’s six-year-old son, the previous day. The simplicity and directness of
this letter communicate Wordsworth’s sorrow with great power and
integrity:
Symptoms of the measles appeared upon my Son Thomas last
Thursday; he was most favorable held till Tuesday, between 10 and
11 at that hour was particularly lightsome and comfortable; without
any assignable cause a sudden change took place, an inflammation
had commenced on the lungs which it was impossible to check and
the sweet Innocent yielded up his soul to God before six in the
evening. He did not appear to suffer much in body, but I fear
something in mind as he was of an age to have thought much upon
death a subject to which his mind was daily led by the grave of his
Sister.
Thomas was the second child of William and Mary Wordsworth to die in
childhood. Catherine had died the previous June, a few months before her
fourth birthday.
In late 1812 Lord Lonsdale proposed that he provide 100 pounds a year for
the support of Wordsworth and his family until a salaried position became
available. Wordsworth was at first somewhat reluctant to accept the
patronage, but he accepted, and on January 8, 1813 he wrote to
acknowledge receipt of payment. He was relieved when the post of
Distributor of Stamps was offered to him a few months later. With this
assurance of economic security, the Wordsworths moved to Rydal Mount,
the poet’s final home, in May 1813. Lonsdale’s gift and patronage marked a
deepening of the relations between the aristocratic earl and the formerly
radical republican and supporter of revolution in France and democracy in
England. Politically, Wordsworth had completely transformed himself;
poetically, he repeated earlier formulas and began rearranging his poems in
a seemingly infinite sequence of thematically organized volumes.
Other than letters and miscellaneous notes, Wordsworth’s political prose

writings conclude with Two Addresses to the Freeholders of
Westmoreland (1818). These have been described by one critic as “nearly
unreadable,” but they are crucial to an understanding of Wordsworth’s
entanglement in local and national politics. As Distributor of Stamps,
Wordsworth should not have engaged in electioneering, but his two
addresses back the local nobility in no uncertain terms. By this time,
Wordsworth had come to believe that the only way to preserve the virtues
celebrated in “Michael” and other early poems was to maintain the
traditional social orders of English society. Fully the Tory mouthpiece,
Wordsworth argued that the Whigs had put too much faith in human nature,
as they (and he) did at the commencement of the French Revolution.
The Two Addresses praise Edmund Burke for just those values Wordsworth
had earlier excoriated. By this time Wordsworth had fully incorporated
Burke’s system of beliefs into his own, and several passages of the
1850 Prelude are redolent with Burkean sentimental and political
philosophy.
Wordsworth’s last major work in prose represents a return to his earliest
interest in the land and scenery of the English Lake District. In 1810 artist
Joseph Wilkinson published Select Views in Cumberland, Westmoreland,
and Lancashire , with an introduction by Wordsworth. In 1822 Wordsworth
returned to his introduction, expanding it into a book most commonly
known as A Guide through the District of the Lakes, which continues to be
republished in a variety of editions. Wordsworth’s love of his native region
is evident in the Guide, which remains useful for the reader of Wordsworth’s
poetry as well as for the tourist of the Lake District.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge died in 1834, and, though the men had grown
apart, Wordsworth continued to pay particular attention to Coleridge’s
erratic first son, Hartley, a minor poet and biographer who haunted the Lake
District on “pot house wanderings,” to use Wordsworth’s memorable phrase.
Hartley, the child addressed in Coleridge’s “Frost at Midnight” and
Wordsworth’s “To H.C. Six Years Old,” as well as the basis for the child
represented in the Immortality Ode, was a feckless figure beloved by the
local farmers, and Wordsworth took a special interest in seeing to his
welfare. Hartley died in 1849, only a few months before Wordsworth, who
instructed that his friend’s son be buried in the Wordsworth plot in
Grasmere Churchyard. “He would have wished it,” said Wordsworth.
In 1843 Wordsworth was named poet laureate of England, though by this

time he had for the most part quit composing verse. He revised and
rearranged his poems, published various editions, and entertained literary
guests and friends. When he died in 1850 he had for some years been
venerated as a sage, his most ardent detractors glossing over the radical
origins of his poetics and politics.
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I Wandered Lonely As A Cloud (Daffodils) - Poem by

William Wordsworth
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I wandered lonely as a cloud

That floats on high o'er vales and hills,
When all at once I saw a crowd,
A host, of golden daffodils;
Beside the lake, beneath the trees,
Fluttering and dancing in the breeze.
Continuous as the stars that shine

And twinkle on the milky way,
They stretched in never-ending line
Along the margin of a bay:
Ten thousand saw I at a glance,
Tossing their heads in sprightly dance.
The waves beside them danced; but they

Out-did the sparkling waves in glee:
A poet could not but be gay,
In such a jocund company:
I gazed- and gazed- but little thought
What wealth the show to me had brought:
For oft, when on my couch I lie

In vacant or in pensive mood,
They flash upon that inward eye
Which is the bliss of solitude;
And then my heart with pleasure fills,
And dances with the daffodils.
William Wordsworth
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A Character - Poem by William Wordsworth

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I marvel how Nature could ever find space

For so many strange contrasts in one human face:
There's thought and no thought, and there's paleness and bloom
And bustle and sluggishness, pleasure and gloom.
There's weakness, and strength both redundant and vain;

Such strength as, if ever affliction and pain
Could pierce through a temper that's soft to disease,
Would be rational peace--a philosopher's ease.
There's indifference, alike when he fails or succeeds,

And attention full ten times as much as there needs;
Pride where there's no envy, there's so much of joy;
And mildness, and spirit both forward and coy.
There's freedom, and sometimes a diffident stare

Of shame scarcely seeming to know that she's there,
There's virtue, the title it surely may claim,
Yet wants heaven knows what to be worthy the name.
This picture from nature may seem to depart,

Yet the Man would at once run away with your heart;
And I for five centuries right gladly would be
Such an odd such a kind happy creature as he.
William Wordsworth
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A Night Thought - Poem by William Wordsworth

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Lo! where the Moon along the sky

Sails with her happy destiny;
Oft is she hid from mortal eye
Or dimly seen,
But when the clouds asunder fly
How bright her mien!
Far different we--a froward race,

Thousands though rich in Fortune's grace
With cherished sullenness of pace
Their way pursue,
Ingrates who wear a smileless face
The whole year through.
If kindred humours e'er would make

My spirit droop for drooping's sake,
From Fancy following in thy wake,
Bright ship of heaven!
A counter impulse let me take
And be forgiven.
William Wordsworth
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------The sky is overcast

With a continuous cloud of texture close,
Heavy and wan, all whitened by the Moon,
Which through that veil is indistinctly seen,
A dull, contracted circle, yielding light
So feebly spread, that not a shadow falls,
Chequering the ground--from rock, plant, tree, or tower.
At length a pleasant instantaneous gleam
Startles the pensive traveller while he treads
His lonesome path, with unobserving eye
Bent earthwards; he looks up--the clouds are split
Asunder,--and above his head he sees
The clear Moon, and the glory of the heavens.
There, in a black-blue vault she sails along,
Followed by multitudes of stars, that, small
And sharp, and bright, along the dark abyss
Drive as she drives: how fast they wheel away,
Yet vanish not!--the wind is in the tree,
But they are silent;--still they roll along
Immeasurably distant; and the vault,
Built round by those white clouds, enormous clouds,
Still deepens its unfathomable depth.
At length the Vision closes; and the mind,
Not undisturbed by the delight it feels,
Which slowly settles into peaceful calm,
Is left to muse upon the solemn scene.
William Wordsworth
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A Complaint - Poem by William Wordsworth

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There is a change--and I am poor;

Your love hath been, nor long ago,
A fountain at my fond heart's door,
Whose only business was to flow;
And flow it did; not taking heed
Of its own bounty, or my need.
What happy moments did I count!

Blest was I then all bliss above!
Now, for that consecrated fount
Of murmuring, sparkling, living love,
What have I? Shall I dare to tell?
A comfortless and hidden well.
A well of love--it may be deep--

I trust it is,--and never dry:
What matter? If the waters sleep
In silence and obscurity.
--Such change, and at the very door
Of my fond heart, hath made me poor.
William Wordsworth
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Ambitious
Born in England in 1770, poet William Wordsworth worked with Samuel Taylor Coleridge on Lyrical
Ballads (1798). The collection, which contained Wordsworth's "Tintern Abbey," introduced
Romanticism to English poetry. Wordsworth also showed his affinity for nature with the famous
poem "I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud." He became England's poet laureate in 1843, a role he
held until his death in 1850.
Early Life
Poet William Wordsworth was born on April 7, 1770, in Cockermouth, Cumberland, England.
Wordsworth’s mother died when he was 7, and he was an orphan at 13. Despite these losses,
he did well at Hawkshead Grammar School—where he wrote his first poetry—and went on to
study at Cambridge University. He did not excel there, but managed to graduate in 1791.
Read more on Brainly.in - https://brainly.in/question/4332762#readmore
77777777777777777777777777
Biography of William Wordsworth. Essay
...William Wordsworth Biography William Wordsworth was born April 7th, 1770, in Cockermouth,
Cumberland. He attended school at Saint John's College, University of Cambridge. He was said
to have loved nature. During school breaks he visited places known for their scenic beauty.
While in France, he fell in love with Annette Vallon. They had a daughter in December of 1770,
shortly before he moved back to England. Wordsworth had written poetry while he was still a
schoolboy, but none of his poems were published until 1793.His first published poems were An
Evening Walk and Descriptive Sketches. These poems exhibit the influence of the formal way of
poetry in England throughout the 18th century. Wordsworth had met Samuel Taylor Coleridge, a
fellow poet, and in 1797 Woodsworth moved to Alfoxden, Somersetshire, alongside his sister
Dorthy. Their residence was near Coleridge's home in Nether Stowey. This move created a
sustained friendship between Wordsworth and Coleridge, and they both worked on a volume of
poems entitled Lyrical Ballads, which was published 1798. Lyrical Ballads is said to have
indicated the beginning of the Romantic Movement in English poetry. Wordsworth wrote the
majority of the poems in the book, such as "Tintern Abbey". Coleridge's main contribution was
Rime of the Ancient Mariner. Lyrical Ballads was met with hostility from most...
447 Words | 2 Pages
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Civil disobedience
"Disobedience" redirects here. For the act of disobeying one's superior, see insubordination. For other
uses, see Disobedience (disambiguation).
For other uses, see Civil disobedience (disambiguation).
Part of a series on
Revolution
Types[show]
Methods[show]
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Examples[show]
Politics portal
 v
 t
 e
Civil disobedience is the active, professed refusal of a citizen to obey certain laws, demands, orders or
commands of a government or occupying international power. Civil disobedience is sometimes defined as
having to be nonviolent to be called civil disobedience. Civil disobedience is sometimes, therefore, equated
with nonviolent resistance.[1][2]
Although civil disobedience is considered to be an expression of contempt for law, Martin Luther King
Jr. regarded civil disobedience to be a display and practice of reverence for law; for as "Any man who breaks
a law that conscience tells him is unjust and willingly accepts the penalty by staying in jail in order to arouse
the conscience of the community on the injustice of the law is at that moment expressing the very highest
respect for law."[3]
Contents
 1Historical Overview
 2Etymology
 3Theories
o 3.1Violent vs. non-violent
o 3.2Revolutionary vs. non-revolutionary
o 3.3Collective vs. solitary
 4Techniques
o 4.1Choice of specific act
o 4.2Cooperation with authorities
o 4.3Choice of plea
o 4.4Choice of allocution
 5Legal implications of civil disobedience
 6See also
 7References
Historical Overview[edit]
Its earliest successful implementation was brought about during the lead up to the Glorious Revolution in
Britain, when the 1689 Bill of Rights was documented, the last Catholic monarch was deposed, and male and
female joint-co-monarchs were elevated. The English Midland Enlightenment had developed a manner of
voicing objection to a law viewed as illegitimate and then taking the consequences of the law. This was
focused on the illegitimacy of laws claimed to be "divine" in origin, including the "divine rights of Kings" and
the "divine rights of man", and the legitimacy of laws acknowledged to be made by human beings.
It later became an effective tool by various peoples who objected to British occupation, such as in the 1919
Revolution, however, this was never used with native laws that were more oppressive than the British
occupation, leading to problems for these countries today.[4] Zaghloul Pasha, considered the mastermind
behind this massive civil disobedience, was a native middle-class, Azhar graduate, political activist, judge,
parliamentary and ex-cabinet minister whose leadership brought Christian and Muslim communities together
as well as women into the massive protests. Along with his companions of Wafd Party, who started
campaigning in 1914, they have achieved independence of Egypt and a first constitution in 1923.
Civil disobedience is one of the many ways people have rebelled against what they deem to be unfair laws. It
has been used in many nonviolent resistance movements in India (Mahatma Gandhi's campaigns
for independence from the British Empire), in Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution, in early stages of
Bangladesh independence movement against Pakistani repression and in East Germany to oust
their communistgovernments.[5] In South Africa in the fight against apartheid, in the American civil rights
movement, in the Singing Revolution to bring independence to the Baltic countries from the Soviet Union,
recently with the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia and the 2004 Orange Revolution[6] in Ukraine, among
other various movements worldwide.
One of the oldest depictions of civil disobedience is in Sophocles' play Antigone, in which Antigone, one of
the daughters of former King of Thebes, Oedipus, defies Creon, the current King of Thebes, who is trying to
stop her from giving her brother Polynices a proper burial. She gives a stirring speech in which she tells him
that she must obey her conscience rather than human law. She is not at all afraid of the death he threatens
her with (and eventually carries out), but she is afraid of how her conscience will smite her if she does not do
this.[7]
Following the Peterloo massacre of 1819, the poet Percy Shelley wrote the political poem The Mask of
Anarchy later that year, that begins with the images of what he thought to be the unjust forms of authority of
his time—and then imagines the stirrings of a new form of social action. According to Ashton Nichols, it is
perhaps the first modern statement of the principle of nonviolent protest.[8] A version was taken up by the
author Henry David Thoreau in his essay Civil Disobedience, and later by Gandhi in his doctrine
of Satyagraha.[8] Gandhi's Satyagraha was partially influenced and inspired by Shelley's nonviolence in
protest and political action.[9] In particular, it is known that Gandhi would often quote Shelley's Masque of
Anarchy to vast audiences during the campaign for a free India.[8][10]
Thoreau's 1849 essay Civil Disobedience, originally titled "Resistance to Civil Government", has had a wide
influence on many later practitioners of civil disobedience. The driving idea behind the essay is that citizens
are morally responsible for their support of aggressors, even when such support is required by law. In the
essay, Thoreau explained his reasons for having refused to pay taxes as an act
of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War. He writes,
If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them
sitting upon another man's shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See
what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, "I should like to have them
order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico;—see if I would go;" and
yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money,
furnished a substitute.
By the 1850s, a range of minority groups in the United States: Blacks, Jews, Seventh Day Baptists,
Catholics, anti-prohibitionists, racial egalitarians, and others—employed civil disobedience to combat a range
of legal measures and public practices that to them promoted ethnic, religious, and racial discrimination. Pro
Public and typically peaceful resistance to political power would remain an integral tactic in modern
American minority rights politics.[11]
Etymology[edit]
Henry David Thoreau's classic essay Civil Disobedience inspired Martin Luther King and many other activists.
Henry David Thoreau's 1849 essay "Resistance to Civil Government" was eventually renamed "Essay on
Civil Disobedience". After his landmark lectures were published in 1866, the term began to appear in
numerous sermons and lectures relating to slavery and the war in Mexico.[12][13][14][15] Thus, by the time
Thoreau's lectures were first published under the title "Civil Disobedience", in 1866, four years after his death,
the term had achieved fairly widespread usage.
It has been argued that the term "civil disobedience" has always suffered from ambiguity and in modern
times, become utterly debased. Marshall Cohen notes, "It has been used to describe everything from bringing
a test-case in the federal courts to taking aim at a federal official. Indeed, for [US] Vice President [Spiro]
Agnew it has become a code-word describing the activities of muggers, arsonists, draft evaders, campaign
hecklers, campus militants, anti-war demonstrators, juvenile delinquents and political assassins."[16]
LeGrande writes that
the formulation of a single all-encompassing definition of the term is extremely difficult, if not impossible. In
reviewing the voluminous literature on the subject, the student of civil disobedience rapidly finds himself
surrounded by a maze of semantical problems and grammatical niceties. Like Alice in Wonderland, he often
finds that specific terminology has no more (or no less) meaning than the individual orator intends it to have.
He encourages a distinction between lawful protest demonstration, nonviolent civil disobedience, and violent
civil disobedience.[17]
In a letter to P. K. Rao, dated September 10, 1935, Gandhi disputes that his idea of civil disobedience was
derived from the writings of Thoreau:[18]
The statement that I had derived my idea of Civil Disobedience from the writings of Thoreau is wrong. The
resistance to authority in South Africa was well advanced before I got the essay ... When I saw the title of
Thoreau's great essay, I began to use his phrase to explain our struggle to the English readers. But I found
that even "Civil Disobedience" failed to convey the full meaning of the struggle. I therefore adopted the
phrase "Civil Resistance."
Theories[edit]
In seeking an active form of civil disobedience, one may choose to deliberately break certain laws, such as
by forming a peaceful blockade or occupying a facility illegally,[19] though sometimes violence has been known
to occur. Often there is an expectation to be attacked or even beaten by the authorities. Protesters often
undergo training in advance on how to react to arrest or to attack.
Civil disobedience is usually defined as pertaining to a citizen's relation to the state and its laws, as
distinguished from a constitutional impasse, in which two public agencies, especially two
equally sovereign branches of government, conflict. For instance, if the head of government of a country
were to refuse to enforce a decision of that country's highest court, it would not be civil disobedience, since
the head of government would be acting in her or his capacity as public official rather than private citizen.[20]
However, this definition is disputed by Thoreau's political philosophy pitching the conscience vs. the
collective. The individual is the final judge of right and wrong. More than this, since only individuals act, only
individuals can act unjustly. When the government knocks on the door, it is an individual in the form of a
postman or tax collector whose hand hits the wood. Before Thoreau's imprisonment, when a confused
taxman had wondered aloud about how to handle his refusal to pay, Thoreau had advised, "Resign." If a man
chose to be an agent of injustice, then Thoreau insisted on confronting him with the fact that he was making a
choice. But if government is "the voice of the people," as it is often called, shouldn't that voice be heeded?
Thoreau admits that government may express the will of the majority but it may also express nothing more
than the will of elite politicians. Even a good form of government is "liable to be abused and perverted before
the people can act through it." Moreover, even if a government did express the voice of the people, this fact
would not compel the obedience of individuals who disagree with what is being said. The majority may be
powerful but it is not necessarily right. What, then, is the proper relationship between the individual and the
government?[21]
Ronald Dworkin held that there are three types of civil disobedience:
 "Integrity-based" civil disobedience occurs when a citizen disobeys a law she or he feels is immoral, as in
the case of abolitionists disobeying the fugitive slave laws by refusing to turn over escaped slaves to
authorities.
 "Justice-based" civil disobedience occurs when a citizen disobeys laws in order to lay claim to some right
denied to her or him, as when blacks illegally protested during the civil rights movement.
 "Policy-based" civil disobedience occurs when a person breaks the law in order to change a policy (s)he
believes is dangerously wrong.[22]
Some theories of civil disobedience hold that civil disobedience is only justified against governmental entities.
Brownlee argues that disobedience in opposition to the decisions of non-governmental agencies such
as trade unions, banks, and private universities can be justified if it reflects "a larger challenge to the legal
system that permits those decisions to be taken". The same principle, she argues, applies to breaches of law
in protest against international organizations and foreign governments.[23]
It is usually recognized that lawbreaking, if it is not done publicly, at least must be publicly announced in
order to constitute civil disobedience. But Stephen Eilmann argues that if it is necessary to disobey rules that
conflict with morality, we might ask why disobedience should take the form of public civil disobedience rather
than simply covert lawbreaking. If a lawyer wishes to help a client overcome legal obstacles to securing her
or his natural rights, he might, for instance, find that assisting in fabricating evidence or committing perjury is
more effective than open disobedience. This assumes that common morality does not have a prohibition
on deceit in such situations.[24] The Fully Informed Jury Association's publication "A Primer for Prospective
Jurors" notes, "Think of the dilemma faced by German citizens when Hitler's secret police demanded to know
if they were hiding a Jew in their house."[25] By this definition, civil disobedience could be traced back to
the Book of Exodus, where Shiphrah and Puah refused a direct order of Pharaoh but misrepresented how
they did it. (Exodus 1: 15-19)[26]
Violent vs. non-violent[edit]
There have been debates as to whether civil disobedience must necessarily be non-violent. Black's Law
Dictionary includes non-violence in its definition of civil disobedience. Christian Bay's encyclopedia article
states that civil disobedience requires "carefully chosen and legitimate means," but holds that they do not
have to be non-violent.[27] It has been argued that, while both civil disobedience and civil rebellion are justified
by appeal to constitutional defects, rebellion is much more destructive; therefore, the defects justifying
rebellion must be much more serious than those justifying disobedience, and if one cannot justify civil
rebellion, then one cannot justify a civil disobedients' use of force and violence and refusal to submit to arrest.
Civil disobedients' refraining from violence is also said to help preserve society's tolerance of civil
disobedience.[28]
The philosopher H. J. McCloskey argues that "if violent, intimidatory, coercive disobedience is more effective,
it is, other things being equal, more justified than less effective, nonviolent disobedience."[29] In his best-
selling Disobedience and Democracy: Nine Fallacies on Law and Order,[30] Howard Zinn takes a similar
position; Zinn states that while the goals of civil disobedience are generally non-violent,
in the inevitable tension accompanying the transition from a violent world to a non-violent one, the choice of
means will almost never be pure, and will involve such complexities that the simple distinction between
violence and non-violence does not suffice as a guide ... the very acts with which we seek to do good cannot
escape the imperfections of the world we are trying to change.[31]
Zinn rejects any "easy and righteous dismissal of violence", noting that Thoreau, the popularizer of the term
civil disobedience, approved of the armed insurrection of John Brown. He also notes that some major civil
disobedience campaigns which have been classified as non-violent, such as the Birmingham campaign, have
actually included elements of violence.[32][33]
Revolutionary vs. non-revolutionary[edit]
Non-revolutionary civil disobedience is a simple disobedience of laws on the grounds that they are judged
"wrong" by an individual conscience, or as part of an effort to render certain laws ineffective, to cause their
repeal, or to exert pressure to get one's political wishes on some other issue. Revolutionary civil
disobedience is more of an active attempt to overthrow a government (or to change cultural traditions, social
customs, religious beliefs, etc...revolution doesn't have to be political, i.e. "cultural revolution", it simply
implies sweeping and widespread change to a section of the social fabric).[34] Gandhi's acts have been
described as revolutionary civil disobedience.[20] It has been claimed that the Hungarians under Ferenc
Deák directed revolutionary civil disobedience against the Austrian government.[35] Thoreau also wrote of civil
disobedience accomplishing "peaceable revolution."[36] Howard Zinn, Harvey Wheeler, and others have
identified the right espoused in the US Declaration of Independence to "alter or abolish" an unjust
government to be a principle of civil disobedience.[33][37]
Collective vs. solitary[edit]
The earliest recorded incidents of collective civil disobedience took place during the Roman Empire[citation needed].
Unarmed Jews gathered in the streets to prevent the installation of pagan images in the Temple in
Jerusalem.[citation needed][original research?] In modern times, some activists who commit civil disobedience as a group
collectively refuse to sign bail until certain demands are met, such as favourable bail conditions, or the
release of all the activists. This is a form of jail solidarity.[38][page needed] There have also been many instances of
solitary civil disobedience, such as that committed by Thoreau, but these sometimes go unnoticed. Thoreau,
at the time of his arrest, was not yet a well-known author, and his arrest was not covered in any newspapers
in the days, weeks and months after it happened. The tax collector who arrested him rose to higher political
office, and Thoreau's essay was not published until after the end of the Mexican War.[39]
Techniques[edit]
Further information: Examples of civil disobedience
Choice of specific act[edit]

Civil disobedients have chosen a variety of different illegal acts. Hugo A. Bedau writes,
There is a whole class of acts, undertaken in the name of civil disobedience, which, even if they were widely
practiced, would in themselves constitute hardly more than a nuisance (e.g. trespassing at a nuclear-missile
installation) ... Such acts are often just a harassment and, at least to the bystander, somewhat inane ... The
remoteness of the connection between the disobedient act and the objectionable law lays such acts open to
the charge of ineffectiveness and absurdity.
Bedau also notes, though, that the very harmlessness of such entirely symbolic illegal protests toward public
policy goals may serve a propaganda purpose.[35] Some civil disobedients, such as the proprietors of
illegal medical cannabis dispensaries and Voice in the Wilderness, which brought medicine to Iraq without
the permission of the US government, directly achieve a desired social goal (such as the provision of
medication to the sick) while openly breaking the law. Julia Butterfly Hill lived in Luna, a 180-foot (55 m)-tall,
600-year-old California Redwood tree for 738 days, successfully preventing it from being cut down.
In cases where the criminalized behaviour is pure speech, civil disobedience can consist simply of engaging
in the forbidden speech. An example would be WBAI's broadcasting the track "Filthy Words" from a George
Carlin comedy album, which eventually led to the 1978 Supreme Court case of FCC v. Pacifica
Foundation. Threatening government officials is another classic way of expressing defiance toward the
government and unwillingness to stand for its policies. For example, Joseph Haas was arrested for allegedly
sending an email to the Lebanon, New Hampshire, city councillors stating, "Wise up or die."[40]
More generally, protesters of particular victimless crimes often see fit to openly commit that crime. Laws
against public nudity, for instance, have been protested by going naked in public, and laws against cannabis
consumption have been protested by openly possessing it and using it at cannabis rallies.[41]
Some forms of civil disobedience, such as illegal boycotts, refusals to pay taxes, draft dodging, distributed
denial-of-service attacks, and sit-ins, make it more difficult for a system to function. In this way, they might be
considered coercive. Brownlee notes that "although civil disobedients are constrained in their use of coercion
by their conscientious aim to engage in moral dialogue, nevertheless they may find it necessary to employ
limited coercion in order to get their issue onto the table."[23] The Plowshares organization temporarily
closed GCSB Waihopai by padlocking the gates and using sickles to deflate one of the large domes covering
two satellite dishes.
Electronic civil disobedience can include web site defacements, redirects, denial-of-service
attacks, information theft and data leaks, illegal web site parodies, virtual sit-ins, and virtual sabotage. It is
distinct from other kinds of hacktivism in that the perpetrator openly reveals his identity. Virtual actions rarely
succeed in completely shutting down their targets, but they often generate significant media attention.[42]
Dilemma actions are designed to create a "response dilemma" for public authorities "by forcing them to either
concede some public space to protesters or make themselves look absurd or heavy-handed by acting
against the protest."[43]
Cooperation with authorities[edit]
A police officer speaks with a demonstrator at a union picket, explaining that she will be arrested if she does not
leave the street. The demonstrator was arrested moments later.
Some disciplines of civil disobedience hold that the protestor must submit to arrest and cooperate with the
authorities. Others advocate falling limp or resisting arrest, especially when it will hinder the police from
effectively responding to a mass protest.
Many of the same decisions and principles that apply in other criminal investigations and arrests arise also in
civil disobedience cases. For example, the suspect may need to decide whether or not to grant a consent
search of his property, and whether or not to talk to police officers. It is generally agreed within the legal
community,[44] and is often believed within the activist community, that a suspect's talking to criminal
investigators can serve no useful purpose, and may be harmful. However, some civil disobedients have
nonetheless found it hard to resist responding to investigators' questions, sometimes due to a lack of
understanding of the legal ramifications, or due to a fear of seeming rude.[45]Also, some civil disobedients
seek to use the arrest as an opportunity to make an impression on the officers. Thoreau wrote,
My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with—for it is, after all, with men and not
with parchment that I quarrel—and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. How shall he
ever know well that he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to
consider whether he will treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed
man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his
neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action.[36]
Some civil disobedients feel it is incumbent upon them to accept punishment because of their belief in the
validity of the social contract, which is held to bind all to obey the laws that a government meeting certain
standards of legitimacy has established, or else suffer the penalties set out in the law. Other civil
disobedients who favour the existence of government still don't believe in the legitimacy of their particular
government, or don't believe in the legitimacy of a particular law it has enacted. And still other civil
disobedients, being anarchists, don't believe in the legitimacy of any government, and therefore see no need
to accept punishment for a violation of criminal law that does not infringe the rights of others.
Choice of plea[edit]
An important decision for civil disobedients is whether or not to plead guilty. There is much debate on this
point, as some believe that it is a civil disobedient's duty to submit to the punishment prescribed by law, while
others believe that defending oneself in court will increase the possibility of changing the unjust law.[46] It has
also been argued that either choice is compatible with the spirit of civil disobedience. ACT UP's Civil
Disobedience Training handbook states that a civil disobedient who pleads guilty is essentially stating, "Yes, I
committed the act of which you accuse me. I don't deny it; in fact, I am proud of it. I feel I did the right thing by
violating this particular law; I am guilty as charged," but that pleading not guilty sends a message of, "Guilt
implies wrong-doing. I feel I have done no wrong. I may have violated some specific laws, but I am guilty of
doing no wrong. I therefore plead not guilty." A plea of no contest is sometimes regarded as a compromise
between the two.[47] One defendant accused of illegally protesting nuclear power, when asked to enter his
plea, stated, "I plead for the beauty that surrounds us";[48] this is known as a "creative plea," and will usually
be interpreted as a plea of not guilty.[49]
When the Committee for Non-Violent Action sponsored a protest in August 1957, at the Camp Mercury
nuclear test site near Las Vegas, Nevada, 13 of the protesters attempted to enter the test site knowing that
they faced arrest. At a pre-arranged announced time, one at a time they stepped across the "line" and were
immediately arrested. They were put on a bus and taken to the Nye County seat of Tonopah, Nevada, and
arraigned for trial before the local Justice of the Peace, that afternoon. A well known civil rights attorney,
Francis Heisler, had volunteered to defend the arrested persons, advising them to plead nolo contendere, as
an alternative to pleading either guilty or not-guilty. The arrested persons were found guilty nevertheless and
given suspended sentences, conditional on their not reentering the test site grounds.[citation needed]
Howard Zinn writes,
There may be many times when protesters choose to go to jail, as a way of continuing their protest, as a way
of reminding their countrymen of injustice. But that is different than the notion that they must go to jail as part
of a rule connected with civil disobedience. The key point is that the spirit of protest should be maintained all
the way, whether it is done by remaining in jail, or by evading it. To accept jail penitently as an accession to
"the rules" is to switch suddenly to a spirit of subservience, to demean the seriousness of the protest ... In
particular, the neo-conservative insistence on a guilty plea should be eliminated.[50]
Sometimes the prosecution proposes a plea bargain to civil disobedients, as in the case of the Camden 28, in
which the defendants were offered an opportunity to plead guilty to one misdemeanour count and receive no
jail time.[51] In some mass arrest situations, the activists decide to use solidarity tactics to secure the same
plea bargain for everyone.[49] But some activists have opted to enter a blind plea, pleading guilty without any
plea agreement in place. Mahatma Gandhi pleaded guilty and told the court, "I am here to ... submit
cheerfully to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me for what in law is a deliberate crime and what
appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen."[52]
Choice of allocution[edit]
Some civil disobedience defendants choose to make a defiant speech, or a speech explaining their actions,
in allocution. In U.S. v. Burgos-Andujar, a defendant who was involved in a movement to stop military
exercises by trespassing on US Navy property argued to the court in allocution that "the ones who are
violating the greater law are the members of the Navy". As a result, the judge increased her sentence from 40
to 60 days. This action was upheld because, according to the US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, her
statement suggested a lack of remorse, an attempt to avoid responsibility for her actions, and even a
likelihood of repeating her illegal actions.[53] Some of the other allocution speeches given by the protesters
complained about mistreatment from government officials.[54]
Tim DeChristopher gave an allocution statement to the court describing the US as "a place where the rule of
law was created through acts of civil disobedience" and arguing, "Since those bedrock acts of civil
disobedience by our founding fathers, the rule of law in this country has continued to grow closer to our
shared higher moral code through the civil disobedience that drew attention to legalized injustice."[55]
Legal implications of civil disobedience[edit]

Steven Barkan writes that if defendants plead not guilty, "they must decide whether their primary goal will be
to win an acquittal and avoid imprisonment or a fine, or to use the proceedings as a forum to inform the jury
and the public of the political circumstances surrounding the case and their reasons for breaking the law via
civil disobedience." A technical defence may enhance the chances for acquittal, but increase the possibility of
additional proceedings as well as reduced press coverage. During the Vietnam War era, the Chicago
Eight used a political defence, while Benjamin Spock used a technical defence.[56] In countries such as the
United States, whose laws guarantee the right to a jury trial but do not excuse lawbreaking for political
purposes, some civil disobedients seek jury nullification. Over the years, this has been made more difficult by
court decisions such as Sparf v. United States, which held that the judge need not inform jurors of their
nullification prerogative, and United States v. Dougherty, which held that the judge need not allow defendants
to openly seek jury nullification.
Governments have generally not recognized the legitimacy of civil disobedience or viewed political objectives
as an excuse for breaking the law. Specifically, the law usually distinguishes between criminal
motive and criminal intent; the offender's motives or purposes may be admirable and praiseworthy, but his
intent may still be criminal.[57] Hence the saying that "if there is any possible justification of civil disobedience it
must come from outside the legal system."[58]
One theory is that, while disobedience may be helpful, any great amount of it would undermine the law by
encouraging general disobedience which is neither conscientious nor of social benefit. Therefore,
conscientious lawbreakers must be punished.[59] Michael Bayles argues that if a person violates a law in order
to create a test case as to the constitutionality of a law, and then wins his case, then that act did not
constitute civil disobedience.[60] It has also been argued that breaking the law for self-gratification, as in the
case of a homosexual or cannabis user who does not direct his act at securing the repeal of amendment of
the law, is not civil disobedience.[61] Likewise, a protestor who attempts to escape punishment by committing
the crime covertly and avoiding attribution, or by denying having committed the crime, or by fleeing the
jurisdiction, is generally viewed as not being a civil disobedient.
Courts have distinguished between two types of civil disobedience: "Indirect civil disobedience involves
violating a law which is not, itself, the object of protest, whereas direct civil disobedience involves protesting
the existence of a particular law by breaking that law."[62] During the Vietnam War, courts typically refused to
excuse the perpetrators of illegal protests from punishment on the basis of their challenging the legality of the
Vietnam War; the courts ruled it was a political question.[63] The necessity defence has sometimes been used
as a shadow defence by civil disobedients to deny guilt without denouncing their politically motivated acts,
and to present their political beliefs in the courtroom.[64] However, court cases such as United States v.
Schoon have greatly curtailed the availability of the political necessity defence.[65] Likewise, when Carter
Wentworth was charged for his role in the Clamshell Alliance's 1977 illegal occupation of the Seabrook
Station Nuclear Power Plant, the judge instructed the jury to disregard his competing harms defence, and he
was found guilty.[66] Fully Informed Jury Association activists have sometimes handed out educational leaflets
inside courthouses despite admonitions not to; according to the association, many of them have escaped
prosecution because "prosecutors have reasoned (correctly) that if they arrest fully informed jury leafleters,
the leaflets will have to be given to the leafleter's own jury as evidence."[67]
Along with giving the offender his "just desserts", achieving crime control via incapacitation and deterrence is
a major goal of criminal punishment.[68][69] Brownlee argues, "Bringing in deterrence at the level of justification
detracts from the law's engagement in a moral dialogue with the offender as a rational person because it
focuses attention on the threat of punishment and not the moral reasons to follow this law."[23] British
judge Lord Hoffman writes, "In deciding whether or not to impose punishment, the most important
consideration would be whether it would do more harm than good. This means that the objector has no right
not to be punished. It is a matter for the state (including the judges) to decide on utilitarian grounds whether
to do so or not.".[70] Hoffman also asserted that while the "rules of the game" for protesters were to remain
non-violent while breaking the law, the authorities must recognize that demonstrators are acting out of their
conscience in pursuit of democracy. "When it comes to punishment, the court should take into account their
personal convictions", he said.[71]
See also
77777777777777777777777
Swadeshi movement
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"Concentrate on Charkha and Swadeshi," Popular bazar poster, 1930's
The Swadeshi movement, part of the Indian independence movement and the developing Indian
nationalism, was an economic strategy aimed at removing the British Empire from power and improving
economic conditions in India by following the principles of swadeshi which had some success. Strategies of
the Swadeshi movement involved boycotting British products and the revival of domestic products and
production processes. L. M. Bhole identifies five phases of the Swadeshi movement.[1]
 1850 to 1904: developed by leaders like Dadabhai Naoroji, Gokhale, Ranade, Tilak, G.V. Joshi and
Bhaswat.K.Nigoni. This was also known as First Swadeshi Movement.
 1905 to 1917: Began in1905, because of the partition of Bengal ordered by Lord Curzon.
 1918 to 1947: Swadeshi thought shaped by Gandhi, accompanied by the rise of Indian industrialists.
 1948 to 1991: Widespread curbs on international and inter-state trade. India became a bastion of
obsolete technology during the licence-permit raj.
 1991 onwards: liberalization privatisation and globalization. Foreign capital, foreign technology, and
many foreign goods are not excluded and doctrine of export-led growth resulted in modern industrialism.
The Swadeshi movement started with the partition of Bengal by the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon in 1905
and continued up to 1911. It was the most successful of the pre-Gandhian movement. Its chief architects
were Aurobindo Ghosh, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai, V. O.
Chidambaram Pillai, Babu Genu. Swadeshi, as a strategy, was a key focus of Mahatma Gandhi, who
described it as the soul of Swaraj (self rule). It was strongest in Bengal and was also called vandemataram
movement.
Contents
 1Background
 2Swadeshi movement
o 2.1The nature of the Swadeshi movement
o 2.2The economic boycott and Swadeshi
o 2.3Swadeshi and Social Boycott
o 2.4Swadeshi and National Education
o 2.5Swadeshi, culture and press
o 2.6Repressive measures taken by the Government
o 2.7Effects and estimate of Swadeshi
 3Swadeshi after independence
 4Etymology
 5Influences
 6See also
 7References
Background[edit]
Credit to starting the Swadeshi movement goes to Baba Ram Singh of the Sikh Namdhari sect,[2] whose
revolutionary movements which heightened around 1871 and 1872.[3] Naamdharis were instructed by Baba
Ram Singh to only wear clothes made in the country and boycott foreign goods.[4] The Namdharis resolved
conflict in the peoples court and totally avoided British law and British courts they also boycotted the
educational system as Baba Ram Singh prohibited children from attending British School, amongst other
forms and measures he employed.[5]
Swadeshi movement[edit]
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The proposal of partition of Bengal became publicly known in 1905, followed by immediate and spontaneous
protests all over Bengal. Lord Curzon asked Queen Victoria to separate Bengal. Because they were scared if
the Muslims and Hindus got together they could start a war. 500 meetings were held in East Bengal alone.
50,000 copies of pamphlets with a detailed critique of partition were distributed. This phase is marked by
moderate techniques of protest such as petitions, public meetings, press campaign, etc. to turn public opinion
in India as well as in Britain against nothing else.
This movement also involved the boycott of British products. Western clothes were thrown onto bonfires.
To let the British know how unhappy the Indians were at the partition of Bengal, leaders of the anti-partition
movement decided to use only Indian goods and to boycott British goods. People gathered at the cross roads
and burnt the imported clothes that they had. People picketed the shops selling foreign goods, and imported
sugar was boycotted. People also resolved to use things made only in India and this was called the Swadeshi
movement.
The Swadeshi movement had genesis in the anti-partition movement which started to oppose the British
decision to partition Bengal. There was no questioning the fact that Bengal with a population of 70 million had
indeed become administratively unwieldy. Equally, there was no escaping the fact that the real motive for
partitioning Bengal was political, as Indian nationalism was gaining in strength. The partition was expected to
weaken what was perceived as the nerve centre of Indian nationalism. Though affected in 1905, the partition
proposals had come onto the public domain as early as 1903. Therefore, since 1903, the ground for the
launch of the Swadeshi movement had been prepared. In the official note, Risley, the Home Secretary to the
Government of India said, "Bengal united is power; Bengal divided will pull several different ways".
The partition of the state intended to curb Bengali influence by not only placing Bengalis under two
administrations, but by reducing them to a minority in Bengal itself. In the new proposal, Bengal proper was
to have 17 million Bengali and 37 million Oriya and Hindi speaking people. Also, the partition was meant to
foster another kind of division—this time on the basis of religion, i.e. between the Muslims and the Hindus.
The Indian Nationalist clearly saw the design behind the partition and condemned it unanimously. The anti-
partition and Swadeshi movement had begun.
The nature of the Swadeshi movement[edit]
The Bengalis adopted the boycott movement as the last resort after they had exhausted the armoury of
constitutional agitation known to them, namely vocal protests, appeals, petitions and Conferences to coerce
the British to concede the unanimous national demand.
The original conception of Boycott was mainly an economic one. It had two distinct, but allied purposes in
view. The first was to bring pressure upon the British public by the pecuniary loss they would suffer by the
boycott of British goods, particularly the Manchester cotton goods for which Bengal provided the richest
market in India. Secondly, it was regarded as essential for the revival of indigenous industry which being at
its infant stage could never grow in the face of free competition with foreign countries which had highly
developed industry.
Like the Boycott, the Swadeshi as a purely economic measure for the growth of Indian Industry was not an
altogether novel idea in India. It was preached by several eminent personalities in the 19th century, Gopal
Hari Deshmukh, better known as Lokahitawadi of Bombay, Arya Samaj founder Dayanand Saraswati and
Bholanath Chandra of Calcutta. But the seeds sown by them did not germinate till the soil was rendered
fertile by the grim resolve of a united people, exasperated beyond measure; to forge the twin weapons of
Boycott and Swadeshi in order to undo the great wrong which was inflicted upon them by an arrogant
Government, callous to the voice of the people.
Later on, the economic boycott receded into background with the passage of time and it developed into an
idea of non-cooperation with the British in every field and the object aimed at was a political regeneration of
the country with the distant goal of absolute freedom looming large before the eyes of the more advanced
section. Similarly, Swadeshi completely outgrew the original conception of promoting Indian industry. It
assumed a new form based upon the literal connotation of the word swadeshi, namely attachment to
everything Indian.
The economic boycott and Swadeshi[edit]
"Boycott of foreign clothes," The Bombay Chronicle, July 30, 1921.
In the economic sense, Swadeshi would represent both a positive and a negative element. These have been
discussed as under:-
The positive element of economic swadeshi was the regeneration of indigenous goods. The boycott of
foreign goods led to the increase in demand of indigenous goods especially clothes which felt short of supply.
The mill-owners of Bombay and Ahmadabad came to its rescue. The Boycott movement in Bengal supplied a
momentum and driving force to the cotton mills in India and the opportunity thus presented was exploited by
the mill-owners. It was complained at that time that the Bombay mill-owners made a huge profit at the
expense of what they regarded as ‘Bengali Sentimentalism’, for buying indigenous cloth at any sacrifice. This
was initiated by Mahatma Gandhi.
Bengal had to supplement the supply from Bombay mills by the coarse production of handlooms. The
weaving industry in Bengal was a very flourishing one till the British ruined it after they had established their
rule over the province in the 18th century. The economic boycott movement seemed to be a suitable
opportunity for reviving that industry. The clothes produced were very coarse but were accepted by the
Bengalis in the true spirit of the Swadeshi Movement. A song which became very popular all over the country
urged upon the people to give the place of honour to the coarse cloth which is the gift of the Mother, too poor
to offer a better one.
The negative element(This can be considered negative only with regard to the British) of the economic
swadeshi was the boycott and burning of foreign goods. Though Manchester cloth was the chief target of
attack, the movement was extended to other British manufacturers also, such as salt and sugar as well as
luxury goods in general. The ideas of Swadeshi and economic boycott was kept alive and brought home to
every door by articles in newspapers, processions, popular songs, enrollment of volunteers to keep vigilant
watch and by occasion bonfires of foreign cloth, salt and sugar. The old apparels of foreign made belonging
to sundry people were placed in a heap and then it was set on fire. The blazing flames were looked upon as
a special mode of honouring noted public leaders and the bonfires greeting them were regarded as of great
value as a means of infusing enthusiasm for Swadeshi.
Fines were inflicted on anyone found using foreign sugar. Foreign cigarettes were bought and burnt in the
streets, Brahmins refused to assist any religious ceremonies in houses where European salt and sugar were
used and Marwaris were warned of importing foreign articles. All these bonfires however affected the
economy of the people. To burn 'Manchester-made goods' bought at a high price literally affects the people
but swept by national enthusiasm, people continued to eschew and burn foreign goods.
Swadeshi and Social Boycott[edit]
The main points are: The social boycott was an outcome of economic swadeshi movement. It was preached
to go against the repressive measures of the Government. The social boycott was a very powerful weapon. A
man selling or buying foreign goods or in any way opposing swadeshi Movement and helping Government in
putting it down would be subjected to various degrees of humiliation. Such social ostracism would make a
man quite unhappy, sometimes even very miserable and the Government could do very little to help him in
his distress. But such non-violent ostracism was not the only form of persecution. Sometimes, the 'renegade'
would suffer material loss and bodily or mental pain.
Swadeshi and National Education[edit]
Students were promoting the boycott and swadeshi movement drew upon them the wrath and violence of the
British Raj. Circulars were issued forbidding the students under threat of severe penalty to associate
themselves in any way with the Boycott movement. Even the cry of Vande Mataram in streets and other
public places was declared to be a punishable offence. Schools or colleges whose students disobeyed the
order were not only threatened with the withdrawal of Government grants and even with disaffiliation, but
their students were to be declared ineligible for Government Service. The authorities of the educational
institutions were asked to keep strict watch over their pupils, and if unable to control them, were to report the
names to the Education Department for taking necessary disciplinary action. The magistrates were asked to
inform the teachers and those connected with the management of educational institutions, that if necessary
they might be enrolled as Special Constables. The Direction of Public Instruction asked the principals of
colleges to show causes why their students who took part in the picketing should not be expelled.
All this produced a storm of indignation in the country and the Indian-owned Press denounced the circulars in
the strongest language. The people of Bengal took up the challenge. The students of some colleges in
Rangpur defied the Government orders and when they were fined, the guardians refused to pay the fine and
stabled a national school for the boys who were expelled. Teachers were also asked to resign for not
whipping the boys.
The action of the authorities led to a movement among the students to boycott the Calcutta University which
they described as Gulamkhana (House of manufacturing slaves). At a conference attended by a large
number of very eminent men of Bengal in different walks of life held on 10 November 1905, it was decided to
establish at once a National Council of Education in order to organize a system of education—literary,
scientific and technical—on national lines and under national control. The number of national schools also
grew apace with time.
The enthusiasm with which the two Bengals responded to the idea of national education shows the way in
which the swadeshi movement, like a mighty river was overflowing its bed and inundating vast stretches of
country. It was no longer confined to its primary object of industrial regeneration and boycotting British goods.
More important still, the movement with its extended connotation was no longer confined to Bengal but
spread to the whole of India.
Swadeshi, culture and press[edit]
It was perhaps in the cultural sphere that the impact of the swadeshi movement was most marked. The
songs composed at the time of Rabindranath Tagore, Rajani Kanta Sen, Dwijendralal Ray, Makunda Das,
Syed Abu Mohammad and other later became the moving spirit for nationalist of all hues. Rabindranath's
Amar Sonar Bangla, written at that time, was to later inspire the liberation struggle of Bangladesh and was
adopted as the National Anthem of the country in January 24 1950. Similarly, there were great improvements
in Indian art.
The writings of Vande Mataram practically revolutionized the political attitude of Bengal. Leading newspapers
in Calutta protested against the division of Bengal. Apart from this, vernacular newspapers such as the
Sanjivani and the Bangabashi expressed open hostility against the proposal. The Amrita Bazaar Patrika in its
issue of 14 December 1903 called on the people of East Bengal to hold public meetings in every town and
village to prepare petition for submission to the government, which was signed by lakhs of people.
Repressive measures taken by the Government[edit]
Other than boycott and burning of foreign goods, people also resorted to 'peaceful picketing' which destined
to become a normal feature in almost every type of political agitation in future. All these gave the police a
good opportunity to interfere. The volunteers were roughly handled and if they resisted, the police beat them
with lathis. These 'Regulation Lathis', as they were called, were freely used by the police in the first instance
to drive away the picketers and to disperse crowds, whether rioters or peaceful, if they were supposed to be
sympathetic to the picketing volunteers. The uttering of Vande Mataram was an indisputable evidence of
such sympathy and later it was made illegal to shout Vande Mataram in a public place.
The Government also issued instructions to the educational institutions to control their boys and prevent them
from participating in the swadeshi movement. Rural markets were controlled bans were put on processions
and meetings, leaders were put into confinement without any trial and loyal Muslims were made to go against
the recalcitrant Hindus.
Effects and estimate of Swadeshi[edit]
It is difficult to form an accurate estimate of the effect of the Boycott movement on the import of foreign goods
in Bengal, as no exact statistics are available. It appears, however, from the official and confidential Police
reports that for the first two or three years, there was a serious decline in the import of British goods,
particularly cloth.
Passive resistance could not go for long and its ultimate result could never be in doubt. This was the genesis
of the sudden emergence of a network of secret revolutionary organizations which were determined to meet
the Government on equal terms, by collectively arms and opposing terrorism by terrorism.
The Swadeshi partition and the Government measures also finally led to the split of Hindus and Muslims and
virtually the formation of Muslim League in 1906. This was opposed by Mahatma Gandhi as he was against
Hindu- Muslim Divergence
Although Swadeshi was originally conceived as merely a handmade of boycott of foreign goods and meant
only to be an urge to use indigenous in preference to foreign goods, it soon attained a much more
comprehensive character and became a concrete symbol of nationalism. No less significant was that
Swadeshi in Bengal brought into the vortex of politics a class of people-the landed aristocracy—who had
hitherto held studiously aloof from the congress or any other political organization. Outside Bengal, it gave a
rude shock of disillusionment to the whole of India and stimulated the political thoughts of the people.
Swadeshi emphasized "Aatma shakti" or soul force. One particular aspect of the Swadeshi movement which
M.K. Gandhi prized above everything else should be specially emphasized. It taught the people to challenge
and defy the authority of the Government openly in public and took away from the minds of even ordinary
men the dread of police assault and prison as well as the sense of ignominy which hitherto attached to them.
To go to prison or get badge of honour and not as hitherto a brand of infancy.
The Swadeshi Movement had its genesis in the anti-partition movement which was stated to oppose the
British decision to partition Bengal. The Government's decision to partition Bengal had been made public in
December 1903.
The official reason given for the decision was that Bengal with a population of 78 million (about a quarter of
the population of British India) had become too big to be administered.
This was true to some extent, but the real motive behind the partition plan was the British desire to weaken
Bengal, the nerve centre of Indian nationalism.
Swadeshi after independence[edit]

The Post-Independence "Swadeshi Movement" has developed forth differently than its pre-independence
counterpart. While the pre-independence movement was essentially a response to colonial policies, the post-
independence Swadeshi movement sprung forth as an answer to increasingly oppressive imperialistic
policies in the post-Second World War climate. For a nation emerging from two centuries of colonial
oppression, India was required to compete with the industrialised economies of the west. While rapid
industrialisation under the umbrella of "Five year Plans" were aimed at enabling a self-sufficient India, the
need to balance it with a predominantly agrarian set-up was the need of the hour. This need to preserve the
old fabric of an agrarian country while simultaneously modernising, necessitated a resurgence of a slightly
recast "Swadeshi Movement". Forerunners of this resurgent movement was noted journalist, writer and
critic S. R. Ramaswamy. Others of late in the movement include the likes of Rajiv Dixit, Swami
Ramdev and Pawan Pandit. In the Digital World Swadeshishopping.com taking novel initiative for promoting
Swadeshi Movement.[6][7]
Etymology[edit]
The word Swadeshi derives from Sanskrit and is a sandhi or conjunction of two Sanskrit words. Swa means
"self" or "own" and desh means country, so Swadesh would be "own country", and Swadeshi, the adjectival
form, would mean "of one's own country".
Influences[edit]
 E. F. Schumacher, author of Small is Beautiful, was influenced by Gandhi's concept of Swadeshi when
he wrote his article on Buddhist economics[8]
 Satish Kumar, editor of Resurgence, has preaching, including a section in his book You Are, Theref
77777777777777777777777777
Boycott
For other uses, see Boycott (disambiguation).
Protesters advocating boycott of KFC due to animal welfare concerns
A boycott is an act of voluntary and intentional abstention from using, buying, or dealing with a person,
organization, or country as an expression of protest, usually for moral, social, political,
or environmental reasons. The purpose of a boycott is to inflict some economic loss on the target, or to
indicate a moral outrage, to try to compel the target to alter an objectionable behavior.
Sometimes, a boycott can be a form of consumer activism, sometimes called moral purchasing. When a
similar practice is legislated by a national government, it is known as a sanction.
Contents
 1Etymology
 2Notable boycotts
 3Application and uses
 4Collective behavior
 5Legality
o 5.1United States
 6See also
 7Notes
 8References
Etymology[edit]
Vanity Fair caricature of Charles C. Boycott

The word boycott entered the English language during the Irish "Land War" and derives from Captain Charles
Boycott, the land agent of an absentee landlord, Lord Erne, who lived in Lough Mask House,
near Ballinrobe in County Mayo, Ireland, who was subject to social ostracism organized by the Irish Land
League in 1880. As harvests had been poor that year, Lord Erne offered his tenants a ten percent reduction
in their rents. In September of that year, protesting tenants demanded a twenty five percent reduction, which
Lord Erne refused. Boycott then attempted to evict eleven tenants from the land. Charles Stewart Parnell, in
a speech in Ennis prior to the events in Lough Mask, proposed that when dealing with tenants who take
farms where another tenant was evicted, rather than resorting to violence, everyone in the locality should
shun them. While Parnell's speech did not refer to land agents or landlords, the tactic was first applied to
Boycott when the alarm was raised about the evictions. Despite the short-term economic hardship to those
undertaking this action, Boycott soon found himself isolated – his workers stopped work in the fields and
stables, as well as in his house. Local businessmen stopped trading with him, and the local postman refused
to deliver mail.[1]
The concerted action taken against him meant that Boycott was unable to hire anyone to harvest the crops in
his charge. Eventually 50 Orangemen from Cavan and Monaghanvolunteered to do the work. They were
escorted to and from Claremorris by one thousand policemen and soldiers, despite the fact that the local
Land League leaders had said that there would be no violence from them, and in fact no violence
happened.[2] This protection ended up costing far more than the harvest was worth. After the harvest, the
"boycott" was successfully continued. Within weeks Boycott's name was everywhere. The New-York
Tribune reporter, James Redpath, first wrote of the boycott in the international press. The Irish author,
George Moore, reported: 'Like a comet the verb 'boycott' appeared.'[3] It was used by The Times in November
1880 as a term for organized isolation. According to an account in the book The Fall of Feudalism in
Ireland by Michael Davitt, the term was promoted by Fr. John O'Malley of County Mayo to "signify ostracism
applied to a landlord or agent like Boycott". The Times first reported on November 20, 1880: "The people of
New Pallas have resolved to 'boycott' them and refused to supply them with food or drink." The Daily
Newswrote on December 13, 1880: "Already the stoutest-hearted are yielding on every side to the dread of
being 'Boycotted'." By January of the following year, the word was being used figuratively: "Dame Nature
arose.... She 'Boycotted' London from Kew to Mile End" (The Spectator, January 22, 1881).
Girlcott is a portmanteau of girl and boycott intended to focus on the rights or actions of women. The term
was coined in 1968 by American track star Lacey O'Neal during the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City,
in the context of protests by male African American athletes. Speaking for black women athletes, she advised
that the group would not "girlcott" the Olympic Games, because female athletes were still focused on being
recognized. It also appeared in Time magazine in 1970, and was later used by retired tennis player Billie
Jean King in reference to Wimbledon, to emphasize her argument regarding equal pay for women
players.[citation needed] The term "girlcott" was revived in 2005 by women in Allegheny County,
Pennsylvania protesting what they said were sexist and degrading T-shirt slogans on Abercrombie &
Fitch merchandise.[4]
Notable boycotts[edit]
The 1976, 1980 and 1984 Olympic boycotts
Nameplate of Dr. Werner Liebenthal, Notary & Advocate. The plate was hung outside his office on Martin Luther
Str, Schöneberg, Berlin. In 1933, following the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service the plate
was painted black by the Nazis, who boycotted Jewish owned offices.
Main article: List of boycotts

Although the term itself was not coined until 1880, the practice dates back to at least the 1790s, when
supporters of the abolition of the slave trade in Britain advocated boycotting slave-produced sugar.[5] Other
instances include:
 the Iranian Tobacco Boycott, 1891

 Civil Rights Movement boycotts (e.g., Montgomery & Tallahassee Bus Boycotts)
 the United Farm Workers union grape and lettuce boycotts
 the American boycott of British goods at the time of the American Revolution
 the 1905 Chinese boycott of American products to protest the extension of the Chinese Exclusion Act in
1902.[6]
 the Indian boycott of British goods organized by Mohandas Gandhi
 the successful Jewish boycott organised against Henry Ford in the US, in the 1920s
 the boycott of Japanese products in China after the May Fourth Movement
 the Jewish anti-Nazi boycott of German goods in Lithuania, the US, Britain, Poland and Mandatory
Palestine during 1933
 the antisemitic boycott of Jewish-owned businesses in Nazi Germany during the 1930s
 the Arab League boycott of Israel and companies trading with Israel.
 the worldwide Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign led by Palestinian civil society against
the State of Israel.
During the 1973 oil crisis, the Arab countries enacted a crude oil embargo against the West. Other examples
include the US-led boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, the Soviet-led boycott of the 1984
Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, and the movement that advocated "disinvestment" in South Africa during
the 1980s in opposition to that country's apartheid regime. The first Olympic boycott was in the 1956 Summer
Olympics with several countries boycotting the games for different reasons. Iran also has an informal Olympic
boycott against participating against Israel, and Iranian athletes typically bow out or claim injuries when pitted
against Israelis (see Arash Miresmaeili).
Application and uses[edit]

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Protesters advocating boycott of BPdue to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill
A boycott is typically a one-time affair intended to correct an outstanding single wrong. When extended for a
long period of time, or as part of an overall program of awareness-raising or reforms to laws or regimes, a
boycott is part of moral purchasing, and some prefer those economic or political terms.
Most organized consumer boycotts today are focused on long-term change of buying habits, and so fit into
part of a larger political program, with many techniques that require a longer structural commitment, e.g.
reform to commodity markets, or government commitment to moral purchasing, e.g. the longstanding boycott
of South African businesses to protest apartheid already alluded to. These stretch the meaning of a "boycott."
Boycotts are now much easier to successfully initiate due to the Internet. Examples include the gay and
lesbian boycott of advertisers of the "Dr. Laura" talk show, gun owners' similar boycott of advertisers of Rosie
O'Donnell's talk show and (later) magazine, and gun owners' boycott of Smith & Wesson following that
company's March 2000 settlement with the Clinton administration. They may be initiated very easily using
either Web sites (the Dr. Laura boycott), newsgroups (the Rosie O'Donnell boycotts), or even mailing lists.
Internet-initiated boycotts "snowball" very quickly compared to other forms of organization.
Viral Labeling is a new boycott method using the new digital technology proposed by the Multitude Project
and applied for the first time against Walt Disney around Christmas time in 2009.[7]
Another form of consumer boycotting is substitution for an equivalent product; for example, Mecca
Cola and Qibla Cola have been marketed as substitutes for Coca-Cola among Muslim populations.
Academic boycotts have been organized against countries. For example, the mid and late 20th
century academic boycotts of South Africa in protest of apartheid practices and the more
recent[when?] academic boycotts of Israel.
African-Americans in Dallas boycotting a Korean owned Kwik Stopin a mostly black community.
Some boycotts center on particular businesses, such as recent[when?] protests regarding Costco, Walmart, Ford
Motor Company, or the diverse products of Philip Morris. Another form of boycott identifies a number of
different companies involved in a particular issue, such as the Sudan Divestment campaign, the Boycott
Bush campaign. The Boycott Bush website was set up by Ethical Consumer after U.S. President George W.
Bush failed to ratify the Kyoto Protocol – the website identifies Bush's corporate funders and the brands and
products they produce. A prime target of boycotts is consumerism itself, e.g. "International Buy Nothing Day"
celebrated globally on the Friday after Thanksgiving Dayin the United States.
Another version of the boycott is targeted divestment, or disinvestment. Targeted divestment involves
campaigning for withdrawal of investment, for example the Sudan Divestment campaign involves putting
pressure on companies, often through shareholder activism, to withdraw investment that helps the Sudanese
government perpetuate genocide in Darfur. Only if a company refuses to change its behavior in response to
shareholder engagement does the targeted divestment model call for divestment from that company. Such
targeted divestment implicitly excludes companies involved in agriculture, the production and distribution of
consumer goods, or the provision of goods and services intended to relieve human suffering or to promote
health, religious and spiritual activities, or education.
As a response to consumer boycotts of large-scale and multinational businesses, some companies have
marketed brands that do not bear the company's name on the packaging or in advertising. Activists such
as Ethical Consumer produce information that reveals which companies own which brands and products so
consumers can practice boycotts or moral purchasing more effectively. Another organization, Buycott.com,
provides an Internet-based smart-phone application that scans Universal Product Codes and displays
corporate relationships to the user.[8]
"Boycotts" may be formally organized by governments as well. In reality, government "boycotts" are just a
type of embargo. Notably, the first formal, nationwide act of the Nazi government against German Jews was
a national embargo of Jewish businesses on April 1, 1933.[9]
Where the target of a boycott derives all or part of its revenues from other businesses, as a newspaper does,
boycott organizers may address the target's commercial customers.
When students are dissatisfied with a political or academic issue, a common tactic for students' unions is to
start a boycott of classes (called a student strike among faculty and students since it is meant to
resemble strike action by organized labor) to put pressure on the governing body of the institution, such as a
university, vocational college or a school, since such institutions cannot afford to have a cohort miss an entire
year.
Collective behavior[edit]
The sociology of collective behavior is concerned with causes and conditions pertaining to behavior carried
out by a collective, as opposed to an individual (e.g., riots, panics, fads/crazes, boycotts). Boycotts have
been characterized by some as different from traditional forms of collective behavior in that they appear to be
highly rational and dependent on existing norms and structures. Lewis Killian criticizes that characterization,
pointing to the Tallahassee bus boycott as one example of a boycott that aligns with traditional collective
behavior theory.[10]
Philip Balsiger points out that political consumption (e.g., boycotts) tends to follow dual-purpose action
repertoires, or scripts, which are used publicly to pressure boycott targets and to educate and recruit
consumers. Balsiger finds one example in Switzerland, documenting activities of the Clean Clothes
Campaign, a public NGO-backed campaign, that highlighted and disseminated information about local
companies' ethical practices.[11]
Dixon, Martin, and Nau analyzed 31 collective behavior campaigns against corporations that took place
during the 1990s and 2000s. Protests considered successful included boycotts and were found to include a
third party, either in the capacity of state intervention or of media coverage. State intervention may make
boycotts more efficacious when corporation leaders fear the imposition of regulations. Media intervention
may be a crucial contributor to a successful boycott because of its potential to damage the reputation of a
corporation. Target corporations that were the most visible were found to be the most vulnerable to either
market (protest causing economic loss) or mediated (caused by third-party) disruption. Third-party actors
(i.e., the state or media) were more influential when a corporation had a high reputation—when third-party
activity was low, highly reputable corporations did not make the desired concessions to boycotters; when
third-party activity was high, highly reputable corporations satisfied the demands of boycotters. The boycott, a
prima facie market-disruptive tactic, often precipitates mediated disruption. The researchers' analysis led
them to conclude that when boycott targets are highly visible and directly interact with and depend on local
consumers who can easily find substitutes, they are more likely to make concessions. Koku, Akhigbe, and
Springer also emphasize the importance of boycotts' threat of reputational damage, finding that boycotts
alone pose more of a threat to a corporation's reputation than to its finances directly.[12][13]
Philippe Delacote points out that a problem contributing to a generally low probability of success for any
boycott is the fact that the consumers with the most power to cause market disruption are the least likely to
participate; the opposite is true for consumers with the least power. Another collective behavior problem is
the difficulty, or impossibility, of direct coordination amongst a dispersed group of boycotters. Yuksel and
Mryteza emphasize the collective behavior problem of free riding in consumer boycotts, noting that some
individuals may perceive participating to be too great an immediate personal utility sacrifice. They also note
that boycotting consumers took the collectivity into account when deciding to participate, that is,
consideration of joining a boycott as goal-oriented collective activity increased one's likelihood of
participating. A corporation-targeted protest repertoire including boycotts and education of consumers
presents the highest likelihood for success.[14][15]
Legality[edit]
Protesters calling for a boycott of Israel
Boycotts are generally legal in developed countries. Occasionally, some restrictions may apply; for instance,
in the United States, it may be unlawful for a union to engage in "secondary boycotts" (to request that its
members boycott companies that supply items to an organization already under a boycott, in the United
States);[16][17] however, the union is free to use its right to speak freely to inform its members of the fact that
suppliers of a company are breaking a boycott; its members then may take whatever action they deem
appropriate, in consideration of that fact.
United States[edit]
Boycotts are legal under common law. The right to engage in commerce, social intercourse, and friendship
includes the implied right not to engage in commerce, social intercourse, and friendship. Since a boycott is
voluntary and nonviolent, the law cannot stop it. Opponents of boycotts historically have the choice of
suffering under it, yielding to its demands, or attempting to suppress it through extralegal means, such as
force and coercion.
In the United States, the antiboycott provisions of the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) apply to all
"U.S. persons", defined to include individuals and companies located in the United States and their foreign
affiliates. The antiboycott provisions are intended to prevent United States citizens and companies being
used as instrumentalities of a foreign government's foreign policy. The EAR forbids participation in or material
support of boycotts initiated by foreign governments, for example, the Arab League boycott of Israel. These
persons are subject to the law when their activities relate to the sale, purchase, or transfer of goods or
services (including the sale of information) within the United States or between the United States and a
foreign country. This covers exports and imports, financing, forwarding and shipping, and certain other
transactions that may take place wholly offshore.[18]
However, the EAR only applies to foreign government initiated boycotts: a domestic boycott campaign arising
within the United States that has the same object as the foreign-government-initiated boycott appears to be
lawful, assuming that it is an independent effort not connected with the foreign government's boycott. Other
legal impediments to certain boycotts remain. One set are Refusal to deal laws, which prohibit concerted
efforts to eliminate competition by refusal to buy from or to sell to a party.[19] Similarly, boycotts may also run
afoul of Anti-discrimination laws, for example New Jersey's Law Against Discrimination prohibits any place
that offers goods, services and facilities to the general public, such as a restaurant, from denying or
withholding any accommodation to (i.e., not to engage in commerce with) an individual because of that
individual's race (etc.).[20]
See also
7777777777777777777777777777777
Non-cooperation movement
The Non-Cooperation Movement was a significant but short phase of the Indian independence
movement from British rule. It was led by Mahatma Gandhi after the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre and lasted
from 1920 to February 1922.[1] It aimed to resist British rule in India through non-violence . Protesters would
refuse to buy British goods, adopt the use of local handicrafts and picket liquor shops. The ideas of Ahimsa
and non-violence, and Gandhi's ability to rally hundreds of thousands of common citizens towards the cause
of Indian independence, were first seen on a large scale in this movement through the summer of 1920.
Gandhi feared that the movement might lead to popular violence. The non-cooperation movement was
launched on 1 August 1920 and withdrawn in February 1922 after the Chauri Chaura incident.
Contents
 1Factors leading to the movement

 2Success and suspension
 3End of non-cooperation
 4Savings
 5See also
 6References
Factors leading to the movement[edit]
The non-cooperation movement was a reaction towards the oppressive policies of the British Indian
government such as the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar . A fair was held
at Jallianwala Bagh near the Golden Temple in Amritsar and the civilian were fired upon by soldiers under the
command of Brigadier-General Dyer, resulting in killing and injuring thousands of protestors. The outcry
generated by the massacre led to thousands of unrests and more deaths at the hands of the police. The
massacre became the most infamous event of British rule in India.
Gandhi was horrified. He lost all faith in the goodness of the British government and declared that it would be
a "sin" to co-operate with the "satanic" government.
Indian Muslims who had participated in the Khilafat movement to restore the status of the Caliph gave their
support to the non-cooperation movement. In response to the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre and other violence
in Punjab, the movement sought to secure Swaraj, independence for India. Gandhi promised Swaraj in one
year if his Non-Cooperation programme was fully implemented. The other reason to start the non-cooperation
movement was that Gandhi lost faith in constitutional methods and turned from cooperator of British rule to
non-cooperator.
Other causes include economic hardships to the common man, which the nationalists attributed to the flow of
Indian wealth to Britain, the ruin of Indian artisans due to British factory-made goods replacing handmade
goods, and resentment with the British government over Indian soldiers dying in World War I while fighting as
part of the British Army.
The calls of early political leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak (Congress Extremists) were called major public
meetings. They resulted in disorder or obstruction of government services. The British took them very
seriously and imprisoned him in Mandalay in Burma and V.O.Chidambaram Pillai received 40 years of
imprisonment . The non-cooperation movement aimed to challenge the colonial economic and power
structure, and British authorities would be forced to take notice of the demands of the independence
movement .
Gandhi's call was for a nationwide protest against the Rowlatt Act. All offices and factories would be closed.
Indians would be encouraged to withdraw from Raj-sponsored schools, police services, the military, and the
civil service, and lawyers were asked to leave the Raj's courts. Public transportation and English-
manufactured goods, especially clothing, was boycotted. Indians returned honours and titles given by the
government and resigned from various posts like teachers, lawyers, civil and military services. [2]
Veterans like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Annie Besant, and Sammed
Akiwate opposed the idea outright. The All India Muslim League also criticized the idea. But the younger
generation of Indian nationalists was thrilled and backed Gandhi. The Congress Party adopted his plans, and
he received extensive support from Muslim leaders like Maulana Azad, Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, Hakim Ajmal
Khan, Abbas Tyabji, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana Shaukat Ali.
The eminent Hindi writer, poet, playwright, journalist, and nationalist Rambriksh Benipuri, who spent more
than eight years in prison fighting for India's independence, wrote:
When I recall Non-Cooperation era of 1921, the image of a storm confronts my eyes. From the time I became
aware, I have witnessed numerous movements, however, I can assert that no other movement upturned the
foundations of Indian society to the extent that the Non-Cooperation movement did. From the most humble
huts to the high places, from villages to cities, everywhere there was a ferment, a loud echo.[3]
Success and suspension[edit]

The success of the revolt was a total shock to British authorities and a massive encouragement to millions of
Indian nationalists. Unity in the country was strengthened and many Indian schools and colleges were made.
Indian goods were encouraged .[4]
On 5 February 1922 a clash took place at Chauri Chaura, a small town in the district of Gorakhpur, Uttar
Pradesh. A police officer had attacked some volunteers picketing a liquor shop. A whole crowd of peasants
that had gathered there went to the police chowki (pron.-chau key) (station). The mob set fire to the police
chowki with some 22 police men inside it.
Mahatma Gandhi felt that the revolt was veering off-course, and was disappointed that the revolt had lost its
non-violent nature. He did not want the movement to degenerate into a contest of violence, with police and
angry mobs attacking each other back and forth, victimizing civilians in between. Gandhi appealed to the
Indian public for all resistance to end, went on a fast lasting 3 weeks, and called off the non-cooperation
movement.
End of non-cooperation[edit]
The Non-cooperation movement was withdrawn because of the Chauri Chaura incident. Although he had
stopped the national revolt single-handedly, on 10 March 1922, Gandhi was arrested. On 18 March 1922, he
was imprisoned for six years for publishing seditious materials. This led to suppression of the movement and
was followed by the arrest of other leaders.
Although most Congress leader's remained firmly behind Gandhi, the determined broke away. The Ali
brothers would soon become fierce critics. Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das formed the Swaraj Party,
rejecting Gandhi's leadership. Many nationalists had felt that the non-cooperation movement should not have
been stopped due to isolated incidents of violence, and most nationalists, while retaining confidence in
Gandhi, were discouraged.
Contemporary historians and critics suggest that the movement was successful enough to break the back of
British rule, and possibly even the catalyst for the movement that led to independence in 1947.
But many historians and Indian leaders of the time also defended Gandhi's judgement. However, there have
been claims that Gandhi called off the movement in an attempt to salvage his own personal image, which
would have been tarnished if he had been blamed for the Chauri Chaura incident, although a similar type of
movement was introduced in 1930, the civil disobedience movement. The main difference was the
introduction of a policy of violating the law.
Savings[edit]
Gandhi's commitment to non-violence was redeemed when, between 1930 and 1934, tens of millions again
revolted in the Salt Satyagraha which made India's cause famous worldwide for its unerring adherence to
non-violence. The Satyagraha ended in success: the demands of Indians were met, and the Congress Party
was recognized as a representative of the Indian people. The Government of India Act 1935 also gave India
its first taste in democratic self-governance.
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and decides that the company is at fault:

oods bought and services used.

are passive, you are likely to be exploited.

he strength and influence to promote and protect consumer interest.

vantaged or powerless groups; and to consume based on needs – not wants.

Sl.No Rights Responsibility

Right to Consumer Education

(1) Right to Safety:

(2) Right to be Informed/Right to Representation:

(3) Right to Choose:

(5) Right to Seek Redressal:

(6) Right to Consumer Education:

(7) Right to Basic Needs:

(8) Right to Healthy Environment:

Civil Disobedience Movement

In Tamil Nadu, C. Rajgopalchari led a march-similar to the Dandi march-from Trichinopoly to

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Portrait of William Wordsworth by Benjamin Robert

Poet Laureate of the United Kingdom

6 April 1843 – 23 April 1850

Preceded by Robert Southey

Succeeded by Alfred, Lord Tennyson

Born 7 April 1770

Died 23 April 1850 (aged 80)

Rydal, Westmorland, England

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Wordsworth in 1798, about the time he began The Prelude.[13]

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The poem concludes with a meditation on the power of nature to prevail

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I Wandered Lonely As A Cloud (Daffodils) - Poem by

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I marvel how Nature could ever find space

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Far different we--a froward race,

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