Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

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Land Use Policy

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landusepol

Territorial transformations produced by the sugarcane agroindustry in the

ethnic communities of López Adentro and El Tiple, Colombia
⁎
Esteban Correa-Garcíaa, Jorge Vélez-Correaa,b, Emmanuel Zapata-Caldasa,c, , Irene Vélez-Torresd,
Apolinar Figueroa-Casase
a
Doctorado en Ciencias Ambientales, Universidad del Valle
b
Georiesgos Research Group, Universidad del Valle, Colombia
c
Territorios Research Group, Universidad del Valle, Colombia
d
Escuela de Ingeniería de los Recursos Naturales y del Ambiente, Universidad del Valle, Colombia
e
Departamento de Biología, Universidad del Cauca, Colombia

A R T I C LE I N FO A B S T R A C T

Keywords: This article presents a critical analysis of the relationship between the expansion processes of the sugarcane
Agro-industry agroindustry and the territorial transformations experienced by an indigenous community and an Afro-des-
Sugarcane cendant community in Colombia. In both cases, these transformations are related to the economic and spatial
Resistance enlargement of the local industry, leveraged by national macroeconomic policies that harmonize with a trans-
Land use change
national economic dynamic; the changes in land use have occurred on the basis of the application of various
Indigenous
Afro-descendants
government mechanisms that have been legitimized under the heading of development. Through an analysis of a
varied repertoire of figures, satellite images, and community testimonies, this research helps to understand the
process of homogenization of the local landscape and the supremacy of the economic power of the sugar sector
to define the ordering of these territories.

1. Introduction
There are divergent visions, actions, and emotionalities regarding
the territory between different social groups; while in the academic
literature there is also no consensus on its definition. This diversity, in
many cases, is a source of not only conceptual debate but also social
tensions and conflicts. For the communities that inhabit the territory, it
constitutes not only the material base of their livelihoods but also their
historical, cultural, and environmental being. The territory or
“Mother”, as it is called by the Nasa natives, is life itself: the place and
the being, who provides and shelters, who must be cared for and pro-
tected. The physical space, which is the material support of the future
and the destiny of this communitarian territory, simultaneously con-
stitutes the natural capital for expansive projects of extractive and
productive industries. This tension creates conflicts because of the ne-
gative effects of the prevailing development model, which promises
progress and promotes the restriction of rights—or what economists
call structural adjustment policies.
The monoculture of sugarcane, present throughout the geographical
valley of the Cauca River, owes its territorial consolidation to the great
economic and political power of the industrialists of the region. These
have been represented by renowned families such as the Eder, Garcés,
Borrero, and Cabal, among others, who for several decades applied
expansionist strategies, with some being materialized through govern-
mental mechanisms, such as the law on wastelands (Quejada, 2016) or
on irrigation systems.
Other mechanisms that have had an effect on the expansion of the
area of sugarcane cultivation are: 1) aerial fumigations using herbi-
cides, which in addition to ripening the cane, destroy other crops of the
farmers surrounded by monoculture; 2) burning of the cane before
cutting, which affects the health of the population and workers and
generate impacts on the quality of life of neighboring communities; and
(3) the construction of infrastructures that restrict access to water by
communities that still persist and resist in confined spaces – close to the
large grass cultivation lots. The previous mechanisms are part of the
daily dispossession strategies (Ojeda et al., 2015) that in this region
have allowed the homogenization of the sugarcane landscape. Lastly,
there are the threats made by foremen to mill workers and the effects of
violence by illegal armies since the 1950s (Centro Nacional de Memoria
Histórica, 2013). These strategies, in partnership with the government
for more than six decades, spatially cornered the communities and
created radical transformations of their socio-cultural traditions during

⁎
Corresponding author at: Calle 13 No. 100-00, Edificio 336, oficina 1008. Ciudad Universitaria-Meléndez, Universidad del Valle, Colombia.
E-mail address: emmanuel.zapata@correounivalle.edu.co (E. Zapata-Caldas).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2018.03.026
Received 13 June 2017; Received in revised form 11 March 2018; Accepted 11 March 2018
0264-8377/ © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Correa-García, E., Land Use Policy (2018), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2018.03.026
E. Correa-García et al.
this same period.
However, the territorial effects of the expansion of sugarcane
monoculture not only generate social impacts. Damage to ecosystems is
also evident: the over-exploitation of water sources, the contamination
of aquifers, the disappearance of wetlands, and soil pollution, among
others. All of these impacts have been deepened due to the new demand
on the by-products of sugarcane, particularly the production of agro-
fuels (Perafán, 2012; Pérez-Rincón and Tadeu-Fabricio, 2013; Uribe-
Castro, 2014). Because of this global intertwining, it is necessary to
assert that socio-ecological transformations not only are a result of local
decisions but also are harmonized with a global and hegemonic eco-
nomic policy; the reason for this situation is that the Colombian reg-
ulations enacted in 2002 to promote the use of ethanol and biodiesel at
the national level were made without an exhaustive study of the local
conditions of production and without a differential analysis of the
balance of materials between oil and agrofuels. Instead, the interna-
tional agenda that was then focused on the promotion of so-called
biofuels was adopted (Vélez, 2010).
The geographical valley of the Cauca River concentrates 91.5%
(Valle 72.2% and Cauca 19.3%) of the country’s sugarcane production
(Asocaña, 2016). There, the indigenous protected land of López
Adentro and the community council of black communities of El Tiple
are two of the populations affected by the intensification of sugarcane
production. Through a methodological strategy that links satellite
images, economic figures, and testimonies of local communities in the
territorial analysis, this article seeks to answer the following question:
what is the relationship between the expansion processes of the su-
garcane agroindustry and the territorial transformations faced by the
ethnic communities that inhabit the village of El Tiple and the in-
digenous reservation of López Adentro?
This article is structured in five sections. Following this introduc-
tion, the context of the research and the methodology implemented to
address the research question are depicted. The third section describes
the theoretical background and the problem from the regional, and
local scales. The fourth presents the research results in two subsections:
the first analyzes the social dynamics and their relationship with ter-
ritorial transformation; the second lays out a comparative spatial ana-
lysis of sugarcane and transitional crops coverages for the years 1989,
1999, 2008, and 2015. Finally, the fifth section presents a series of
conclusions aimed at emphasizing the counterpoint between social
transformation and ecological transformation in this region.
2. Location and research methodology
The Valle del Cauca department, located in the southwestern part of
the country, between the Andean and Pacific regions, has a total area of
22,140 km2, equivalent to 1.9% of the Colombian territory. The Cauca
department is also located to the southwest of the country and has an
area of 29,308 km2. The departments of Cauca and Valle del Cauca, of
great ecological and sociocultural diversity, are crossed by the western
and central mountain ranges, where the Cauca River—the main water
source of the region—is born and meanders. Its average flow of 140 m3/
s allows not only for the water supply of the city of Cali, but also
supports other economic activities in the area.
The El Tiple village has an extension of 46 km2 and is located in the
south of the Valle del Cauca department, 28 km away from Cali and
23 km from Candelaria (Fig. 1). Its average temperature is 24 °C. Its
completely flat relief extends over the fertile valley of the Cauca river.
The totality of its territory falls within the warm thermal floor and is
bathed by the Cauca, Desbaratado and Granadillo rivers. It is located at
984 m above sea level (masl). According to the last census of the Na-
tional Administrative Department of Statistics (Dane), the village has
some 1800 inhabitants, 90% of whom are afro-descendants.
The Nasa indigenous reservation López Adentro is located north of
the department of Cauca, between the municipalities of Caloto, Padilla
and Corinto (Fig. 1). It has a population of over 2000 inhabitants. The
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human settlements are presented as houses in the villages of San Rafael,
Chicharronal, El Jagual, El Crucero, La Secreta, Los Alpes, El Danubio,
Las Violetas, La Cristalina and El Boquerón. The reservation ranges
from 1000 to 2500 masl, corresponding to mountainous landscapes and
alluvial piedmont (Fig. 1). The indigenous community of this reserva-
tion is distributed in various thermal floors, ranging from temperate to
low highland. The temperature ranges between 12 °C and 23 °C, with an
average annual rainfall of 1673 mm (Ministerio de Ambiente y
Desarrollo Sostenible, 2014). It is important to note that the sugarcane
is sown in the flat area of the Cauca River valley, which corresponds to
38% of the indigenous reservation area, while 62% of it is located in the
mountainous landscape.
To answer the question about the relationship between the expan-
sion of sugar cane monoculture and the territorial transformations in
the two ethnic communities under study, we developed a methodology
that consisted of three simultaneous strategies:
(a) The first refers to the revision of secondary information, corre-
sponding to (i) academic literature of a historical-descriptive nature
regarding the region and the economic sector of interest; (ii) press
archives referring to the sugarcane agro-industrial sector; (iii) and
quantitative information on land uses of each municipality and
settlement studied.
(b) The second involved the collection of information in the field
through a series of visits to the El Tiple and López Adentro settle-
ments. These were developed within the framework of the project
“Exposición a glifosato y efectos en la seguridad alimentaria: un
análisis interdisciplinario en la población étnica de la cuenca alta
del río Cauca”, financed by the “Departamento Administrativo de
Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación” (Colciencias). During these visits
to the communities, spaces for dialogue were set up to listen to the
stories of the villagers, who shared their accounts and reflections
about the difficulties that arise from being in the vicinity of the
sugarcane monoculture. These dialogue activities were com-
plemented by the information obtained through the realization of
workshops of historical memory, in which timelines detailing the
transformations lived by the inhabitants were prepared in a parti-
cipatory way. Both open dialogues and workshops of memory are
techniques that exalt the experiential and daily character of terri-
torial transformations (De Certau, 1996).
(c) The third strategy focused on the analysis of the expansion of su-
garcane with the use satellite images (Landsat and RapidEye) in the
municipalities of Candelaria and Caloto—specifically, in the village
of El Tiple and in the area of the indigenous reservation of López
Adentro, corresponding to the municipality of Caloto. The periods
analyzed were 1989, 1999, 2008 and 2015. This information was
obtained from the project “Red Interinstitucional de Cambio
Climático y Seguridad Alimentaria” (RICCLISA), funded by
Colciencias. The analyzed data is in raster format. The cell size is
30 m × 30 m and the spatial reference system used was the “Magna
Colombia Oeste”. The software used for the analysis of spatial data
was ArcGIS 10.3 and the toolbox used to calculate the areas of the
different land covers was the “Spatial Analysis Tool”, specifically
the tool “Zonal Geometry as Table”. It is necessary to clarify that
due to the spatial resolution of the analyzed satellite data
(30 m × 30 m), the urban areas (hamlets) of the studied settlements
are not observed. However, spatial resolution is adequate to iden-
tify large land covers with similar patterns, as is the case with su-
garcane plantations.
3. Description of the problem and theoretical background
The conceptual approach according to which this research is con-
ducted is based on the analysis of the concept of territory as a social
construction, criticizing theories centered on the material character-
istics of space—for example, the Westphalian model, from which spatial
E. Correa-García et al.
Fig. 1. Location of the El Tiple Afro-descendant village and López Adentro indigenous reservation.
limits and characteristics are conceived as passive receivers of other
dynamics, in most cases, of a global nature.
Understanding the territory as a mere receiver or container hides
the complex political, economic, social, and cultural processes involved
in the construction of the territory (Fals-Borda, 2000). In particular, it
hides the ways in which cultural trajectories are rooted in place and
create territory as the space for being of local communities (Escobar,
2014). In this territorial being, communities practice dances, music,
spirituality, emotionality, and other processes that constitute the ma-
terial sustenance of culture, such as planting and processing food. From
this perspective, the concept of food sovereignty is relevant because it
allows us to address the right of the people to quality food and to decide
the model for the production of their food (Windfuhr and Jonsén,
2005). In this manner, the relationship between food sovereignty and
territory is traced through the practice of autonomy over the use,
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ownership, and control of land to guarantee food production.
However, considering territory as the space of social relations and
production relations (the appropriation and transformation of natural
resources), we are not only discussing the territory restricted to the
limits of a sovereign state (Montañez-Gómez and Delgado-Mahecha,
1998); we affirm that territory is a space of power, management, and
domination of the state, in counterpoint to the practices of the com-
munities that inhabit it, and to individuals and national and multi-
national business groups that also dispute its appropriation.
Conceiving territory from social relations implies understanding it
on the basis of power and, consequently, on the basis of the conflicts
that are expression of the dispute of this power. This conceptual and
ontological approach implies understanding territory as a disputed
spatiality, where exercises of domination and resistance co-exist
(Oslender, 2002). Territory as power shows how a same physical space
E. Correa-García et al.
Fig. 2. Expansion of sugarcane cultivation in the Valle del Cauca between 1960 and 1980.
Source: own elaboration based on data from Asocaña.
is approached, created, and disputed, by different actors through di-
vergent strategies of thinking, doing, and feeling. In the cases of this
study, the main conflicting territorial construction forces can be
grouped (i) as the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities living
in López Adentro and El Tiple and (ii) as state entrepreneurs and in-
stitutions that have promoted agroindustrial development in the region.
In this same sense, Galafassi (2013) explains that speaking of “ter-
ritory” implies speaking not only of land but also of the geo-historical
processes that mold a concrete socio-spatial dialectic. From the proce-
dural perspective in which the study territories have been formed, it is
key to reconstruct the hegemony of sugarcane power over the definition
of land uses in the inter-Andean valley of the Cauca River while re-
cognizing the alternative and critical views on the expansion of cane
held by the ethnic communities that inhabit these areas.
The vision of territory adopted in this research allows us to make a
connection with the concept of landscape. In its definition, this concept
is conceived as one that transcends the aesthetic and focuses on the
analysis of ecosystems and their relations with the territory (Forman
and Godron, 1981). Bearing this idea in mind, the landscape is viewed
as a fundamental element in the creation of territorial identities, which
indicates that in discussing it, “we are talking about a portion of the
terrestrial surface that has been modeled, perceived, and internalized
throughout decades or centuries by the societies that live in that en-
vironment” (Nogué and de San Eugenio, 2011).
In this sense, the present section is structured in two sub-sections:
one that addresses the business history of the sugarcane industry and
another that approaches the histories of local communities. The ana-
lysis that follows is based on the recognition of global, regional, and
local interrelationships that allow an understanding of the expansion of
the sugarcane agroindustry in the southern Cauca Valley and northern
Cauca, with special emphasis on the cases of the villages of El Tiple and
López Adentro.
3.1. Regional scale: the geographical valley of the Cauca River and
sugarcane agroindustry
The geographical valley of the Cauca River has been affected by a
series of economic and social dynamics driven by the model of devel-
opment. These dynamics, in their regional expression, motivated the
emergence of a network of cities according to the needs of the
agroindustrial model of sugarcane. Consequently, a set of initiatives
that gave rise to the growth of an agroindustrial sector, at the expense
of soil fertility and the abundance of water resources in the geographic
valley, emerged (Motta and Perafán, 2010; Perafán, 2002; Uribe-Castro,
2014).
The transformation of the landscape of the geographical valley of
the Cauca River began in 1910, when the large haciendas [estates] lo-
cated in the flat area of the north of the Cauca Valley ventured into the
production of sugarcane. This increase in the agroindustrial activity of
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the valley generated a progressive urban development that was de-
monstrated not only in the growth of the city of Cali but also in the
consolidation of other smaller cities such as Palmira, Jamundí, and
Yumbo (Motta and Perafán, 2010; Perafán, 2002).
The vision of regional social and economic progress had its axis in
the promotion of agricultural production for export purposes. Thus, the
arrival of the railroad in 1915, which generated a physical connection
between Cali and the Pacific (Port of Buenaventura), increased the
expectation of growth and economic articulation by foreign trade (CNP,
2002), driving with greater force the idea that the natural resources of
the Cauca River valley had to be exploited through an agroindustrial
process. In this manner, the geographical valley changed from a land-
scape characterized by its mosaics of rivers, wetlands, and tropical dry
forests to a landscape where the main protagonist was the monoculture
of the sugarcane (Perafán, 2002).
Since then, the efforts of the industrial class have been aimed at
capturing the cattle ranching latifundios [large estates] of the flat zone
and managing agricultural enterprises in their place. To that end, they
contracted the Chardon mission in 1930 (a Puerto Rican mission led by
Charles Chardon), which was in charge of conducting studies related to
the identification of potential opportunities for the agricultural devel-
opment of the geographic valley for Colombia, considering natural re-
sources and characteristics (Zuluaga-Ramírez et al., 2011). The
Chardon mission made an impact in the expansion of the area planted
with sugarcane along the Cauca River valley, as presented in Fig. 2.
Regarding the foundation of mills in the geographical valley of the
Cauca River, the first was established in 1901 for the production of
centrifuged sugar; it adopted the name “The Cauca Valley Agricultural
Company” and, in 1927, was renamed by its owner, Santiago Eder, as
“Ingenio Manuelita SA”. The sugarcane production of this mill was
located in the municipalities of Palmira, Zarzal, Candelaria, and Caloto.
Given its success, the second modern mill was founded in the region in
1926; it took the name of Rio Paila, and its owner was Mr. Hernando
Caicedo. In the same year, the Providencia Mill of the Cabal family was
opened, followed by the Bengal, Mayagüez, María Luisa, and Industria
mills (Perafán, 2012).
Between 1940 and 1960, the sugar sector became the leader of re-
gional agricultural production. Thus, in the 1940s, the Pichichí,
Oriente, Balsilla, San Carlos, Papayal, Castilla, and El Porvenir mills
were constructed. These mills resulted in the displacement of other
crops and, in general, a marked decline in food crops typical of the
region: beans, cassava, bananas, maize, cocoa, and tobacco. In the
1950s, five more mills were founded: La Carmelita, San Fernando,
Tumaco, La Cabaña, and Meléndez. Additionally, the Cauca mill
(Ingenio del Cauca, INCAUCA), currently the largest mill in the country,
was founded in 1963.
To consolidate market agriculture, sugar entrepreneurs managed
several infrastructure projects, with the most important being
(Quintero, 2010; Vélez-Torres and Vélez, 2012):
• The draining of the Aguablanca lagoon
• The opening of the Regional Autonomous Corporation of Valle del
Cauca (CVC, by its acronym in Spanish)
• The construction of the Salvajina reservoir
• The Calima hydroelectric project
• The Roldanillo-La Unión-Toro project (construction of protective
dikes of the Cauca River)
• The Timba dam project (the only project on this list that still awaits
implementation).
The years between 1960 and 1980 can be considered one of the
periods of greatest expansion of sugarcane monoculture. This situation
is presented in Fig. 2, based on the data provided by Asocaña, showing
that the monoculture went from occupying 61,600 ha to 133,187 ha.
This process was based on the granting of a quota of 300,000 tons of
sugar to be exported annually because the United States stopped buying
E. Correa-García et al.
this product from Cuba as one form of economic retaliation in response
to the revolutionary process of that nation.
Currently, the increase in the demand for ethanol—which in
Colombia represents 25.5% of the domestic demand for sugarcane
(calculation based in Asocaña (2017)—and the development of the food
industry that uses sugarcane as a raw material—which in Colombia
represents 48% of the domestic demand for sugar (Asocaña, 2014)—are
the fundamental factors that characterize the global-scale dynamics
affecting local policies and practices related to the intensive use of land
in the Cauca River valley.
Since 1980, the largest sugar production by sugar mills has mate-
rialized through the purchase and leasing of smallholder lands. These
actions have led to the displacement of other crops commonly grown in
the plain area, which were uncompetitive compared to the high prof-
itability of sugarcane. By the end of the 1980s and up to 2000, the
expansion of sugarcane monoculture continued to displace food crops
and thereby removed the possibility of food sovereignty for the region,
as shown in the figures published in the Statistical Yearbook of the Valle
del Cauca related to agricultural production in various periods. In the
case of sugarcane, in 1989, the area sown was 106,354 ha; in 2003, it
reached 184,413 ha; in 2009, the area sown continued to grow and
reached 201,098 ha; and, finally, in 2014, the area planted fell to
199,614 ha (Fig. 3).
The sugarcane expansion has also resulted from public policies that
have protected the agroindustry by rising sugar import taxes. The
Andean Price Range System (SAFP, by its acronym in Spanish) makes
imports from countries outside the Andean Community more expensive.
The maximum import tax for sugar has historically been 117% while in
2015 a 70% import tax roof was established (Mincomercio, 2015). In
2017, the National Fiscal Council reduced the sugar import tax from
15% to 10% (ElPais.com.co, 2017).
This sugarcane expansion, as argued by Uribe-Castro (2014),
brought with it several social problems. These include the transforma-
tion of agricultural peasants—small landowners—into agribusiness
workers. There was also a movement of communities from the plains
(more suitable for agriculture) to the hillside area (with major infra-
structure problems).
Regarding the negative impacts on water resources, the CVC has
shown that between the 1960s and 1980s, the period that presented the
greatest growth of the sugarcane agroindustry during the 20th century,
Valle del Cauca lost 72% of its wetlands and 66% of its forests (CVC,
2004). Recently, the Colombian Institute of Hydrology, Meteorology
and Environmental Studies (Instituto de Hidrología, Meteorología y
Estudios Ambientales de Colombia, IDEAM) stated that of the 42
headwaters of the department of Valle del Cauca, 14 have medium to
high water scarcity indices (Pérez and Álvarez, 2013). It has been
possible to quantify an environmental liability in relation to water that
amounts to US$ 4.1 million assessed in 2007, with the sugar mills being
the sole responsible party (Pérez-Rincón and Tadeu-Fabricio, 2013).
Fig. 3. Expansion of sugarcane cultivation in the Valle del Cauca between 1989 and 2014.
Source: own elaboration based on data from Perafán (2002).
5
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3.2. Local scale: the cases of El Tiple and López Adentro
One factor that has contributed to the loss of food sovereignty in the
area of study is the aerial spraying of glyphosate. This agrochemical has
been used by sugar agroindustrials for over 30 years for different pur-
poses, mainly as a ripening agent to improve crop yield. According to
Asocaña, each hectare of sugarcane uses 0.75 to 1.5 L of glyphosate as
part of the maturation process (Larrahondo and Villegas, 1995). Based
on the calculated area of sugarcane cultivation (Figs. 10 and 12) and
the yearly in the ripening process, the use of glyphosate in this ma-
turation process implies that at least 359 L in Lopez Adentro and 3421 L
in El Tiple were spread with the agrochemical during 2015.
Glyphosate is affecting local social ecosystems. On the one hand,
traditional ecological knowledge of plants has been impacted as a result
of the transformation of sufficient levels of land sovereignty, ecological
means of production, technology, and knowledge systems related to
livelihoods in the area of study (Alzate and Torres, in print). On the
other hand, in 2016, a preliminary study on water contamination ori-
ginated from the use of pesticides found concentrations of glyphosate
and AMPA, its metabolite, in the water springs from Lopez Adentro and
El Tiple (Vélez-Torres et al, in print):
• Lopez Adentro: up to 4.39 μg of AMPA/L of sample, and up to
2.49 μg of glyphosate/L of sample.
• El Tiple: up to 4.63 μg of AMPA/L of sample, and up to 2.61 μg of
glyphosate/L of sample.
The territory inhabited by the indigenous community of López
Adentro, which was recovered through collective struggle during the
first half of the 1980s, is affected by the fumigations performed by the
mills. According to Luz Esneda Díaz, the leader of the indigenous
community of López Adentro during a visit in October 2016: “… the
fumigation has affected the community, with physical diseases and
discomforts and the loss of plants and crops that we previously counted
on, such as maize and beans…”. In this case, INCAUCA has used the
aerial spraying method (fumigation from light aircraft) of the herbicide
as part of its maturation strategy to improve crop yield.
The aerial spraying of this maturator affects the health of the po-
pulation and the growth of other crops in the plots bordering the areas
cultivated with sugarcane, which is detrimental to food sovereignty and
may lead to nutritional problems in the short term. In a comparative
analysis from 2009 to 2013, the difference in hectares cultivated with
cane and agricultural products such as beans and maize can be observed
(Fig. 4).
A similar situation occurs in El Tiple village, where the effects of
fumigations with glyphosate have affected the population living in the
area. Although community council leaders do not report health effects,
Fig. 4. Disparity between cane cultivation and transitional crops (bean and maize) in
Caloto. Source: Government of Cauca (2016).
E. Correa-García et al. Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

the environment. The expansion in hectares of the cultivation of su-

garcane is enormous in proportion to other crops present in the region
of Valle del Cauca and Cauca.

4. Results

4.1. Social dynamics and their relationship with territorial transformation

The expansion processes of sugarcane cultivation —and their effects

Fig. 5. Disparity between cane cultivation and transitional crops in Candelaria. Source:
Statistical Yearbook of the Candelaria Mayoralty (2015).
effects on their crops are manifested (Fig. 5), as indicated by commu-
nity leader Gabriel Manzano during a visit in October 2016:
We are surrounded; when they fumigate, they do not care about
anything. Before, they did it with a helicopter, and now, they do it with
plane; it is worse. I am a cilantro grower, and I have lost my crops after
the glyphosate sprinkling; in two days, the crop was damaged; the same
happened to a neighbor who had 50 avocado trees dry up. When he
went to the mills, nothing happened; nobody responded. The rivers ran
out of fish because of fumigations and molasses.
Ariel Rodríguez, the leader of the Community Council of El Tiple,
said on a visit in November 2016 that he felt unprotected by public
institutions that should have an impact on land use and environmental
protection:
The CVC handed us some lemon trees to plant, but even with
technical assistance, they were not able to be sustained. This is because
of the fumigations: no matter how hard we try, the soils are hurt be-
cause of the glyphosate. To them, what interests them is their money,
their cane. Who controls what remains in the environment?
This statement reflects community concerns about the effects of
exposure to glyphosate spraying, not only because it directly impacts
people’s right to food production—for many of them, for their own
sustenance—but also because they perceive a risk to their health and
associated with the contamination and reduction of water sources— can
be analyzed from the perspective of the relationship between the global
and the local because the commercial dynamics between nations gen-
erate new transformation scenarios at the local level. In the study re-
gion, this interdependence has meant a deepening of social inequalities,
which, in terms of Bauman (2012), can be analyzed as collateral da-
mage in the era of globalization. In historical terms, the promotion of
the sugarcane agroindustry was a response to the demand for sugar by
the United States during 1960s (Perafán, 2012); currently, sugar ex-
ports to the United States only amount to 16.2% (84,075 t) of the total
Colombian exports (518,423 t). This fact makes the United States the
second country of the destination of Colombian sugar after Peru, which
imported 185,417 t (35.7%) over the same year (Asocaña, 2017).
In addition, these effects of globalization at the local level have been
stimulated by the global trend of clean energy generation, particularly
so-called biofuels or agrofuels. Beginning in the 2000s, the sugar in-
dustry in Colombia had a new impulse that encouraged its growth: the
public policy of mixing gasoline with 10% biofuel (Asocaña, 2006).
This growth opened up a new market for the mills, which led to an even
greater expansion of monoculture.
According to the Global Trends in Investment in Renewable Energy
of 2013 generated by the UNEP (United Nations Environment
Program), between 2000 and 2010, millions were invested in the gen-
eration of this type of energy, whose main source is sugarcane. Among
other causes, this economic expansion of the agroindustrial sector is an
effect of the manner in which national legislation was strengthened to
promote the production and use of fuels based on sugarcane and palm
oil at the national level starting in the decade of the 2000s (Table 1).
From an international perspective, the boost in the use of ethanol
has been proposed as a strategy to replace oil consumption in a context
of global exhaustion of this resource. In fact, the International Energy
Agency (IEA) has projected that agrofuels will be able to supply at least

Table 1
Legislation since 2000 for the promotion of biofuels in Colombia.
Source: own elaboration (see also Vélez, 2010: 16–18).

Law 693 of 2001 By which norms on the use of alcohol fuel are dictated and stimuli for its production, commercialization, and consumption are created.
Law 788 of 2002 By which it is exempted from value added tax (VAT), global tax, and surcharge on alcohol fuel.
Law 863 of 2003 By means of which it is excluded from the collection of tax on sales of alcohol fuel for mixture with gasoline for vehicles.
Law 939 of 2004 By which the production and commercialization of biofuels of vegetal or animal origin for use in diesel engines are stimulated.
Law 939 of 2004 By which it is exempted from VAT and the global tax on biodiesel.
Decree 1970 of 2005 By which it is exempted from taxable liquid income to late yield crops for 10 years.
Law 1111 of 2006 Which establishes an income tax deduction of 40% of investments in productive real fixed assets in agroindustrial projects, including
financial leasing.
Law 1133 of 2007 Through which the “Agro Ingreso Seguro” (AIS) program is created and implemented to improve the competitiveness of the Colombian
agricultural sector in the process of the internationalization of the economy.
Decree 2594 of 2007 By which Art 10 of Law 1133/07 is regulated, through which the Venture Capital Investment Fund is created.
Decree 383 of 2007 Which modifies Decree 4051 of 2007 and establishes incentives for the implementation of free zones for agroindustrial projects in the
field of biofuels. Some advantages that it offers are: income of 15% (vs. 34%) and the introduction of duty-free equipment and VAT
exemption when the investment exceeds 75,000 minimum salaries (USD 18 million) or generates 500 jobs.
Decree 2629 of 2007 Through which provisions are made to promote the use of biofuels in the country, in addition to measures applicable to vehicles and
other motor devices that use fuels for their operation.
Decree 2328 of 2008 Which created the “Intersectoral” Commission for the Management of Biofuels
Document CONPES 3510 of March 31, Which establishes policy guidelines to promote the sustainable production of biofuels in Colombia
2008
Decree 1135 of 2009 Which modifies Decree 2629 of 2007 and defines a mandatory mixture of alcohol fuel in the country between 10% and 85% by 2012.
Decree 4892 of 2011 By which provisions are made for the use of alcohol fuel and biofuels for motor vehicles: (i) defining a mandatory mixture that will
vary between 8% and 10% of alcohol fuel on a volumetric basis (E-8 - E-10 Current and extra); (ii) beginning in 2013, the
“Intersectoral” Biofuels Commission may establish mandatory biofuel rates above 10%; and (iii) voluntarily, for vehicles with Flex Fuel
technology, a flexible mixture of alcohol fuel between 25% and 85% on a volumetric basis may be offered.

6
E. Correa-García et al.
8% of global fuel consumption in the transport sector by 2030 (Ávila-
Díaz and Escobar, 2015). In addition to the demand for sugar for energy
generation, the singular demand for human consumption exceeds world
production. According to the International Sugar Organization (ISO,
2017), the per capita consumption of sugar globally is 46 kg per person
per year; thus, the direct human consumption of sugar has increased
2.5% in the last decade and 4% for industrial use owing to the pro-
duction of sweets and sugary drinks.
In Colombia, associated with the production of biofuels, there is also
the cogeneration of electricity. The mills produce electric energy
through thermoelectric systems, whose main source of heat generation
is the burning of the biomass derived from cane bagasse, a very efficient
process for generating energy (Asocaña, 2003).
This modality of energy production allows sugar and ethanol pro-
duction plants to be self-sufficient in energy, which opens up a new
market for the sugar business related to the sale of (thermal) energy
while simultaneously further stimulating the cultivation of sugarcane.
However, the monopolistic practices that impede the free compe-
tition of foreign industries have also favored the development of this
sector in the country. This situation was demonstrated by the million-
dollar sanction imposed by the superintendence of industry and com-
merce on the sugar sector due to the infamous case of the “sugar cartel”
(SIC, 2015), in which the Colombian sugar industry prevented imports
of sugar to the country, preventing competitors from entering more
favorable prices. As a result, between 2000 and 2014, the sector frau-
dulently appropriated an additional $ 11 billion in domestic sales as a
result of unfair competition.
These are not the only irregular practices attributed to the sugar
industry in Colombia. According to Guzmán and Moreno (2007), the
mills have also made agreements with paramilitary groups, with the
apparent complicity of the state, to ensure control of sugarcane fields.
The above statement is endorsed by the “Open Truth” media, which is
composed of several national and international non-governmental or-
ganizations (NGOs):
With the arrival of alias “HH” to the Valley, the ex-paramilitary
head ordered holding meetings with merchants, cattle ranchers, and
sugar mill entrepreneurs, from which he asked for monthly quotas in
exchange for “security”. “By means of an ex-chief of security of a sugar
mill, one company made monthly contributions of $ 20 million pesos
for the paramilitaries to take care of kidnappings or extortion of the
guerrilla”, said the prosecution.
The departments of Valle del Cauca and Cauca have been the scene
of paramilitary expansion between 2000 and 2005. Specifically, during
this period, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas
Unidas de Colombia, AUC) controlled extensive territories in both de-
partments. López Adentro and El Tiple are located within the so-called
Central Region of the paramilitary domain of the Calima block (Pécaut,
2003: 31). There, land control was not only motivated by the sowing of
coca and poppy crops and the trafficking routes of cocaine and heroin
to the Colombian Pacific (Guzmán and Moreno, 2007). The control was
also due to the protection of the economy associated with the produc-
tion of sugarcane, which shows a triad between industrialists, the state,
and the AUC.
Although the alliances and economies that directly and indirectly
sustained armed violence in this region of the country are still under
investigation, some sugar mills have been implicated in different de-
clarations and denunciations by former AUC members, who point to
them as sponsors of paramilitarism in both the Cauca Valley and the
Cauca. Mills such as Riopaila Castilla SA, San Carlos, Manuelita, and
Incauca have been denounced for making payments to finance these
paramilitary groups (Bolaños, 2011).
Researcher and journalist Edinson Arley Bolaños, in his article “The
Last Trace of the Naya Massacre” of January 6, 2011 (Verdad Abierta,
2016), presents a testimony of a survivor of this massacre, in which he
denounces following:
Alex Quintero openly denounced the commander of the Pichincha
7
Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
Battalion, Tony Vargas. He also spoke using the proper names of the
owners of the Ingenio Incauca and Manuelita and the police com-
mander of Santander de Quilichao, known as the “Mayor Navarro”,
who, according to the paramilitaries, paid him five million pesos to let
them mobilize troops in the town center. For this reason, when a
merchant went to a warehouse to make a purchase, there was the
paramilitary asking for the tax.
In 2016, the presence of paramilitary groups in this area has con-
tinued because, as has been denounced by the Cabildo de López
Adentro, groups called Águilas Negras [Black Eagles], Rastrojos, and the
Bloque Capital [Capital Block] have perpetrated harassment, death
threats, and attributable selective killings in the Municipality of
Corinto-Cauca (ONIC, 2015). These reports are more detailed, with
names, dates, and description of the facts, in the report “Balance Si-
tuation of Human Rights Violations and Violations of the IHL Sub-
Commission on Human Rights, Guarantees and Peace, Follow-up Re-
port: 01/01 - 08/03 – 2015”, by the National Indigenous Organization
of Colombia (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia, ONIC).
The conditions described constitute the social and memory refer-
ences that presently allow us to know the changes that have been
generated, been induced, and been consubstantial with the processes of
appropriation, transformation, displacement, and domination of the
territories and their resources. This set of transformations can be
viewed as the historical development of humanity, with its inherent
processes of change in the landscape, from which the region of the
upper Cauca River basin is not excluded.
4.2. Spatial analysis of the landscape
The transformation of the natural systems, or, if preferred, the or-
ganization of the terrestrial landscapes, originates with the history of
humanity itself. This process is nothing more than the recounting of the
stages of human history as nature, as noted by Moscovici and Marić
(1968). For these authors, nature has had as its most distinctive feature
the human being. Simultaneously, nature has been and is an insepar-
able part of the human species. Society and nature represent two re-
lationship modes between the same terms and not different terms of a
same relation, which would put human beings on one side and material
forces on the other. The social construction of this humanized nature, of
human ecosystems, of cultural landscapes harbors, in its essence, the
transforming factor of culture; culture adapts and transforms through
the interactions of local societies with the natural environment.
These interactions create special and unique conditions, according
to the requirements and the supply of the means and conditions existing
in the ecosystems for human subsistence. The exposition thus far raises
an intrinsic human-nature interaction in which the feedback between
the social and biophysical components propitiates, in the context of
each culture, the transactions and practices of human societies for ob-
taining, transforming, and distributing the energy necessary to satisfy
their needs and objectives. In these terms, the human being has adapted
his needs to the environments in which he lives, modeling his land-
scapes and varying his forms of adaptation based on his technological
background, his social organization, his economic capacity, and his
vision of the world.
Understanding ecological processes, integrating natural and social
systems, as well as the heterogeneity of their constitution, and linking
cultural interactions with ecosystem components, has been, for years,
an arduous and difficult task to understand for ecology (Liu et al., 2007;
Turner et al., 2003). This understanding of ecological processes trans-
forms the vision and creates conditions for the emergence of new
paradigms that revalue concepts already formulated from the ecological
sciences and that are presently addressed based on the environmental
sciences, a place from which ecology is a key structure of this histor-
iography under construction.
The analysis presented here brings us closer to the knowledge of a
sector of the ecosystems of flat areas in southwestern Colombia (Cauca
E. Correa-García et al.
River valley). In this area, the interaction of indigenous, Afro-descen-
dant, and mestizo communities, state policies and institutions, and
agroindustrial production systems have shaped the characteristics of
the landscape based on the definition of patterns of change, conserva-
tion, and the social and economic development of the region. Thus
expressed, the integral study of these components from a socio-
ecological perspective avoids reductionist views to understand the dy-
namics and the challenges of the territory from a holistic approach
(Cumming, 2011). In accordance with this vision of wholeness, social
experiences, cultural visions, and power relations are elements that
grant socio-ecological sense to the territorial transformations. This
analytical dimension in the present study complements the quantitative
data and the results of measurements that, without a context such as
that above, are simply cold expressions of a partial reality.
4.2.1. Multi-temporal analysis using satellite images of the area of interest
The results presented in this section were obtained from the analysis
of satellite images through which a series of layers of land cover in
raster format (resolution of 30 m × 30 m) were analyzed. For the case
studies, it was decided to take as a reference the total area represented
for sugarcane, the total for areas with cloud cover and shade, and fi-
nally the total of other coverages, which includes transitional crops,
grasslands, natural and planted forest, and water bodies.
This analysis aims to show the predominance of sugarcane mono-
culture in the municipalities of Caloto and Candelaria, and more spe-
cifically in the villages of El Tiple (Candelaria) and the indigenous re-
servation of López Adentro (Caloto), based on data calculated directly
from land cover layers. It should be noted that the satellite images that
were analyzed have large areas covered by clouds and shadows. This,
coupled with the spatial resolution of the layers, causes the calculations
presented to have a moderate degree of uncertainty. That value of
uncertainty was not calculated in this analysis, as it is not the object of
investigation. Rather, its purpose is to portray general trends based on
primary information.
In order to present the findings in a coherent way, first is shown the
situation of the municipalities and then that of the village and in-
digenous reservation under their jurisdictions. Initially, Fig. 6 presents
the situation of Candelaria. It can be observed that, for the year 1989,
94% (27,595 ha) of the area of the municipality corresponded to the
sugarcane crop. By the year 2015, the percentage changed to 95%
(27,933 ha), showing a slight decrease compared to the year 2008
(96%, equivalent to about 28,339 ha).
It is also clear that the growth of the urban area of the municipality
increased to about 832 ha in 2015, after being at 312 ha in 1989. The
increase in the urban area is likely to coincide with population growth
Fig. 6. Predominance of the area of sugarcane crops between 1989 and 2015 in Candelaria. Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.
8
Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
driven by urbanization (Martínez-Toro & Patiño-Gómez, 2015;
Vásquez-Benítez, 1990). Such process may be related to services offered
by Cali as a working center in the south of the Cauca valley, but also
with the job offer generated by the sugar mills located in the area
(González-Cabo et al., 2017; Taussig, 1978); in 1998, the sector cal-
culated 34,553 direct jobs offered by the 19 companies that are part of
the sugarcane cluster in the Cauca river valley (Asocaña, 2012).
Fig. 7 shows what is described above. It can be observed how
practically the entire rural area of the municipality is covered by the
sugarcane monoculture.
The case of the Caloto municipality differs from Candelaria due to
its topographic conditions. The management required by the sugarcane
crop makes difficult for it to be planted in areas with steep slopes.
Hence, the crop is only observed in the flat areas of the municipality,
which corresponds to 7775 ha (Fig. 8).
Fig. 9 complements well the previous explanation, since an increase
in the area sown with sugarcane is visible in the flat area of the mu-
nicipality: from 3477 ha in 1989 (45.7%) to 4744 ha in 2015 (61.0%).
Now, with regard to the particular cases, the situation of El Tiple is
observed in Fig. 10. As could be expected, similarly to the case of the
municipality of Candelaria, practically the entire area of the village is
dominated by sugarcane, with minimal changes in land use over the
periods analyzed.
Calculated numbers indicate that, in 1989, 98% (4569 ha) of the
village area was planted with sugarcane and that value has remained
constant until 2015. During that period, the area sown with the crop is
equivalent to about 4562 ha—97.7% of the area of the village—
(Fig. 11).
In the case of the flat area of the López Adentro indigenous re-
servation (Fig. 12) the map shows an insignificant decrease in the area
planted with sugarcane when comparing the 509 ha (47.6%) planted in
1989 to the 479 ha (44.8%) in 2015. As expected, the indigenous re-
servations located in the mountainous area (above 1100 masl) has kept
other types of land covers over time (Fig. 12).
Finally, Fig. 13 complements the above explanation. Between 1989
and 2015, the area sown with sugarcane was 467 ha (43.7%) in 1999
and 505 ha (47.3%) in 2008.
5. Conclusions
The various territorial transformations in the area of analysis are
due to the interaction of dynamics at different scales—typical of the
globalization of the economy. In this region, the mechanisms that
provided the opportunity to expand sugarcane monoculture to some
family elites were reinforced by national policies and international
E. Correa-García et al.
Fig. 7. Area covered with sugarcane in the municipality of Candelaria. 1989, 1999, 2008, and 2015 periods. Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.
discourses. These interactions facilitated the appropriation of land and
the promotion of standards that fostered agro-industrial development.
We can infer that this framework operated at the expense of the well-
being of local communities, who are recipients of environmental li-
abilities that emerge from the agribusiness model. This idea can be
supported with available information related to unsatisfied basic needs
(UBN). For instance, in a report from the Dane (2010) it was found that,
for the municipality of Candelaria (in which El Tiple is located), this
index corresponded to the 13.20% of the rural population. In the case of
Caloto (in which López Adentro is located), the UBN index corre-
sponded to 57.95% or the rural population.
Extrinsic relationships have shown the capacity to associate the
local landscape with the conditions of economic and political power,
creating economic and environmental marginalization of the commu-
nities that inhabit this area. The communities’ marginalization in the
area can therefore be connected to the influence of the agro-industrial
economic sector over different spheres of public power. For instance, in
the case of the CVC, the board of directors includes representatives of
the sugarcane sector who can appoint and remove the corporation’s
director, compromising the independence of the governmental institu-
tion. Three company men—Luis Felipe Carvajal Albán, Henry Eder and
9
Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
Óscar Libardo Campo Velasco—have been senior executives of the CVC
and have a direct relationship with the sugarcane agrobusiness; they
have also been involved in scandals of corruption within the organi-
zation (Palau, 2014; CVC, 2018).
It is clear that the most intense transformations of the analyzed
territories have taken place since the mid-twentieth century. In fact, it is
possible to recognize that, since that time, the urban growth of the
municipalities of Candelaria and Caloto could be associated to the es-
tablishment of sugarcane mills in the flat area of the geographical
valley. An example of this is offered by the section on spatial analysis of
areas planted with sugarcane and some transitional crops. However, it
is from the 1980s that factors such as the spraying of sugarcane with
glyphosate through aerial spraying have contributed to the sustained
growth of monoculture.
The use of glyphosate as a sugarcane ripening has caused huge
problems for communities exposed to herbicide spraying. These pro-
blems have been most clearly expressed in the loss of food sover-
eignty—not only because of the damage to other crops (annual), but
also because of the sense of hopelessness that it has generated in the
populations. The village of El Tiple and the indigenous reservation or
López Adentro are an expression of this reality. There, we see how the
E. Correa-García et al. Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

Fig. 8. Planted area in sugarcane in the municipality of Caloto. Periods 1989, 1999, 2008, and 2015. Source: own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.

Fig. 9. Distribution of land covers in the flat area of Caloto between 1989 and 2015. Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.

10
E. Correa-García et al. Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

Fig. 10. Area planted with sugarcane in the village of El Tiple. 1989, 1999, 2008 and 2015 periods. Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.

Fig. 11. Predominance of sugarcane monoculture over other land covers in the El Tiple village (1989–2015). Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.

11
E. Correa-García et al. Land Use Policy xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx

Fig. 12. Planted area in sugarcane in López Adentro indigenous reservation. 1989, 1999, 2008 and 2015 periods. Source: Own elaboration based on data from the RICCLISA project.

productive hegemony of the sugarcane has, on the one hand, mono-
polized the landscape and, on the other, marginalized other traditional
ways of life of the ethnic communities under study. In addition to da-
maging regional bio-cultural diversity, agro-industrialization has also
been linked to processes of armed violence, while engineering techni-
ques used to increase productivity raise serious questions about the
direct and indirect effects on human health of populations neighboring
the monoculture.
The negative impacts observed in the analyzed settlements (e.g.,
non-existence of food sovereignty, acts of violence, precarious working
conditions and environmental pollution) have been triggered by state
policies, contaminating practices, and unethical behaviors exerted by
the agro-industrial sector. Hence, changes in the territories have been
produced through the legitimation of various institutional mechanisms
that appeared under the label of development. These have been re-
pelled by the local communities through different ways of daily and

Fig. 13. Predominance of the sugarcane monoculture over other land covers in the flat area of López Adentro indigenous reservation (1989–2015). Source: Own elaboration based on data
from the RICCLISA project.

12
E. Correa-García et al.
structured resistance mechanisms.
Finally, in methodological terms, it is necessary to recognize that
the articulation of different methodologies such as document review,
spatial analysis and the elaboration of timelines with community actors
allow a deeper understanding of the conflictive situations that frame
agro-industrial expansion processes. By means of a rigorous process of
comparison and critical analysis, it is possible to approach the com-
plexity of actions, visions and emotionalities of the different socio-
ecological actors that have generated great transformations in the inter-
Andean territory of the geographical Cauca River valley.
Conflicts of interest
None.
Acknowledgements
We thank the projects “Exposición a glifosato y efectos en la se-
guridad alimentaria: un análisis interdisciplinario en la población
étnica de la cuenca alta del río Cauca” and "Red Interinstitucional de
Cambio Climático y Seguridad Alimentaria (RICCLISA)". Both financed
by Colciencias. We acknowledge the collaboration of the Cabildo de
López Adentro and the Consejo Comunitario Afro Tiple.
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