WOMEN SLAVES IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

Author(s): Shadab Bano

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 65 (2004), pp. 314-323
Published by: Indian History Congress
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 WOMEN SLAVES IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
Shadab Bano

As accounts of slavery, like other aspects of life, become more deta

in the medieval times, we are in a better position to know about
different forms and dimensions of slavery. Female slaves general
constituted a sizeable section of the slaves since earlier times. But in
the 12th century with the Lekhapaddhati slave deeds1, coming from
the Chalukyan kingdom of Gujarat, we for the first time get data about
the actual nature of female slavery of the period.
All the four deeds in the Lekhapaddhati record acquisitions of
female slaves. Two of the slave girls were captured in raids, the third
(of the 'Rajputra caste') was abandoned by her family (both father
and husband), and had to take to begging on account of famine and
plunder (by 'Mlechhas' and Rashtrakutas) and in utter distress
voluntarily became a slave. The fourth was sold by her master after
she had lost her husband and other relations. The deeds show that the
subjection of the girl slaves to the master was complete. A slave girl
could not be approached by her relations (even father or husband) and
could be sold and gifted away at the master's will. On the other hand,
the master could bind, beat or strike her and put her to hard work. If
ever the female slave being tortured, committed suicide by throwing
herself into a well, etc., she would 'become a she-ass, bitch or candali
and die', while the master would be held to be as pure as if 'he had
had a bath in the Ganga'. Besides, the kinds of work the slaves were
expected to perform make quite an exhaustive list. The normal domestic
chores included both "pure' and "impure' work such as cutting
(vegetables, etc.), grinding (flour), smearing the floor, sweeping,
bringing firewood, carrying water, etc, and other work like throwing
human excreta, etc. She had also to bring fodder, undertake weeding,
cutting grass, etc.
The deeds do not specify the 'other' services the female slaves
should provide to the master, we know from Smriti laws that the slaves
of this period were also assigned tasks such as performing such physical
services for the master as touching (or scratching) private parts etc2.
Sexual intercourse with an outcaste would naturally have been greatly
defiling for men of higher births and their families. We now find in
the Lekhapaddhati girls of high caste serving as slaves; in one case
the original caste ( Rajaputra ) was higher than that of the master
( Vaishya )3. With these slave girls in the households, sexual relations
were, of course, possible. Concubinage appears in any case to have

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 Medieval India 315

been a well established institution in this period, as attested by

numerous references from Kalhana's Rajatarangini (c.1151) of
concubines and mistresses of kings and nobles4.
Concubinage was a strong institution in Islamic societies as well.
There was no legal limitation among the Muslims on the number of
concubines they could keep5. In the accounts of Arab conquest of Sind
(7th-8th centuries), that we find the description of how women were
captured, distributed among the army6. Otherwise also the demand for
concubines of the harems was quite large. As the nature of demand
emphasized the physical attributes of the slaves and the cultural
attainments, the harems of the defeated rulers became a source from
where concubines could be collected. In many cases, on the other hand,
we find harems being destroyed by jauhar (mass immolation of women
through fire) when the defeat of forces seemed eminent so that the
women might not pass into the enemy's hands7.
A large number of women made captives in war and raids during
the 13th- 14th century8 were the ordinary womenfolk of the villages,
rustic and cheap in manners and deportment, and therefore unfit for
concubinage. Ibn Batuta (14lh century Moroccan traveller) speaks of
the captives 'taken from infidels' being cheap as 'they are dirty and
do not know the civilized ways'9. Still, in the households of lower
aristocracy we find slave girls from villages also being treated as
concubines. For instance, in an anecdote, a slave girl captured from a
village became the wife of an Afghan soldier, carrying out duties like
cleaning rice 10.
The slave markets in the Sultanate mainly catered to the demands
of the ordinary households; these slave girls were sold there as separate
categories of domestic slaves and also concubines. The best looking
among them fetched a somewhat higher price, otherwise the domestic
slave girls were sold exceptionally cheap (5-12 tankas), as is brought
out by Barani's list of prices in the 14th century market of Delhi11. A
concubine was sold for 20-30 tankas. The impact of the plenitude and
cheapness of slaves could clearly be seen in the manner the use of
slaves became general and could be now afforded by even people of
modest means12.

Women slaves were put to a variety of tasks within the households,

such as hand-milling grain13, picking rice14 and spinning15. Besides,
even ordinary female slaves were exposed to concubinage, the master
having the right to use her so by virtue of his ownership.
In the harem of the Sultan, the concubines formed an upper
category of slaves. The grandeur of the establishment depending on

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3 1 6 IHC: Proceedings , 65th Session , 2004

the choicest collection of females, gathered from whatever source,

these were high priced and highly prized slaves. The price of the slave
girls rose to 20,000 or more, as mentioned by al-Umari 16. There were
thus jealousies, bickering and much rivalry among the concubines to
win the favour and attention of the master as reported by al-Umari.
The one distinguishing feature of harems all over the Muslim world
had been the rigorous system of purdah (of Muslim variety)17.Women
were kept strictly guarded in separate secluded female quarters over
whom eunuchs (who were young boys and men especially castrated)
were kept as guards and attendants. Ibn Batuta has described how his
concubine was carried into the palace of Sultan's mother in a dola
covered with silk curtains, by the eunuchs of the palace18. Even some
nobles also tried to imitate the customs of the royal central harem in
details19. And some were stricter than others. Mushtaqi gives an account
of the strict purdah in Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan's harem, that appeared
striking to him20. According to Afif, a noble, Azam Khan Tartar, used
to convey all his women in covered carriages, which suggests that the
practice was not common.21. The concubines were generally taken on
horsebacks, while the more respected ladies of the harem were perhaps
conveyed in covered carriages.22
The concubines were somewhat differently placed in the Mughal
harem23, especially of the early Mughals in India. Here, besides the
fact that the harems were comparatively free24, the concubines did not
just appear as a category of privileged slaves but enjoyed much dignity
and respect within the harem. Babur clubs together in his discussion,
the wives and concubines of the Mughal rulers and princes in Central
Asia, and those whom he enumerates as the 'respected ones'25.
Similarly, Gulbadan gives the names of many concubines alongside
the names of Begums and other wives who were present together at
the 'mystic feast* at a new palace26. Perhaps, much of the privileges of
the concubines Were traditionally Mongol. Their privileges being
similar to that of the other free wives, also present in the harem, who
were not legally wedded27.
Interestingly, the wives (not legally married under Muslim law)
(called aghas) could also rise to the position of Begam depending on
if she becomes the ruler's favourite28 or by the virtue of motherhood.29
In the Islamic law, marriage with concubines was not necessary. Babur
freely describes wives and concubines and their children in the Mughal
family.30 instances of children of concubines been taken care of and
also adopted by Begums31, etc., suggest that the harem functioned more
or less like a family household, with concubines as lesser sisters of
varying status.

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 Medieval India 317

However, with the harems assum

the familial bonds and relationshi
set-up of the harem would hav
number of women now in the ha
definitely changed. We now find
were accommodated, the residen
demarcated.33 Instead of "sepa
concubines were probably accomm
(or rooms).34 The earlier dignified
for the concubines fell into disuse
concubines was Paristaran (worsh
calls the concubines khawas-i-khi
servants36. There were matron
numerous concubines and female
this period, depicting scenes of ha
maces38.

The large number of domestic s

referred to as paristaran and perh
and were not called by the earlier lo
official literature39. It is interest
released thousands of his slaves, to
who would no longer be called gh
cf. pamtaran/worshipper).40 Presu
apply to female slaves, though th
designation. It was to Nur Jahan'
girls of the harem when she took
of the palace who were in the age
ahadis (gentlemen troopers) and c
the women from age 40 to 60 or
either to live outside the palace an
stay within the palace.41
The harems of the Mughal nobil
the Imperial harem. Some of
exceptionally large harems42. Pre
ordinary women folk and childre
supply of slave girls43. Subsequen
in raids on villages as the 17th ce
of sale of dah (in Siyaqnama) sugg
number of women slaves and serv
tells us that in a noble's household
and the slaves of eachcould be
fortune. He adds that the noble co

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 318 IHC: Proceedings, 65th Session, 2004
girls in concubinage as he wished.46
There were naturally tensions between wives and concubines.
Pelsaert alleges that wives unable to check their husband's advances
to their slaves-girls treated the latter with great severity47. Mundy,
similarly, found a slave-girl only 10 years old, who had runaway upon
the 'hard usage' of her mistress; the cause being, as the girl informed
Mundy, that the mistress had conceived her husband affection towards
her48.

The position of the slave girls of commoners could be quite

vulnerable. A document (late years of Shah Jahan) from Chandpur
(near Amroha) shows that one Dost Muhammad Mughal left Chandpur
to seek employment in the army, abandoning his concubine who
became penniless 49. She successively went from house to house
ultimately becoming pregnant. She was then married to a slave of
Qazi of Nagina30. Siyaqnama contains a 'model' marriage contract91,
similar marriage contracts ( nikahnamas ) also found relating to the
mercantile community of Surat", which contains four conditions to
be imposed by the wife on the husband, one of which provides
protection to the wife against the acquisition of a concubine by the
husband. In such a case the wife was entitled by the contract to take
the slave girl away from the husband. She could then either sell her,
could give her as gift to someone or manumit her or marry her of.
Generally, it seems that in the households female slavery remained
* the main form of slavery. As we know from the later surveys of Malwa
and the adjoining provinces (by Malcolm reporting in 1824), that
slavery in this region was chiefly limited to females. 'The dancing
girls are all purchased, when young by the Nakins, or heads of the
different sets or companies, who often lay out large sums in these
speculation. Female children and grown-up young women are bought
by all ranks. Among the Rajpoot chiefs these slaves are very numerous
as also in the houses of the principal Brahmins. The usage, however,
descends to the lowest classes, and few merchants or cultivators are
without mistress or servants of this description'5î.The condition of these
slaves in Malwa was extremely hard. Rajput chiefs and zamindars,
normally having fifty to two hundred female slaves in the family
employed them in menial tasks in the house throughout the day, and
in the night had them as concubines (the issues out of the intercourse
were however his slaves). They were not allowed to marry and often
treated very harshly, on account of which they always tried to run
away.54
Buchanan's survey of the province of Bihar and Bengal," brings
out the use of female slaves, quite numerous, in that region. The slave

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 Medieval India 319

girls served mainly as domestics

the agrestic slaves also did the 'h
the class of the domestic slaves a
Mahometans and Hindoos'. The rich Muslim men had connections
with the servile- women, of the Molazadahs (the agrestic slaves among
Muslims), this being a common practice57. Besides, there were the
female slaves kept especially for concubinage, termed Laundis .58.
The domestic sector preferred women slaves on a number of
accounts. Generally cheaper, the women slaves could be put to variety
of tasks within the household, and also at the productive work as the
need may be. Female slavery always also implied the sexual
exploitation of the slave girls.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 . Lekhapaddhati Documents, Relating to Slavery, dated V.S. 1288/A.D. 12

Pushpa Prasad, Indian Historical Review, XV, Number 1-2 (July 1988 and 1
269-75.

2. P.V. Kane, History of Dharmasastra, vol.11, pt.I, Poona, 1941, vol.11, pt.I,p.l84.
3. Lekhapaddhati , p. 273. The case of Rajputra girl is mentioned above. Her owner
was a merchant, Vaishya by caste. The price of other slave girl mentioned is quite
high, viz. S04 drammas as against 60 for the second girl, which may suggest that
she was not from a low caste.

4. Kalhana, Raj ataran gini; or Chronicles of the Kings of Kashmir, ed. M. A. Stein,
Delhi, reprint 1960.
5. For slavery in Islam, see Reuben Levy, The Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge,
1957, pp.73-89.
6. There are numerous references in Chachnama. Ali Kufi, Fatehnama-i-Sind-al-Mar -
uf-be-Chachnama , ed. Umar bin Muhammad Daudpota, published by Majlis-e-
Makhtutat Parsia, Hyderabad, Deccan, 1939. In a poem composed after the victory
over Dahar, recounting the success, it is stated: 'their women (fair and fragrant) a^
musk deer are now asleep (in our harem)' (Chachnama, p. 208).
7. We find an instance of jauhar in the Rąjatarangini . Around seventeen queens of
king Bhoja burned themselves in a palace after the defeat of the king in a battle.
( Rajatarangini , vol.1, pp.388-90).
8. The accounts of enslavement by contemporary chroniclers need to betaken with
caution as it is fullof rhetoric and hyperbole.
9. Ibn Batuta (d. 1 377), Rihla, tr. H.A.R. Gibb, The Travels oflbn Batuta , Cambridge,
1956-71, vol.III.p.741.
10. Rizqullah Mushtaqi, Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi , ed .I.H.Siddiqui and W.H. Siddiqi, 2002,
pp.234-38.
1 1 . Ziauddin Barani ( 1 357), Tarikh-i Firuzshahi ed. Saiyyad Ahmad Khan, W.N. Lees
and Kabiruddin, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1860-2, pp.314-15.
12. The Sufis and dervishes are reported to have possessed slaves. Fawaid ul Fuad ,
Conversations of Shaikh Nizamuddin of Delhi, recorded (1 307-22) by Amir Hasan

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320 I HC: Proceedings , 65th Session , 2004
Sijzi, ed. Latif Malik, Lahore, 1966, 334-35,278-9,340; Khair ul Maj al is , op. cit.
p. 191.
13. Fawaid ul Fuady pp. 278-340; Mir Khv/urd, Siyar ul Aulya , Biographies of (Chishti)
Saints, C.1365, ed. Chiranji Lai (Delhi, 1302/1885), p.110.
14. Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi, pp. 234-38.
1 5 . Khairu 7 Majalis , p. 1 9 1 .

16. Shihabuddin al Umari (d.l34S)> Masalik al Absarfi Mamalik al Ansar tr. Ottospies,
S.A. Rashid, and S.M. Haq, Aligarh, 1943, p.46. Al- Umari specifically mentions
such high prices of the Indian slave-girls, despite the general cheapness of Indian
slave-girls.
17. This had been a common feature throughout the medieval Muslim society so much
so that Muslim travellers were surprisedwhen they visited other societies in which
women enjoyed greater social freedom. Ibn Batuta in his Travels of the Qipchaq
territory had greatly admired the liberty and respect which the women of this area
received from men. Ibn Batuta (d. 1377), Rihla, tr. Gibb, vol.11, pp.480-81.
18. Ibid., vol. Ill, pp.736, 740.
19. For instance, Rizqulla Mushtaqi gives a vivid account of purdah in the harem of
one of the noble of Sikander Lodi, Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan. Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi ,
p.92.
20. Ibid, pp.234-38.
21 . Shams Siraj Afif (c. 1400), Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi , ed. Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1890,
pp. 393-400.
22. The anecdote of the Afghan soldier mentioned earlier (Mushtaqi , pp.234-38) also
brings this out. His concubine travelled on the horse-back. The soldier's harem
was hardly secluded in the strict 'Islamic' sense as the slave girl (also mentioned as
his wife, towards the end of the anecdote) was seen cleaning rice, by her lover who
passed by. This same person was later appointed horse-keeper and had the
opportunity to be near the girl.
23. We are also able to have a clearer picture of the harem with much more varied
sources of information available for the period. We have the benefit of the European
traveller's narratives, and of the Mughal paintings which are fairly realistic
portrayals.
24. Greater social freedom for women had been a feature of their society from an early
period. We have noted Ibn Batuta travels to the Qipchak territory when he greatly
admired the liberty and respect which the women of the area received from men.
Rihla* op.cit. vol.11, pp.480-81. We know from the Mughal paintings that ladies
attended the court of Timur and Chenghiz. Th & Baburnama paintings similarly depict
free interaction between aristocratic men and women. Gulbadan's accounts of the
feasts and celebrations tell us that both young men and women used to sit together
in the gatherings. {Chinghiznama paintings, ca, 1596, 'Chenghiz Khan dividing his
empire between his sons, cited in Michael Brand and Glenn D. Lowry, Akbar's
India Art from Mughal city of Victory , p.1.35; Hamid Sulaiman, Miniatures of
Baburnama , Samarqand,1969, pl.7; Gulbadan Begum, Humayun Nama , ed. A.S.
Beveridge, reproduced in Persian from the only known Ms. Of the British Museum
in the History of Humayun, New Delhi, reprint 1983,p.31).
25. Baburnama , tr. A.S. Beveridge, London, 1921, reprint 1989, p.269.
26. HumayunNama, pp.31-33.Beveridge also notices servile women participating in
the family function. She mentions Guinar Aghacha, one of the two Circassian

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 Medieval India 321

slaves, Babur received from Tahmasp, at

conferences of Humayun and his fami
Humayun , Appendix A, p. 232.
27. As these were not legally wedded and
(called Aghas), they were much inferior
Begums); the concubines were called Aghac
out by Gulbadan. Humayun Namay p.37and
article 'Marriage and Concubinage in Mu
session, pp.353-62.
28. For instance, Khadija Begum, such a
captured by Husain Mirza and introduce
was promoted to the rank of Begum. Babu
29. For instance, Sultan Ahmad Khan (a M
was mother of his daughter ('umm -wala
found Babur and Gulbadan mentioning t
on account of motherhood (trans .Baburn
30. Baburnama , Vol.1, pp.17, 24, 48-9, 267
whether wives or concubines. This is com
in mentioning the names of the concubin
31. Baburnama , Vol.1, p. 268; Humayun
adopted Dildar's son, though forcibly.
32. Abul Fazl reports that there were 500
contains a chapter on the organization o
Iqbal). Ain-i- Akbari, ed. Nawal kishor
interesting to note here that campaigns c
women of the defeated rulers in spite of
on women and children of opposing soldie
Fazl, Akbarnama, ed. Mauli Abdur Rah
1879, vol. II, pp. 159-60.
33. Pelsaert informs us of the three sep
Saturday, as the King was expected to v
Bengali Mahal which was occupied b
concubines) Pelsaert, Remonstrantie , tr
Cambridge, 1925, reprint, Delhi, 1972, p
were accommodated in these palaces. De
J.S. Hoyland and S.N. Banerjee, Delhi, r
34. Abul Fazl' s assertion that each of the
apartments seems more of a hyperbole
'Prince in Bedchamber' c. 1600-05, in a
females and half a figure of another fem
concubines were accommodated. (K.S. L
2, collection, Los Angeles County Museu
35. Ain, vol.1, pp. 26-7.
36. Tuzuk-i Jahangiri (1624), ed. Saiyyad
37. Manucci, Vol.11, p. 308
3«. Milo Cleveland Beach, Mughal and
'Birth of Jahangir' , Jahangirnama, ca. 1
Bartlett Donation of 1912 and Picture

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 322 IHC: Proceedings , 65th Session , 2004

New Delhi, 1988, pl. 4, Collection Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum, Jaipur
and pl. 13, Collection, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, U.S.A.
39. Ain, vol.1, p.40. Zakhiratul Khawanin refers to slave girls of many nobles' harems
as sahelis (women's friends).

40. Akbarnama , Calcutta, 1886, vol. Ill, pt.I, pp. 379-80.

41 . Sheikh Farid Bhakkari , Zakhiratul Khawanin, ed. Syed Moinul Haq, Karachi, 1970,
vol.11, p.49.
42. A Mughal noble, Ismail Quii Khan kept, 1,200 women (Blochmann's notes in his
translation of Ain, Vol.1, p.389). Raja Man Singh had 1500 wives (ibid., p. 363).
In the harem of another noble, Said Khan Bahadur, there were many women. In the
period of just four years, he had many children from his wives and concubines;
without counting the female children, there were 60 male children (Manucci, Vol.1,
p. 205). A noble Muqarrab Khan Shaikh Hasan would call his 1000 slave-women
as Sahelis who were also in charge of his workshops. (Shahnawaz Khan,A/a¿wir-
ul-Umara , ed. Maulvi Abdur Rahim, Calcutta, 1888, Vol.III, p.381).
43. At the time of Akbar's ban on slave-trade which must have disrupted the supply,
we still find a noble acquiring dahs , perhaps, from private sources. Abu'l Fath
G'û&mJtuqq'at-i-Abu'l Fath , ed. M. Bashir Husain, Lahore, 1968, pp.46-7.
44. Siyaqnama , an administrative manual contains routine documents of Mughal
administration (1694-96). Munshi Nand Ram Kayasth Shrivastavya, Siyaqnama ,
Lithographed, Lucknow, 1879, pp 88. Interestingly, the commandant (faujdar) in
the document, gave the women-captive, named Seoti, to his retainer Nimatullah
against part of the salary due to him. Nimatullah, intum, now sold her for rupees 40
to one Nur Mohammad.

45. Peter Mundy, Travels (1628-1634), Vol.11, ed. R.C. Temple, London, 1914. vol. II,
p. 181.
46. Pelsaert, Remonstrantie , tr. Moreland and Geyl, Jahangir's India , Cambridge, 1925,
reprint, Delhi, 1972, pp.64-5.
47. Ibid.

48. Mundy, vol.II,p.88.

49. Original Mahzar in the Department of History Library, Aligarh: Amroha Coll
II, No. 11.

50. Qazi certified the marriage. But interestingly once the Qazi was dead her posttibn
as a married woman was contested by some people.
51. Siyaqnama, pp.88. -9
52. The Nikahnamas were studied by Shireen Moosvi in her article 'Travails of a
mercantile Community- Aspects of Social Life at the Port of Surat ( Earlier half of
the 17th century)' PIHC , Delhi, 1992, pp.404-5. She had found the documents in
the collection of Persian documents, mainly related to Surat, collected together by
an anonymous Mughal official about the middle of the seventeenth century and
now preserved at Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. She, however, regarded these
documents comin^from Surat as peculiar to the mercantile community at Surat.
53. John Malcolm, A Memoir of Central India, Including Malwa and Adjoining
Provinces , 2nd ed. , London, 1824, Vol.11, pp. 199-204.
_ 54. Ibid. II, p. 203.

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 Medieval India 323

55. Francis Buchanan, An Account of the

reprint 1986, p.166; An account of the
reprint 1986, p. 160.
56. Bushanan(Purnea),pp.l60,162-3; Buch
57. Buchanan (Shahbad), p. 166; Montgom
Topography and Statistics of Eastern
Shahbad, Bhagalpoor, Goruckpoor, Dinaj
Delhi, 1976; vol.1, pp. 125-6.
58. Buchanon(Purnea), p.160.

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