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1 Teachers Influence
1 Teachers Influence
1 Teachers Influence
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To my parents, Joel and Patti, and my sister, Ashley, without whom none of this would
have been possible.
ii
Acknowledgements
When I think about all of the people who have contributed to this
in my life who have provided constant encouragement, guidance, and support. Indeed,
my social capital is both broad and deep and for that I am truly grateful.
achievements and challenges, have been incredible sources of support throughout this
process. Rosie, I cannot begin to express my gratitude for all you have done and the ways
in which you have guided me throughout the past four years. Perhaps the best gift has
been the ability to take ownership of my work and truly contribute as a colleague on our
research team. The experiences I have had through our lab have prepared me well for my
professional goals and future research activities. Thank you for giving me the opportunity
to connect with schools, learn about the research process from the ground up, and engage
different ways. Your insights concerning my dissertation and the research process have
been instrumental. My love for teaching and connecting with students flourished during
our work together for Ed 391. Thank you for your support and guidance and for allowing
iii
Lori, our work together has truly shaped my thinking regarding the ways in which
youth access social capital and use their social networks to achieve educational goals.
You have pushed me to think about the marginalization of youth in important ways and
been an invaluable "thought partner" throughout this process. Thank you for the time you
have taken to mentor me, provide professional advice, and personal encouragement. And
Carla, thank you for all of the hard work and effort you have invested in this
process! I truly admire your work and am so grateful for your membership on my
committee. Thank you for your support throughout the development of my qualitative
To the Cohort of 2005, thank you for your support and encouragement for the past
five years. You are a group of amazingly talented and kind individuals who have each
participated in my development both as a person and as a scholar. Thank you for teaching
me what collaboration truly means, for providing emotional support, and sharing in the
This dissertation would not have been possible without the collective effort of
everyone involved in the Latino Family Study. While all of the graduate and
undergraduate students who have contributed to the development and success of the study
have been instrumental, I would like to say a special thank you to Quyen, Laura, and
Traci. You have each provided so much support and guidance throughout the past four
iv
years. Thank you for your participation in this process and most importantly for your
friendship.
Janie and Marie, my graduate career would not have been the same without you.
To all my friends and family, you have each contributed to my life in unique and
extraordinary ways. I truly value your constant love and support and am so grateful to
have you in my life. I could not envision a better support system - thank you for being
v
Table of Contents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List of Figures ix
Abstract x
Chapter
I. Introduction 1
Theoretical Frameworks 4
Literature Review 8
Method ...44
Results 50
Discussion 67
Method 79
Findings 86
Discussion 113
VI
121
IV. Conclusion
127
Appendix
131
References
vii
List of Tables
Vlll
List of Figures
Figure
2. Summary of Family Support for College X Peer Support for College interaction
predicting educational aspirations 65
3. Summary of Family Support for College X Peer Support for College interaction
predicting educational expectations 66
VI
This dissertation investigates the ways in which Latino youth access information
and support as they develop and pursue their educational aspirations. Using a mixed
methods design, the dissertation identifies the role of family, teachers, and peers in the
early stages of the college preparation process. It also highlights students' agency in the
mobilization of supportive individuals. The quantitative study uses self-report survey data
from 223 Latino 9th grade students to assess the unique contribution of support for
college from family, teachers, and peers on adolescents' educational goals, values, and
behaviors. Findings from this study suggest that family plays a critical role in the
development of educational goals and values while peers are most influential in students'
school effort. These results also point to the importance of academic self-efficacy and the
potential of this construct to shape students' college orientations. The qualitative study
• th
students. Findings suggest that there are three different approaches to college preparation
during the early years of high school. These approaches vary in the extent to which youth
receive support from others and take an active role in their own preparation. The first
group of students benefit from family, teachers, and peers who encourage their
educational aspirations and provide concrete instructions for how to turn those goals into
a reality. These students also take advantage of their access to information and resources.
The second group of students experiences high levels of support from significant others
and engages in behaviors that prepare them for college. However, this group of students
focuses on academic preparation and is not yet involved in acquiring specific information
about higher education. Finally, the third group struggles academically and does not think
about their plans for after high school. They are not offered the support they need to
prepare for post-secondary education and do not seek out that support themselves.
Together, the findings from both studies indicate that the early stages of preparation for
xi
Chapter I
Introduction
Although the specific purpose of the American school system has changed over
the years, its promise as a vehicle for social and economic mobility has remained
constant. Considered the gateway to occupational success and self fulfillment, education
prepares individuals for entry into the workforce (Elmore, 2009). Changes in the nature
of the economy result in changes in the nature of education, and this relationship is
evident in current discussions of educational policy, research, and reform. The recent
has shifted educational focus from high school graduation to college readiness and
success (Balfanz, 2009; Callan et al., 2006). Graduates with high school diplomas who
were once on the path to lucrative careers are now relegated to low-paying jobs within
successfully compete for high-paying jobs in today's "knowledge economy." While the
percentage of youth enrolling in a college or university has increased over the past
several decades, not all secondary students receive the preparation they need to pursue
higher education. According to the U.S. Department of Education, between 62% and 69%
high school, an increase from 49% in 1972 (NCES, 2008). However, that percentage is
influenced by ethnicity and socioeconomic status such that some groups of students
enroll in higher education at substantially lower rates than others. Low-income, Latino
1
adolescents have the lowest enrollment rates in post-secondary education constituting just
the fastest growing sector of public school enrollment and are more likely to live in
poverty than their Caucasian peers (Velez & Saenz, 2001; Yowell, 1999). In 2006, Latino
students constituted 20% of public school enrollment, an increase of 14% from 1972. In
2002 these youth became the largest minority group in the nation's schools (NCES,
2008). Thus, low enrollment rates of Latino youth in higher education represent the
failure of the educational system to prepare a significant proportion of its students for
occupational success. In addition, the high incidence of poverty within the Latino
community indicates that these youth have the most to gain from participation in post-
secondary education. In 2007, the poverty rate among Latino individuals was 21.5%,
almost three times the rate among Caucasians (8.2%) and twice the rate among Asians
(10.2%) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). While the poverty rate among Latinos is slightly
less than the rate among Blacks (24.5%), the only group to experience an increase in
poverty between 2006 and 2007 was the Latino population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).
The poverty rate is even more extreme for Latinos under the age of 18, 28.6% of whom
live in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). If the new purpose of American high schools
is to prepare students for higher education and continue their role as the gateway to social
mobility, we must identify ways to increase college readiness among Latino youth.
enrollment in higher education, particularly among students from ethnic minority and
2
and "college awareness" are just a few of the terms scholars use to describe the skills and
education. Some of this work focuses on the academic indicators required for college
admittance and the ability of youth to "measure up" to these standards (Adelman, 2007).
Other research emphasizes the need to look beyond traditional status markers of ability
and determine whether students have the content knowledge and interdisciplinary skills
necessary for academic success in college (Callan et al., 2006; Conley, 2007; Roderick,
Nagaoka, & Coca, 2009). Still others restrict their work to the financial barriers and
2007). Each of these bodies of literature advances and extends our knowledge of what it
will take to ensure that all high school graduates have the opportunity to pursue higher
education.
research agendas often highlight the ways in which access to higher education is denied
to this student population. The work highlights structural barriers including limited
access to high quality teachers and curriculum as well as background barriers such as
language and poverty (Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2004; Gamoran, Porter, Smithson, &
White, 1997; Kershaw, 1992; Tornatzky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002). However, attention to
what doesn't work provides few constructive suggestions for how to improve the
among this population. These factors can then be incorporated into effective interventions
3
The present study examines the contexts that support the development and pursuit
of higher education goals among Latino youth. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from
both Psychology and Sociology, this study investigates the ways in which encouragement
and guidance from various people interact with individual student agency to influence
Latino youth's educational outcomes. Specifically, the relationship between the family,
school, and peer contexts and students' educational aspirations and school effort is
Theoretical Frameworks
attainment of Latino youth often draw on two theoretical frameworks to guide their work.
The first is social capital theory which highlights factors that may influence a student's
and social structure which can be mobilized when an actor wishes to increase the
likelihood of success in purposive actions" (Lin, 2001, 24), the term social capital
describes the ways in which individuals may use resources that belong to members of
their social network in order to pursue a specific goal. Both the benefits of social capital
and its usefulness are dependent upon the individual's membership to a social network,
the quality and relevance of the information and resources possessed by the network, and
the willingness of network members to share those resources (Croninger & Lee, 2001).
Driven by the work of Pierre Bourdieu and James Coleman, various conceptualizations of
social capital differentially emphasize these criteria. Research that extends from
network will possess the information and resources necessary for individual action
4
(Bourdieu, 1986). According to Bourdieu, the characteristics of a social network that
determine its position in the broader social hierarchy (e.g. social class, race, gender) will
likewise determine its possession of resources that may be useful for individual
highlights differential access to important information and resources and the perpetuation
willingness of the social network to share its embedded resources (Coleman, 1988).
networks and the way these expectations and values are communicated to members of the
group. It is believed that social networks with shared values and high levels of trust are
more likely to have members who are willing to share information and resources. Thus,
Coleman and the scholars who adopt his framework suggest that individuals who belong
to tight-knit communities are more likely to benefit from social capital, as such closeness
enables the communication of consistent values and norms and facilitates the sharing of
Many scholars interested in the ways in which significant others support and
foster college trajectories for youth adopt a social capital framework (Dika & Singh,
2001; Farmer-Hinton & Adams, 2006; Gonzalez, Sonter, Jovel, 2003; McDonough,
1997; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Tierney & Venegas, 2006; Valenzuela, 2005). Within this
literature, the term social capital is used to describe students' access to information and
resources necessary for academic achievement and attainment through their social
5
education and the requirements for college acceptance which impact all stages of the
college planning, application, and enrollment process. Students who have connections to
individuals who can provide support and guidance concerning which high school courses
universities require, when students should take the SAT or ACT, and ways to finance
higher education are better positioned to develop and realize college aspirations
(McDonough, 1997; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Tornatzky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002). This
information also fosters an awareness of college culture and what the college experience
entails. Such insight increases the ability of students to generate cognitive representations
opportunity, two factors required for students to successfully engage in the college
that adopts a social capital framework still has not reached its potential for elucidating the
mechanisms through which adolescents learn about and pursue postsecondary education.
Often this work does not consider the multiple social networks of which an adolescent is
a part and the ways in which those networks impact each other. Similarly, it does not give
credence to the adolescent's own ability to seek out and manage resources, assuming
instead that adolescents play a passive role in the transmission of valuable information. A
second theoretical perspective from the discipline of psychology can help fill these gaps.
The ecological model of human development asserts that scholarship must consider both
environmental and individual level forces that shape academic goals. According to
6
environment, and the interaction between the two. He states, "Human development takes
active, evolving biopsychological human organism and the persons, objects, and symbols
the influence that different contexts may have on one another and the ways in which
aspirations, the ecological model suggests that research consider the various
attend to the relationships between these contexts (Woolley, Kohl, & Bowen, 2009). In
addition, adolescents' own educational attitudes and beliefs must be examined as they,
too, are likely to impact educational outcomes. Thus, a complete understanding of the
college decision-making process requires research that examines both contextual and
Several researchers who adopt the ecological framework address the need to
examine multiple social networks at once and the ways in which they impact adolescents'
educational outcomes both directly and indirectly through their relationships with each
other. In his examination of both the family and school contexts, Crosnoe (2004) found
that relationship quality with parents and teachers had an additive effect on educational
outcomes. Moreover, students who reported high emotional support from parents were
also more likely to report strong bonds with teachers, indicating that positive
Steinberg and colleagues (1995) also found that academic support from both parents and
7
peers lead to better academic achievement for youth than encouragement from just one
context. However, parents and peers played slightly different roles in the educational
lives of youth. Support from parents influenced adolescents' educational plans while
support from friends impacted daily behaviors such as homework completion. Work that
examines family, school, and peer contexts simultaneously has found varying results with
some studies highlighting the importance of teachers and school personnel and others
suggesting that support from the family plays the primary role in students' educational
outcomes (DeGarmo & Martinez, 2006; Garcia-Reid, 2007; Plunkett, Henry, Houltberg,
Sands, & Abarca-Mortensen, 2008; Woolley, Kol, & Boewn, 2009). While this research
begins to address the importance of attending to multiple contexts and their combined
individual-level factors. Thus, the role of the adolescent in his or her own educational
The literature review that follows presents current research regarding the impact
The Latino student population faces many challenges on the road to college enrollment
and these environmental demands must be given consideration in order to fully illustrate
the academic lives of these youth. However, the focus of this review is the ability of
social networks to support and encourage adolescents' educational goals and to foster
academic resilience within difficult environments. Previous research concerning the ways
8
Literature Review
While there is great diversity among the Latino population, many Latino youth
live and learn in environments that present significant challenges to their academic
achievement. High rates of poverty among this population as well as their status as ethnic
struggles associated with poverty result in demanding work schedules for Latino parents
that may limit the amount of time they are able to spend at home (Entwisle & Alexander,
1995; Green, Walker, Hoover-Dempsey, & Sandler, 2007). Latino families are also
characterized by high rates of mobility as parents seek out work opportunities. Multiple
moves between neighborhoods can disrupt the academic lives of Latino youth as
important relationships are lost and curricula often differ between schools (Ream, 2005;
Ream & Stanton-Salazar, 2007; South, Haynie, & Bose, 2007). Ream and Stanton-
Salazar (2007) describe this difficulty stating, "Most important, we believe, the
development of supportive ties with school personnel is difficult due to cultural and
language differences, racialized identities, and social class distinctions, which create
infertile ground for developing trust, positive affect, and mutual emotional investment.
Such conditions particularly when combined with the added problem of mobility can a)
personnel from conscientiously investing in the academic success of minorities" (p. 75).
In addition, if parents did not attend school in the United States they may be
unfamiliar with American school practices. Scholars have highlighted the incongruence
between some Latino cultural values and American expectations concerning classroom
behavior and parental involvement (Okagaki, 2001). Latino parents often teach their
9
children to have a deep respect for professionals, known as respeto, which may prohibit
students from engaging in the types of classroom participation (e.g. questioning the
teacher) that American schools value. Through the cultural value of education, Latino
parents teach their children the manners and social skills that will be important for life
within the classroom. However, schools expect that parents also provide preparation that
includes academic skills and content, and they may view Latino students as being ill-
Lack of familiarity with the American education system among Latino parents is
particularly salient with regards to higher education. Students whose parents are not
college graduates themselves may not have access at home to the information they need
to successfully navigate the college application process (Portes, 1998). Parental attempts
well as the reactions of other individuals. In a literature review examining the treatment
of low-income parents within schools, Lott (2001) systematically describes the way in
which these parents are devalued and ignored when they try to become involved in their
children's education. Even if school personnel are receptive to parents' attempts, a lack
Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004; Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003). Scholars employ multiple
10
neglect," "subtractive schooling," and "counterfeit social capital" (Gonzalez, Stoner, &
Jovel, 2003; Ream, 2003; Valenzuela, 2005). Each of these descriptions highlights the
ways in which some teachers and counselors engage in practices that actively restrict
students' access to high quality curriculum and college preparation. For instance, students
college prep tracks regardless of the ability level of the students (Gamoran, Porter,
Smithson, & White, 1997; Kershaw, 1992; Lucas & Berends, 2002). These lower track
classrooms expose students to less content at a slower pace and are more likely to be led
by inexperienced, less qualified teachers (Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2004; Gamoran,
Anyon (1981, 1997) describes the way in which the racial and socioeconomic
background of students changes teacher expectations and behavior. Teachers altered the
content and instruction of courses based on assumptions concerning the academic ability
of poor, African American students and the utility of certain types of knowledge for this
curriculum as teachers believed it was a waste of time and resources to provide such
opportunities to students who would never enroll in higher education. The teachers
described by Valenzuela (2005) and Ream (2003) limit the support they provide to Latino
Latino students and their Caucasian teachers results in reduced support within the
classroom. "Teachers expect students to care about school in a technical fashion before
they care for them, while students expect teachers to care for them before they care
about school" (Valenzuela, 2005, p. 83). When students and teachers do not connect and
11
form supportive bonds, teachers are less likely to provide students with information and
resources and students are less likely to seek out that help (Ream & Stanton-Salazar,
counseling resources within the schools many Latino youth attend, further limiting their
chances of successfully pursuing higher education. Indeed, the Latina community college
experiences than those of their peers who attended four-year universities. Students who
ultimately enrolled in community colleges reported college counseling offices that were
academic honors programs (the students counselors deemed as destined for four-year
institutions) and in some cases explicitly discouraged students from pursuing higher
education (Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003). Such experiences mirror those of other
ethnic minority, low-income youth who disproportionately attend schools with limited or
succeed, indicating that there may be factors that promote success even within these
difficult contexts. Indeed, Cooper and colleagues (2002) assert that environments should
identify both challenges and resources that exist within the contexts of home, school,
peers, and community (Cooper et al., 2002). A significant body of literature is emerging
12
that focuses on the support and guidance Latino youth receive from the significant others
in their lives and the ways in which such encouragement increases educational
protective forces that can be used to inform efforts to improve the academic achievement
of Latino youth.
Parents and family members engage in a variety of activities that help promote the
variety of frameworks that emphasize the ways in which parents support academic
achievement both in the home and through interactions with the school. Epstein (2001)
describes the various activities that constitute home-based and school-based involvement
and reasons for their impact on the educational success of children. Home-based
involvement includes activities that occur outside of school between parents and children.
These activities may include discussions about school, help with homework, or family
trips to educational sites such as museums. School-based involvement describes the ways
Grolnick and Slowiaczek (1994) further unpack the various ways in which parents
involvement transcends contextual boundaries and describes activities that occur in both
home and school environments. Parents who attend parent-teacher conferences and help
their children at home with homework are considered to be behaviorally involved in their
13
children's schooling. Cognitive-intellectual involvement includes activities that
or trips outside the home. Personal involvement refers to the ways in which parents
with teachers and school administrators as well as discussions with children regarding
The ways in which parents support the academic achievement of their children
change over time as children develop and proceed through different stages of schooling.
The types of support parents provide during elementary school may be qualitatively
different than the practices that are effective as children progress through middle and
high school. Indeed, in a meta-analysis of parental involvement during the middle school
years, Hill and Tyson (2009) found that parents engaged in different activities and
practices during this stage than in previous years. Such practices correspond with both
developmental changes in the child and structural changes in schools. Hill and Tyson
(2009) call this new set of parental involvement strategies "academic socialization"
which "includes communicating parental expectations for education and its value or
aspirations, discussing learning strategies with children, and making preparations and
plans for the future" (p. 742). While home-based and school-based involvement
14
Research examining the support that parents provide during the development and
emphasize the value and importance of education and demonstrate family members' high
expectations for academic success are important components of family social support as
adolescents make future plans (Battle & Lewis, 2002; Croll, 2004). Chen and Gregory
(2009) found that ninth graders' reports of parental expectations for school performance
and parental academic encouragement predicted both teacher reports of student classroom
engagement as well as grades. Similar results have been found with nationally
representative samples (Anguiano, 2004; Wilson & Wilson, 1992). Hong and Ho (2005)
adolescent aspirations, and academic achievement in their study using data from the
discussions about school activities and plans and parents' educational aspirations
tli
subsequently predicted academic achievement four years later when the students were in
among Latino families as numerous challenges including language barriers and a lack of
familiarity with American schools make school-based involvement difficult (Turney &
Kao, 2009). While Latino parents engage in school-based forms of parental involvement
less frequently than their European counterparts, the types of support characterized by
academic socialization are prevalent in Latino homes (Desimone, 1999; Valadez, 2002).
15
Latino parents have high educational aspirations for their children and believe strongly in
the value of education (Cheng & Starks, 2002; Goldenberg, Gallimore, Reese, & Gamier,
2001; Okagaki, Frensch, & Gordon, 1995; Spera, 2006). In turn, these educational
aspirations exert powerful influences over students' academic lives and have been found
to be the most important predictors of students' own expectations (Trusty, Plata, &
Salazar, 2003). In his study of 6th, 8th, and 10 grade immigrant students, Fuligni
examined factors related to academic achievement among these youth (Fuligni, 1997). He
found that the value parents place on education is a significant contributor to students'
academic achievement. The students in his study internalized such messages and reported
high levels of educational value themselves which also impacted levels of achievement.
In order to express the value of education, parents may engage in practices such as
One way these expectations and goals are expressed is through parent-child
conversations about school. The Latino parents interviewed by Auerbach (2006) provide
rich examples of the ways in which they supported their children's college aspirations.
These parents constantly emphasized the importance of hard work, encouraged their
children when they struggled, and used cultural values of education to prepare their
children for the social demands of school. Approximately 80 Mexican, Cuban, and Puerto
Rican parents interviewed by Zarate (2007) also emphasized the importance of education
involvement. Indeed, among these parents of middle and high school ages youth, talking
with children and encouraging their educational goals and aspirations was deemed more
16
Parents also transmit these beliefs through behaviors and parenting practices.
Such practices can be both directly and implicitly tied to the value of education.
Martinez, DeGarmo, and Eddy (2004) found that Latino parents of middle and high
school students who rewarded good grades and established consequences for poor school
performance had children who were more likely to complete their homework and school
chores and responsibilities around the house in order to focus on homework and studying
also demonstrates to youth the importance of education (Azmitia, Cooper, & Brown,
through behaviors that demonstrate the utility of academic achievement and attainment
(Auerbach, 2006; Lopez, 2001). Using case study methods, Lopez (2001) explored the
way a single family supported their children's education. This father, engaged in migrant
work, brought his children with him to work to demonstrate the need to work hard in
attainment.
Cultivating the value of education and expressing high aspirations for their
children creates a family social network that fosters discussions and behaviors
specifically related to the pursuit of higher education. The importance of such support is
th th
demonstrated by the comments made by the 10 Puerto Rican 11 and 12 grade students
who earned a grade point average of 3.0 or higher in a study conducted by Antrop-
Gonzalez and colleagues (2005). These students spoke about the help and guidance they
received from their mothers and the ways in which their mothers sought out resources
17
when they themselves could not provide assistance (Antrop-Gonzalez, Velez, & Garrrett,
2005). These students' mothers found homework help when they were not able to
personally assist their children, located test prep materials for college, and enrolled their
In order to obtain the information their children need to successfully complete the
programs themselves. Such participation enables parents to guide and assist their children
as they tackle the task of preparing for, applying to, and enrolling in higher education
(Kim & Schneider, 2005). Auerbach (2007) calls these parents "struggling advocates,"
highlighting the effort with which they seek out the information and resources they need
in order to better assist their children. Fann, Jarsky, and McDonough (2009) describe
partnership. The Latino parents who attended these workshops cared deeply about their
children's education and acknowledged the need to pursue information about the college
process. These parents requested information about financial aid, college admissions
requirements, and the SAT and ACT. In addition to participation in college information
programs, such parents initiate contact with school counselors and personnel, engage in
online research concerning the college application process, and leverage their own social
networks to gain necessary information (Auerbach, 2007; Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell,
2006).
types of encouragement and emotional support extend into decisions regarding post-
secondary education and success in college (Ceballo, 2004; Gandara, 1995). In their
18
comparison of Mexican American students attending 2-year colleges to Mexican
American students not enrolled in higher education, Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvain (2007)
attendance. Research conducted by Ong, Phinney, and Dennis (2006) suggests that
perceived parental support also increases academic achievement while students are in
college. Students who reported high levels of encouragement, educational value, and
understanding from parents earned better grades than students who did not experience
Current research suggests that the support provided by the family social network
including parents, siblings, and extended kin may be especially important among Latino
youth (Cheng & Starks, 2002; Trusty, Plata, & Salazar, 2003). Familismo, the emphasis
placed on family ties and the importance of family assistance among this population, may
increase the significance of family social capital in adolescents' college access (Fuligni,
2001; Urdan, Solek, & Schoenfelder, 2007; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994). In their
study of 143 Latino high school seniors, Esparza and Sanchez (2008) found that students
who endorsed high levels of familismo reported higher levels of academic effort than
their peers who did not indicate strong ties to this cultural value. They also reported
skipping classes less often than their peers. Support from siblings, cousins, and other
family members close in age to the adolescent may be particularly important. Older
siblings can provide sources of academic support such as help with homework and
guidance in educational planning when parents' own educational background does not
prepare them for that type of assistance (Azmitia, Cooper, & Brown, 2009; Hurtado-Ortiz
& Gauvain, 2007). In his interviews with 20 Chicana seniors, Ceja (2006) found that
19
siblings were a valuable source of information regarding the college application process,
due to language barriers and parents' limited knowledge of the American educational
system.
Informed by this literature, the present study examines the way in which family
members support the educational goals, values, and effort of Latino youth. Given the
Latino youth in particular, it is hypothesized that family support for college will be
Many teachers and counselors also support the academic achievement and college
aspirations of Latino youth (Calaff, 2008; Corwin, Venegas, Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004).
Similar to parental support and involvement, positive relationships with teachers and
school staff impact educational outcomes across development for youth (Skinner, Furrer,
Marchand, & Kinderman, 2008). The nature of this support and its benefits changes over
positive student-teacher relationships in which teachers express how much they care
about student well-being. In their study of 282 third grade students, Elias and Haynes
(2008) found that student reports of teacher support at the beginning of the year predicted
grades and attendance at the end of the year. Students who believed their teachers cared
about them performed better at the end of the year. Similar results were obtained by
Patrick, Ryan, and Kaplan (2007) in their study of fifth grade students. Teacher support
20
Similar to changes in the nature of parental involvement over the course of
students' academic careers, the activities that constitute teacher support become more
diversified as students enter middle and high school. Adolescents continue to benefit
from socially and emotionally supportive interactions with teachers (Goodenow, 1993;
comparison of different high school programs and their affect on adolescent achievement,
environment that facilitates success among Latino youth. During interviews, students in
one academic program described the close bonds they developed with teachers and the
ways in which these supportive ties motivated them to succeed. The students in Jewett's
(2009) study described similar sentiments. These middle school youth likened their
school community to a "second family" and discussed the ways in which teacher support
fostered feelings of belonging and comfort in their school. Teachers knew what was
going on in the lives of their students both academically and personally through constant
relationships.
decision-making, they draw on teachers as mentors and resources for information. The
emotional support they receive from teachers and school staff is accompanied by high
expectations for success and the provision of advice concerning adolescents' current and
21
future plans (Ceballo, Huerta, & Epstein-Ngo, in press). This combination represents
required for the academic achievement and attainment of ethnic minority youth. The
researchers assert that effective teaching "recognizes that students of color will not
benefit from forms of caring that are not tied to the expectation of academic excellence"
effective high schools for Latino students (Katz, 1999; Lucas, Henze, & Donato, 1990).
student achievement, Rosenthal (1968) demonstrated the critical role of teacher beliefs on
academic capabilities at the beginning of the school year, indicating a random group of
students who would be academic "bloomers" over the course of the year. Teachers
subsequently altered their behaviors to favor those students who were believed to be
more capable learners despite any actual differences in intelligence between the two
student groups. By the end of the year, students in the "bloomer" group had achieved
significantly more than students in the control group on test scores, grades, and IQ scores
samples consisting of Latino high school students. In their examination of six high
schools in California and Arizona serving large Latino student populations, Lucas,
Henze, and Donato (1990) found that high teacher expectations were integral to student
academic achievement. Such expectations were evidenced through the language teachers
22
used with the students, the support students received during the college application
process, and special school rituals designed to recognize student achievement. Teacher
beliefs exert an important influence even when they are examined alongside family
factors. Kuperminc, Darnell, and Alvarez-Jimenez (2009) found that teacher expectations
mediated the relationship between parental involvement and academic adjustment among
Thus, adolescents who perceive their teachers as caring, talk with their teachers
about future plans, and believe their teachers have high expectations for their success are
more likely to achieve academically (Croninger & Lee, 2001; Weinstein, 2002). They are
also more likely to develop high educational aspirations and pursue such goals. Using the
NELS database, Croninger and Lee (2001) examined the influence of teacher-student
10th grade adolescents. The researchers found that students who believed their teachers
supported their academic achievement were less likely to drop out of high school
th th
between the 10 and 12 grades. In addition, students who discussed both scholastic and
personal issues with their teachers were more likely to graduate from high school than
those students who did not engage in such discussions. The thirteen African American,
first-generation college students interviewed by Reid and Moore (2008) in their study of
college access identified teachers, counselors, and school mentors as influential to their
pushed them to consider higher education, and provided constant emotional support
23
year institutions benefited from the academic encouragement, life skills training, and
Such encouragement facilitates the important role teachers and counselors can
play in the transmission of information and resources regarding the college application
process. Farmer-Hinton and Adams (2006) describe the way in which teachers and
counselors can create a "college going culture" through the provision of information and
resources. They conducted a case study of a college preparatory charter school outside of
Chicago that served low-income, minority youth. The school was chartered by parents
and community members with the intention of increasing college enrollment among
neighborhood youth. The school successfully fosters a college-going culture among its
400 students. The teachers and counselors at this school had frequent formal and informal
discussions with students, hung posters that emphasized the importance of going to
college, and found ways to incorporate college attendance into seemingly unrelated
conversations. For instance, one counselor reported using college attendance to discuss
behavior problems with a student saying, "Every time I see her in a situation I ask her,
'How is this going to help you be a writer and do that creative writing degree?'" (Farmer-
Hinton & Adams, 2006, p. 109). In addition to establishing norms around college
attendance, the counselors designed courses, planned trips to visit colleges, and created a
summer internship program to give students access to the information and experiences
gatekeepers suggests that they are influential in the development of students' educational
goals, values, and effort. Such a relationship is expected to be evidenced in the present
24
study with teacher support for college exhibiting a significant association with
Increasing significance of the peer group during adolescence suggests that peers
may play an important role in the academic achievement and attainment of youth. During
this developmental stage, adolescents' quest for independence from the family context
directs their attention towards the peer group. As a result, this social network impacts
many of the attitudes, decisions, and behaviors of youth (Brown & Larson, 2009).
achievement and suggest that peers may constitute an important source of social support
2003; Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003; Stokach, 2006). Crosnoe, Cavanaugh, and Elder
(2003) used a subsample from the AddHealth dataset to examine the ways in which peers
impact academic achievement. With a sample of 9,223 White and African American
adolescents, they found that students whose friends do well in school and like school are
more likely to achieve academically and avoid behavior problems compared to students
who surround themselves with low-achieving peers. Similar results were obtained by
Cook, Deng, and Morgano (2007) in their study of 901 African American, White, and
Asian youth. Among this sample, having "good" friends led to positive educational
outcomes. Specifically, students whose friends did well in school, felt confident in their
school performance, and provided social support had higher rates of achievement and
25
educational outcomes of youth, suggesting that the academic performance of peers may
attending urban schools do not always benefit from a peer culture that supports academic
achievement (Becker & Luthar, 2002; Graham, Taylor, & Hudley, 1998; Lew, 2006;
Noguera, 2003; Taylor & Graham, 2007). Fordham and Ogbu (1986) suggest that the
youth believe succeeding in school means "acting White" and abandoning your ethnic
heritage (Ogbu, 1990). Ford, Grantham, and Whiting (2008) examined students'
perceptions of "acting White" among 166 African American middle and high school
survey items emphasized the connection between "acting White" and academic
achievement. More than half of the youth knew someone who had been teased because of
their success in school and almost half had been ridiculed themselves. Being smart and
doing well in school were attributed to "acting White" while underachieving and hiding
While many ethnic minority students encounter peer networks that discourage
academic achievement, there are also students from similar backgrounds who benefit
from supportive relationships with peers (Flores-Gonzalez, 2005; Horvat & Lewis, 2003;
Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005). Such academic encouragement may exist at the
school level or be provided within small friendship groups amidst a broader peer culture
26
among middle-class, suburban and inner-city, poor middle school students, Becker and
Luthar (2007) found that youth from both contexts admired peers who were considered to
work hard in school, achieve academically, and conform to school rules. Moreover, in a
separate analysis using only data from students who attended the urban school, the
researchers found that Latino youth were more likely to admire academically oriented
When this type of peer culture is not present, adolescents may access academic
adolescent friendships suggests that similarity between friends is the result of selection,
socialization, and deselection with youth choosing friends who have similar values and
interests (Brown & Larson, 2009). Once friendships are formed based on similarity they
are either maintained through the collective cultivation of shared values and interests or
they are discontinued due to changes in these qualities. Academic orientation is one
quality that drives the development of friendships with youth forming ties with peers who
have similar educational values and behaviors. In their study of 1,062 Mexican American
high school students, Ream and Rumberger (2008) found that youth who were
academically engaged chose to associate with likeminded peers while youth who were
disengaged from school were likely to seek out peers who dismissed the value of
education. Such work supports the ability of youth with pro-academic orientations to
surround themselves with supportive friends even in the absence of a peer culture that
Using observations and interviews, Goldstein (2003) examined the role of peers in
the development of social capital among language minority youth. Fifty-nine Chinese
27
students attending high school in a middle- to upper-middle class suburb of Toronto
spoke about their school experiences and the ways in which they navigated educational
demands. Peer networks provided a context for students to work through assignments and
discuss questions in their native language. These collaborative interactions happened both
within and outside the classroom in hallways, the cafeteria, and at home. Such peer
support was facilitated by the teachers in the high school who designed activities and
structured class time in ways that encouraged collaboration. Such supportive interactions
also occur in urban, low socioeconomic contexts. Walker (2006) documented similar peer
support among the high-achieving African American and Latino youth attending a high
school in New York City. These students frequently cited friends as a major contributor
to their success in math and described the ways in which peers from various contexts
supported their achievement. Walker used the term "intellectual communities" to refer to
the encouragement and academic assistance youth received from close friends,
classmates, and peers outside the immediate school community. This support network
motivated students to do well in school and provided a resource when students needed
American and Latino students in his sample were significantly affected by peers.
Students whose friends intended to pursue higher education and who experienced high
peer expectations for their own educational futures were ten times more likely to enroll in
college than students who did not receive such support. Arbona and Nora (2007) found
similar results in their study using data from the National Educational Longitudinal
28
Study. The researchers examined the college enrollment of 925 Latino youth who
participated in the national study. Students whose friends also had high aspirations for
college attendance and identified the importance of education were more likely to enroll
in 4-year institutions than students who did not interact with academically oriented peers.
The influence of peers extended to the college environment for these youth such that
affiliation with academically oriented peers in high school predicted college degree
attainment. The authors suggest that students may seek out peers with similar educational
values throughout schooling in order to receive the support and encouragement they need
for success.
Thus, previous work suggests that peers play an important role in the
development of educational goals, values, and effort. Indeed, the growing importance of
peers in adolescence demands attention. However, this increase in influence does not
replace the important role of parents and teachers. Family members continue to shape
adolescents' beliefs and goals while teachers are central to youths' academic lives. Early
adolescents may rely on supportive adults more often than their older peers as they are
still transitioning into this developmental stage. Drawing from ecological theory, peers in
the present study are expected to exert their influence in concert with family members,
teachers, and other school personnel. Further, this study tests the role of peers as a
moderator between family support and college oriented outcomes as well as between
teacher support and similar educational outcomes. It is expected that support from peers
will enhance the influence of support from the family and from adults at school. On the
other hand, a lack of such encouragement from peers could undermine the significance of
29
Adolescent Agency and Educational Outcomes
assistance from significant others (Alfaro, Umana-Taylor, & Bamaca, 2006; Croninger &
Lee, 2001;Woolley, Kol, & Bowen, 2009). However, there is limited research
investigating the role of the adolescent in accessing social support (Dika & Singh, 2001).
Research suggests that significant others engage in a variety of activities that express
the initiative of the parent, teacher, or friend or do adolescents seek out such support and
guidance from others? According to Stanton-Salazar (2001), "people make their way in
the world by constantly negotiating both the constraints placed on them and the
opportunities afforded them by way of the social webs of which they are a part" (p. 18).
Indeed, research on agency suggests that adolescents have the capacity to influence their
own achievement through various means including the solicitation of assistance from
circumstances," agency refers to the control individual's have over their own lives
(Bandura, 2006, p. 164). In his work on human agency, Bandura (2001) describes the
specific psychological processes that constitute agency. The foundation of agency is self-
efficacy defined as, "personal judgments of one's capabilities to organize and execute
courses of action to attain designated goals" (Zimmerman, 2000, 83). In order to engage
in any of the psychological processes associated with agency, an individual must first
believe that he or she will be able to successfully accomplish those actions. Individuals
30
enact agency through intentionality, forethought, self-reactiveness, and self-reflection.
forethought constitutes the planning and strategies that the individual uses to complete
the task. Self-reactiveness describes the way in which individuals manage unanticipated
events that alter the course of the task and self-reflectiveness refers to the process of
evaluating one's intentionality, forethought, and self-reactiveness once the task has been
within environments and exert influence over their lives (Bandura, 2006).
capable of engaging in academic tasks, indicates that such attitudes are important
classroom engagement, effort, persistence, and subject matter interest are each impacted
by a student's self-efficacy beliefs (Buriel et al., 1998; Linnenbrink & Pintrich, 2003;
Long et al., 2007; Multon, Brown, & Lent, 1991). For example, in their sample of 358 9th
and 10th grade students, Stevens and colleagues (2004) found that academic self-efficacy
and colleagues (2007) highlight the important role of self-efficacy beliefs in academic
interest among African American eighth and ninth grade students. Those students across
both grade levels who felt more efficacious reported higher levels of interest in academic
subjects. Self-efficacy also predicted academic achievement in this sample. Students who
reported high levels of efficacy had higher grade point averages than their less efficacious
peers.
31
The influence of self-efficacy and agency extends beyond the classroom context
to the development of future educational and career goals. Students choose future careers
and plan for subsequent educational requirements based on perceptions of how successful
they will be within those future positions (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Vittorio, & Pastorelli,
2001). Indeed, Kerpelman, Eryigit, and Stephens (2008) highlight the role of self-efficacy
beliefs in African American adolescents' goals for the future. Students in their study who
endorsed high levels of self-efficacy were more likely to report future educational
aspirations and engage in behavior that would lead to the attainment of those educational
goals. However, the relationship between self-efficacy and educational aspirations is not
supported across ethnicity. The Mexican American high school students in a study by
Flores, Navarro, and Dewitz (2008) reported future educational goals that were not
predicted by their college self-efficacy scores, a scale that assessed the extent to which
youth believed they were capable of engaging in college level work. Different measures
regarding the ability to tackle college level work, may explain these inconsistent findings,
but further research is needed in order to truly understand these ethnic variations.
explained by the mediating role of behaviors that align with the psychological processes
processes are described as self-regulated learning. Students who set goals, engage in
specific strategies to achieve those goals, monitor their progress, and reflect on the
learning process after the goals are met are considered self-regulated learners (Boekaerts,
2006). Efficacious students set more challenging goals and are more likely to use learning
32
strategies such as rehearsal and self-consequences to attain those goals (Zimmerman,
2000). Self-efficacy predicted the use of academic strategies among the Latino students
in a study conducted by Vick and Packard (2008). These high school students were more
likely to use specific skills including monitoring their understanding of course content
and making outlines of course material to help them study and prepare for class if they
while completing academic tasks which corresponds to the psychological process of self-
Zimmerman, Bandura, and Martinez-Pons (1992) found that self-efficacy beliefs across
students who believed they were capable of monitoring their work and devising solutions
when they were faced with difficulties had higher grades than students who did not feel
predict self-evaluation of performance once the task has been completed which also
educational aspirations and the mechanisms through which it exerts its influence. The
literature concerning classroom self-regulation would suggest that students likely engage
however, the adolescent's role in this process has been largely under-theorized. One
reason for this omission in the literature may be the belief that individuals are more likely
to engage in self-regulatory behaviors when goals are proximal (Schunk, 1990). Drawing
33
from previous research on goal setting and self-regulated learning, educational
aspirations maybe too distal to facilitate the use of planning, monitoring, and evaluating
adolescence may enable students to successfully develop more distal goals and regulate
their actions towards achieving those goals. Such development targets the very behaviors
that are associated with self-regulation such as planning, monitoring, and metacognition
(Kuhn, 2009).
the ways in which youth self-regulate their behavior in the pursuit of long-term goals.
This work examines the development of strategic thinking, planning, and evaluation as
adolescents engage in various organized activities (Gestsdottir et al., 2009). In their study
of 2,280 eleventh grade students, Larson, Hansen, and Moneta (2006) found that students
and emotional regulation. Arts activities also provided a context in which students
their social networks and learned how to manage the information and resources within
these relationships. In another study, Larson and Hansen (2005) examined the
participants described the ways in which they overcame challenges as they worked on a
campaign regarding school suspensions for minor infractions. Students learned how to
seek out important information from various constituents, create action plans for
34
corresponding goals, and generate possible road blocks and how to manage such
situations.
behavior needs to be conducted. How do adolescents seek out information about college
in order to establish postsecondary goals? Once these goals are solidified, how do
adolescents manage information and resources designed to help them achieve those
educational attainment too distal, and therefore too challenging, a goal for adolescents to
"handle"? The present dissertation aims to address these outstanding questions. The
educational goals, values, and effort. It expands upon previous work through the
examination of the ways in which self-efficacy may impact students' access to support
for college. Specifically, the relationship between self-efficacy and teacher support for
that will influence their decisions about life after high school. The qualitative study
explores adolescents' agency and goal-directed behavior further through the examination
of students' specific strategies for learning about and pursuing higher education.
the factors that promote educational attainment among Latino youth. Specifically, this
dissertation investigates the ways in which Latino adolescents access information and
35
support from family members, teachers, and peers as they develop and pursue their
educational aspirations, values, and school effort. This work makes three important
contributions to the current literature. First, the study applies both social capital theory
and an ecological framework, examining the roles of individuals from multiple contexts
simultaneously. While the current literature highlights the importance of support across
students' lives examine the influence of social support on students' engagement and
support that influence academic engagement among Latina middle school students,
Garcia-Reid (2007) found that teacher support was more predictive of students' interest
and investment in education than family support or peer support. Woolley Kohl and
Bowen (2009) also investigated the role of support from various individuals on middle
school students' school behavior, school satisfaction, and academic achievement. In their
study, teacher support mediated the relationship between family support and educational
outcomes for Latino youth. Support from teachers also played a mediating role between
peer support and school behavior and school satisfaction. Both of these studies used
middle school samples and focused on the social aspects of support. It is still unclear how
various individuals provide specific information and guidance concerning the college
process and how such assistance impacts high school students' educational goals, values,
and effort. Thus, the current study examines the support for college planning adolescents
36
receive from family, school, and peer contexts concurrently and the ways in which
Second, the current study incorporates individual factors such as a student's own
role in developing, accessing, and managing his or her social networks and the support
garnered from these sources. Previous studies linking supportive contexts to educational
outcomes position students in a passive role and ignore the ways in which student agency
may contribute to the acquisition of assistance (Dika & Singh, 2001). The present study
acknowledges the importance of student agency and investigates the ways in which
adolescents themselves seek out the information, resources, and support they need for
higher education.
th
Finally, the sample for my dissertation includes early adolescents in the 9 grade.
Most research examining social capital and college access focuses on the social networks
and experiences of high school juniors and seniors or current college students (Gonzalez,
Stoner, & Jovel, 2003) As a result, little is known about the ways in which supportive
contexts impact the development of college awareness and access in the early grades
family members, teachers, and peers support academic achievement and college
trajectories for racial minority adolescents. However, such investigations typically focus
on one source of support, examining the family, school, or peer group in isolation. Such
an approach limits our ability to assess the ways in which multiple sources of support
interact with one another to influence student outcomes. The first study fills this gap by
37
using quantitative methods to examine the ways in which multiple sources of support
expectations, educational value, and school effort). Adolescents' reports of the support
they receive from family members, school personnel, and peers are considered
simultaneously and the relative weights of these sources of support are investigated.
While there is limited research concerning the role of multiple supportive contexts
in the development of high school youths' plans for future education, past work regarding
the importance of different individuals in the academic lives of youth suggests that Latino
adolescents may draw on multiple sources of support during this process. Informed by
previous literature, each context of support is expected to play an important role in the
development of adolescents' educational goals, values, and effort. Due to the importance
of family members in the lives of all adolescents and Latino youth in particular, a strong
relationship between college assistance from these individuals and students' college
orientations is anticipated. Past work also demonstrates the critical role of teachers in
students' academic lives. It is likely that the influence of teacher support extends beyond
current performance in middle and high school to students' future educational plans.
Thus, a significant relationship between teacher support for college and students' college
Previous research highlights the important role peers play in the development of
educational goals and behaviors among older adolescents. The sample for the present
study includes early adolescents in their first year of high school and the results are
expected to demonstrate the beginning stages of peer importance during this time period.
38
educational goals, values, and behavior. Peer support for college is also hypothesized to
play a moderating role, either enhancing or limiting the support that students receive from
The quantitative study also examines the potential role of self-efficacy and the
ways in which these beliefs impact students' college orientation. According to Bandura
(2000), self-efficacy is the precursor to agency and drives individual action. Adolescents
who feel efficacious are more likely to make plans, engage in behaviors that help them
achieve their goals, and monitor progress. Thus, it is expected that self-efficacy will be
significantly related to adolescents' educational goals, values, and effort. The relationship
between self-efficacy and support students receive within the school context is also
examined. Seeking support from others may be one strategy adolescents use to obtain
their educational goals. Teachers and school staff are important sources of information
regarding preparation for college and the college application process. It is anticipated that
In order to address the aims stated above, the quantitative study examines the
model depicted in Figure 1. The model highlights the hypothesized relationships between
family resources, the support students receive from family, teachers, and peers, and the
educational outcomes that result. The model is used to guide the following hypotheses:
number of adults living in the home, and number of children living in the home
will be significantly associated with the amount of family support for college
39
provided to youth. Specifically, those parents who experience greater financial
demands will engage in fewer discussions regarding college with their child.
2. Family support for college, teacher support for college, peer support for college,
and students' self-efficacy beliefs will each exhibit a significant relationship with
value such that more support and higher self-efficacy beliefs will lead to better
educational outcomes.
3. Peer support for college is expected to moderate the relation between family
support for college and educational outcomes as well as the relation between
teacher support for college and educational outcomes. Having friends who talk
about college and support youth in their postsecondary goals will enhance the
influence of other forms of support while the absence of such peer support will
40
Figure 1. Hypothesized model showing peer support as a moderator of the relation between family support and educational
understand the nuances of support for college and what that assistance entails, qualitative
methods are needed. The present qualitative study continues to explore the ways in which
family members, teachers, and peers provide support for college. In addition to the
frequency with which such discussions and activities take place, this study examines the
interviews with 20 Latino youth provide examples of the support received, and the roles
of different sources of support in students' own words. Further, the interviews highlight
the ways in which such support contributes to adolescents' college knowledge and future
plans.
Conversations with adolescents also provide the opportunity to learn more about
students' own role in the college preparation process. Do they initiate discussions and
activities in order to learn more about college? If so, when and how do they seek out such
college differ from students who do not? Does student initiative impact the support they
receive from others? The interviews conducted begin to answer these questions through
the exploration of adolescents' college aspirations, the people on whom they rely for
support, and the ways in which they personally seek or do not seek out assistance.
Identifying the various ways in which family members, teachers, and peers support
college pursuits and the role of the adolescent in accessing such support may foster a
42
better understanding of the reasons why some Latino youth pursue a college education
43
Chapter II
Quantitative Study
Method
Participants
tVi
The sample consists of 223 Latino 9 graders attending three schools in the New
England area. The sample includes 86 boys and 137 girls with a mean age of 14.54
(SD=.69). The majority of the students identified as either Puerto Rican or Dominican
with most youth indicating that they were born in the United States (76%). Most of the
parents of the students in the present sample, however, were born outside of the U.S.
Eighty percent of mothers and 78% of fathers were born outside of the United States. The
mean level of schooling for both mothers and fathers was a high school diploma.
According to student reports mothers (29%) were more likely than fathers (16%) to
The sample was drawn from three schools, a parochial high school and two public
high schools, located in disadvantaged, urban neighborhoods. The parochial high school
enrolls 235 students all of whom must participate in an application process in order to be
considered for admission. The school serves a well-established Latino community which
heritage and the school offers courses in Spanish for both native and non-native speakers.
The socioeconomic backgrounds of the students that attend this school are also
representative of the larger community. The average family income is $33,700 and 85%
of the student body is eligible for free or reduced lunch. Due to the financial hardships
44
experienced by students' families, students themselves contribute to 70% of their tuition
costs through a mandatory internship program at the school. Students work at a local
business one day a week in order to develop valuable work skills and supplement their
tuition. With such a small student body, the school is able to provide extensive academic
support and college counseling to students. As a result, the school boasted a graduation
rate of 100%) for the 2007-2008 school-year with all students pursuing some form of
higher education. Students may participate in both teacher and peer-led tutoring sessions
before or after school and all students are required to take a college preparatory
curriculum. The school hosts several college fairs and offers SAT prep courses, financial
aid workshops, and high school to college transition counseling for students.
The two public, comprehensive high schools serve much larger student bodies.
Located in a brand new campus complex within the same city as the parochial school,
one of these high schools is divided into 6 smaller, themed schools each with roughly
400-500 students. The students included in the present study attend two of these smaller
programs, one that focuses on Health and Human Services and one that emphasizes
Math, Science, and Technology. The Health and Human Services program enrolls 479
students in the 9th through 12th grades, 91% of whom identify as Latino and 85% of
whom are designated low-income by the state's metric of qualifying for free/reduced
lunch, receiving TANF benefits, or qualifying for food stamps. The students enrolled in
the Math, Science, and Technology program come from similar backgrounds. Four
hundred and ninety-four students attend this program, 85% of whom identify as Latino
and 85% of whom are designated as low-income. Both programs provide students with a
45
experiences within their respective subjects. While each program employs their own
counselors, college counseling services are relatively uniform across the broader school
community which has a graduation rate of roughly 55%. The high school works with
College Board, an external vendor that provides a college counseling curriculum, support
city that is also home to a well-established Latino community. This school enrolls
roughly 818 students, 71% of whom identify as Latino. The economic conditions of this
community are similar to those of the other city represented in this sample with the
majority of students qualifying for free or reduced lunch. The school is structured as a
typical comprehensive public high school and the four school guidance counselors are
Procedure
The data for the present study is part of a larger study examining the lives of Latino
adolescents living in urban, poor neighborhoods. Once school approval was obtained,
bilingual recruitment letters and consent forms were sent home with students at all three
schools. Returned consent forms were collected by teachers and administrators at the
schools and given to the researchers on the day of data collection. Students completed
two self-report questionnaires, a demographic survey and an adolescent survey during the
school day. Surveys were group administered at the schools and researchers were
Students who wished to complete the surveys in Spanish were given copies that had
been translated and back-translated into Spanish by native Spanish speakers. Before
46
beginning the questionnaires, students signed an assent form indicating their desire to
participate in the study. Directions for each questionnaire were read aloud to students.
a token of appreciation, the students received a $30 gift certificate to a local movie
Measures
that included a variety of questions regarding students' background. Several items from
the survey are used in the present study both as independent variables and controls.
Students reported on the number of children living in their home, the number of adults
living in their home, and the name of the school they attended. Students also indicated
their sex and reported whether their parents were born in the United States, both of which
hardship, they were asked to respond to 8 items regarding the degree to which their
family struggled to provide various resources. This scale was used by Parke and
colleagues (2004) to examine economic stress among Latino families. Sample questions
include, "My family has enough money to afford the kind of home we would like to
have" and "My family has enough money to afford the kind of school supplies I need".
Responses used a four-point Likert scale ranging from "Strongly Agree" to "Strongly
Family support for college. These questions were adapted from questionnaire items
included in the GEAR UP program evaluation survey (Finch & Cowley, 2003). This
47
scale includes six items that examine parental expectations for students' college
attendance and how often students talked to their parents about attending college. Sample
items include, "How often do you talk with any adults in your family about financial aid
or scholarships for college?" and "How often does a family member encourage you to go
Teacher support for college. These questions assessed the extent to which
adolescents discuss aspects of the college application process with teachers and other
adults at school. This scale was also based on questions included in the GEAR UP
program evaluation survey (Finch & Cowley, 2003). Four items assessed how often
students talked to school personnel about college, the requirements for college, and
financial aid. Sample items include "How often do you talk with a teacher, school
counselor, or someone else at your school about going to college?" and "How often does
a teacher encourage you to go to college?" Cronbach's alpha for this sample was .81.
Peer support for college. This scale consisted of items measuring student-peer
discussions about college adapted from the GEAR UP program evaluation survey (Finch
& Cowley, 2003). It was comprised of five items that assess how often students talk to
peers about going to college, how often they receive encouragement from peers, and how
many of their peers are planning on attending college. Sample items include, "How often
do you talk to a friend about the requirements for college?" and "How many of your
friends are thinking about going to college?" Cronbach's alpha for this sample was .77.
using items from the academic efficacy subscale of the Classroom Environment Scale
(Moss & Trickett, 1987). Seven questions such as "If I have enough time, I can do a good
48
job on all my class work" and "I'm certain I can figure out how to do even the most
difficult school work" assessed student beliefs concerning their ability to follow through
with and master academic tasks. Cronbach's alpha for this sample was .80.
question asking students "How far would you like to go in school?" Students responded
using a scale that ranged from 1 (Finish Some High School) to 5 (Graduate from Law,
"How far do you actually think you will go in school?" Again, the response categories
ranged from 1 (Finish Some High School) to 5 (Graduate from Law, Medical, or
Graduate School).
achievement. The scale consisted of six items with response categories that range from 1
(Not at all Important) to 5 (Extremely Important). Sample items include "How important
is it to you that you do well in school?" and "How important is it to you that you go to a
good college after high school?" Cronbach's alpha for this sample was .86.
School effort. A measure of school effort was constructed based on items from
Steinberg et al.'s (1992) classroom engagement scale. Six items that assessed student
investment in school were used to assess school effort. Sample items include, "How often
do you really pay attention in class?" and "How often do you hand in your homework on
time?" Response categories range from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always). Cronbach's alpha for
49
Results
Students' survey responses were double coded and entered into SPSS 16.0. All
Preliminary Analyses
The survey used in this study went through several transformations during the
data collection process. Specifically, items were added to the Peer Support for College
scale between the first round of data collection and subsequent school visits. As a result,
the students who participated in the first round of data collection have missing data for
those items. As the scale is based on the average across items, this was not expected to
affect the analyses and any difference would reflect a conservative estimate of the impact
of peer support on the outcome variables. Analyses were run twice, once with the full
sample (N=223) and once with only those participants who had complete data (N=177).
Only one difference emerged between these analyses. When using the full sample, peer
support for college was not a significant predictor of educational value; however, when
the smaller sample is used it became significant. Thus, in order to maximize the power
associated with a larger sample size, all analyses except for those associated with
residuals. With a sample size of over 200 participants, it was likely that normality tests
would be significant. These tests (e.g. Kolmogorov-Smirnov) are conservative and not
well suited for larger sample sizes. Plotting the residuals would be the best test of
normality assumptions for this dataset. The residuals for each regression were normally
50
distributed. Thus, no transformations were performed and the regressions were completed
regression analyses. They also determined the interrelationships between variables and
predictor and outcome variables. Correlations were used to determine the relationship
between a continuous background variable and the predictor and outcome variables.
The first Analysis of Variance examined the influence of school on predictor and
enrolled in the two career academies at the second high school, these academies were
Specifically, schools differed in students' reports of mother and father immigration status
as well as family financial needs (all ps<.05; see Table 1). School 1 (parochial school)
(M=.05, SD=.21) enrolled significantly fewer students whose mothers were born outside
the United States than School 3 (public school) (M=.19, SD=.39). Students attending
School 1 (M=.08, SD=.28) were also less likely to have fathers who were born outside of
the United States than School 3 (M=.26, SD=.45). In addition, students attending School
1 (M= 1.79, SD=.51) reported significantly less financial strain than School 4 (public
school) (M= 2.05, SD—.46). No significant differences were found in outcome variables
51
by school. The second Analysis of Variance investigated the relationship between sex
and predictor and outcome variables. No significant relationships were found between
sex and predictor variables and one significant relationship was found between sex and
school effort (ps<.05, see Table 2). Girls (M= 3.85, SD=.64) reported significantly higher
levels of school effort than boys (M= 3.63, SD=.12) (p<.05). As a result of these analyses,
Table 1
Predictor Variables df F P
52
Table 4
Predictor Variables df F p
analyses suggested that age was significantly related to mother immigration status (see
Table 3). Thus, age was included as a control variable for subsequent regression analyses.
None of the significant correlations had values above .70 indicating that all predictor and
53
Table 3
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
1- Age .18** .13 .09 .07 .13 -.03 -.01 -.10 -.01 -.04 -.11 -.00 -.08
2. Immigrant Mother .53** .10 .03 .04 -.14* -.06 -.25** -.03 . 23** . 19** -.54* -.20*
— -.22** -.24** -.12 -.22**
3. Immigrant Father .06 -.14 .12 -.13 -.02 _ 23** -.17*
4. # of Children in Home — .07 -.09 -.08 -.11 -.06 .03 -.01 -.06 .03 -.10
5. # of Adults in Home — -.14* .05 .07 .03 .13 -.10 -.08 .04 .05
6. Material Need -.17* -.13 -.11 . 23** -.15* -.17* -.15* -.22**
7. Family Supp for Coll — .55** .54** .36** .43** 44** 49** 32**
8. School Supp for Coll —
49** .26** .18** 29** 29** 23**
9. Peer Supp for Coll - - .26** .34** .36** 37** .33**
10. Academic Self-Efficacy — 27** 39** 49** 43**
11. Ed Aspirations —
70** 44** .35**
12. Ed Expectations — .41** 39**
— .51**
13. Ed Value
14. School Effort
Primary Analyses
A separate set of hierarchical regression analyses was conducted for each of the
background variables, age, sex, and school, were included in the first step of all
regression analyses in order to control for their effects. A separate variable was created
for each of the four schools in the study and these variables were dummy-coded in order
to control for school in the regression analyses. The first regression analysis examined the
hypothesis that family resource variables would predict the frequency with which youth
engaged in discussions about college and received encouragement for college attendance
from family members. Summarized in Table 4, this model was not significantly
predictive.
55
Table 4
Step 1
Step 2
F 1.12 .09
R2 .03 .08
df 5 10
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
56
The second regression analysis examined the relationship between students'
academic self-efficacy beliefs and the frequency with which students receive support
from school personnel with regards to college. Summarized in Table 5, self-efficacy had
a significant relationship with teacher support for college (P= .25, p<001). Students who
felt academically efficacious were more likely to report engaging in conversations about
college with adults at school and receiving encouragement from these individuals.
Table 5
Step 2
F 1.75 3 97***
R2 .04 .10
df 5 6
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
57
The third set of regression analyses investigated the hypothesis that support from
between support for college, academic self-efficacy, and educational aspirations was
significant and predicted 24% of the variance in students' educational goals. Specifically,
family support for college (P = .35, p<.001) and academic self-efficacy beliefs (P = .14,
p<.05) had significant relationships with educational aspirations while peer support for
college and teacher support for college did not. The significant relationships were in the
predicted direction with higher levels of family support and self-efficacy associated with
The model predicting educational expectations was also significant and explained
28% of the variance. Again, family support for college (P = .24, p<.01) and academic
educational expectations while peer support for college and school support for college did
not. Students who received high levels of support from family members and felt
The model predicting educational value was significant and explained 41% of the
variance. This model used the smaller sample size with only participants who had
complete data for the Peer Support for College scale. In this model, family support for
college (P = .35, p<.001) and academic self-efficacy beliefs (P = .37, p<.001) were
for college (P= .16, p<.05) also exhibited a significant association with student reports of
educational value. Again, teacher support for college was not significant.
58
Finally, the model examining associations with school effort was significant and
predicted 28% of the variance. In this model, peer support for college (P= .20, p<.01) and
academic self-efficacy beliefs (P = .32, p<.001) had significant relationships with school
effort. Students who received support for college from their peers and felt efficacious
were more invested in their school work and assignments than students who did not
experience such support and doubted their academic efficacy. Family support for college
59
Table 3
(N=223) (N=223)
Step 1
Student's Age -.04 .08 -.09 .10 -.02 .07 -.02 .07
Student's Sex .08 .12 .11 .15 .06 .10 .14 .10
Student's School 1 -.16 .15 -.07 .19 .07 .14 -.01 .13
Student's School 2 .01 .16 -.01 .20 .07 .14 -.06 .14
Student's School 3 -.06 .15 -.06 .19 .01 .14 -.01 .13
Df 5 5 5 5
Step 2
Student's Age -.10 .07 -.06 .09 .02 .05 .00 .06
Student's Sex .04 .11 .10 .13 .02 .08 .13* .09
Ed Aspirations
F 7 24***
R2 .24
Df - 9
9 9 9
The fourth set of regression analyses examined the role of peer support as a
moderator of the relationships between family support for college and educational
outcomes and between school support for college and educational outcomes (see Table
7). Before conducting the regressions, variables were centered and interaction terms for
Family Support for College X Peer Support for College and School Support for College
X Peer Support for College were computed. The centered variables and the interaction
terms were then entered into a regression with age, sex, and school as controls. The first
model examining the association with educational aspirations was statistically significant
and explained 30% of the variance. Family support for college ((3 = .31, p<.001),
Academic self-efficacy 0 = .14, p<.05), and the interaction between family support for
college and peer support for college (P = -.31, p<.001) were each significantly related to
educational aspirations. Peer support for college moderated the relationship between
family support for college and educational aspirations in the predicted direction with high
levels of friend support enhancing family support for college and low levels dampening
the effect of family support (see Table 7). However, a graph of this model suggests that
the interaction effects were not practically significant (see Figure 2). Such effects began
at the high end of the educational aspirations scale and thus did not differentiate youth in
The model examining the relationship with educational expectations was also
significant and explained 33% of the variance. Again, academic efficacy (P = .24,
p<.001), family support for college (P = .20, p<.05), and the interaction between family
support for college and peer support for college (P = -.21, p<.01) were significantly
associated with students' educational expectations. The influence of the interaction effect
62
of Family Support for College X Peer Support for College on educational expectations
was similar to its influence on educational aspirations. High levels of peer support for
college enhanced the effect of family support for college on educational expectations and
low levels of peer support inhibited the impact of family support for college on
educational expectations (see Table 7). The moderation effect was most pronounced at
the highest levels of both family support for college and peer support for college.
However, also similar to the previous results, the interaction effects did not prove to be
practically significant. Such effects did not differentiate youth in their educational
explained 42% of the variance and academic efficacy (P = .37, p<.001) and family
support for college (P = .33, p<.001) were significantly associated with educational value.
Students who felt efficacious and who received high levels of support from their family
believed doing well in school and getting a good education were important (see Table 7).
The model examining school effort was also significant and predicted 29% of the
variance. Similar to the previous model, the two interaction terms were not significant in
this model. Peer support for college (P = .20, p<.01) and academic efficacy (P = .32,
p<.001) were the only variables demonstrating significant associations with students'
school effort. Students who received support for college from peers and reported high
levels of self-efficacy invested more time and energy into their schoolwork (see Table 7).
63
Table 3
Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analyses Predicting College Orientation from Support from Family, Teachers, and Peers and
Academic Self-Efficacy
College Orientation
Ed. Aspirations Ed Expectations Educational Value School Effort
0
00
»
0 y
00 •
y
• /»
s
in
o . V . —
^
i 1 1 r
-40 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30
Figure 2. Summary of Family Support for College X Peer Support for College interaction
predicting educational aspirations.
65
Family Support for College
Figure 3. Summary of Family Support for College X Peer Support for College interaction
predicting educational expectations.
66
Discussion
Findings from the quantitative study suggest that the support students receive
certain sources of support assumed different roles in students' orientation towards higher
education. Corroborating the results of previous studies, the support students received
from family members influenced the development of their educational goals and fostered
the value of education (Azmitia, Cooper, & Brown, 2009; Hurtado-Ortiz & Gauvain,
2007). Students who reported high levels of family support for college were more likely
than their peers who did not receive such support at home.
The primacy of support from the family context reflects Latino cultural values and
the importance of family ties among this population. Latino parents strive to develop and
nurture relationships with their children that are characterized by high levels of
provide environments that foster the discussion of educational goals and the importance
that these youth endorsed the legitimacy of parental control and rule making at much
higher rates than previous studies with European American and African American
samples. Such rules and obligations may apply to the context of education with Latino
67
While the support students received from parents was influential in the
development of educational goals, peer support was more predictive of the daily
academic behaviors that turn those aspirations into a reality. Students who talked with
their friends about college and received encouragement from their friends were more
likely to invest time and effort in their schoolwork than students who did not get this type
of support. These findings are similar to those of Steinberg and colleagues (1995) who
found that parental support for academics influenced educational plans while support
from peers impacted daily school behaviors such as homework completion and studying
for exams. The relationship between peer support and school effort may be explained
through its impact on competing demands for adolescents' time and energy. Students
who are surrounded by peers who support and encourage their academic pursuits may
school with students' own school behavior (Crosnoe, Cavanaugh, & Elder, 2003; Masten,
Juvonen, & Spaztier, 2009; Woolley, Kol, & Bowen, 2009). In their study of Latino
middle school youth, Woolley and colleagues (2009) found that students who reported
having friends who cut class, misbehaved in school, and received frequent suspensions
for misconduct were more likely to engage in these disruptive behaviors themselves.
Having friends who encourage college attendance may also foster pro-academic
behaviors among peer groups. Frequent discussions about and support for college
attendance from friends may be accompanied by academic assistance. Students may work
together on school assignments, encourage each other to stay focused in school, and
68
create the type of learning communities Goldstein (2003) and Walker (2006) describe in
their examinations of Asian and African American youth. Indeed, students who receive
encouragement from friends to go to college and talk with them about the college
application process may feel pressure to conform to behavioral norms that lead to
achievement. Thus, the importance of peer support for college on school effort may
reflect the absence of pressure to engage in disruptive behavior as well as the promotion
Both family support for college and peer support for college were related to
students' beliefs in the importance of education. The influence of both sources of support
on this aspect of college orientation reflects the significance of family and peers during
this developmental stage. Previous research highlights the emergence of the peer network
as a salient influence in adolescents' lives as they search for independence from the
family unit (Brown & Larson, 2009). However, the importance of peers does not
completely overshadow the relationships youth have with family members and
adolescents continue to seek support and guidance from parents, siblings, and extended
kin (Laursen & Collins, 2009). According to the present findings, youth draw on the
support they receive from both family members and peers in order to construct values
Interested in the ways in which different sources of support may impact one
another, the present study examined the interaction between family support for college
and peer support for college. While this interaction effect was statistically significant, it
was not practically significant. Such findings suggest that both family members and peers
69
working in concert to promote the same components of college orientation, family
support for college and peer support for college make unique contributions to students'
The hypotheses concerning the influence of teacher support for college on college
orientation were not supported by the results of the current study. Students' conversations
with school staff and the encouragement they received regarding future college
attendance was not a significant predictor of any of the educational outcomes. This
finding is particularly surprising in light of previous work which finds support from
Woolley, Kol, & Bowen, 2009). The measure of teacher support used in the present study
differs from ones used in previous research in its emphasis on discussions and support
specifically related to college. Prior work examining the influence of teacher support on
educational outcomes has examined teacher social support and academic support related
to current coursework (e.g. Croninger & Lee, 2001). In these studies, students are asked
to indicate whether they believe their teachers care about them, want them to do well in
school, and are available to discuss personal problems. In contrast, the measure used in
the current investigation asks students to report on the frequency with which they engage
in conversations with school staff about the requirements for college, financial aid for
college, and other aspects of the college-going process. This measurement difference may
explain why the results for the present study differ from those of past investigations.
The current results, in combination with those of previous work, suggest that the
type of support students receive from school staff may impact the educational outcomes
70
that result. The type of support examined here (e.g. conversations about college) may be
a better predictor of students' college choice and eventual attainment than the
development of their aspirations and expectations. Indeed, research examining the role of
support from teachers and counselors during the college application process highlights
the important contributions these individuals make at this stage of students' educational
planning and decision-making (Gonzalez, Jovel, & Stoner, 2003; Reid & Moore, 2008).
This source of support may not exert its influence until later in a student's college-going
process.
impacts educational outcomes among Latino youth, the findings of the present study
suggest that students' own beliefs are a powerful contributor to their college orientation.
tasks influenced their goals, values, and behaviors. Efficacious students reported higher
educational aspirations and expectations. They also had more confidence in the
importance of doing well in school and engaged in behaviors that supported these beliefs.
These results support and extend previous findings that link students' self-efficacy
with future educational plans and the behaviors that lead to academic success
(Kerpelman, Eryigit, & Stephens, 2008; Linenbrink & Pintrich, 2003). They contribute to
the literature concerning the ways in which self-efficacy beliefs operate within Latino
student populations, contradicting previous work that suggests these beliefs do not
influence future educational goals (Flores, Novarro, & DeWitz, 2008). Such conflicting
71
outcomes (Schunk, 1990; Zimmerman, 2000). Flores and colleagues investigated the role
of college self-efficacy, or students' beliefs that they will be able to complete college-
level work in the future, on educational goals while students in the present study reported
on their academic self-efficacy for high school work. Students may base their educational
college. Students may feel confident in their abilities to successfully complete high
school level work but report mixed levels of college self-efficacy as they are unfamiliar
with the demands and expectations of college level work. This may be particularly true
for Latino students if their parents have not attended college in the United States. Thus,
students may develop future educational goals based on current levels of academic
functioning and assume that these capabilities will continue in the future when they have
These results also begin to explore the influence that adolescents exert over the
support they receive during the development of their educational plans. Self-efficacy was
associated with school support for college, indicating that students who felt more
efficacious engaged in conversations about college with school staff more frequently than
their peers. Students who believe they can successfully approach and complete academic
tasks may take more initiative in seeking out information and resources about college.
Previous findings within the domain of positive youth development programs suggest
that the capacity of adolescents to strategize and organize actions in the pursuit of goal
attainment increases during this developmental stage (Larson & Hanson, 2005; Lerner &
Barton, 2000). The results of the present study suggest the college process is one context
in which adolescents engage in this type of agentic behavior and make use of their
72
developing skills. However, it is not possible to prove causality and students who engage
in conversations with teachers may subsequently feel more efficacious. Indeed, it is likely
that this is a circular process with support enhancing efficacy and efficacy increasing the
for the ways in which individuals interested in increasing college attendance among
Latino youth can target their efforts. One point of intervention is the engagement of
parents and family members in the preparation and support of educational goals. These
individuals were significantly related to students' aspirations, expectations, and values for
college indicating that they are an important source of support during the college process.
Ensuring that they have the information and resources to successfully help their children
through the college process could bring Latino youth closer to reaching their dreams of
attending higher education. Many parents of Latino youth may be unfamiliar with the
American educational system and may not have a firm understanding of the college
process. Providing these individuals with specific information regarding the requirements
for college, the college application process, and various options for financing post-
structure effective college activities for Latino parents in their study of college
highlight the importance of making parents feel welcome and supported during these
73
information about upcoming workshops was disseminated using a variety of strategies
including parent networks, materials were provided in Spanish, and the workshops
including the opportunity for parents to voice their concerns and questions about the
college process. Parents were eager to learn more about college and arm themselves with
the information they needed to better assist their children in achieving their educational
aspirations. They appreciated the opportunity to become involved in the workshops and
were determined to make use of the information they gained in the future as they guided
their children towards higher education. Thus, when leveraged, parents can be an
important resource for programs dedicated to increasing college enrollment among Latino
youth.
The current findings also suggest that peers should be incorporated into efforts to
increase college attendance among Latino youth. Increasing the encouragement students
receive from peers has the potential to impact their behavior in school, their attention in
class, and the amount of studying they do. College advisory groups and clubs may foster
college discussions that motivate students to work hard in school. Such groups establish a
formal venue for students to engage in discussions regarding their futures and access the
support they need during the planning process. They also provide a context for youth to
discuss these issues with their peers. Peer tutoring and college counseling activities may
also connect youth with other students who can provide encouragement and assistance as
they work to achieve their educational goals. The work of Tierney and Venegas (2006)
highlights the potential of formal peer mentoring programs targeted at improving college
access among youth. Their study of one such program at a large, urban high school
indicated that participation was beneficial not only for students who received assistance
74
but for the peer mentors themselves. The adolescent counselors gained access to
important information and resources through one-on-one time with school college
counselors and were successful in forwarding this information to peers. All of these
practices help create a culture within a school that emphasizes college attendance and
The findings relating to the significance of the interaction between family support
for college and peer support for college on college orientation highlights the complexity
of examining educational goals among youth in today's society. Most of the students in
the present study reported high levels of educational aspirations and expectations. Likely
aware of the value and importance of a college degree in today's economy, students
wanted and planned to enroll in higher education. Previous research examining students'
educational aspirations and eventual college enrollment suggests that most youth in the
United States aspire to high levels of education and such goals may not differentiate those
youth who eventually enroll in post-secondary education from those who do not
(Roderick, 2006). Expanding upon this work, the results of the present study indicate that
what may distinguish youth is their knowledge of professional opportunities and the
graduate work required to pursue those careers. The current work also suggests that peer
support may play a unique role in providing knowledge about and encouragement for
graduate school. The benefits students accrue from receiving high levels of support for
college from both family members and peers may be their access to information and
The current study also presented important findings concerning the relationship
between students' beliefs about their ability to complete academic tasks and their college
75
orientation. Such results suggest that increasing students' confidence in this area may
also increase their educational goals, values, and investment. Efforts to improve self-
efficacy may target both course content as well as students' approach to learning and
completing school work. Academic advising and tutoring may be important venues where
adults can assist students in mastering subject matter, address student misconceptions,
and provide the opportunity for students to ask questions that further their understanding.
These activities may also provide important support as youth develop the skills and
strategies that will help them complete their work. This is particularly salient among the
age group included in the present study. As freshman, these youth are still in the process
of learning the expectations and standards of high school level work. Explicit training in
study skills, time management, and organization may increase adolescents' knowledge of
how to go about tackling academic assignments at this stage of their educational careers.
Limitations and future directions. While the present study makes an important
contribution to the current literature regarding the preparation of Latino youth for higher
how to support students' educational aspirations. Additional work concerning the nature
of college preparation at this stage of schooling as well as the types of support that are
required needs to be completed. The present study focused on youth's college orientation
which was comprised of their aspirations, expectations, values, and effort. It is possible
that the successful pathway to college includes other factors that were not addressed here.
Should youth also be actively engaged in activities that provide information about
college? Should they have a basic knowledge of higher education and the college
76
application process? Future work should continue to explore the factors that predict
college enrollment and what students need to do to ensure their college trajectories during
college would be the use of longitudinal designs in order to identify causal relationships.
The study presented here uses a cross-sectional design and without longitudinal data it is
impossible to determine causality. Another limitation of the current study that may be
addressed by future work is the exploration of ethnic group comparisons among Latinos.
The Latino label encompasses many different nationalities, each with their own
traditions, values, and beliefs. The current sample size did not permit the investigation of
such comparisons but it would be critical for future work to attend to possible ethnic
In addition to addressing study limitations, future research should also build upon
the findings of this work. For example, the lack of a significant relationship between
school support for college and college orientation in the present study deserves further
examination. This finding is inconsistent with previous work and requires replication in
future studies. The construction of the current teacher support for college scale may
explain this finding. The scale used in this study measured the frequency with which
youth engaged in conversations with teachers, counselors, and school staff regarding
various college topics. It did not, however, assess the nature of those conversations. It is
possible that youth frequently discuss college topics with school personnel but these
discussions include negative messages that discourage youth from pursuing higher
education. Future work should address this limitation and include a measure of teacher
77
support for college that accounts for the various types of messages youth may receive
Finally, the role of self-efficacy and agency in students' access to the support they
receive at school must be explored further. Given the goals of the present study and the
interest in examining how youth might be involved in their college preparation process,
the present analyses focused on the ability of self-efficacy to predict the support students
receive from adults in the school community. However, it is likely that this relationship is
bi-directional. Youth may initiate conversations with teachers and counselors in their
quest for information about college, but the support that they receive from these
individuals may influence their decision to rely on school staff for assistance. It will be
important for future work to assess the bi-directional nature of this relationship and the
78
Chapter III
Qualitative Study
Method
Participants
tVi
comprehensive high school located in an poor, urban community in the Northeast. The
sample was evenly split in regards to sex with 10 females and 10 males participating in
tH
the study. While all students were enrolled in the 9 grade, the students ranged from 14
to 17 years in age with a mean age of 14.45. School records indicated that these students
self-identified as Latino and during the interviews students reported eight different Latino
students). Eleven of the students were second generation, born in the United States to
immigrant parents. Five of the students were immigrants themselves and 3 students were
third generation. One student was born outside of the United States to one U.S.-born
parent and one non-U.S. born parent. Specific demographic characteristics of the sample
are listed in Table 8. Pseudonyms are used in place of the students' real names.
79
Table 8. Student Background Characteristics
College-Informed •
Academically-Focused
Struggling
district, enrolling roughly 2,000 students during the 2009-2010 school year. In order to
create a more personalized environment for students, the school is divided into five
houses or small schools-within-a-school. Each house includes its own faculty and staff
and is operated as a separate learning community. Students are sorted into four of the
houses based on the alphabetical order of their last names while the fifth house contains a
magnet program for students within the district. Students in the present study attended the
magnet program and three of the other four houses. The omission of the fifth house was
not by design but reflects a lack of response on the part of the students enrolled in that
house. House A serves roughly 130 students and has one counselor on staff. House B
enrolls 409 students and this learning community provides two counselors to assist its
students. House C enrolls 425 students and employs three counselors. The Magnet House
is the largest house within the high school and enrolls 664 students. To account for this
increase in student population, the Magnet House has three counselors on staff.
Instrument
questionnaire. Each student reported his or her age, grade, ethnicity, generational status,
number of siblings, and number of people living in their home. The questionnaire also
included three questions regarding their access to college information. Students reported
if they had ever requested information about college from their house's guidance offices,
if they had ever visited a college campus, and if they believed they knew what they
needed to do in order to get into college. Once students completed the demographic
questionnaire, the researcher began the semi-structured interview. Students discussed the
81
different sources of support for college attendance in their lives and the conversations and
interactions they have with these individuals about the college application process. The
students were probed to give examples and provide more detail to illustrate their
comments. Students were allowed to discuss issues not directly related to the interview
experiences and in some cases the researcher pursued these topics in order to gain a better
understanding of the ways in which students perceived their academic lives. The
interviews were tape recorded and later transcribed by the researcher. The interview
Procedure
selected to receive a personal invitation to participate in the study. The researcher gave a
brief announcement to these students during the school day and distributed recruitment
letters and consent forms. An announcement was made to ten additional students during
the course of the project to ensure equal numbers of students from each house. Once
students returned their consent forms and parental permission was obtained, the
individually. These interviews took place during November and December of 2009 and
all but two were conducted in an unoccupied room within the magnet program's central
office. The remaining interviews were completed in the school auditorium while the
magnet office was in use. The researcher scheduled the interviews with the assistance of
the school's administrative assistant in order to ensure that the students did not miss any
academic classes. Once the interviews were scheduled, students received a note from the
82
high school's central office and met the researcher in the interview room. Interviews
token of appreciation for their participation, students were given a $20 gift card to a local
students' responses including both deductive and inductive coding methods (Strauss &
Corbin, 1998). The analysis process followed guidelines suggested by Dey (1999) for the
analysis of qualitative data. This process begins with (1) generating concepts (2)
integrating concepts into categories (3) delimiting categories along properties and
generate concepts, the researcher read through each interview transcript and created a
narrative summary for each of the students who participated in the study (Way & Pahl,
1999). These summaries enabled the researcher to get a sense of the support students
received for college and the ways in which they learned about aspects of the college
researcher then used the summaries to identify key themes and generate a list of concepts
that reflected students' comments and experiences. Initial concepts included college talk,
and misinformation. These concepts began to unpack the research questions previously
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2) Do family members, teachers, and peers discourage Latino adolescents from
4) Why do adolescent not take advantage of their access to supportive people and
resources?
The interview transcripts were then read a second time and the concepts were
elaborated, revised, and organized into more specific codes. This process also contributed
dimensions. Through this process it became clear that the individual responsible for
initiating college conversations and activities was an important aspect of students' access
they way they took place emerged as important concepts. Thus, the final list of codes
reflected the broad categories of initiative and the concepts of content and process.
Student Initiative - Students sought out assistance and initiated conversations in order to
learn more about what college is like and the college application process (for
information). In order to get this information, students chose a source of support based
on the likelihood that the individual would have the information they needed
(knowledge) or because the individual had offered them help in the past (offered help).
Students also sought out support when they had concerns about college (college
concerns).
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Parent Initiative - Parents initiated conversations with their children about college in
many different ways. Some conversations focused on the need to go to college in order to
be successful in the future and were directed towards the importance of higher education
performance). Finally, several parents were engaged in the college process themselves
and conversations and activities were initiated as a result of parents' own educational
activities (modeling).
Three additional codes were also generated to reflect the support students received from
College Encouragement from Peers - Students described various ways in which their
Peers' Plans: Students also reported on their friends plans for after high school and how
Misinformation - This concept was carried over from the initial list of themes in order to
reflect students' understanding of the college preparation process as well as the barriers
Once the list of codes was finalized, the researcher read the interview transcripts a
third time and conducted a line-by-line analysis of students' responses using NVivo.
Finally, matrices were used to compare students across concepts and categories and
identify patterns regarding students' preparation for college (Patton, 2002). This
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activities. College-Informed students described high levels of all three types of initiation.
of the discussions and activities in which these youth were engaged differed from the
College-Informed group. Struggling students reported low levels of all types of initiative.
There were no differences across the three groups on the demographic variables as
indicated in Table 8. More detailed descriptions of these groups are provided in the
following section.
Findings
The goal of the qualitative study was to explore the ways in which Latino youth
learn about college and access support for higher education from the people in their lives.
All of the students interviewed had high educational aspirations and wanted to go to
college. They knew that college was important for professional success and future
financial security. For instance, Jenny reported that she wanted to go to college because
she wanted to do better financially than her parents. "Well I don't want to be like my
parents. I want to have a lot of money, I don't want to struggle. And I want to have
money for my family." When asked how he decided to pursue college after high school,
Daniel emphasized the importance of financial security. He said, "Mmm I just like didn't
want to be like everybody else on the street. Like get a good job later in the future."
Jenny, Daniel, and many of the other students interviewed saw college as the key to
social and economic mobility and had high educational aspirations because of this
benefit. Students also suggested that education contributed to their personal development.
They viewed college as an opportunity to learn and reach their potentials. The response
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from Felipe illustrates this value of higher education. In stating why he would like to go
better person." Marc shared these sentiments reporting, "I'd like to expand my education
their futures and identified several reasons for their educational aspirations.
However, when it came to actively pursuing and preparing for these educational
goals, students differed. While it was clear many people in their lives had expressed the
importance of college and students had internalized this message, they did not all
approach the college preparation process in the same way nor did they receive the same
types of support. Analysis of the interviews resulted in the formation of three distinct
groups of students based on their preparation for college. The first group ("College-
Informed") consisted of six students who reported achieving academically and had begun
the process of investigating colleges. For this group, college preparation in 9th grade
consisted of learning about post-secondary education options and the college application
process. It was clear that these students were on their way to higher education, armed
with personal initiative and supportive family members, school staff, and peers. The
interviews that they were achieving academically and identified support from multiple
individuals for their academic pursuits. These students conceptualized college preparation
th
in the 9 grade as succeeding academically and they had not yet begun the process of
learning specifics about the college process. Similar to the second group of students, the
eight students in the third group ("Struggling") were not actively involved in obtaining
information about college. They were also struggling with their academic motivation and
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had less support than the second group while trying to accomplish academic goals.
Together, these three groups paint a very different picture regarding the ways in which
youth are prepared for college and what it takes to attain that preparation.
Group 1: College-Informed
Anita, Karen, Carlos, Juan, Lara, and Anna reported doing well in school and
preparatory and honors courses and indicated during their interviews that they were
succeeding in this coursework. They also reported engaging in discussions and activities
that provided specific information regarding the college application process and what
college life is like. These students attended college fairs, visited college campuses, and
participated in discussions with family members and school staff regarding the college
application process. In order to learn more about college, Anita signed up for the mailing
lists at the colleges she visited with her school and her father. "Well last year I went to, I
don't know, like maybe like five colleges um and some universities. And, um, they um
they ask for your for your um address and then they send you brochures and all the
information that you want." Karen also visited several colleges in the area through her
participation with a club designed to provide students with information and resources
during the college process. Describing these experiences, she said, ".. .last year I was in
um something called the College Club, we, cuz I was interested into what college is, what
going on to, so we learned like things about college tuition and stuff like that. I visited
like two colleges like I visited [Name of College] and stuff like that." The youth in this
group were in the process of accumulating the knowledge they would need in order to
make informed decisions about their educational futures. They knew it was important to
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start preparing early on in high school and engaged in many of the same college
these students were beginning to understand the requirements for college, aspects of the
college application, and their options for the future. Students knew that there were course
requirements for college and that they would need a certain number of course credits in
order to be eligible for college enrollment. They were also aware of the importance of
extracurricular activities and the need to demonstrate involvement in the school and
discussions with family members, teachers, and peers regarding the college application
including the forms they would need to complete, the essays they would have to write,
and the need to apply for scholarships or financial aid. In many cases, these students had
obtained copies of college applications and reviewed these documents with a family
member or friend. Finally, these students were learning about college life both inside and
beyond the classroom. They knew about lecture halls and styles of teaching as well as the
need to declare a major. They were also excited about the social aspects of college such
students' own initiative and the support of multiple people in their lives. Each of these
students sought out answers to questions, asked their parents and teachers for information
about college, and voluntarily signed up for events. When students elicited assistance
from others, their requests were met with enthusiasm and help. These students also
benefited from relationships with individuals who occasionally offered assistance without
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being asked. Close relationships with family members, school staff, and peers provided
the opportunity for these individuals to engage youth in conversations about college and
provide suggestions. Thus, the acquisition of specific information about college required
students to become actively involved in this process and to take advantage of the support
interactions with their family members around college illustrate the back and forth of
agency and support characteristic of this group. Carlos' experiences attending an after-
school program twice a week designed to provide college support to students is one
example. "No first I asked my mom like if which college she would like I go and then she
say it depends on you on your profession and I told her I want to be a doctor and she said
that I ask [Program Name] and they gave me types of colleges." As indicated by the
quote above, his involvement with this program was the result of the support he received
from his mother and her suggestions that he become involved as well as his own initiative
and willingness to spend free time preparing for college. When he accessed information
from individuals outside the home, his mother took the time to review college materials
with him and discuss his options. "I went to ask [Program Name], I ask what's the lady at
school and if she can give me the types of colleges that have medicine. And they show
me some. And then I tell my mom and we were both looking on the internet." Juan also
describes the instances during which the acquisition of information about college is
fostered by personal initiative and family support. In order to learn more about financial
at various colleges. He visited the schools that were close to home and had telephone
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conversations with the representatives from colleges that were out of state. His mother
helped him prepare for these interviews, providing feedback as he practiced what he was
going to say. Juan's uncle also participated in this venture, driving him to the colleges
These students were often engaged in discussions about college with parents and
family members in order to learn more about their educational futures. Anna drew on her
extended family network in order to learn more about the college process. Knowing that
several family friends had attended college, she called one of them to ask about college
applications. "Um we spoke, it was, well, this was during the time I was applying to high
schools and she told me that it was pretty much just like my high school applications. I
had to write a couple of essays and do a couple of book reports and just do a lot of stuff
to be able to get into high school." Karen also drew on her family network to learn more
about college. Although she never graduated, Karen's mother attended one year of
college and was a frequent source of information. "I asked her how it was and if, if she
was ever intimidated by the work and stuff like that. Like I just want to know how the
work is. And like how the dorm is and stuff like that. It's pretty cool."
For many of these youth, the topic of college was ever-present and something that
could be engaged at any time during conversations at home. Parents and family members
were supportive of their college aspirations and talk about college was a typical aspect of
family life. Juan's comments illustrate this concept. In response to the question of how
conversations about college begin in his household, he said, "Um I don't know, it just
gets thrown out there. Out of nowhere.. .Yeah just like something floating in the sky and
then it comes out of nowhere." Lara described similar experiences with her brother and
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sister-in-law who are her legal guardians. Responding to the same question she said,
"Yeah. It just kinda comes into our conversation." Anna's mother frequently inserted the
arrangements for an upcoming wedding, Anna's mother suggested that she have flowers
in her dorm room when she got to college. Similarly, Anita brought up her college
aspirations during a family car trip when they passed by a billboard advertising a local
during the college process and sent the message that students should be actively thinking
Agency and college support at school. Students in the first group also relied on
school personnel for information about college. They asserted that school staff were
likely to have the information they needed and would probably help students with their
college plans. According to these students, it was part of counselors' and teachers' job
descriptions to help youth prepare for college. Each of these individuals had attended
college themselves and would be able to share their personal experiences. For instance, in
describing the conversations she has with teachers about college, Lara said, "They, they
inform me about it, about college and how they, their experiences and stuff." Anna
reported that she would rely on her guidance counselor for information about college
entrance requirements because she has more experience advising students with Anna's
occupational aspirations than family members. "Because my mom didn't actually finish
college and um she didn't take like any special courses to be able to get into like special
colleges but uh I think a school counselor would have more experience with that than my
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Many of these students had close relationships with teachers and counselors that
fostered the exchange of information and resources for college. The pattern of these
interactions mirrored those that took place in the family context with both students and
school staff initiating conversations. Karen's guidance counselor took an active interest in
her college preparation, inviting her to meet with him and discuss her current progress in
school and college options. Lara reported a close relationship with a teacher who
encouraged her to pursue higher education. It was clear that this relationship motivated
her to go to college and provided a context in which she could ask for help as she
prepared for that goal. "That, that it's [college] um that it's very important you know that
it's important to go and it's a good opportunity and stuff like that. He's [teacher] very
proud of me, of my grades." Although he was supported by multiple teachers, Juan had a
special relationship with his science teacher who pushed him to achieve academically and
spoke with him about colleges. At the time of the interview, this teacher was
investigating ways to get Juan into the magnet program at the high school and talking to
him about financial aid for college. "Um she says we just recently talked about um I may
move into the magnet program. That's how I should've started off high school, in the
magnet program. Uh so we were talking about how as I achieve in the Honors program,
and switch over to the magnet program, and then achieve higher, and then I could, I could
go on to college for free. And then we started talking about Yale or Harvard so."
Students took advantage of this support and engaged school staff in conversations
about college. Anita reported that she and her friends often approach teachers and ask for
their help in finding out information about college. "They [teachers] find out how you
could get in and stuff. Because I've seen many of my friends they tell their teachers and
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their teachers find out and on one occasion I told my computer key teacher and um she
was like yeah I'll find out for you and then she had the information the next day." Anna
recounted a time during middle school when she asked her teacher about college and was
subsequently given extra credit assignments and additional work in order to raise her
grades. As described earlier, Carlos approached his guidance counselor to ask for more
information about colleges with medical programs and reviewed this information later at
While these students benefited from close relationships with teachers and had
several interactions with school staff regarding specific college topics, it is important to
note that these interactions were not described as part of the fabric of the school. Several
of the students in this group indicated that overall, the school was not actively involved in
Carlos reported that most of the college assistance was provided to juniors and seniors
and when asked what the school was currently doing for freshman he reported, "I think
nothing really." Lara also expressed some frustration with her access to information and
resources for college at school. She suggested that the school "help um like help with like
more information and stuff' and went on to describe her visits to the counseling office to
get information only to find that the counselors were not there or were unavailable. Thus,
the students in this group would not have possessed the college knowledge they did if it
weren't for the personal relationships they had with teachers and their own initiative to
learn more about college. Anita explicitly highlighted the demand for student agency at
school with her comments, "Let's see, for mainly you have to you have to go to them
[teachers] and stuff but they don't really ask like what do you guys need and stuff like
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that. They only say oh, like you have to ask them the questions and then they start the
College support from peers. Students in this group reported lots of support for
college from their peer groups and would frequently engage in discussions about college
with their friends. These conversations went beyond cursory remarks regarding the
importance of college and included planning for and finding out about college.
Preparation for higher education permeated these students' peer networks and was a
constant source of encouragement. Students created elaborate plans to attend the same
colleges as their friends and participated in college preparatory activities together. Carlos,
Anna, Juan, and Karen each made plans with their friends to go to college together and
the promise of this shared experience motivated them to do well in school and prepare for
higher education. Juan described his plans with a close friend, "Um my friend [friend's
name], in my Spanish class right now, um he said he wants to go to Yale and we said that
we're gonna go together." Anna made similar plans with her best friend. "Um I planned
out pretty much my entire college career with my best friend. Um we have like an entire
plan. We, we're gonna be, but we're both gonna be forensic scientists, hopefully." She
went on to describe plans to share a dorm room and secure on-campus jobs together to
In addition to attending the same school, Karen and her friends have aspirations to
go into business together when they graduate. This plan is discussed frequently and
Karen's friends encourage each other to do well in school in order to realize this
collective goal. "Yeah cuz most like, like there's like five of us who all want to be
pediatricians and so we're always saying we're going to open up a business. And we're
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always saying we want to go to the same college, we want to learn the things together, we
want to go through it together. It's almost like kind of like a little pact that we have." As
Karen describes, this plan operates as a "pact" among her friends and sends the message
that she is accountable for doing her part to make these aspirations a reality not only for
Support and encouragement for college from friends also includes pro-academic
behaviors and learning about college together. Lara reports that her friends support her
college aspirations, encourage her to achieve academically, and ensure that she is
better. Like I have a lot of friends that like want me in class all the time and you know."
Her friends monitor her behavior in school and have made class attendance an
expectation and norm among their group of friends. Anita received similar
encouragement for college from her friends. She described her friends as a "support
group" for college and discussed their experiences searching for college information
together. "Well let's see um we were in the library we were just talking about what
colleges we wanted to go to so we got on the internet, we found out what would mostly
suit us to to go to college and then they they um then we talked about it and looked up
more information." Not only are these students talking about what it might be like to go
to college, they are actively engaged in behaviors that support one another's aspirations.
Group 2: Academically-Focused
The students in this group also reported doing very well academically and
concentrated their efforts on succeeding in their college preparatory and honors classes.
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of high school as doing well in school and were not yet concerned with learning about
higher education. Daniel, Hector, Maria, Esmeralda, Peter, and Guillermo were actively
committed to academic achievement and succeeding in high school. They viewed their
current achievement as the path to college and were dedicated to their educational
aspirations and their identified means of reaching them. Esmeralda expressed these
beliefs saying, "Um like if I really do good in school I know I could go to college." These
students suggested that good grades were the one thing that would ensure college
attendance as well as the primary reason they might not realize their educational goals.
Similar to the other students in this group, in response to the question of what things
might help him go to college Hector stated, "Um like get good grades. Like study for
tests." Daniel also reported that his ability to attend college was dependent upon his
current school performance. When asked what things might keep him from getting to
college, he said, "If I don't like try my best and like if I don't keep doing what I have to
complemented by their attention to college level work. They knew that college was going
to be difficult and believed that working hard in high school would prepare them well for
higher education. They received many messages from family members and school staff
that college was going to be hard and they internalized these messages. Daniel's brother
who was currently enrolled in college often warned about the rigor of college work. In
describing these conversations, Daniel said, "Like you got to like try hard and like make
sure you like get to all your classes and try your best in each one of them cuz like he said
like in college like they don't play around with you no more." Students received similar
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messages at school. When asked what they had learned about college while in high
school, Maria, Guillermo, and Peter all reported that school staff emphasized the
themselves for the difficult work that lay ahead. These students voluntarily participated in
discussions and activities that would improve their grades and help them succeed. Such
resources and assistance. Thus, these students were also engaged in a two-way interaction
with supportive adults. However, in contrast to the first group, their conversations and
information. For example, Guillermo reported that he stayed after school each day to
receive help from his English teacher. This provided the opportunity to get assistance
with work he may have misunderstood and discuss ways for him to become more
involved in class. Esmeralda also sought out assistance when she was having difficulty
understanding course content. She met with a tutor any time her grades were suffering or
Academic support within families. The parents and family members of the
youth in this group vigilantly monitored their academic performance and provided
academic assistance when they needed help. Many youth described parents' efforts to
ensure that they were doing well in school and supported in their school work. While this
this support. Peter described his reactions to his father's frequent nagging in this way, "It
makes me like a little mad sometimes cuz I've heard it over and over again. But it makes
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me feel good cuz I know that he cares about me and like with school and he's pushing me
and it's helped me in life." As a result of this support, many of these youth suggested that
family members were central to their college preparation and that they relied on these
Academic support from parents and family members assumed many forms for
these youth. Several students described parents' strict monitoring of their performance
and the way in which these discussions were connected to conversations about college.
Guillermo reported that his mother had established a daily routine of checking on his
progress and current school assignments. He said, "Cuz like every day I come home and
she like has to check my homework in my bag. She says you have to do the homework.
And every time like every time like I miss one homework, she arguing with me about
college. She she be telling me that a lot." Peter also reported frequent monitoring from
his mother regarding his homework and school projects and believed that these reminders
helped him do well in school. "My mom. She always asks me if I'm doin my homework,
if I have any projects or somethin." Maria's parents used a system of rewards and
punishments to help her stay focused and succeed in school. When she did well in school,
Maria reported receiving "prizes" such as money or gifts. Alternatively, when her grades
did not meet her parents' expectations, she was not allowed out with her friends until her
grades improved.
Parents also provided help with homework and school assignments in order to
support their children. Daniel described the assistance he received from his parents the
previous year when he was struggling at school. "Like help, sit there around the kitchen
table, help me do my homework, help me study. Like help me with projects and like
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everything like that." Hector's father also helped him with his school assignments. He
described the way his father would read over his English homework and check it for
mistakes. "Yeah he tells, cuz he, I'm a good writer so he tells me just do what you need to
do. Um then he reads it after and he tells me what's like, the punctuation, yeah." As
described above, when Esmeralda was having difficulty understanding course material,
her mother signed her up for tutoring. This action committed both energy and financial
Academic support at school. When asked how teachers and school staff
supported their college aspirations, these youth framed their responses with regard to
they pushed them to do well and cared about their academic achievement. For instance,
Esmeralda described the way in which teachers emphasized the importance of doing well
in school and working hard. She said, "They [teachers] like they mostly like talk about
your work and you know if you want to go to college you have to do your schoolwork
and you can't play around." Maria highlighted the effort of teachers and school staff to
keep the school "running hard." When asked to provide an example of this investment,
she outlined her thought process. "Like they do sweeps so everybody's at school. So that
means that they want us in class, they want us to do good and then graduate and go to
college." Similar to students' comments regarding family monitoring, Maria believed that
strict teacher supervision was an indicator of genuine concern for students' well-being.
According to the students in this group, teachers monitored their work and provided
motivation and assistance when things were difficult. Peter said, "They [teachers] try to
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like make me do my work and then help me with it. Like try to give me extra credit so I
could get better grades." It was evident that teachers wanted students to succeed and their
flexibility indicated that student success was more important than pre-established rules.
Peter's mention of extra credit assignments is one example of this flexibility. Guillermo
also voiced similar indications of teachers' concern for their students' achievement. "And
they [teachers] just like they just like be forcing us to do our work. They give us second
chances and stuff." These actions demonstrated to Hector that teachers cared about
students and wanted them to achieve academically. Ultimately, he reported, it was the
Acknowledging his own liability, he said, "Like if um like me I'm if I'm a procrastinator
but I always do the work but if they [students] don't then they'll, they'll make it difficult
themselves. Like the teachers don't give you grades, the students get their grades by
themselves."
While all of these students reported confidence in the encouragement and support
they received from the teachers and staff at their school, they were less likely than the
teachers and school staff while only three Academically Focused students indicated that
they benefited from personal student-teacher interactions. For the most part, the support
that Academically Focused students received was directed toward all students in the
school and was not unique to this group of students. Peter was the only student in this
group to report receiving personal assistance from teachers at the school. Hector and
Guillermo identified past teachers with whom they had developed strong relationships
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but did not mention any current school staff. During homeroom, Peter occasionally
received personal attention from his teacher during a goal-setting exercise. As part of
homeroom, this teacher had established a routine of checking in with his students and
talking to them about short-term and long-term goals. When asked for an example of the
types of goals he discussed with this teacher Peter responded, "Um an example of a short
term goal would be like doing good in class, get like a 100 for that day. And a long term
Hector maintained a close relationship with his fifth grade teacher whom he still
visited occasionally. This relationship provided a context for homework assistance and
discussions about school. "Um she, she um she sometimes like if I go over there she,
she's like take out your homework and maybe I could help you or something." Guillermo
also reported a strong relationship with previous school staff. He spoke with his eighth
grade guidance counselor about school and his aspirations for college. She supported his
educational goals and provided him with suggestions for how to do well in school. "Yeah
she told me to stay after school every day like just for an hour. Just so I can get whatever
I missed and do all my work there before I hang out with my friends." This advice
influenced the way he approached his work in high school and motivated him to stay
after school to receive help from his English teacher. The rest of the students in this
group did not report any significant relationships from teachers and focused instead on
Academic support from peers. Students in this group were surrounded by peers
who emphasized the importance of doing well in school and supported each other in their
academic work. These students did not discuss college aspirations often, but
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conversations about high school academic life were frequent. Peer groups operated like
monitoring. Guillermo reported that he and his friends help each other out with work.
"We like like some of my friends have the same lunch period. We go to the library, we
will get a table and um do um review what we had for homework before we go to class.
And and if someone doesn't do it we just help 'em out a little bit." Peter knows his friends
want him to go to college because of way they keep track of his current performance. He
said, "Cuz they're [friends] always like asking me how I'm doin in school. Am I doin
good? Like always wonderin' how like I am in school, how my grades are and stuff like
that." These students benefited from the support they received from peers and they gave
back in kind. Hector described the way he monitored his friends' academic behaviors.
When he saw that his friends were not putting forth the effort they needed to put forth in
order to learn course content, he addressed their lack of investment. "I tell them like do
your, why you doin this? Like why are you getting every answer wrong?"
These students' closest friends had high educational aspirations and engaged in
the behaviors above in order to help each other achieve those goals. However, unlike
College-Informed students, these youth also reported interacting with friends who were
not as academically oriented. Daniel reported that half of his friends were supportive of
his college aspirations and the other half neither encouraged nor discouraged those plans.
He described picking up on subtle hints that not all of his friends were thinking about
college. "We like we just like at lunchtime sometimes we like talk about it [college] or
just like some people like change the subject quick really fast so like they want to talk
about something else instead of college." While she didn't consider them her close
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friends, Esmeralda noted that some of the peers she spent time with didn't "believe in
going to college." When asked what she meant and how these friends felt about college
she said, "They basically say that like college is like too long cuz you have to go to four
years of college and you know college is hard and it's yeah it's basically hard for them."
Maria indicated that one of her friends struggled in school and was not interested in
college. This friend didn't discourage her from attending college but did not have college
aspirations himself.
The mixed messages they received from peers about college did not deter these
students from developing their own educational goals. They benefited from the support
they received from their academically-oriented peers and reported that their friends who
expressed some negativity about college did not impact their decisions. When asked
whether she, too, was concerned about the difficulty or length of college, Esmeralda
reported, "I think like if you really wanna go you could do anything you put your mind
to." Instead of being influenced by her friend's lack of interest in college, Maria
attempted to be a positive influence for him. When asked whether she thought he affected
her decision to go to college she replied, "No I just help him sometimes with his work
like we're good friends but I mostly try to help him." This approach differed from the one
taken by Daniel who asserted that his friends' plans for after high school were personal
decisions. "It's like their decision. They want to like do whatever they want, they should."
He did not allow these friends to impact his educational goals and he did not attempt to
Group 3: Struggling
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Eight of the students interviewed struggled with their academic motivation and
were not sure of their plans after high school. While they all identified the importance of
higher education, Marc, Suzana, Jenny, Raymond, Gloria, Felipe, Gladys, and Jose were
not certain that they would be able to realize their educational aspirations. Many of the
students suggested that their high school performance might keep them from attending
college and several Struggling students were enrolled in non-college preparatory courses
such as Home Economics. For instance, Felipe indicated that he needed to improve his
grades and work harder in school in order to make it to college. When asked if he thought
he would be able to go to college he responded, "Um well if I'm doing what I'm doing,
no. But if I actually do better myself like, yes." Raymond made similar remarks regarding
his lack of motivation. "Mmm probably not like a really fancy college. Probably like a
community college cuz I don't know like I try but I don't I don't like try my hardest."
Marc, Jenny, and Gloria also reported concerns about their current academic performance
and its ability to prevent them from reaching their educational goals.
highlighted financial obstacles to college attendance. Suzana knew that she had to raise
the money for college on her own and that her parents were not able to help her with
tuition costs. This impacted her beliefs about whether she would actually be able to go to
college. "Well that depends if like cuz after high school I have to get a job and I have to
try to cuz my parents can't afford college so I have to try to make it all myself so if I do
then I'll be able to go." Jenny also reported that her family was struggling financially and
those difficulties would influence her ability to attend college. Despite aspirations to
105
attend an elite private university, Jenny doubted that she would be able to get into the
These students' concerns about academic performance and the cost of college
highlight the absence of both student initiative and support from family members,
teachers, and peers, characteristics of the other two groups. Many of these youth did not
seek out support and information for college because they believed it was too early to
start planning for life after high school. Indeed, many of the students in this group
reported that they would attempt to learn more about college as they progressed through
high school. Marc, Suzana, Gloria, Raymond, and Felipe all stated that information about
college was something that they'd pursue their junior or senior year of high school. When
asked if he had spoken with his guidance counselor about college, Marc indicated that he
did not plan to have those conversations until 11th or 12th grade. At the time of the
interview, Jose had not spoken with anyone at school about specific information for
college either and did not know when those conversations might take place. This
misconception concerning when college preparation began was most aptly described by
Raymond. In response to the question of when he might start to learn more about college
he said, "Mmm I don't really like I don't know. Probably next year or the year after that is
when I'll start. Like probably next year is when I'll start like worrying about it, you
know."
teacher, or peer intervention. These individuals did not indicate to students that they
should be taking an active role in learning about college, nor did they volunteer specific
information about the college process. This lack of support and students' struggles with
106
agency extended to the academic context. Despite the fact that many were concerned
about their performance in high school, most had not sought out academic support. Gloria
suggested that the school might have opportunities for academic assistance. "Probably
there's like programs that would help you put your grades up and work harder." However,
when asked if she had attempted to find out more about these programs or become
involved she said no. Similarly, none of her family members or teachers had offered more
information or enrolled her in such programs despite being aware of her academic
performance.
Mixed support within families. The messages students in this group received
from their families was more heterogeneous than the support provided in the previous
two groups. Most of the parents and family members of the students in this group
expressed the value of a college education and encouraged students to develop high
educational aspirations. However, there were a few parents and siblings who discouraged
these students. Suzana's brothers made negative comments about school and discouraged
her from pursuing higher education. Combined with the financial stress her family
experienced, these comments made Suzana question her educational future. "Well cuz
like cuz like I said we when we get out of college, when we get out of high school cuz we
have to work for our money to go to college they be like you're just gonna waste your
time you know it's gonna be like you're just gonna get tired. Aren't you sick already of
school? You've been there for like 12 years." Gladys also received negative messages
about college from her family members. While her mother didn't explicitly discourage
her from pursuing higher education, she emphasized how difficult it would be for Gladys.
She reported her mother saying, "High school like college, college is going to be tough
107
for you. It's gonna real be tough." These messages, along with a family history of military
service, inspired Gladys to consider joining the army after completing high school.
parents and family members of Struggling students encouraged them to develop high
educational aspirations, their support highlighted the importance of college but did not
emphasized the value of higher education and its ability to ensure future financial
security. Raymond's mother and grandmother often engaged him in these types of
conversations. "You need to, they say it's not going to benefit them, it's for my own good
and so you don't struggle and go through what they what they go through you know.
Typical parent stuff." Jenny reported similar messages from her parents. "They say they
don't want me to struggle so I'll to go to college. They don't want me to be like how do
you say it, um, they don't want me to struggle basically. And they don't want me to end
up like they are. They're struggling with money and stuff." Many conversations about
college grew out of discussions about students' current school performance. When
addressing students' low academic achievement, parents and family members asserted
that such performance would not lead to college attendance. This was often the case in
Felipe's household. "Um my usually they start it up cuz they start it up by talking about
that." Gloria's mother also raised the topic of college during conversations about current
school performance. "She does. It's like it's like we talk about my grades and then she
108
Despite the emphasis on the importance of college, the parents and family
members of these students did not follow up such messages with conversations and
activities that helped students learn about higher education or achieve academically.
Students did not report engaging in discussions at home about specific college topics.
Also absent was the creation of a home environment that provided academic assistance
such as help with homework, tutoring, or daily monitoring of school assignments. Thus,
students internalized the importance of college, but didn't have the support at home that
would enable them to realize those goals. Even when the opportunity arose to engage in
some of these types of activities, parents did not take advantage of the situation. Jose's
mother was currently enrolled in college at the time of the interview and he reported
having several conversations with her about her work. However, these discussions were
very general in nature and did not facilitate the exchange of specific information about
college. When talking about his mother's college application essay, Jose reported that his
mother told him, "Yeah she said you got to write it really good and make them let you
know, what would you know to go in college." These comments emphasized the
importance of quality without identifying the components that constitute quality. Similar
messages were sent during discussions of his mother's college work. "And she was
telling me how, how you're supposed to be in college. She said it's hard but you gotta try
your best." Without the procedural knowledge of what the college process entails or how
to achieve academically, these students struggled with meeting their educational goals.
Gladys, and Jose each reported that teachers and school staff encouraged them to go to
college. Messages about the importance of higher education were often delivered during
109
classroom activities. Marc described these messages saying, "Basically they're [teachers]
Similar sentiments were expressed by Jose's teachers. He said he knew his teachers
wanted the students at school to pursue higher education because, "They say that they
want us to go to college". Despite the encouragement that students reported, they also
indicated that specific conversations about college were rare. Several students in this
group reported that college was not a frequent topic in conversations at school. According
to Suzana, "Well freshman year like they just like tell you to be careful like not to
trample yourself but yeah that's all. They don't talk about college that much." Jenny and
Jose also reported that they did not talk to school staff about college very often. It was
something that just "hasn't come up yet." Felipe asserted that all teachers wanted students
to be "college ready." When asked to define what this term meant he said, "I think it
means like they want all of us to be like expand our minds and get our education." Taken
together, these comments indicate that students felt as though teachers and school staff
Felipe's explanation of the "college ready" phrase, teachers have not been explicit
concerning the ways in which students can achieve those goals. To Felipe and the other
students in this group, being ready for college means that a student recognizes the
importance of higher education. It does not, however, entail the steps students need to
take in order to successfully complete the college application and enrollment process.
Indeed, students had several misconceptions about academics and the college
process that no one at school had rectified. During the course of the interview, Jenny
mentioned that she would like to obtain a scholarship for college in order to reduce the
110
financial burden on her family. She had heard at school that she needed to have a GPA in
order to apply for this assistance, but no one had told her what that meant. She said, "I, I
think they have it here [the high school] like scholarships. Yeah I would like to have one
like a full scholarship.. .Well I don't know like what, they say you have to have like a
GPA. I don't know what that is." In addition to a lack of information about the college
process, these students also failed to get specific information about how to achieve
academically. Marc reported that he met with his guidance counselor earlier in the year
because he was failing a few of his classes. The purpose of this visit was simply to inform
Marc that he was doing poorly and needed to raise his grades. When asked if the
counselor gave Marc any suggestions for how to improve Marc said, "They just let you
know."
Perhaps the lack of specific information about how to complete high school
assignments or approach the college application process was due to the fact that unlike
the previous two groups, the students in this group did not have personal relationships
with teachers or school staff. The encouragement that they received for college as well as
the small pieces of information they picked up at school were the result of teachers'
comments to the whole classroom. For instance, Raymond reported receiving some
information in his freshman seminar class. "He [the teacher] talks about like he gives like
packets and he like we like figure out the working stuff. How much it's going to cost, like
the like living living life after high school. And college and stuff." These conversations
were directed to everyone in the class and were mostly focused on life skills. The absence
of close relationships with teachers among this group of students is explicitly addressed
by Gloria. When asked if she ever spoke to adults at school about college she said, "It's
111
just like those little conversations and those little things teachers say all the time you
know like oh you guys need to be ready for college and all that. All teachers say that. I
don't really have like one-on-one conversations where I actually ask them about it."
Neither Gloria nor her teachers or counselor had taken the initiative to develop a personal
relationship that could foster the exchange of information about college or provide a
context for academic assistance. Without these close relationships, students did not
receive the same type of school support provided to students in the other two groups.
Mixed messages about college from peers. The peer groups of these students
were less certain of their plans after college. Most youth reported that about half of their
friends were considering college while the other half were thinking about entering the
their peers lead to infrequent discussions about college. Occasionally these students
would talk about going to college together or would work on school assignments
together, but such interactions were rare. Gloria described the conversations she had with
her friends saying, "We don't really talk about college. Like we don't really say like oh
we gotta do good in school or you can't go to college. We don't really talk like that."
When the topic of college did arise among friends, discussions mirrored those within the
family and school contexts. College was identified as important for future success, but
students did not talk with their friends about specific information regarding college
preparation. For instance, Suzana described the conversations she has with her friends
saying, "Well everytime people talk about college it's mostly about money and like you
know you need a good job, you want to be somebody in life. That's mostly it." Jenny and
her friends also identified the benefits of a college degree, but their discussions focused
112
on potential barriers to university attendance. "They [friends] say they want to go to
different colleges, that's where they wanna go. They don't want to stay and work at like
Burger King or McDonalds. They wanna go but we all have like the same problem. The
around their social lives. Raymond and his friends talked about "other stuff' and Gladys'
friends discussed romantic relationships. When asked what she and her friends typically
talked about, Gladys responded, "They just give me tips. Boys. That's the only thing they
be doing." In some cases, peers distracted these students from their academic pursuits.
Despite a successful school record in middle school, Felipe reported that he was not
doing well in high school and got in trouble for skipping classes. When asked why he had
peers. He said, "Everything was so easy. Like classes are so far you always could get
stopped by somebody and they could always say hey you wanna go here? Leave school.
Everything is so easy." In sum, these friendships were focused on the social aspects of
adolescence, conversations rarely involved the topic of college, and in some instances
Discussion
The findings from the qualitative study make important contributions to our
understanding of how Latino youth are supported through the development and pursuit of
their educational goals. Such findings both corroborate and extend the results of the
quantitative study, providing a detailed illustration of the ways in which 20 Latino youth
access support for higher education as well as the nature of that support. These students'
113
experiences highlight the importance of considering the role of the adolescent in taking
advantage of their access to information and resources in addition to the provision of that
assistance by important individuals in their lives. Students' words also reveal which types
of support are the most effective in fostering educational aspirations and college
preparation among youth. The findings suggest that those students who are most engaged
in the college preparation process are those who receive specific information about
college from their parents, teachers, and peers. They also have high levels of agency and
participate in the attainment of this support, seeking out information from significant
others. Thus, college preparation among the students in this sample was the result of a
who are academically prepared for college but are not yet well informed regarding their
post-secondary options. The students in this group were engaged in their school work and
had support for these pursuits from multiple contexts. They reported discussions and
activities focused on academic achievement and the ways that such success can lead to
higher education. These interactions took place within close personal relationships with
family members, teachers, and peers. The origin of the differences in college preparation
present study. Both groups of students benefited from supportive contexts and evidenced
high levels of agency in their educational lives. The variation in the types of messages
they received and the kind of information they elicited may be due to numerous factors
and future research should examine the reasons why students conceptualize college
114
college preparation needs to be understood further. Do these differences eventually lead
Focused students equally likely to enroll in higher education? Future work should
examine how these two groups of students continue to plan for college throughout high
school and the implications of such preparation on college access and success.
A third group of students resided at the low end of the college preparation
spectrum. They struggled academically and did not have much knowledge about the
college preparation process. They lacked the motivation and initiative to succeed in either
of these tasks and were not provided with the support from others that would guarantee
such preparation. They received mixed messages about higher education and did not have
access to the procedural knowledge of how to turn their educational aspirations into
reality. In contrast to the students at the high end of college preparation, the students at
this end of the continuum did not exhibit agency and they did not benefit from the
supportive safety nets provided by family members, teachers, and peers that surrounded
other youth. Thus, it appears that support and initiative occur simultaneously, for better or
worse.
individual agency. Ecological theory asserts that interactions between individuals and
interconnections that foster both changes in the individual as well as changes in the
environment. Lerner and Barton (2000) connect this observation about the relationship
between context and individual to their study of adolescent agency. "In other words, the
development of action and of individual efficacy, control, and control beliefs involve
115
circular functions between the adolescent and his or her context, and constitute the key,
relational process linking the developing person to the other levels of his or her context"
(p. 460). The interaction between the individual and his or her context is critical for the
agency while those who encountered mixed levels of support did not engage in initiative.
cluster together provides insights concerning ways to structure support and assistance
during the college preparation process. The present findings suggest that the content of
messages students receive about college as well as the ways in which these messages are
delivered may impact their college trajectories. All of the students interviewed identified
attendance. What differentiated highly prepared students from students with uncertain
educational futures was the attainment of specific information about various college
options and the application process. Highly prepared students were engaged in
discussions regarding different types of institutions, options for financial assistance, and
advantage over their peers who simply received encouragement without further
instructions regarding the college process. Thus, the messages about college that students
receive from significant others must go beyond the value of higher education and include
116
This is also true of the academic support provided to youth. In order to better
prepare adolescents who are struggling with motivation and at the bottom end of the
college preparation continuum, family members and school staff should supply concrete
strategies for how to succeed. The students in the present sample who did not receive this
type of assistance were the ones who had difficulty completing their work and staying on
task. While numerous individuals monitored their performance and encouraged them to
achieve, they did not offer suggestions for how to improve. These students need explicit
instruction concerning study strategies, self-monitoring, and the academic behaviors that
will lead to success. It is important to note that this type of assistance can be provided
backgrounds of the students in the sample varied across college preparation level. Parents
of students in the high preparation group who had low levels of educational attainment
found other ways to provide this support to their children. They drew on extended family
members and community organizations when they could not provide help with particular
academic content. They set up tutoring for their children and encouraged them to stay
after school to get the assistance they needed. These parents created a home environment
that supported such success even if they were unfamiliar with the content of students'
among Latino youth should ensure that discussions provide adolescents with specific
preparation and academic success, the delivery of such messages may also impact
students' achievement and agency. Students in the present sample who had close personal
117
relationships with family members and school staff were the ones who exhibited high
levels of college knowledge. Such relationships provided the context for important adults
to offer individualized academic support and specific information about college. They
also served as venues where adolescents could exert their agency and ask questions about
students' access to information and resources for college. Such work suggests that the
embedded in close personal relationships with parents, teachers, and peers are more likely
to draw on those individuals for support and guidance. It is important that schools and
programs encourage the development of personal relationships between staff and students
through policies and practices that demonstrate the expectation for such connections.
professional development to staff regarding the importance of reaching out to all students
that process. While the presence of close, supportive relationships may be one
in students' development of the skills and strategies that enable such actions.
influence college preparation. Extracurricular activities are one example of contexts that
support youth agency and strategic thinking across ethnicity and socioeconomic status.
118
These programs connect youth with adults who facilitate student decision-making by
providing a mixture of freedom and assistance, something Larson and Angus refer to as
"leading from behind" (Larson & Angus, in press). Such programs also structure
activities that allow adolescents to take active roles in planning activities and events,
monitoring progress towards a goal, and problem-solving when faced with obstacles
(Larson & Hanson, 2005; Larson, Hanson, & Moneta, 2006). Connecting youth with
these opportunities may increase their ability to initiate conversations and activities
regarding college preparation and effectively seek out the support they need.
research questions regarding the college preparation of Latino youth. As with all
interviews presented here provide critical insights concerning the ways in which youth
attending this high school access information and resources for college, the findings may
not extend to adolescents from other locations. Further research is needed in order to
determine if the present findings are specific to the students attending the high school
included in this study or if they generalize to other youth attending high schools in urban,
poor neighborhoods.
The present work also provides an illustration of college preparation at one time
point in adolescents' educational lives. Students in the present sample were enrolled in
the ninth grade and interviews took place at the end of the first semester of school. The
next three years of high school may dramatically impact the preparation of these youth
for higher education. The Academically Focused students may receive the specific
119
information they need to successfully complete the college application process and make
decisions regarding their educational futures. Their enrollment in higher education may
not differ from the College-Informed students who are already engaged in obtaining
information about college. Similarly, Struggling students may have the opportunity to
develop personal relationships once they become acclimated to the school building and
school staff. They may also cognitively mature and develop the skills required to engage
in agency and seek out the assistance they need. Again, it is unclear what these students;
enrollment patterns may eventually be. Future work must attend to the need for
longitudinal studies that assess the implications of different levels of college preparation
120
Chapter IV
Conclusion
The academic decisions that adolescents make have important consequences for
the rest of their lives. The plan to pursue higher education and the academic choices that
make such goals possible can dramatically influence an individual's life trajectory. A
student's goals, values, and behaviors each constitute an important component of college
orientation and the first step towards the college process and eventual enrollment
(Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999). Understanding the college orientation of Latino youth
and the factors that promote such aspirations is particularly important as these
preparation process and the ways in which students turn educational goals into college
preparation suggesting that students must begin planning for post-secondary education
during middle school and the early years of high school (Conley, 2007). This work
enrolling in non-college preparatory courses (Wimberley & Noeth, 2005). This is perhaps
most notable in the area of mathematics where students' course-taking patterns in high
school can affect their college eligibility (Cooper et al, 2002). Despite the demonstrated
importance of preparing for college early on, little is known about the activities that
constitute this stage of the college preparation process beyond course-taking patterns and
course requirements for college and ensure that they are enrolled in college preparatory
121
coursework? Are there additional conversations and actions during the early years of high
The goal of the present research was to expand our knowledge of the ways in
which Latino youth access support and guidance as they develop and pursue their
educational goals. The results of the quantitative study make important contributions to
the current literature by identifying the unique roles different individuals play in students'
practitioners whose aim is to increase the educational attainment of Latino youth. These
help policies and programs target their efforts more effectively. Indeed, the present study
suggests that the college preparation of Latino youth can be enhanced by leveraging the
The findings of the qualitative study complement this work and provide insight
concerning the content and nature of the support students receive. The benefit of
qualitative analysis is its ability to provide rich descriptions of students' lives. While the
quantitative study identifies the unique role of different individuals in the college
orientation of youth, the qualitative study highlights how these roles are instantiated and
the part that various individuals should play as well as their own participation. These
important that people, policies, and programs acknowledge these differences and ensure
that all students understand successful forms of college preparation. This may be done
122
through the development and delivery of messages that capitalize on important
emerged as influential individuals in students' academic lives. The support for college
students' received from family members was significantly related to their educational
aspirations, expectations, and values. This support was provided by parents, siblings, and
extended kin and assumed various forms. Students described family members who
college, and helped youth access important information and resources. These
conversations and activities were most effective in the context of home environments that
were structured around student success. Parents dedicated personal and family resources
towards helping their children achieve academically and learn about the college process.
Perhaps most evident from the quantitative and qualitative results is the importance of
While the support students receive from teachers and school staff was not
significantly associated with college orientation in the quantitative study, findings from
the qualitative study suggest that these individuals are important sources of information
and resources regarding the college process. However, their impact is dependent upon the
content of the messages they send and the way in which information is delivered. Similar
to the findings regarding family support for college, students benefited when teachers
provided specific information about the college preparation process. Discussions that
encouraged students to develop college aspirations and reach their potential were not
123
effective unless they were followed by additional instructions regarding how to achieve
those goals. In fact, encouragement for college was so commonplace that many students
felt it was an empty message that did not have real personal meaning for them. In order
for students to personally engage with teachers' expectations for college attendance, they
needed to receive specific information about the college preparation process within the
context of close, personal relationships with teachers and school staff. The backdrop of
these relationships demonstrated to students that teachers really cared about their
personal educational futures and were available for assistance. Unfortunately, many
youth in the present study did not have the opportunity to develop strong bonds with
highlight the various venues through which schools may disseminate information about
college and provide the opportunity for youth to develop close relationships with teachers
and school personnel. In addition to counseling offices and classrooms, students learned
about college during extracurricular activities. Sports teams were particularly important
for some of the youth and they indicated that their coaches were often sources of
afterschool activities specifically designed to increase their preparation for college. These
college visits, and made youth aware of the requirements for college entrance. They also
provided assistance to juniors and seniors during the application process. Such programs
124
neighborhood organizations may be one way for schools to capitalize on available
The results from the quantitative study indicate that peers play an important role
in students' educational beliefs and academic behavior. Support for college from peers
was significantly associated with adolescents' educational values and school effort. The
ways in which peers contribute to the attitudes and behavior of youth was further
elucidated by the qualitative findings. In contrast to previous work that highlights the
negative influence of peers, students in the present study had friends who encouraged
their college aspirations, provided academic assistance, and motivated them to achieve. In
several cases, peer groups would engage in college preparatory behavior together. They
attended college fairs and helped each other search for information about universities of
interest. These activities promoted a collective mentality among peer groups that was
focused on academic achievement and college planning. Students whose peer networks
did not engage in such activities still reported receiving support for educational pursuits.
Rarely did peers discourage each other from working hard in school and learning about
college.
examination of the interplay between contexts of support and individual agency during
students' college orientation in the quantitative study. Indeed, it was the only factor
captured by the qualitative interviews, begin to unpack this relationship and advance our
125
preparation. While it is impossible to determine causality from qualitative methods, youth
differed in the extent to which they believed they would make it to college, the support
they received from others, and their own involvement in accessing support. Youth who
were confident in their future college enrollment described frequent attempts to learn
about higher education which were met with enthusiastic support from family members,
teachers, and peers. Youth who were uncertain of their educational expectations reported
rarely seeking out information about college and were not offered that support from
others. Thus, it appears that successful preparation for college requires a constellation of
understanding of pathways to higher education among Latino youth. This work indicates
individuals who play unique roles in their preparation for college. It also suggests that the
types of support youth receive and the way this support is communicated makes a
difference. Finally, youth play an active role in seeking out the information and resources
they need in order to learn about their post-secondary options and what it takes to achieve
their educational goals. Despite these conceptual advances, this work is not complete.
There are still unanswered questions and the current findings highlight directions for
future research. The studies presented here begin to illustrate early adolescents'
orientations towards college, but the ways in which these orientations develop and
126
Appendix A
Interview Protocol
Introduction
1. What do you think you'll do after high school? Do you have any plans?
2. What kind of job would you like to have as an adult? What would be your dream
job?
6. What do you know about college? How did you learn this information?
7. What type of college might you go to? Do you have any in mind? What are some
College Conversations
1. Of all the people you know, who would you rely on most to get information about
127
If you had a question about the academic requirements for college (e.g. what
a. Why?
If you had a question about the college application process who would you talk
to?
a. Why?
If you had a question about financial aid or scholarships for college who would
a. Why?
128
Family
2. What do your family members do or say that lets you know they want you to go?
3. When you talk to your family members about college, who usually starts the
conversation?
4. Has anyone in your family gone to college? Who? Where did they go?
School/Teachers
4. What do the adults at school do or say that lets you know they want you to go?
5. Do you talk to any adults at school about college? Who usually starts the
conversation?
7. Are there things that your school or teachers do that help you go to college?
129
8. Are there things that your school or teachers do that make it difficult for you to go
to college?
Peers
1. Do you talk with your friends about what it might be like to go to college? What
3. What do your friends do or say that lets you know they want you to go?
4. What are your close friends thinking about doing after high school?
5. How many of your close friends are thinking about going to college?
130
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