VOLUME 69 • NUMBER 1

JERUSALEM, ISRAEL • 2019

ISRAEL EXPLORATION JOURNAL

Published twice yearly by the Israel Exploration Society and the Institute of
Archaeology of the Hebrew University

The Israel Exploration Journal is published with the assistance of Ethan Grossman,
Washington DC

Founders
A. Reifenberg, D. Amiran

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Tsipi Kuper-Blau, Executive Editor
Joseph Aviram, President, Israel Exploration Society

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Gideon Avni, Ofer Bar-Yosef, Shlomo Bunimovitz, Mordechai Cogan, Israel EphꜤal,
Baruch A. Levine, Amihai Mazar, Ronny Reich, Myriam Rosen-Ayalon

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Copyright © 2019 Israel Exploration Society

ISSN 0021-2059

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VOLUME 69 • NUMBER 1 • 2019

CONTENTS

1 DAVID USSISHKIN: Tel Shechem/Tell Balatah: The Rampart of Wall A and the
Character of the Middle Bronze IIC Compound

20 SEUNG HO BANG and ODED BOROWSKI: An Iron Age ‘Steamer’ from Tel Ḥalif

40 HILLEL GEVA, IRIT YEZERSKI and OREN GUTFELD: A Composite Ceramic Iron
Age II Figurine from the Jerusalem Jewish Quarter Excavations

54 DAVID S. VANDERHOOFT, MADADH RICHEY and ODED LIPSCHITS: A New Type

of Yehud Stamp Impression: yhwd / gdlyh

60 REUVEN FRIEDMAN and AVNER ECKER: Provenance and Political Borders: A

Phoenician Inscription of the Hellenistic Period ‘Strays’ across Modern Borders

73 ROI SABAR: A Rock-Cut Tomb from the Early Roman and Byzantine Periods in
Naḥal Aviv

98 BENJAMIN ADAM SAIDEL, DAN GAZIT and TALI ERICKSON-GINI: Al-ꜤObeidat

Structures in the Western Negev: An Example of Bedouin Architecture from
the British Mandate Period in Israel

VARIA

116 ISRAEL EPHꜤAL: A Note on the Tel Mikhmoret Sale Contract

119 WILLY CLARYSSE: Notes on Some Ostraca from the Maresha Excavations

122 REVIEWS

125 BOOKS RECEIVED — 2018

Page layout by Avraham Pladot

Typesetting by Irit Nachum, Jerusalem
Printed by Old City Press, Jerusalem
 ABBREVIATIONS
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AfO Archiv für Orientforschung
ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament3, ed. J.B. Pritchard,
Princeton, 1969
BA The Biblical Archaeologist
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BT Babylonian Talmud
CAD Chicago Assyrian Dictionary
CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
DSD Dead Sea Discoveries
EI Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies
ESI Excavations and Surveys in Israel
IAA Reports Israel Antiquities Authority Reports
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
KAI W. Donner and W. Röllig: Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften 1–3,
Wiesbaden, 1962–1964; 15, 2002
NEAEHL The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land (English
Edition), Jerusalem, 1993
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PT Palestinian Talmud
QDAP Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine
RA Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archéologie Orientale
RB Revue Biblique
RE Pauly-Wissowa’s Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
RQ Revue de Qumran
VT Vetus Testamentum
ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins

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 A Rock-cut Tomb from the Early Roman
and Byzantine Periods in Naḥal Aviv*
Roi Sabar
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

ABSTRACT: This article describes the findings from a recent excavation in

a rock-cut tomb at Naḥal Aviv, where scholars previously suggested a border
line between Jewish and pagan (Tyrian) populations. The finds from the tomb
indicate two distinct burial phases, dated to the late first–early second centuries
CE and to the fourth–sixth centuries CE. While the second burial phase can
be easily ascribed to a Christian community living near the tomb, its original
phase demonstrates a more complex case for ethnic identification of deceased.
The article is followed by two appendices, presenting significant finds: a ‘holy
rider’ amulet by Nancy Benovitz and an MB scarab by Baruch Brandl.

INTRODUCTION
During the 1970s, a complex of natural and hewn caves was surveyed in
the northern cliff of Naḥal Aviv, eastern Upper Galilee (fig. 1). The complex
incorporates a hewn staircase ascending the cliff, cisterns and hewn agricultural
installations (Ronen et al. 1974; Ohel and Bruder 1980). The Aviv Caves site was
surveyed once again by Ohel and Aviam, who concluded that it had been settled
in the Roman period and was later used by Christian hermits during the Byzantine
period (Aviam and Ohel 1980; Aviam 2004: 201). They also mentioned a cluster
of ten rock-cut tombs located c. 100 m to its east, above the cliff (Aviam and Ohel
1980: 247).
An in-depth survey of the caves of Naḥal Aviv was recently conducted by the
Israeli Caves Research Center of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (henceforth
ICRC). The ICRC survey included an accurate map of the site (Ullman 2014:
fig. 30) and a brief documentation of the above-mentioned tombs, in addition to
four associated cisterns. Shivtiel and Frumkin interpreted the Aviv Caves site as a

* The research was funded by the Ruth Amiran Grant for Research at the Institute of
Archeology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The finds were treated by Mimi
Lavi and Hadas Misgav of the conservation lab at the Institute of Archeology of
the Hebrew University and were photographed by Tal Rogovski. I wish to thank
Uzi Leibner, Amos Frumkin, Uri Davidovich, Micka Ullman, Boaz Langford, Ruth
Jackson-Tal, Yoav Farhi, Baruch Brandl, Nancy Benovitz and Judith Green for their
support and essential assistance in the research.

IEJ 69 (2019): 73 ‒ 97 73

74 ROI SABAR

Fig. 1. The Aviv Caves site (view from south bank of Naḥal Aviv); note wine press in right
foreground (photo by Roi Sabar)

‘cliff shelter’, i.e. a complex of caves prepared during the Jewish Revolt against
Rome in the Early Roman period, which was used by Jewish refugees from the
villages of BarꜤam and possibly Gush Ḥalav (Shivtiel and Frumkin 2014: 79–80).
However, the location of the site in what might be either the periphery of the
rural Jewish territory or the administrative territory of the city Tyre makes this
interpretation difficult.
The aim of this paper is to present the findings from a recent excavation in one
of the Naḥal Aviv rock-cut tombs. The finds indicate two distinct burial phases,
dated to the late first–early second centuries CE and to the fourth–sixth centuries
CE, as well as a later phase of looting. While the second burial phase can be easily
ascribed to a Christian community living in the vicinity of the tomb, its original
phase demonstrates a more complex case for ethnic identification of deceased.

THE CURRENT RESEARCH AT NAḤAL AVIV

In 2014–2017 a renewed study, conducted by the author, was aimed at
reconstructing the settlement history and ethnic-based territories in the eastern
Upper Galilee during the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods (Sabar
2017). The study incorporated a high resolution survey of 12 sites, in which large
assemblages of identifiable potsherds were collected and the spatial distribution
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 75

Fig. 2. Map showing Naḥal Aviv, the Aviv Caves site, the cluster of rock-cut tombs and Ḥorvat
ꜤAlmit

of burial grounds surrounding the sites was documented. The Aviv Caves site
was one of ten surveyed sites where a cluster of rock-cut tombs was documented
(fig. 2) and the only site where dateable finds were encountered in one of the
tombs. These finds, which were scattered in the main chamber and inside the
kokhim of ICRC tomb 30, included intact and fragmentary terracotta oil-lamps
and glass vessels, along with several indicative potsherds, all dated to the first–
second centuries CE. In contrast to the rich Early Roman finds collected during
the survey of the tomb, the potsherd assemblage of the Aviv Caves site yielded
only 1.5% of Early Roman sherds; in addition to 20.5% Late Roman-Byzantine
sherds and 78% medieval sherds. Interestingly, at Ḥorvat ꜤAlmit, a small site
located c. 500 m south of the Aviv Caves site but on the other side of the deep
wadi (fig. 2), our survey yielded a purely Early Roman assemblage of several
dozen sherds. The results of the survey, along with the location of these sites,
in the border of the documented Jewish and Tyrian territories, prompted further
research.
76 ROI SABAR

Fig. 3. Plan and sections of the excavated tomb and cistern

THE TOMB AND ADJACENT CISTERN (fig. 3)

The cistern (ICRC cistern 29) is an arched space, c. 2.5 × 8 m and over 2.5 m deep
(excavation did not reach bedrock). Traces of thick grey plaster, encountered in
the northern and western sides of the subterranean space, led to its interpretation
as a cistern. The entrance (c. 1.5 m high and 0.5 m wide) was almost entirely
blocked by debris. A shaft (c. 2 m high and 0.8 × 1 m) connects the cistern with
the outer space above it, 1 m west of the entrance. Below the shaft a pile of
debris had accumulated, inclining both towards the western inner end of the
cistern and towards the entrance of the cistern in the east. In the north side of the
cistern, a small passage (0.4 m2 in area) leads to the ground level of kokh 11 of
the adjacent tomb (fig. 3: section 2–2), indicating that it was hewn from within
the kokh. The debris inside the cistern contained loose brown soil with occasional
stones and mixed pottery, dated to the Roman, medieval and Ottoman periods.
A single, nearly intact, terracotta oil-lamp was retrieved; this, however, might
have originated from the adjacent kokh. These finds do not permit a secure date
for the cistern, but we can assume that it was hewn either in the Early Roman
period, simultaneously with the tomb, or during the Byzantine period, as part of
the widespread agricultural activities that took place at the site and its vicinity
(Sabar 2017: 189–191).
The tomb (ICRC cave 30) is a chamber (2 m2 in area), surrounded by 11
kokhim. A dromos (c. 2.8 × 0.8 m), hewn against the slope, leads from east to
west, c. 6 m north of the cistern’s entrance. The kokhim (c. 2 × 0.6 × 1 m each)
were arranged in groups of three along the north, west and south walls, with two
additional ones set in the east wall parallel to and on either side of the dromos.
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 77

Fig. 4. Kokhim 8–11 (view to the south); centre: blockage of kokh 10; right: passage leading from
kokh 11 into cistern (photo by Roi Sabar)

They were found partly blocked by poorly built fieldstone walls (fig. 4). The tomb
is well preserved due to the solid rock formation, although small irregular niches
were encountered in several locations.
The dromos and the main chamber were almost entirely blocked by debris
of hard-packed dark brown soil, which had washed into the tomb from outside,
peaking at 0.2 m below the ceiling in the centre of the main chamber. The debris
contained non-stratified finds, including human and animal bones, an intact glass
bowl, an amulet and fragments of terracotta oil-lamps (see below), as well as
fragments of glass and pottery vessels. Below the debris in the main chamber
and adjacent to the north, west and south walls, concentrations of disarticulated
human bones were found, piled against the walls and the blocked kokhim. Once
the bones had been removed, two concentrations of terracotta oil-lamps were
encountered adjacent to the north and the south walls of the main chamber. The
lamps, dated to the fourth–sixth centuries CE, were placed on top of a packed-
earth layer uncovered throughout most of the chamber with stones and the base
of a large storage vessel embedded in it (fig. 5). The excavation did not reach
bedrock in the dromos or the main chamber.
The kokhim were partly covered by a loose, lighter brown soil fill, inclining
inward. Several kokhim were almost entirely devoid of grave goods, while others,
78 ROI SABAR

Fig. 5. Kokhim 4–6 (view to the north); note packed-earth layer with stones and base of large
storage vessel embedded in it (photo by Roi Sabar)

such as kokh 5, were rich with finds, including glass (fig. 6:1,3–9,11–12,17),
terracotta oil-lamps (fig. 7:3,4,7,8,13), beads (fig. 8:23,25–27) and metal finds
(fig. 8:6,8,9,36) all of which can be dated securely to the late first–early second
centuries CE. Human bones were encountered in all the excavated kokhim,
although no articulated deceased were uncovered. A small number of pottery
sherds was also uncovered. Most of the kokhim were fully excavated, with only
partial excavation carried out in kokhim 7–9.

THE FINDS
Pottery (not illustrated)
Several partly restorable vessels were uncovered in the tomb, including the
following: a casserole (Ravani and Kahane 1961: fig. 3:3,7); the base of a storage
jar (Ravani and Kahane 1961: fig. 4:2; Vitto 2011a: fig. 21:6); a juglet (Tepper
2010: fig. 37b; Ovadiah 1999: fig. 1:7–11) all dated to the Early Roman period; the
base of a course-ware pithos with a “twisted” base, dated to the Byzantine period,
found embedded into a packed earth layer in the main chamber (fig. 5) (Aviam
2002b: fig. 115). The pottery from the cistern was fragmentary and contained
identifiable potsherds from the Early Roman period and the Middle Ages.
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 79

Human Remains (not illustrated)

These were abundant in the tomb, consisting mainly of piled unarticulated
individuals, unearthed along the north, west and south sides of the main chamber.
Within the kokhim human remains were also encountered, albeit in smaller
quantities. A preliminary sorting of the physical anthropological finds, conducted
in the field (not including MNI), showed that there were at least 25 individuals of
various ages and of both sexes.

Glass Vessels (fig. 6)

The glass assemblage was retrieved almost exclusively from within the kokhim.
The repertoire included ribbed and carinated bowls and bottles from various
types, all dated to the first–second centuries CE (Jackson-Tal 2009: Type 2.A.6,
26–30; 3.A.12). While numerous tombs in the Western Galilee have yielded rich
glass assemblages, almost identical to one another (Stern and Getzov 2006), these
are characteristically later, dating from the third–fourth centuries CE.

Terracotta Oil-lamps (fig. 7)

Seven types of lamps were found in the excavation. Four types (fig. 7:1–13),
retrieved mainly from inside the kokhim, are dated to the Early Roman period, like
the glass assemblage, thus supporting the dating of the original phase of the tomb
to this period. These are: the Herodian or knife-pared lamp, the most common
type of Early Roman lamps (fig. 7:1–6); the Phoenician workshop lamp, with a
triangular nozzle and a decoration resembling a Bucrania or Ionic capital (fig.
7:7–8); the moulded Northern Decorated Oil-lamp, decorated with ovules, which
was retrieved from kokh 5 (fig. 7:13); and local Syrian–Palestinian discus lamps
with a short nozzle (fig. 7:9–12), including one intact specimen with a discus
decorated with the depiction of a trophy, retrieved from kokh 2 (fig. 7:9). This
iconography is known from several Broneer XXIII lamps found in Jerusalem,
Tyre and elsewhere (Rosenthal-Heginbottom 2017: fig. 25.2:1–2, with further
references therein).
The other three types (fig. 7:14–21), retrieved solely from the main chamber,
are dated to the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, indicating a secondary phase
of burial in the tomb. These types include a single specimen of both the Jebel
Jofeh lamp (fig. 7:14) and the DebaꜤal lamp (fig. 7:15) and several examples of
Northern Stamped lamps (fig. 7:16–22), including one lamp with a base stamped
with a Greek cross (fig. 7:19).

Personal Belongings (fig. 8)

Several dozen objects, representing the personal belongings of the deceased,
were retrieved inside and immediately outside the tomb, consisting mainly of
jewelry (fig. 8:1–3, 36), a jewelry box (fig. 8:5–11; similar boxes were found at
Berit Aḥim and at Tel Qedesh: Edelstein 2002a: fig. 3; Edelstein 2002b: fig. 25),
80 ROI SABAR

Fig. 6. Glass vessels

 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 81

Fig. 6

Type Findspot Parallels

1 Ribbed bowl Kokh 5 (Survey) Kabri (Stern and Gorin-Rosen 1996: 2:5)
2 Carinated bowl Dromos (L.002; B.0007) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
fig. 8:11)
3 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (Survey) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
4 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
5 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
6 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (Survey) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
7 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
8 Piriform bottle, Kokh 5 (Survey) Loḥamei HaGetaʾot (Peleg 1991:
pinched in the centre figs. 6:3, 10:9)
9 Piriform bottle Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a:
fig. 3:3–5)
10 Piriform bottle Kokh 2 (L.108; B.1024) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a:
fig. 3:3–5)
11 Piriform bottle Kokh 5 (Survey) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a:
fig. 3:3–5)
12 Piriform bottle Kokh 5 (Survey) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a:
fig. 3:3–5)
13 Candlestick bottle Chamber (L.103; B.1010) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 35)
14 Candlestick bottle Kokh 1 (Survey) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 35)
15 Candlestick bottle Kokh 9 (L.010; B.0030) Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 35)
16 Globular bottle Kokh 6 (L.006; B.0020) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:4)
17 Tubular bottle Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXVIII: 5)

spindle whorls (fig. 8:14–21) and beads (fig. 8:22–34). An embossed bronze oval
plaque (c. 2 × 3 cm), was retrieved from the dromos (fig. 8:35). It was identified
as a ‘holy rider’ amulet, bearing a Greek inscription with the Εἷς Θεός formula
(appendix I). A glazed steatite scarab, dated to the early MB IIB (the second
quarter of the seventeenth century BCE) was retrieved from kokh 4 (fig. 8.37;
see appendix II). Later use of such objects, especially during the Roman and
Byzantine periods, is known from elsewhere, including the Western Galilee and
the necropolis of Tyre (Vitto 2011b: 124, fig. 16; Chéhab 1986: pl. XVI:1–3). It
should be noted that an MB II occupation layer was uncovered at Ḥorbat ꜤAvot,
less than 1 km west of the tomb (Braun 2015).
82 ROI SABAR

Fig. 7. Terracotta oil-lamps

 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 83

Fig. 7
Type Findspot Parallels
1 Herodian Kokh 4 (L.106; B.1022) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
2 Herodian Cistern (L.105; B.1009) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
3 Herodian Kokh 5 (Survey) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
4 Herodian Kokh 5 (Survey) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
5 Herodian Kokh 6 (L.006; B.0020) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
6 Herodian Chamber (L.103; B.1028) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 2:2)
7 Bucrania Kokh 5 (Survey) Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al.
2002: fig. 1:3); Sajur (Braun et al.
1994: fig. 4:12)
8 Bucrania Kokh 5 (Survey) Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al.
2002: fig. 1:3); Sajur (Braun et al.
1994: fig. 4:12)
9 Discus Kokh 2 (Survey) Nahariyya (Sussman 2012: #450)
10 Discus Dromos (L.101; B.1003) Qiryat Tivʿon (Vitto 2011a:
fig. 24:3–4)
11 Discus Dromos (L.101; B.1006) Ḥuqoq (Ravani and Kahane 1961:
fig. 3.25)
12 Discus Dromos (L.101; B.1006) Ḥuqoq (Ravani and Kahane 1961:
fig. 3.25)
13 Northern decorated oil- Kokh 5 (L.107; B.1023) ʿEn Hashofet (Sussman 2012: #941)
lamp
14 Jebel Jofeh lamp Chamber (L.103; B.1028) Iʿbillin (Feig and Hadad 2015:
fig. 15)
15 Debaʿal lamp Chamber (L.103; B.1028) Gush Ḥalav (Makhouly 1939:
pl. XXX: 1.d); Iʿbillin (Feig and
Hadad 2015: fig. 16)
16 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1027) Yehiʿam (Sussman 2017: #2491)
17 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1018) Nahariyya (Sussman 2017: #2582)
18 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1028) Yehiʿam (Sussman 2017: #2491)
19 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1018) Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al.
2002: fig. 4:3); Yehiʿam (Sussman
2017: #2776)
20 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1018) Yehiʿam (Sussman 2017: #2798);
Barʿam (Sussman 2017: #2800)
21 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1017) Yehiʿam (Sussman 2017: #2798);
Barʿam (Sussman 2017: #2800)
22 Northern stamped lamps Chamber (L.103; B.1028) Yehiʿam (Sussman 2017: #2798);
Barʿam (Sussman 2017: #2800)
84 ROI SABAR

Fig. 8. Personal belongings

 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 85

Fig. 8

Type Findspot Parallel

1 Finger-ring Outside tomb Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al. 2002:
(L.011; B.0031( fig. 10:14–17); Kabul (Vitto 2011b: fig. 14:1–5)
2 Finger-ring Kokh 3 Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al. 2002:
(L.110; B.1027) fig. 10:14–17); Kabul (Vitto 2011b: fig. 14:1–5)
3 Finger-ring Dromos Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al. 2002:
(L.101; B.1001) fig. 10:14–17); Kabul (Vitto 2011b: fig. 14:1–5)
4 Buckle Chamber Khirbet el-Shubeika (Tacher et al. 2002:
(L.103; B.1010) fig. 10:8)
5 Ring Dromos Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:8);
(L.002; B.0007) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: fig. 3:7)
6 Ring Kokh 5 Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:8);
(L.005; B.0032) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: fig. 3:7)
7 Handle of jewellery Outside tomb Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:7);
box (L.011; B.0031( Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: fig. 3:5)
8 Nail Kokh 5 Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:9);
(L.005; B.0032) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: 3:4)
9 Nail Kokh 5 Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:9);
(L.107; B.1023) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: fig. 3:4)
10 Nail Chamber Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:9);
(L.103; B.1010) Tel Qedesh (Edelstein 2002b: fig. 3:4)
11 Lock of jewellery box Outside tomb Berit Aḥim (Edelstein 2002a: fig. 25:1)
(L.011; B.0031(
12 Nail (sandal rivet?) Cistern Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 18:70)
(L.105; B.1009)
13 Nail (sandal rivet?) Cistern Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 18:70)
(L.105; B.1009)
14 Spindle whorl Cistern Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.003; B.0012)
15 Spindle whorl Dromos Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.002; B.0010)
16 Spindle whorl Dromos Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.002; B.0010)
17 Spindle whorl Kokh 4 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.106; B.1022)
18 Spindle whorl Kokh 5 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.005; B.0032)
19 Spindle whorl Kokh 11 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 7:22,23)
(L.111; B.1029)
86 ROI SABAR

Fig. 8 (continued)

20 Spindle whorl Chamber Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 22:80)
(L.103; B.1028)
21 Spindle whorl Kokh 11 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 22:80)
(L.111; B.1029)
22 Melon bead Kokh 11 Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXXIV); Ḥuqoq
(L.104; B.1014) (Ravani and Kahane 1961: pl. XVIII:6)
23 Melon bead Kokh 5 Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXXIV); Ḥuqoq
(L.107; B.1023) (Ravani and Kahane 1961: pl. XVIII:6)
24 Melon bead Kokh 11 Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXXIV); Ḥuqoq
(L.104; B.1014) (Ravani and Kahane 1961: pl. XVIII:6)
25 Spherical bead Kokh 5 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 22: 82–84)
(L.005; B.0032)
26 Spherical bead Kokh 5 Kabri (Stern and Getzov 2006: fig. 22: 82–84)
(L.005; B.0032)
27 Horned-eye bead Kokh 5 Unknown provenance (Spaer 2001: no. 113)
(L.005; B.0032)
28 Bead Kokh 11 Sajur (Braun et al. 1994: fig. 6:18)
(L.104; B.1014)
29 Short convex biconical Kokh 11 Gamla (Amorai-Stark and Hershkovitz 2016:
bead (L.104; B.1014) no. 497)
30 Plain juglet pendant Kokh 11 Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXXI:1); unknown
(L.104; B.1008) provenance (Spaer 2001: no. 113)
31 Double glass bead Kokh 7 Ḥuqoq (Ravani and Kahane 1961: pl. XVIII:6)
(L.007; B.0034)
32 Capped millefiori bead Kokh 7 Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXIX:6)
(L.007; B.0034)
33 Crumb bead Chamber Khirbet el-Shubeika (Katsnelson 2002: fig. 2:11)
(L.103; B.1017)
34 Trail-decorated bead Chamber Tyre (Chéhab 1986: pl. XXIX:7)
(L.103; B.1028)
35 Amulet Dromos Gush Ḥalav (Makhouly 1939: pl. XXXII: 1.h2)
(L.101; B.1003)
36 Finger-ring with gem Kokh 5 Gamla (Amorai-Stark and Hershkovitz 2016:
(L.005; B.0032) no. 3.I.1)
37 Scarab Kokh 6
(L.006; B.0020)
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 87

SUMMARY
The finds from the Naḥal Aviv rock-cut tomb indicate two burial phases in the
tomb (Phase I and Phase II) and suggest that the tomb suffered looting at a later
period (Phase III). Due to our limited work in the cistern, we cannot securely date
its construction. Although unstratified Early Roman pottery (found with pottery
from later periods) suggest that it was hewn at the same time as the tomb, a
Byzantine date of construction should not be ruled out.

Phase I
Based on the homogenous glass assemblage and some of the lamps (fig. 7:1–
13), found almost inclusively inside the kokhim, the tomb was hewn and used
sometime in the Early Roman period. A date in the late first century CE is
plausible, based on the ribbed bowl and the Herodian lamps, both of which are
more common during the first century CE. The limited time-span of the Early
Roman finds indicates only a short period of use of the tomb during this phase.
The kokhim were blocked by fieldstones, probably during this phase, a custom
documented at nearby rock-cut tombs.

Phase II
A secondary burial phase took place in the main chamber of the tomb during
the Late Roman and the Byzantine periods. This phase included construction of
a packed-earth layer in the main chamber, leaning against the blockages of the
kokhim, with fieldstones and a course-ware storage vessel embedded in it. On top
of this layer and adjacent to the blocked kokh 10 and kokh 6, several terracotta
oil-lamps (fig. 7:14–21) were placed. The date of these lamps, ranging from the
second half of the third century CE (fig. 7:14–15) to the fifth and sixth centuries CE
(fig. 7:19–21), might indicate a longer period of activity in Phase II in comparison
to Phase I. The amulet, found in the dromos, is also ascribed to this phase, on
the basis of parallels from the region bearing the same formula (Di Segni 1994),
although the Naḥal Aviv amulet was produced by a different technique.

Phase III
It seems plausible that a later phase of looting took place in the tomb. The main
chamber would have been looted first, as is evident from the piles of human
remains found pushed against the south, west and north walls of the main
chamber. Later the blocked kokhim were opened and were only partially looted.
The scattered finds from the dromos and outside the tomb support the assumption
that the looting took place after the two burial phases. We tentatively ascribe
the cutting of the small passageway from kokh 11 into the cistern to this phase,
although this cannot be determined conclusively. This phase might be dated to the
Middle Ages, as evident of the large quantities of mediaeval pot sherds retrieved
from the cistern and collected from the vicinity of the tomb by our team.
88 ROI SABAR

DISCUSSION
During the Roman period, Naḥal Aviv was located in a rural region, c. 30 km
from the nearest urban centres. The region was coinhabited by two distinct
ethnic groups; a pagan population dominated its northern part, which belonged
to the administrative territory (χώρα) of the coastal polis of Tyre, while a Jewish
population dominated its southern part. Contemporaneous historical accounts
describe the hostility between these two ethnic groups, which at times erupted
into violent quarrels (e.g., Josephus, JW 3: 35–40).
Differences in the material culture, demonstrating the distribution of these
groups, have been described by several scholars as ‘ethnic markers’ (e.g., Syon
2015: 87–101). The most predominant of these are the buildings of a religious
nature found throughout the region (fig. 9). Pagan temples, generally dated to the
second–third centuries CE, have been documented at Tel Qedesh, Qeren Naftali,
Khirbet ed-Duweir, Marun er-Ras and Yarun (the latter two were modified to
churches: Guérin 1880: 104–112; Renan 1864: 676–677, 681–682; Conder and
Kitchener 1881: 236, 251, 258–260; Masterman 1908; Hölscher 1909; Fischer,
Ovadiah and Roll 1984), while synagogues, usually dating from the third century
onwards (although this dating has been fiercely debated over the past decades;

Fig. 9. Spatial distribution of Roman–Byzantine religious buildings in the Eastern Upper Galilee
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 89

see, e.g., Spigel 2016), have been documented at ꜤAlma, Meroth, Gush Ḥalav,
BarꜤam and Sasa (Guérin 1880: 445–446; Foerster 1969: 4; Ilan and Damati
1989; Meyers, Meyers and Strange 1990; Aviam 2001; 2009). In addition, a
monumental building was documented at Qazion, between Qeren Naftali and
Meroth; its identification as a synagogue or a temple is disputed by scholars,
although an inscription found at the site points to a Jewish population (Hachlili
2013; Killebrew 2013; Harvey 2013). Based on Josephus’ account (JW 3:35–
40), indicating a homogeneous Jewish territory surrounded by pagan territories,
and the spatial distribution of synagogues and temples, scholars tend to place
the northern margin of the Jewish territory in the deep ravine of Naḥal Dishon
(Frankel et al. 2001: 111), or in its northernmost tributary, Naḥal Aviv (Hölscher
1909: 150).
Another characteristic feature of Roman-period villages in this region is
their surrounding burial grounds. The common burial method, shared by Jews
and pagans and later by Christians living in this region, was in rock-cut tombs
(Weiss 1996). While Weiss emphasized the similarities in burial practices in
rock-cut tombs between Jews, pagans and Christians throughout the Roman and
Byzantine Galilee (1996), other scholars view funerary-related finds as ethnic
markers. Aviam and Syon have argued that Galilean stone and clay ossuaries,
dated to the late first until the third century CE, serve as Jewish ethnic markers
(Aviam and Syon 2002; Syon 2015: 96–97). Stern and Getzov have suggested
that a set of grave goods, including glass vessels (especially bowls and beakers),
coins, bracelets terminating with snake heads and round-headed sandal rivets, is
characteristic of Phoenician burials of the third–fourth-century CE rock-cut tombs
in the Western Galilee, whereas terracotta oil-lamps and pottery are characteristic
of adjacent contemporaneous Jewish burials (Stern and Getzov 2006: 118).
With regard to terracotta oil-lamps, scholars have debated the identification of
several types of lamps, some of which were uncovered at the Naḥal Aviv rock-cut
tomb, as ethnic markers. The Herodian lamp is sometimes used by scholars as a
Jewish ethnic marker (e.g., Shaked and Avshalom-Gorni 2004: 31). However, it
was consumed and used by pagans as well and therefore cannot indicate ethnicity
(Barag and Hershkovitz 1995: 46–47). Herodian lamps produced in Jerusalem
were found in Jewish sites in the Galilee, such as Gamla and Yodefat, but similar
lamps were produced in northern workshops too (Adan-Bayewitz et al. 2008).
The local Syrian–Palestinian discus lamp is also a subject of debate in relation to
ethnicity. Many such lamps found elsewhere, with broken disci, have led scholars
to suggest that the disci were broken intentionally in order to enlarge the filling-
hole (Brand 1953: 350–353), as part of a religious-related (Tal and Teixeira-
Bastos 2012) or fashion-related preference (Sussman 2012: 61). Other scholars
have rejected these claims, suggesting that the breakage was unintentional
(Rosenthal-Heginbottom 2013: 245–246). The examples from the Qiryat TivꜤon
and IꜤbillin tombs are notable (Vitto 2011a: fig. 23–26; Feig and Hadad 2015:
90 ROI SABAR

fig. 14). Both tombs yielded numerous discus lamps with broken disci, in
addition to other lamps, sometimes intact. These tombs were ascribed to Jewish
communities based on the find of ossuaries there.
The key for identifying the ethnicity of the deceased, however, generally lies
in the location of the tomb, rather than in material culture finds. For example,
several fourth–eighth-century CE burial grounds in the central coastal plain
of Israel were ascribed to Samaritans (Tal and Taxel 2015). In other cases, the
association of tombs with an identified settlement site might support ethnic
identification, even when located in the periphery of the ethnic-based territory,
e.g., at Kabul, where a second-century CE rock-cut tomb was excavated. Kabul
was identified as ‘Chabulon, on the frontier of Ptolemais and Jewish territory’
(Josephus, JW 2.503) (Aviam and Richardson 2001: 185; Aviam 2002a).
The location of our site, in the periphery of the two identified ethnic-based
territories, does not permit a clear identification of the ethnicity of the deceased.
Furthermore, the association of Phase I at the tomb with the settlement at the
Aviv Caves site is problematic. Our survey finds suggest a possible association
with Ḥorvat ꜤAlmit, but both sites lack any mention in the historical sources.
The absence of any significant ethnic marker from the tomb’s Phase I prevents
a clear identification of the Early Roman period deceased. Although Herodian
lamps were also used by pagans and the intact discus lamp is more indicative of
non-Jewish burials, these finds are not sufficient to identify the Phase I deceased
as pagans.
During the Byzantine period, the region lay on the border between Palaestina
Secunda and Phoenicia. In contrast to the Western Galilee, where dozens of
churches dated to the fifth and sixth centuries CE have been uncovered (Di Segni
1999; Aviam 2004: 202–203), archaeological evidence for a Christian presence
in the eastern Upper Galilee is sparse. A single, rather small chapel was partly
uncovered at Tel Qedesh, suggesting that the archdiocese of Tyre might have
extended further east than previously thought (Herbert and Berlin 2003: 43).
Additional churches, at Marun er-Ras and Yarun, were only briefly documented in
the nineteenth century, both described as a later phase of a pagan temple (Guérin
1880: 104–112; Conder and Kitchener 1881: 251, 258–260).
The Phase II burials should likely be ascribed to a Christian population, as
suggested by the lamp with a stamped Greek cross on its base and possibly by
the amulet. The surface finds from both our survey and previous surveys indicate
that a Late Roman and Byzantine settlement existed in the Aviv Caves site at that
time. The numerous agricultural installations scattered in the site and its vicinity
are indicative of settlement sites dated to these periods (Aviam 2004: 170–180;
Leibner 2009: 379–383).
The finds from Phase II of our tomb join an assemblage of Christian jewelry
uncovered in a rock-cut tomb at Gush Ḥalav (Makhouly 1939), a well-documented
Jewish town in the Roman period (Rappaport 2006: 55–57). The rock-cut tomb
 ROCK-CUT TOMB FROM EARLY ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS IN NAḤAL AVIV 91

at Gush Ḥalav was initially dated to the fourth century CE (Makhouly 1939),
but a reevaluation of the finds suggests sixth- or even seventh-century CE usage.
In addition, several stone ossuaries indicate an earlier Roman period initial date
(Rahmani 1985: 168, no. 4; and see references therein). These meager but firm
pieces of evidence indicate the secondary use of tombs in this part of the Galilee
by Christian communities.
To conclude, determination of the ethnic identity of deceased should be based
both on archaeological data and geographical-historical data. In contrast to the
Western Galilee, where several dozen tombs were excavated from both sides of
the conjectured ethnic border line (Stern and Getzov 2006), there are only a few
excavated tombs in the vicinity of Naḥal Aviv, which precludes a comparative
analysis of finds in relation to the conjectured ethnic border. Our efforts to
identify the ethnicity of the deceased in the Naḥal Aviv rock-cut tomb showed
that in some cases grave goods can be used as ethnic markers (e.g., the Phase
II lamp decorated with a Greek cross), while in other cases no finds serving as
ethnic markers were found.

APPENDIX I: TENTATIVE READING OF THE NAḤAL AVIV AMULET

Nancy Benovitz
Israel Museum, Jerusalem

Two Greek inscriptions can be seen on the pendant, the first inscribed around
the rider and the second below his horse. The first inscription is only partially
readable, but enough survives to identify it as the common formula: ΕΙΣ[ - - ]
Κ̣ ΟΝΤΑΚΑΚΑ, Εἷς [Θεὸς ὁ νι]κ̣ἷν τὰ κακά (‘One God who vanquishes evil’).
The second inscription, below the horse, is less certain. The first three letters
(reading from left to right) are ΩΑΙ – Ἰάω (Iao) spelled backwards.1 The fourth
letter (not the mark following the Ι, which seems to be the end of the rider’s
lance) is probably a Θ, although it bears an odd protrusion at the top. The divine
name Ἰάω, found in magical contexts, is sometimes spelled with a Θ at the end,
Ἰάωθ. However, if the name here is truly Ἰάω spelled with a Θ at the end, we
would expect its spelling to be ΘΩΑΙ. Though this is not the case, Ἰάωθ (Iaoth)
seems to be the most reasonable resolution. Another possibility is that the sign
in the upper right field is the letter Σ, which, together with the Θ, could form the
word Σ(αβαώ)θ, abbreviated and spelled backwards, like the word Ἰάω. Together,
these words create the longer form of the magical divine name: Ἰάω Σ(αβαώ)
θ, Iao Sabaoth. However, to adopt this interpretation, we must assume that not
only was each part of the name spelled backwards, but that the order of the parts

1 This was first brought to our attention by Judith Green.

92 ROI SABAR

was also reversed: Σ(αβαὼ)θ Ἰάω. Both the reversal of the parts of the name
and the unusual abbreviation of Σ(αβαώ)θ make this interpretation less attractive.
Moreover, since moon and star/sun symbols are seen in some Holy Rider amulets,
it seems far more likely that the sign in the upper right field is not a Σ, but rather
a moon symbol.

APPENDIX II: THE NAḤAL AVIV SCARAB2

Baruch Brandl
W.F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research, Jerusalem

Find spot: Basket 0020, locus 006, kokh IV, burial cave 30.
Material: Glazed steatite, yellowish glaze, complete coverage.
Dimensions: L 18 mm, W 12.75 mm, H 7.75 mm.
Method of manufacture: Carving, abrading, drilling, incising and glazing.
Workmanship: Scarab — excellent; design — mediocre.
Technical details: Perforated, drilled from both sides; linear engraving.
Preservation: Complete.
Base design: A clumsy vertical oval frame encircles what looks like eleven
Egyptian hieroglyphic signs designed in careless forms (pseudo-hieroglyphs),
arranged in three segments (horizontal on top, above two vertical columns).
Typology: Design scarab.
Origin: Canaanite. The careless workmanship of the signs (pseudo-hieroglyphs)
and their multi-directional orientations point clearly to a non-Egyptian workshop.
Date: This find belongs to the group of Early Middle Bronze Canaanite scarabs
(early MB IIB, 1680–1650 BCE).

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