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Ed Hubbard in Defense of Social Conservatives
Ed Hubbard in Defense of Social Conservatives
I have tried on several occasions over the last week to address the outcome of the November 2nd
Election—and I will be addressing that issue next Tuesday evening, November 16, 2010, when I speak to
the Clear Lake Area Republican Club about the next steps we should take to make the most of the gains
we’ve made (yes, a shameless plug)—but each time I begin to write down my thoughts, I get interrupted
by another blogger, commentator, pundit or news story about our party and “conservatism”.
So, before I address our gains and where we go from here, I want to address the continuing 800‐pound
gorilla in the GOP room: the continued split between those persons who define “conservatism” in
economic terms; those persons who define “conservatism” in limited‐government and constitutional
terms; and those persons who define “conservatism” in cultural and social terms. Some economic
conservatives criticize “social conservatives” and want a moratorium on pushing issues that are deemed
to be too socially conservative; some social conservatives want to run all economic conservatives who
do not embrace the entire social‐conservative agenda out of the party through a “Rhino Hunt”; and
many others, who simply want to limit the size, scope and cost of government, would like the others to
just be quiet.
Here’s a scoop for all of you—you’re all “conservative” and you all need each other for conservatism to
succeed.
In fact, most of us believe, to one extent or the other, in each of these viewpoints:
Economic Conservatives understand that political freedom can not fully exist without economic
freedom, and that prosperity in the modern world can not exist without free trade;
Limited‐government Conservatives understand that economic and political freedoms can not
fully exist under a government that tries to command and control all economic activity (such as
socialism or communism), and that our Constitutional, federal system was designed to limit such
governmental interference in commercial, and other private, activities; and
Social Conservatives understand that a free society with a limited government needs mature,
virtuous and educated citizens, who develop and use moral character and wisdom to create,
maintain, and protect the relationships of family and neighborhoods needed to preserve such a
society.
The GOP needs the creativity that comes from the interaction among each of these viewpoints as it
promotes public policy at each level of government in order for it to be a truly “conservative” party. To
banish anyone who prioritizes one or more of these viewpoints over another, is to cut‐off a limb from
the body of our party.
However, in this post I want to address what is called “social conservatism,” because I believe
it (correctly understood) is vital to our party’s future, and it has been the focus of much of the discussion
since November 2nd. In saying that “social conservatism” is vital to our party’s future, I am not endorsing
any one person’s formulation of what “social conservatism” means, or any one religiously‐affiliated
organization’s definition or agenda. Nor do I agree with some who point to the 18th Century “Great
Awakening,” and individual sermons from that time, to promote a current interpretation of the
intentions of our Founding Fathers and a current political agenda. Instead, what I am going to address is
the importance of culture and society to conservatism today.
As I’ve mentioned in several prior posts, and which seems to escape our “progressive” friends, this
country was originally settled throughout the 17th and early 18th Centuries by many groups of devoutly
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In Defense of Social Conservatives
religious Christians who were fleeing Europe, and willing to endure a very rough existence, in order to
try to live by principles found in the New Testament. These settlers used those principles to build
families, neighborhoods, towns and colonies, with very little supervision or involvement from the
European governments who claimed political control of the colonies. Over time, the settlers and their
descendants, with the approval of the European governments, created self‐governing bodies in each
colony to protect the society they had established. Only when the British government tried to assert
control over the colonies after the Seven Years’ War did Americans revolt.
Central to the settler’s experience was the need to promote moral character and virtue in order to
sustain an individual in his or her development of families and communities in the rough and isolated
environment of North America in the 1600s and 1700s. It should come as no surprise that, after the
Bible, the first “bestseller” in the colonies was Ben Franklin’s translation of Cicero’s “On a Life Well
Spent”, which is a memoir about the virtues of maturity and wisdom, and their dependence on the
development and use of moral character over a lifetime of experiences. The settlers believed that the
development and use of such character were necessary to sustain a free society.
Character also was important to economic life. Remember that Adam Smith was not a professor of
economics—there was no discipline of economics at the time—he was a Professor of Moral Philosophy
at the University of Edinburgh. In his first work that was preliminary to “The Wealth of Nations”, Smith
explored what leads a man to make morally correct decisions. In “The Theory of Moral Sentiment”,
Smith states that our moral compass is based on a combination of feelings of sympathy for our fellow
man and the imagination to put ourselves in our neighbor’s position, and the development of sufficient
moral character to act properly using that moral compass. Smith believed that moral character
developed and used in this way was necessary for the proper exercise of self‐interest, which he
described in greater detail in “The Wealth of Nations”.
The centrality of moral character to the settlers and to our Founders is evident in The Virginia
Declaration of Rights of June, 1776, which was authored by George Mason and James Madison. In the
last two paragraphs, the authors state:
“…no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people, but by firm
adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence
to fundamental principles. ….it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love,
and charity towards each other.”
This quote does not show that the Founders intended to create a “Christian Nation,” but it does reflect
that they inherited a land settled, and still inhabited, by Christians. What the quote really shows is that
the Founders intended to create a government that would protect and promote the best of our
inherited Western, Christian character that the settlers brought with them and cherished. The Founders
understood that to secure and promote the gifts of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, each citizen
owed a reciprocal moral commitment to our fellow man that would be preserved through families and
communities.
In part, this is what Barry Goldwater was referencing when he described Conservatism in “Conscience of
a Conservative”:
“Conservatism is not an economic theory, though it has economic implications. The shoe is
precisely on the other foot: it is Socialism that subordinates all other considerations to man’s
material well‐being. It is Conservatism that puts material things in their proper place—that has
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In Defense of Social Conservatives
a structured view of the human being and of human society, in which economics plays only a
subsidiary role.
“The root difference between the Conservatives and the Liberals of today is that Conservatives
take account of the whole man, while the Liberals tend to look only at the material side of man’s
nature. The Conservative believes that man is, in part, and economic, an animal creature; but
that he is also a spiritual creature with spiritual needs and spiritual desires. What is more, these
needs and desires reflect the superior side of man’s nature, and thus take precedence over his
economic wants. Conservatism therefore looks upon the enhancement of man’s spiritual nature
as the primary concern of political philosophy. Liberals, on the other hand—in the name of a
concern for “human beings”—regard the satisfaction of economic wants as the dominant
mission of society. They are, moreover, in a hurry. So that their characteristic approach is to
harness the society’s political and economic forces into a collective effort
to compel “progress.” In this approach, I believe they fight against Nature.
“Surely the first obligation of a political thinker is to understand the nature of man.”
I could go on with more examples and quotes, but the gist of all this is that “social conservatism”—the
focus on the spiritual side of man’s nature to promote the development of individual character and
wisdom to improve the lives of the individual, his family and his neighbors—has been central to our
political culture for most of our history. It helped us form churches and community organizations across
a continent, which provided for neighbors in need, and which De Tocqueville found so remarkable in the
1830s.
I think it is fair to say that most conservatives, and virtually all “social” conservatives, recognize that
today we live in a society that no longer values or requires the type of character that recognizes a
reciprocal moral commitment among neighbors. It is why many people seem to value lifestyle choices
over the sanctity of life at all its stages, why we tolerate broken families and large drop‐out rates from
school, and why we live in a society that spends more than it makes and doesn’t seem to care about the
debt it is incurring or who will pay for it. As Cicero would have seen, and as our settlers would have
recognized, we live in a society of adolescents who’ve never grown‐up; and a free society can not long
survive if it is filled with citizens who’ve never developed the self‐discipline, character and wisdom that
comes with maturity. Just as adolescents need parents, our neighbors have looked to government at all
levels to be their parents—to fix their problems and forgive their mistakes‐‐and the government has
grown too large as it has filled this parental role.
So, here’s the dilemma: we can not limit government and preserve economic and political freedoms,
unless we grow‐up and take responsibility for our families, our neighborhoods and our communities;
unless we fix our own problems and address our own mistakes. That means we need to send men and
women to Washington who will not only say “no” to additional requests for more grand schemes and
programs, but who will cut the present ones and return the responsibility for them back to state and
local governments. It means we need to send men and women to Austin who will do the same, and
send as much responsibility back to individuals and local governments as possible. Then it means we
have to bring responsibility back to where it belongs—to us and our communities: responsibility for our
families, our neighbors, our neighborhoods, our schools, our businesses and employees, our streets and
bridges; and we have to elect men and women to school boards, city councils and county governments
who will work with us, and with private organizations in our communities, to responsibly address these
issues in a cost‐effective manner.
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To do all of this, we need to re‐develop character, and to re‐develop character we need our social‐
conservative voices in this party working with our economic and limited‐government conservatives. If
we stay divided, nothing will change; if we unite, we can realize what Reagan believed when he often
used this quote from Thomas Paine: “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”
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